ON Saturday the 27th of July, 1793, I sailed from Newburyport in the State of Massachusetts, in the capacity of a Mariner, on board the Brig Polly, belong­ing to the above mentioned place, Samuel E. Bayley, Master, bound to Baltimore, ex­pecting to take a freight from thence for the Island of Tobago.

On Tuesday the 6th of August, were brought too by a French privateer, and per­mitted immediately to proceed on our voy­age. Being then in sight of the Capes of Virginia, we took on board a pilot, and stood in for the Chesapeak.

Wednesday the 7th of August, we enter­ed the Capes, and were until Saturday the 10th, before we arrived at Baltimore, and found on our arrival, that the freight, which Capt. Bayley expected, was embark­ed and sailed on board another vessel.—No­thing particular happened, until Monday 19th when we were ordered by the capt. to dis­charge [Page 4] the ballast, and were informed by him, that he had agreed for a freight for Cadiz.

Thursday 29th, Paul Noyes, one of our mariners, was attacked with a severe fever, and continued on board, until Monday the 9th September, when he was carried on shore, and put under the care of a woman, who was well qualified for attending sick people: And I understand he died in a few days after our departure. Tuesday the 10th, we sailed from Baltimore, bound to Cadiz; and on Friday the 13th we left sight of the Capes of Virginia. Nothing of any mo­ment happened, until Thursday 24th of October, when we fell in with, and spoke two brigs from Elsinore, bound to Barcelo­na. On Friday 25th early in the morning we saw the same brigs about two miles to windward standing on their larboard tack, with the wind, about E. N. E.

We got our breakfast, and eat it in the greatest jollity, not apprehending any dan­ger nigh, and expecting to reach the port of our destination within 48 hours; As we judged ourselves to be about 35 leagues westward of Cape St. Vincent. At nine A. M. we saw a strange sail bearing about F. N. E. and standing directly for the two Danish brigs: We then discovered (with a prospect glass) that she had boarded them; that she [Page 5] had the English Flag displayed at her peak. We supposed her to be an English Privateer; she soon dismissed them, and then bore down upon us. By this time we could see that she was a Brig; and discerned by the cut of her sails, that she was not an English vessel, al­though she had still the English flag flying; we then supposed her to be a French Pri­vateer, hoisting the English flag to deceive their enemy. We immediately clued down top gallant sails, and hove too in order to wait 'till she came along side.—When she came near enough to make us hear, she hailed us in English, asked from whence we came, and were bound; which was immediately an­swered by Capt. Bayley. The man who hailed us, was dressed in the Christian ha­bit, and he was the only person we could yet see on her deck. By this time the Brig was under our stern, we then saw several men jump upon her poop, to hall aft the main sheet, and saw by their dress, and their long beard, that they were Moors, or Algerines. Our feelings at this unwelcome sight, are more easily imagined than descri­bed: She then hove too under our lee, when we heard a most terrible shouting, clapping of hands, huzzaing, &c. And saw a great number of men rise up with their beads above the gunnel, draft in the Turk­ish [Page 6] habit, like them we saw on the poop.—They immediately hoisted out a large launch, and about one hundred of the Pirates, jumped on board, all armed; some, with Sci­mitres and Pistols, others with pikes, spears lances, knives, &c. They maned about 20 oars and rowed along side. Assoon as they came on board our vessel, they made signs for us all to go forward, assuring us in several languages, that if we did not obey their commands, they would immediately massacre us all. They then went below in­to the cabin, steerage, and every place where they could get below deck, and broke open all the Trunks and Chests, there were on board, and plundered all our bedding, cloathing, books, Charts, Quadrants, and every moveable article, that did not consist of the Cargo, or furniture. They then came on deck, and stripped the cloathes off our backs, all except a shirt and pair of draw­ers, (myself being left with no shirt at all.) The next day an old Turk, with an air of kindness, gave me an old shirt without sleeves, blaming those who had taken mine from me. It was soothing to find a spark of humanity in my barbarous masters.—Having chosen a sufficient number of the Algerines to take command of the prize, they ordered us all into the launch: and, [Page 7] when they were all embarked, they rowed along side their own vessel, and ordered us on board. We embarked accordingly, and were conducted by some of the sea-rovers to the door of the poop, at which place we were received by a negro man, who conduc­ed us into the cabin; when we entered the cabin, we saw the commander of the Pi­rates, sitting upon a mat, on the cabin floor; who, (with the help of an interpreter,) ask­ed us many questions, concerning the vessel, and cargo, the places of our nativity, & many others, as void of sense as he was that asked them. He then informed us that he was an Algerine, and his vessel belonged to Algiers, that her name was Babasera, & his name was Rais Hudga Mahomet, Salamia, and we were his prisoners, and must immediately experi­ence the most abject slavery, on our arrival at Algiers, which we soon found to be true. Our embarrassments were still greater, when we found that they were Algerines (for be­fore we supposed them to be moors;) know­ing, that the Algerines used the most seve­rity (toward Christian captives) of any state in all Barbary. He then informed that Charles Logie, Esq. British Consul at Al­giers, had negociated with the Dey, for a truce with the Portuguese, for the term of twelve months, and before that time was [Page 8] expired, they would have a firm peace, and the Algerines could cruise in the atlantic when they thought proper. He then told us we must do our duty as seamen on board his vessel; We told him we had no cloathes, for his people had taken every thing from us except what he saw on our backs, which was not sufficient for us to stand the deck with. He answered in very abusive words, that we might think ourselves well used that they did not take them.—And he would teach us to work naked. And order­ed us immediately to our duty.

When we came out of the cabin, we saw the Polly, just making sail, and standing af­ter us, and that night we lost sight of her, and saw her no more until our arrival at Algiers. About sunset they brought us a dish of Oil, Olives, and Vinegar, and some bread, and told us, to eat heartily, while we were on board, for after our arrival at Al­giers, we should not be allowed such dain­ties. Although we were very hungry, we could eat but very little, considering the si­tuation we were in, and not being used to such diet. When we set down to eat, we were accompanied by three Dutchmen, whom we had not seen before. And on asking them the particulars of their being on board, they informed us, that they sailed from Am­sterdam, [Page 9] bound to Malaga three weeks, be­fore, on board the Ship Hope, belonging to New-York, commanded by John Burnham, and had been captured by an Algerine fri­gate, within ten leagues of Gibraltar. And the frigate having taken several vessels; had a great number of Christian captives on board, and the Capt. of the frigate, being fearful lest they should make an attempt to rise upon the vessel, had distributed them on board the other corsairs, which had not ta­ken any prizes. After we had finished our supper they divided us (twelve in number) into two watches, and ordered us to stand the deck, in our respective watches. It fell to my lot to have the first watch below, and as we went down they ordered us into the sail room to sleep, and shewed us the door. We were obliged to creep in, on our hands and knees, and stow ourselves upon the sails, in the best manner we could. We endea­voured to get a little sleep, but could not as our minds were filled with horror, and dreadful apprehensions of the fate we might experience, and expecting additional severity on our arrival at Algiers. We lay in this unhappy condition, bemoaning our hapless fate, until we supposed it to be past midnight, and could not conceive the reason that the watch was not relieved, as it is cus­tomary [Page 10] among Americans, and English.—And being strangers to their manner of re­lieving the watch, we supposed we had (in­nocently) neglected our duty, which made us very uneasy, fearing the watch had been relieved, and we not knowing it, they would inflict some corporal punishment.—I then proposed to my fellow sufferers, that I would go on deck, in order to know, whether they had called the watch or not; but they advised me not to go, adding, that if the watch was not called they might treat me very ill, for appearing on deck in the night, when my duty did not call me there, we then resolved to wait 'till we were called, and to bear patiently, our punish­ment if they inflicted any: We waited in this suspence for near an hour longer, when I resolved to go on deck, by myself, and know the issue, with this resolution, I crept upon my hands knees, to the sail room door; on my appearance at the door, a Turk came to me, armed with a Scimitre, and a pair of pistols, and made me to understand by signs, that he wanted to know where I was going. I answered him in the same manner, made him understand that necessity called me on deck. He then conducted me to the hatch­way, and spoke to some person on the deck, in his own language, which I could not [Page 11] understand; and, pointing with his singer, I found I had permission to go up. I ac­cordingly went on deck, and was received by another Turk, armed in the same manner he asked me in French, if I wished to go in the head, which I answered in the affirmative. As I understood some French, and could hold a tolerable discourse with him, I asked him if the watch was not called, which he an­swered in the negative, and on asking him if it was not past twelve o'clock, he told me it was past two. And on enquiring the man­ner of their standing a watch, he informed me, that they kept ten hours for one watch; that it commenced at 8 o'clock in the even­ing and continued until 6 in the morning; then relieved, and kept 'till 4 in the after­noon, and their dog watch was from 4 in the afternoon, 'till 8, having only three watches in 24 hours. I then, went below and informed my fellow sufferers of what had passed, which gave them great satisfacti­on to think we had not committed an inno­cent offence, as before we feared we had done. We were happy in being freed from the terrors of punishment.—We then made ourselves as easy and comfortable as we could, considering the deplorable situation we were in. But could not sleep any the remainder of the night, for by this time, the vermin, [Page 12] such as lice, bugs, and fleas, had found their way to our apartment, and in such quan­tity that it seemed as if we were entirely covered with those unwelcome guests.

However we passed the remainder of the night, in condoling our miserable condition, and rubbing those vermin from our bodies, in the best manner we could. At 6 A M. we were surprised by three heavy knocks, we heard on the deck, and with such force, that it seemed as if they endeavoured to knock the deck to pieces, and not hearing any thing said, we could not imagine the meaning; we lay a few minutes, and were then called by a Turk, and ordered on deck, and were informed, that that was their fashi­on of calling the watch, which office is ge­nerally performed by the Boatswain, or one of his mates, in the following manner. A large block is laid on the deck, near the hatchway, and struck upon with a very large beetle, which makes such a horrid noise, as nearly sufficient to stun the brain of a strong headed person, and which was the cause of our surprise before mentioned. This being Saturday, the 26th October.—We passed the rock of Gibraltar on Monday the 28th and nothing of any consequence, happened on our passage to Algiers, spoke several vessels, but none proved to be their [Page 13] enemies. We having a very fresh breeze from the W. we arrived at Algiers, on Friday the 1st. of November.

After they had brought their vessel to an anchor in the roads, they hoisted out their boats and ordered us to embark, and to lay ourselves down in the bottom of the boat: And having obeyed their commands, we were rowed on shore, and landed, amidst the shouts and huzzas, of thousands of malici­ous barbarians. We were conducted to the Dey's palace, by a guard, and as we passed through the streets, our ears were stunned with the shouts, clapping of hands, and o­ther acclamations of joy from the inhabi­tants, thanking God for their great success, and victories over so many Christian dogs, and unbelievers, which is the appellation they generally give to all christians. On our arrival at the gates of the Palace, we were received by another guard, and conducted before the Dey, who after taking a view of us, told us he had sent several times to our Government, entreating them, to negociate with him for a peace, and had never receiv­ed any satisfactory answer from them. And that he was determined, never to make a peace with the United States, (in his reign) as they had so often neglected his requests, and treated him with disdain, adding "now [Page 14] I have got you, you Christian dogs, you shall eat stones." He then picked out four boys to wait upon himself, in the palace, as fol­lows, Benjamin Church, Benjamin Ober, Charles Smith, and John Ramsey, and then ordered the rest of us to be conducted to the prison Bilic. When we arrived there, we found several other Americans, who land­ed a little before us, and they informed us that the Corsairs had captured ten sail of A­merican vessels, and that their Captains and crews were chiefly in the same prison.

After condoling our hapless fate, for a con­siderable time; a French priest came to us and enquired, if any among us understood the French language, and was answered in the affirmative. After conversing sometime with the person who spoke French, he left us, and told us he should return in a few mi­nutes. About half an hour afterwards he returned, and two moors with him, who brought two baskets full of white bread, and he gave each man, a loaf weighing nearly a pound, which was a very delicious meal for us, we having eaten nothing during the day, it now being about 4 o'clock in the after­noon. He likewise informed us that it was a custom among those sons of rapine and plunder, not to allow the slaves any kind of food on the first day of their landing, ex­cept [Page 15] one small loaf of bread at night. And what we then received, he gave us, out of his own pocket, and said if he was able, his charity would further extend. We thank­ed our kind benefactor, and he took his leave of us, and left us. We then walked from one part of the Bagnio to another, not knowing in what part we might be allowed to remain. We wandered in this manner, bemoaning our deplorable situation, 'till a­bout 5 o'clock, when we saw (according to the best of our judgment) about 600 men en­ter the Bagnio,—all appearing to be in a more miserable condition than ourselves, with wretched habits, dejected countenances, and chains on their legs, every part of them be­speaking unutterable distress. I enquired of the prison keeper, who those people were, and of what crimes they had been guilty, that they were loaded with such heavy chains. I was answered, that they were christian slaves, had been captured in the same man­ner as myself, seeking an honest livelihood: A few minutes afterwards, we heard a man shouting out in a most terrible manner, and not understanding his language, made it sound more terrible.—We were immediate­ly informed by a man, who understood the English language, that all of us (Americans) must appear in the third gallery.—We made [Page 16] all haste up, we possibly could, and as we en­tered the gallery, we passed one at a time▪ through a narrow door, on one side of which stood a task-master, and on the other side a christian slave. The former had a large stick in his hand, and the latter a book, in which was written the names of all the Christian captives in that prison. The christian asked each man his name, and then wrote it in the book, and as we passed, the Turk gave each man a small bundle. On examining it, we found it contained a blanket, a capoot, (which is a sort of jacket with a head,) a waistcoat, made something like a frock, to draw on over the head, it not being open at the belly, a shirt, with neither collar or wrist­bands, a pair of Trowsers, made somewhat like a womans petticoat, (with this differ­ence,) the bottom being sewed up, and two holes to put the legs through, and a pair of slippers. There was neither button, or but­ton-hole in the whole suit. Such a suit ex­cepting the blanket, of which they never get but one, is given to each captive once a year. The day they receive this suit is on Friday ensuing Christmas: And the first friday in January all the captives are obliged to go a­bout seven miles into the country, and ga­ther reeds, and carry them to the Dey's gar­den for Beans, Peas, &c. to run upon, and [Page 17] which is a very tedious days work.—At this season of the year the rains fall in abundance in that country and renders the walking very disagreeable, as we do not follow the road, but are obliged to cross fields, and meadows.—The distance those reeds must be carried is about eight miles. We go out at the easternmost gate (called Babazoone,) and it is near 7 miles from said gate to the place where they are gathered, and from thence they must be carried to the Dey's garden, which is near a mile westward of the gate called Babel-wed which is the west gate of the city.

I shall omit the particulars of the usage of the slaves at present and give an account of our first nights lodging in this doleful mansion. Soon after we received the above mentioned bun­dle, we were again called into the third gal­lery, and passed in the same manner as be­fore, and having our names called by the clerk we passed the task master, and receiv­ed each man a small loaf of very black, sour bread weiging about three ounces and a half, which we ate, although it was not so delici­ous as the bread we received from the french priest. Having finished our supper, we lay down upon the stone floor, and went to sleep, and made ourselves as comfortable, as we could, having neither bed, nor beding, [Page 18] the blanket before mentioned but being ve­ry much fatigued, we slept tolerably well until about three o'clock, when we were a­larmed with a terrible shouting▪ as before, and were all ordered to go down into the lower part of the prison. When we arriv­ed there, they put a chain on each man's leg, reaching up to the shoulder, and weighing about 25 or 40 lb. This done, it now being day break—Saturday the 2d. Nov. we were all driven out of the Bagnio, and from thence to the marine, where I experienced the hardest days work, I ever underwent before. The dreadful clanking of the chains, was the most terrible noise I ever heard.—And never during my whole captivity did I feel such horrors of mind, as on this dreadful morning. As it is not in my power to write the particulars of each day of my captivity, (which would be too tedious to my readers,) I only intend to give you a short narrative of some of the most particular occurrences, which happen­ed while I was in this abject slavery, and the common labor, and usage of the slaves▪ which is as follows.

At day break in the morning, the Prison keeper calls all the slaves out to go to work▪ and at the door of the Bagnio, they are met by the Guardians or task-masters (who have [Page 19] their orders from the Guardian Bachi, who is the master of all the slaves that belong to the Regency) and we are conducted to whatever place he has directed.

The greatest part of their work, is blow­ing rocks in the Mountains. While some are drilling the holes, others are diging the earth off those rocks, which are under it, and others carrying away the dirt in baskets. When the rocks are blowed, they take such as will answer their purpose: (Rocks less than twenty Tons weight, will not serve.) Many are hauled by the slaves, two miles dis­tance, which weigh forty tons. They roll them to the bottom of the mountain, where is a convenient place to put them on a sled▪ from thence they are hauled to a quay, a­bout two miles distant, and left. Those rolled down the mountain are left at the bottom, until Friday, (which is their Maho­metan Sabbath,) on which day all the chris­tian slaves belonging to the Regency, are driven out haul them to the Quay. At day light in the morning they pass through the gates▪ of the city, and arrive at the bottom of the mountain, sometime before sunrise. On their arrival, they are divided by the task-masters, into different gangs, and each gang has one sled. They must haul as ma­ny in a day as the task-masters think pro­per, [Page 20] and are treated with additional rigor and severity on this day. For the drivers being anxious to have as many hauled as possible, (because the number they haul must be reported to the Dey.)—they are continually beating the slaves with their sticks, and goading them with its end, in which is a small spear, not unlike an ox goad, among our farmers. If any one chance to faint, and fall down with fatigue, they generally beat them until they are able to rise again. The most Tyrannical guardi­an, or task-master, we had, during my cap­tivity, was known by the name of Sherief. This cruel villain never appeared to be in his element, except when he was cruelly punishing some Christian captive. In the month of April 1795. He and another task-master being sent with 20 slaves, to re­move a pile of boards, which was in a ma­gazine, upon the walls of the city, and hav­ing beat several unmercifully without any provocation; an American exclaimed (in the English Language, which the Turk did not understand) "God, grant you may die, the first time you offer to abuse another man." A few minutes afterwards, as a slave was going upon some plank, which were laid from the first wall to the second, having his load upon his back. Sherief [Page 21] thinking he did not proceed as fast, as he might, ran, and endeavouring to strike him missed his stroke, his stick gave him such a sudden jirk, that he fell from the planks, between the walls, and was dashed to pie­ces.

Thus ended the days of a Godless wretch, apparently in a moment, swept away by the devout breath of a suffering Christian.

When a slave is found to be so sick that he is incapable of doing any kind of work, they then permit him to go to a hospital, until they think he can work again.

This Hospital was erected by the Span­iards for the benefit of christian slaves, in the year—, and is still maintained by them, when a slave goes in, he is used ve­ry well by the doctors and priests. They generally allow three or four doctors, and eight or ten priests to attend this hospital. The Doctors order what is to be given to the patient, and the Priests prepare it. While a slave is sick, he is no manner of expence to the Regency, for he is main­tained with victuals drink, medicine and attendance by the Spaniards; every morn­ing one of the task-masters goes into the hospital to view the slaves, and if he finds any one whom he thinks able to perform any kind of work, he drives him out, not [Page 22] even asking the Doctors whether they think he is able or not. And often times they are driven out in this manner, to work, and are obliged to return within two or three hours to the hospital again, and often ex­pire within a few hours after their return.

A circumstance of this kind, happened on the 30th of January 1796. When one Sci­pio Jackson, (a black man) had been for some time very sick, and was recovering (to all appearance,) very fast; he had been able to walk the room, but the day before, and was walking on the said morning when the task-master came in, who on perceiving him walk, declared he was well, and order­ed him to the marine to work. He told the task-master he was not able, at which he gave him several strokes with his stick say­ing if you are not able, I will make you a­ble, and drove him to the marine. The Doctors used their utmost endeavours to dissuade him from it; all was to no purpose, he would not hearken to any thing they said, but drove the poor man before him, to work. He did the best he could for a­bout half an hour, and then fell down in­sensible. Upon this he was again sent to the hospital, expired at two o'clock in the afternoon, & was in his grave before sunset.

[Page 23] At night when they have done hauling, all hands are called together, and have their names called by the Clerk, and every one must pass the Guardian Bachi, as his name is called. After they have done calling, and find that none are missing they are driven by the task-masters, into the city, and then left to go to the Bagnio, by themselves, and must appear there within half an hour after they must enter gates of the city. The roll is called every night in the prison, a few minutes before the gates are locked. If any one neglects his call, he is immediate­ly put into irons hands and feet, and then chained to a pillar, where he must remain until morning. Then the irons are taken from his feet, and he is driven before a task-master, to the marine, and the Vigilhadge, (who is the Minister of the marine) orders what punishment he thinks proper, which is immediately inflicted, by the task-masters. He commonly orders 150, or 200 Bastina­does. The manner of inflicting this punish­ment is as follows, the person is laid upon his face, with his hands in irons behind him and his legs lashed together with a rope.—One task-master holds down his head and a­nother his legs, while two others inflict the punishment upon his breech, with sticks, some what larger than an ox goad. After [Page 24] he has received one half in this manner, they lash his ancles to a pole, and two Turks lift the pole up, and hold it in such a man­ner, as brings the soles of his feet upward▪ and the remainder of his punishment, he receives upon the soles of his feet. Then he is released from his bands, and obliged to go directly to work, among the rest of his fellow slaves. There is several other punishments, for the christian captives, for capital offences. Sometimes they are burn­ed, or rather roasted alive. At other times they are impaled. This is done by placing the criminal upon a sharp iron stake, and thrusting it up his posteriors, by his back bone 'till it appears at the back of his neck. For being found with a Mahometan wo­man he is beheaded, and the woman, is put into a sack and carried about a mile at sea, and thrown overboard with a sufficient quantity of rocks, (or a bomb) to sink her. For suspicion of being with them the slave is castrated, and the woman bastinadoed.

A slave for murder of another slave, is immediately beheaded. But for murder of a Mahometan he is cast off from the walls of the city, upon iron hooks, which are fasten­ed into the wall about half way down.—These catch by any part of the body, that strikes them, and some times they hang in [Page 25] this manner in the most exquisite agonies for several days before they expire. But should the part that catches, not be strong enough to hold them (for sometimes the flesh will tear out,) they fall to the bottom of the wall and are dashed in pieces.

Another punishment they have for slaves endeavouring to make their escape is, they are nailed to the gallows, by one hand and the opposite foot, and in this manner they expire, in the most undescribable torture. But this is not always practiced for deser­tion, for sometimes they are only bastina­doed, at other times they are beheaded.—I never knew an instance of the former, du­ring my captivity. Though I have been an eye witness to the latter several times.

In the month of October 1793, fourteen slaves of different nations, made an attempt to run away, with a boat, but were overta­ken and brought back to Algiers. When they were landed, the Dey ordered the steersman, and bowman, to be beheaded, and the rest to receive 500 bastinadoes each, and to have a chain of 50lb weight fastened to their leg for life, and a block of about 70lb. to the end of that, which they were obliged to carry upon their shoulder when they walked about to do their work. And those of them that were alive when I left [Page 26] Algiers, (which was the 13th of July, 1796,) were still in this miserable situation. When they are at work they lay the block down & can only work within the length of their chain. When they have occasion to go fur­ther, they must carry the block, to the place where the work calls them.

When a slave commits any crime, except murder, or speaking ill of their religion or striking a Turk, if he can get into one of their Marabout Mosques, they will not in­flict any kind of punishment, except an ad­ditional chain upon his leg, with a large block at its end.

A Turk is strangled for offences capital, in the following manner. The criminal is confined, with his back against a wall, in which is two holes, right opposite the back of his neck, through which holes is reaved a rope with the two ends on the opposite side, and the bite, or double of the rope comes about the criminal's neck and when the two ends are knotted together, the execu­tioner puts a stick in and twists the rope, which brings it tight about the criminal's neck, and he is soon dispatched. So the executioner does not see the criminal while performing his office. This is counted the most honorable death, for persons who are executed. And beheading the most igno­minious. [Page 27] A moor or arab convicted of theft, hath sometimes his right hand cut off and hung about his neck; Then he is led through the city upon an ass, with his face toward the tail; but at other times they are hanged upon a tree, or bastinadoed.

A Turk is pardoned, let his crime be ever so capital, if he can get into one of them before he is taken into custody. And those Marabout Mosques are an asylum for persons of any religion whatever, having committed a small offence, except the Jews, who would be burned if they were to offer to enter one of them. Those Marabout Mosques, are particular Mosques, in which has been buried a Marabout or Hermit, whom they account Saints. And their re­ligion teaches them to pardon a Mahome­tan, having committed any crime whatever, if he flees to those Saints for protection. When a Mahometan, who has committed a crime, and has taken to the Marabout, it is immediately reported to the Mufti, and he reports it to the Dey, who sends a string of beads by the Mufti, to the keeper of the Mosque, and the criminal then comes out. Tho' he might come out before if he plea­ses, but should he leave the Mosque before the Mufti comes with the beads, he would be liable to the same punishment he was be­fore [Page 28] he had taken the Marabout. The Mufti then returns with the beads, to the Dey, and they are laid by, until some other similar occasion.

At the gates of the Deys Palace, there is a chain which is fastened at the top of the gate, and at night the lower end is locked down, and any one that has committed an offence, and can get hold of this chain be­fore he is taken, it serves the same purpose as the Marabout Mosque.

If a slave has been cheated by any Turk, Cologlie, Moor, Arab, Renegado, or Jew, and he takes hold of this chain, and says he wants justice, one of the principal officers of the Deys corps of guards, goes to him & asks the particulars of his being wronged; and who the person is that has wronged him and justice is immediately done him.—But should he give a wrong account, and it be proved that he has not told the truth, he is immediately bastinadoed. If it is a Jew that is complained of, and he is found guil­ty, he must make the slave reparation and is bastinadoed.

I mentioned before, that on Friday, all the slaves work in the mountains, but on other days only a part of them work there. They have commonly a part of the captives at work in the marine. When they work [Page 29] in the marine, they have different kinds of employ, Sometimes they are cleaning the corsairs, and fitting them for fea. At o­ther times they are striping them, and haul­ing them up, discharging the prizes, clean­ing the harbor, bringing those large rocks before mentioned, from the quay, on board a large flat bottomed kind of vessel which, they call a Puntoon, discharging them at back of the mole, with the help of wheels. These rocks are laid there in order to break off the sea, that the mole may not wash a­way, which must have a continual supply, for every gale of wind that comes, washes them into the deep water. After a gale they have as much need of them as they had the first hour after the mole was built. So we may conclude this is a work that will never be finished. And every article that is transported from one part of the Marine to another, or from the Marine to the city or from the city to the marine, or elsewhere must be carried by the slaves, with poles upon their shoulders. For the streets are so narrow that no kind of carriage is used here, not even a wheelbarrow. In many streets it is difficult for one man to pass a­nother.

When their prizes are discharged, their cargo must be all carried into the city, and [Page 30] stowed in Magazines, so that some part of the slaves are constantly carrying, hogsheads of sugar, pipes of wine, casks of nails, can­non, &c. They work from day break, in the morning, until a certain hour in the af­ternoon, (which they call Laza) which is just half an hour before sunset, summer and winter. At which time they hoist a white flag upon the mosques, to denote that it is the hour of prayer, it being contrary to their religion to have a bell found among them.

All the slaves at this hour, are ordered to leave work and go up to the gate, called Babazia, which is the marine gate, and be­fore they can pass, they are searched by the task-masters, to prevent their stealing any thing from the Regency, and if they are found with any thing, (except a few chips,) they do not escape punishment.

I have known a slave to receive 1 [...]0 bas­tindoes for being found with three board nails.

Having related the common labors and punishment of the slaves, I now proceed to give you an account of the provisions they are allowed to subsist on, to enable them to perform this laborious slavery. About eight o'clock in the morning they are called by one of the task-masters from their work to [Page 31] take their breakfast. The order of receiv­ing it, is as follows. When they are called they all leave their work, and go near some sacks of bread. As they pass by, they are counted by one of the drivers, while anoth­er gives each man a loaf of bread. And to every eighth man he gives a wooden bowl with about a pint of vinegar, in this man­ner they pass until all have received their allowance. They then sit down upon the ground to eat, and are commonly called to work in about ten minutes, and are seldom allowed more than twelve minutes. The same ceremony is passed at twelve o'clock, and at night when the roll is called they re­ceive another loaf of bread, but no vinegar. This is all they have allowed from the Re­gency. But oftentimes when they are at work on board the corsairs, the steward will give them a little sweet oil, and sometimes some olives, and this they count a feast. These loaves of bread weigh about three ounces and an half. I have weighed several and never found one to exceed three oun­ces and eleven drachms. So what bread they have allowed them for a day, will not exceed eleven ounces, and it is so sour that a person must be almost starving before he can eat it. The reason of its being so sour is, they mix the dough three days before it [Page 32] is baked. To make this bread they sift the bran of wheat, after the flour and midlings are taken out.

Perhaps you may think what I have al­ready told you would not be augmented with additional severity, but alas, this is not all. The Bagnio in which they sleep, is built with several Galleries, one above ano­ther, in each gallery is several small rooms, where the slaves sleep. And they must pay a certain sum, every moon to the Guardian Bachi, or sleep in the open Bagnio, where they have nothing but the sirmament to cover them. On the evening after the moon changes, the keeper of the Bagnio calls out for all hands to pay for their rooms. And if any one that has slept in a room during the moon, has not procured the money, and cannot pay it down, his hands are put into irons behind him, and his legs chained to a pillar every night, until the money is paid. And those miserable objects are commonly relieved by the rest of their fellow sufferers. Some of the slaves are al­lowed a small pittance from their country, which enables them to pay this demand. Others are mechanics and work at their trade in the night, to procure this sum, and others get it by theft, tho' they often haz­zard their lives by so doing; and many are [Page 33] obliged to sleep every night upon the cold stones with nothing but the heavens to co­ver them, for want of money to pay this tribute. In the Bagnio, where the slaves sleep, is kept a great number of ani­mals of prey, they are confined with chains in different apartments from where the slaves sleep. And are maintained by them; with Bullock's and Sheep's heads; this mo­ney must be paid every moon when they pay for the rooms they fleep in. There is still another demand as unreasonable as the former.

After their Ramadan, a fast which they keep a whole moon, and during which they cannot eat, drink, smoak, or even wet their lips while the sun is in the horizon, (what they do eat, is in the night) they have a great feast, which continues two days, on the evening previous to the feast, every slave must carry as a present to the task-master, two fowls; and a certain number of sheep is given to them, for which each slave must pay his proportionable part. During those two days the slaves are locked in the bagnio, and are allowed no kind of subsist­ence from the Regency except one small loaf of the bread which I mentioned be­fore, and this they receive each night when the roll is called. The drivers, on the first [Page 34] morning of the feast, give each slave a loaf of good white bread, weighing about half a pound, for which they had received two fowls from each slave the evening before.

In this deplorable situation, were upwards of 1,200 Christian captives, (dragging out a miserable existence) when I left Algiers.

The present inhabitants of the territory of Algiers are composed of many different nations. The Turks, are the first people a­mong them, and have all the government and power in their own hands, and no man can hold any post of great distinction a­mong them except he is a Turk. The Co­loglies, are next the Turks, in power. These are those persons born of a Morish mother the father being a Turk. The Arabs, who trace their descent from the disciples of Mahomet, who formerly subdued Algiers. Moors or Morescoes, who were driven out of Spain, about the end of the 16th centu­tury. Renagadoes, Levantines, Jews, and Christian slaves, with a croud formed of the posterity of all these different people, make the rest of the population. The people in the country, have no houses, but live in tents, and remove from one place to to another, as they want pasture, or as any other accidental circumstance may happen. The Dey demands a tribute from them, [Page 35] which is procured by the Beys, and carried to Algiers.

The manner of gathering the tribute is as follows: The Dey informs the Bey what sum he must pay him the ensuing year, and then the Bey goes with a large number of Cavalry, and if they do not pay his demand immediately, he takes from them what he pleases, and if they make the least resistance, or even intimate that they are dissatisfied with his proceedings, he cuts off their heads and sends them in triumph to the Dey. And after they have carried it twice from the Dey's palace to the gate Babazoon, and ex­posed it to public view, they then bury it. The Beys seldom are in office more than two or three years, before they are so rich that the Dey finds something against them, and haves them executed, and all their property is brought to the city and deposited into the treasury.

The dress of the men, (who live in the country) is only a coarse woolen cloth wrapped round the shoulders, which falls down as far as their ancles, with a cap of the same cloth, with a twisted turban of woolen ever that.

The women pay some more attention to ornament themselves with dress. They are dressed with a long piece of coarse woolen [Page 36] cloth, not unlike that of the men's, with a great number of pewter, and brass, broach­es, fixed upon it, about the shoulders, arms and breast.

They adorn their heads, with several of these broaches fixed in their hair, and a braided woolen string passed several times round their heads, and filled with several kinds of flowers. The children are suffer­ed to go naked, 'till eight or nine years of age. The Sheik or chief of a tribe is known by a linen garment instead of a woolen, and a linen turban, he also wears a pair of shoes, made of dressed leather.

The common sort of people, seldom wear any shoes, and when they do, they are made of undressed leather with hair on the out side.

When a young man would marry, he drives a number of cattle to the tent where the parents of his mistress reside. The bride is then set on horse back and led to the tent where the young man resides, a­midst the shouts and huzzas of a multitude of young people, who have been invited to the nuptial feast. When she arrives at the tent of her lover, a mixture of milk and honey is given her to drink, and a song is sung suitable to the occasion. She then a­lights, and receives a stick from her hus­band, [Page 37] which she thrusts into the ground, and holding her right hand upon its end, she repeats some words to the following ef­fect: "As this stick is fastened in the ground, so am I bound in duty to my hus­band, as nothing can remove it, but violence so nought but death, shall force me from his love." She then drives his flock to water and back again, to shew her willingness to perform any duty that he may assign her. These previous ceremonies being settled, all the company set down by the tent, and the evening concludes with the greatest jollity. They feast upon Dates, Almonds, Raisins, Olives, and Oil, and drink sherbot, which is water, having run through Raisins, some­what like making lye of ashes. Subsequent to the marriage, the wife is vailed and ne­ver stirs from the tent, for the space of a whole moon, and no one can see her, ex­cept her parents, during this time. These are the ceremonies, which (I have been In­formed by the Algerines) are customa­ry, in celebrating a marriage, among those savage barbarians, but I never had an op­portunity of viewing one of them.

The people of Algiers in general speak a compound of Arabic, Moresco, and the remains of the ancient Phenician languages. The inhabitants of all denominations, for [Page 38] the most part, understand the Lingua Franca. This is a kind of dialect, which without being the proper language of any country whatever, has a kind of universal currency all over the Mediteranean, as the channel of information for people, who cannot understand each other through any medium but this. The public business of the nation, and the records are transacted in the Turkish tongue.

In Algiers, the men wear large turbans, having their heads close shaved, and for the most part they wear their beards—some only wear their whiskers. Their longest jackets, which have sleeves, they wear next to their shirt, and then a vest over that, al­ways taking care to have the shortest gar­ment outside. Their shirts are made with neither collar nor wrisbands, their bree­ches, something like a woman's petticoat, reaching down to their knees. Stockings are entirely unknown among them. Their shoes have square toes, with no heels. Peo­ple of any denomination whatever, (except the Jews) are allowed to dress in this habit. No person is allowed to dress in green, ex­cept a Sherief, whom they say descended from Mahomet, they are known by a green turban. The Jews are obliged to dress en­tirely [Page 39] in black, and wear shoes without any quarters.

I have known 50 in one day, to be pu­nished with five hundred bastinadoes, for being found with a small red sash about their waist.

The women dress, with a sort of cap up­on their heads, of either Gold, Silver, Brass Pewter, or Tin, according as their fortune will afford; and wear short jackets, and long trowsers. After they are married, they are obliged to have white trowsers, but before their trowsers are a sort of Callico; they are obliged to wear a veil when they go out of their houses, though very few are allow­ed to go out at all. They mark the fore­head, nose and chin, with india ink, and stripe the backs of their hands, and fingers black, and colour their finger nails red.

The husband never sees his wife before marriage but accepts her upon the descripti­on of her father. When the match is a­greed upon, and the man has paid the fa­ther for the daughter, (for in this country every man is obliged to buy his wife, from her parents,) the bridegroom sends a present of fruits and sweetmeats, and entertains her relations with a feast, and musical en­tertainments. He is then conducted into the presence of his wife, by four women, [Page 40] who are veiled. He then retires and goes to his own house, and the bride is set on horseback and led to his house. After she is safe delivered to her husband, the females who were invited to the nuptial feast, as­semble themselves, and walk through the street, and at several corners they pronounce the bans by shouting out all together, as loud as they can, with such strong shrill voices, that they may be heard two miles.

Algiers is a country which derives its name from its metropolis, and extends four hundred and eighty miles in length from east to west, along the northern coast of A­frica. And is in breadth three hundred and twenty miles, but at the distance of an hundred miles from the sea-coast, it becomes a barren desert, almost uninhabited by ei­ther man or beast. Algiers is situated be­tween thirty-two and thirty-seven degrees of north latt. which coresponds to that of the United States, from Virginia to Carolina, in­clusive. It is bounded on the north, by the Mediterranean sea; on the south, by Mount Atlas; on the east, by the country of Tunis; and on the west by the River Mulvia, which separates it from the empire of Morocco.

The principal rivers which water the ter­ritory of Algiers, rise in Mount Atlas, and run by a northerly direction into the Medi­terranean [Page 41] sea. They are seven in number. None of them has a long course, or is na­vigable: at least none of them are made use of in navigation. It is however likely that they might be made use of for this purpose, were the inhabitants of a more intelligent and industrious character, for some of them are of a tolerable depth. Such is the gross ignorance of the natives in whatever con­cerns domestic improvements, that there is not a single bridge over any of those rivers. And ferry boats are entirely unknown.—When they are to be crossed, the traveller hath sometimes to wander several miles in search of a ford.

The climate in this country is remarka­bly delightful. The air is pure and serene. The soil is covered with almost a perpetual verdure. Extreme heat is not common▪—In the winter it is seldom cold enough to freeze. I have been informed, that it has been known to freeze at the depth of two or 3 inches. I once saw frost during my residence there, but I never saw any ice.—This description applies to the land on the sea-coast; for as you advance into the country, the soil becomes more barren.—Indeed a considerable part of the back coun­try is a savage desert, abounding with Lions, Tigers, Leopards, Jackalls, Buffaloes, wild [Page 42] Boars, Porcupines, &c. And it must be ac­knowledged, that these animals are not the least amiable inhabitants of this country.

The City of Algiers lies in latt. 36, 50 North, and in long. 3, 47 East, over a­gainst the Island of Minorca, 380 miles from Tunis, it lies upon the side of a very high hill, with such an ascent, that when you are at sea, you may see almost every house in it. At a great distance it appears like a snow bank; which is occasioned by the houses being white-washed on the out­side. The city is of a quadrangular form, and is near three miles in circumference, compassed with two walls, about 25 feet dis­tant, and in some places 100 feet in height. The outward wall is defended by upward of 300 brass cannon, and outside the wall is a deep entrenchment 40 feet wide, over which are built bridges at the gates of the city. In the intermediate space between the walls are magazines, for public stores.

The Mole of the harbour is about 500 paces in length, extending from the conti­nent to a ledge of rocks, where there are three castles, with large batteries of guns.

The houses are all built with stone and lime. The principal buildings are the Dey's palace, and several large Mosques: The for­mer stands near the center of the city; is [Page 43] very large but not magnificent. The Mosques are fine buildings, though they make no great appearance at a distance.—There is a great number of hot baths in this city, people of any denomination what­ever are allowed to go into them and bathe, on paying double the sum which a Turk pays. If a stranger happens to go in, they generally extort eight or ten fold. The men spend a great part of their time in bathing, smoaking, and drinking coffee.—Their religion obliges them to bathe four times a day, but many of them do much oftener, for their own pleasure. There are also several baths for the use of women, who are not allowed to bathe, only in the afternoon. Those among them who are a­ble, have these conveniences in their own houses, that their women may not go out. Few white women walk the streets, except prostitutes, and those far advanced in years, and when these do they are obliged to be veiled. The principal street extends from the east gate of the City, to the west, is tol­erable wide and some what magnificent.—The rest are all very narrow, which renders it very difficult for passengers. The men by their Laws, and religion, are allowed to have four wives (if they are able to pur­chase [Page 44] them) but they generally content themselves with two or three.

The present Dey of Algiers, is between sixty and seventy years of age—is a thick well built man, with his white beard cover­ing his breast. He is of a very light com­plection. Does not appear to be much de­cayed by the weight of years, which have rolled over his head. He is of a very ma­licious disposition, and often when he is in a rage, commands deeds of inhumanity to be committed, of which he repents afterwards.

His family consists of himself, wife and one daughter. His wife and daughter have a separate palace, at a little distance from that of the Dey's, and have a great number of female christian slaves to serve them. The Dey visits them every Thursday even­ing, abides with his wife the night, and re­turns to his own palace on Friday morning. The Dey has also a number of Christian captives to wait upon him. One cooks his victuals, another sets his table, waits upon him while eating, makes his bed, and sees that all things in his apartment are kept clean. The others do any kind of work that is necessary. He keeps no Seraglio as is generally reported—has but one wife, and sleeps with her but once a week.

When the Dey eats, he has a table about [Page 45] four inches high, on which is set several different dishes, with neither plates, knives or forks, they eat only with spoons, their victuals being cut small before it is set on the table and can touch their victuals only with their right hand. They sit always on the floor, as chairs are entirely un­known among them. The common peo­ple only differ from the Dey, by having no table whatever, their dishes being set upon the floor.

The Dey is an absolute Monarch, and the Haznagi, is the next man to him in dignity and power—the Aga is next the Haznagi—the Hoodge de Cabellos, is next to him—and the Petit Mell next to him—The Aga de Baston, is next to him, who enjoys his post but two moons, and then retires with a pension. The other officers of importance are, a Secretary of State, twenty-four Chiah Bassas, or Colonels subordinate to the Aga, about two hundred seinor Raises, or Cap­tains, and about four hundred Lieutenants. The Mufti, the Cadi, and the grand Mara­bout, are known by the largeness of their turbans. The two former are the High Priest and the Supreme Judge in ecclesiasti­cal causes. The latter is the chief of an or­der of Saints or Hermits. The inhabitants of Algiers live very meanly, altho' their [Page 46] country plentifully produces the convenien­ces and luxuries of life. The chief of their diet is bread, oil, olives, vinegar and sallad. They very seldom eat any meat. When they do, one pound is sufficient for six or eight people, and this they count extrava­gant. They profess not to drink any kind of spirituous liquor, and if any one is seen intoxicated, he is no more counted a true Mahometan. Many of them will however, drink to excess when they are out of sight of any others of their religion. Many in­stances of this kind I have seen, particularly one Mustafa, an Algerine, would often go into the Bagnio and purchase wine from the slaves (at double price) which they had bought for their own use, and sit down and drink among them. One evening as I went in, after returning from my labor, I saw Mustafa, drinking wine, and eating pork sausages, I asked him if he knew what he was eating, he answered in great rage, uz coot sanza fida, un ta main schelim, un a main arf­shi, which is, "Hold your tongue you un­believer, if you do not tell me, I shall not know."

The Cologlies, Moors and Arabs, are the most numerous in Algiers. They compose the great body of the inhabitants; but it may be supposed, that amidst such a variety [Page 47] of different races, immense numbers cannot be said to belong to any particular tribe or nation whatever.

The Turks are a well built robust people, their complexion not unlike Americans, tho' somewhat larger, but their dress, and long beards, make them appear more like monsters, than human beings.

The Cologlies are somewhat less in stature than the Turks, and are of a more tawney complexion.

The Moors, or Morescoes, are generally a tall thin, spare set of people, not much in­clining to fat, and of a very dark complex­ion, much like the Indians of North Ameri­ca.

The Arabs, or Arabians, are of a much darker complexion than the Moors, being darker than Mulattoes. They are much less in stature than the Moors, being the smallest people I ever saw, very few arrive at the height of five feet, tho' they are in general nearly of a size. These people compose the greater part of the Piscaras, or porters in the city. As they are not allowed to trade in any mercantile line, nor even to learn any mechanic art, they are obliged to be drudges to their superiors, to gain the hard earned morsel on which they subsist.

[Page 48] They bury their dead in the following manner. The corps is washed, then sewed in a winding sheet, put upon a bier, and carried to the grave, where they are buried in a sitting posture. No females are allow­ed to follow any corps whatever. Any Mahometan who dies with the plague is car­ried to the grave as fast as the bearers can run. All the followers sing while they are going. They imagine all Mahometans who die with this disorder, are called by the Supreme Being, and are happy to eternity. But people of any other religion, who die with it, they suppose are damned. At each end of the grave they place a small earthern pot, containing about half a pint, which they keep filled with water, presuming that their friends, if not happy, will be relieved or comforted with this drink, They also plant Pease and Beans on the graves of their friends, and lay fragrant bushes on them, for the comfort and support of their depar­ted relatives.

The old women also every Friday mor­ning repair to the mansion of the dead, to carry such provisions as bread, beans, pease and plumbs. These they expect their friends if unhappy, will receive; if they be happy, they are willing the cats should partake the [Page 49] repast. These animals croud their grave yards in hundreds.

The greatest part of their commerce, is with the Swedes, Danes, Dutch, French, Spaniards, Raguseans and English. The commodities they trade in, are Wheat, Bar­ley, Oil, Olives, Figs, Raisins, Wax, Honey, Silks, Almonds, Dates, Wool, Leather of different colours, which is commonly called Morocco Leather, Horses, Mules, &c.

Their manufactures are chiefly Silks and Woolen Carpets.

In Algiers are about five hundred christian slaves, of different nations, who deserted from Oran, while it was in possession of the Spaniards. They have no hopes of re­lief till death. The Spaniards will not ran­som them because they are deserters. In November '95, one of them having grown desperate, was drinking wine one evening in the Bagnio, and making some noise; the Guard ^* beat him without mercy. The slave drew a knife and stabbed him to the heart, and he fell instantly dead. The rest of the Guards commanded the slaves to en­deavour [Page 50] to secure him. In attempting this, he killed one slave, and wounded three more. He was then taken, secured while morning and then beheaded.

Another circumstance of this kind hap­pened in March '96. One of those Oran slaves having been informed, that the mo­ney for the redemption of the Spaniards, (who deserted from that place) was lodged in the hands of a Spanish priest, resident at Algiers; that he had neglected their libera­tion. The slave went to the priest, asked if he had money for the redemption of the Spaniards. Being answered in the negative, he drew a knife, and stabbed him in fourteen different places, and left him to all appear­ance dead. However, the Priest recovered. The slave then went to the house of the Spanish consul, intending to kill him, and finding he was at his garden, he went to the Bagnio, where he killed a Christian slave, with whom he had had some dispute before. He then threw down his knife and delivered himself up, and was beheaded the same evening.

Perhaps some of my rerders may wish to know something more particular, concern­ing Oran, I therefore give the following description.

Oran is situated about eighty leagues west [Page 51] of Algiers; is a mile and an half in circum­ference. It lies partly on a plain and partly on the ascent of a hill, and is well fortifi­ed. As the Spanish coasts and merchant­ships had suffered much from the corsairs of this port, Ferdinand, King of Spain, de­termined to attempt its reduction. Accor­dingly he transported into Africa, an army under the command of his prime minister, Cardinal Ximenes. The wonted good for­tune of this officer did not, at this juncture desert him. He had maintained a corres­pondence with some of the people of Oran; and when the Moors sallied out to attack the Spaniards, their perfidious countrymen shut the gates against them. Ximenes kill­ed four thousand of the barbarians, and set at liberty sixteen thousand Christian slaves. The Algerines, during near two hundred years, made frequent but unsuccessful at­tempts to recover it. In 1708, they retook it. In June, 1732, a Spanish army was lan­ded not far from Oran. The Turkish troops and the inhabitants were seized with a panic, and abandoned their fortifications without any resistance. The Moors not long after attacked it with great fury, but were finally repulsed, with much slaughter. In '91, the Algerines went with a strong force against it, under the command and of Alli [Page 52] Bey of Mascara. After a siege of several days, they withdrew their troops, having received much damage. In '92, the Dey of Algiers and the King of Spain having a­greed upon terms, very advantageous to the former, Oran was given up to the Algerines, and is still in their possession.

Having given a short account of the com­mon labor of the slaves, their provisions, cloathing, punishments, &c. and a short sketch of the manners and customs of the inhabitants, in the city and country of Al­giers. I now proceed to give an account of the most particular circumstances which happened to myself and fellow sufferers during my captivity, and some other circumstances equally entertaining. Nothing of any great moment happened after our arrival, which was on the first of Nov. 1793, until the eleventh, when a courier arrived from Ali­cant, (sent by Colonel Humphreys, the Ambassador from the United States, for Algiers,) to obtain the Dey's permission for him to come to Algiers, and make a peace. The Dey answered, that "he would not receive him, either to make peace or redeem the American slaves—that he had been so­liciting the American government to send an ambassador to make a peace with the Re­gency for three years before, and they had [Page 53] treated his propositions with neglect—that as he had a truce with the Dutch and Por­tuguese, and had captured ten sail of Ame­rican vessels, and had a fair prospect of cap­turing many more, he would not make a peace with them—that he made the truce with Portugal for the purpose of having the straits open for his vessels to cruize in the Atlantic, for capturing American vessels—that he could not be at peace with all na­tions at once."

At this dreadful news we despaired of ever tasting the sweets of Liberty again; here we expected to end our days in the most labo­rious, slavery, pregnant with unutterable distress, in whose presence reigns eternal hor­rors, and meagre famine leads its doleful train; where subjugation adds to the weight of each curst load, and the pain of the vas­sal is doubled; It spreads a gloom over the sprightly face of nature, and dooms every pleasure to the grave.

On the 29th, a prize arrived, and she proved to be the Minerva of New-York, loaded with Wine, Oil, Fruit, and Marble, Commanded by Joseph Ingraham, from Leghorn, bound to America. She was cap­tured by the Algerines, on the 25th within 7 or 8 miles of Cape St. Sebastian. When the captors arrived they brought the crew [Page 54] of the said brig. Seven more were now ad­ded to our number to participate in our dis­tress & partake with us the horrors of un­speakable slavery, & bemoan the loss of the blessing of Liberty, draging out the unwel­come existence of a slave, on Barbary's hostile coast, persecuted by the hands of merciless Mahometans.

On the 23d of Dec. we were informed by Mr. Skjolderbrand, the Swedish Consul, that we were allowed a valuable supply from the United States. And he had that day received orders, and money, to pay each Capt. belonging to the United States, 8 Spanish Dollars per month, and each mate, 6, and the rest three dollars each.

Our country also furnished us with a suf­ficient quantity of cloathing, decent and comfortable. This was happy news for us, for from the time of our being captured, to this day, we had been draging out a miserable existence, scarce worth possessing with no kind of subsistence except bread and vinegar, and water to drink.

This generosity of the United States to us their enslaved countrymen was of inesti­mable value. It was more precious from being unexpected. No nation of christen­dom had ever done the like for their sub­jects in our situation.

[Page 55] The Republican government of the U­nited States have set an example of human­ity to all the governments of the world.—Our relief was matter of admiration to merciless barbarians. They viewed the ca­racter of Americans from this time in the most exalted light. They exclaimed, that "Though we were slaves, we were gentle­men;" that "the American people must be the best in the world to be so humane and generous to their countrymen in slavery." The goodness of my country I shall never forget.

Our money would now enable us to pur­chase some kind of provision, that we might have something to eat at night, when we went to the Bagnio, that gloomy mansion of horror and despair. But these avaricious sons of plunder and rapine, would endeavour to extort this little relief out of our hands, and as they were not allowed to take it by force, they would endeavour to get it by art. For when we were in the Bagnio, and wished to buy any kind of pro­vision, we must pay them for going to buy it, and they really did give. In this manner they cheated us out of one half our money. This supply was allowed us until the day of our liberation, with the addition of three [Page 56] quarters of a dollar a month, for the seamen, the officers being allowed the same they were at first, with no addition.

About the first of Febuary, 1794, several Americans were attacked with the small­pox. Of this epidemical disease four Ame­ricans died in the course of the month, as follows, Samuel Milborne, Richard Wood, John Mott, and Thomas Furnace. A short time after, the city was alarmed with the plague, which carried off many Americans, whom I shall name hereafter.

On the 16th of April, as all hands were at work in the mountain, Joseph Keith, and Peter Barry being very much fatigued, they went to a spring of water about 50 yards distant, and after having drank some water they felt faint, and sat down upon the grass. The Guardian Bachi observing them, sent two task-masters and brought them to him and ordered them 100 bastinadoes each.—This punishment was inflicted for being a­bout 5 minutes absent from their work.—And many instances of this kind I have witnessed. Particularly on the 14th August 1794, when a slave received 300 bastinadoes for no greater offence, than pulling 6 hairs out of a horses tail, which belonged to one of the great men of the Regency.

[Page 57] About the last of April, a Dutch Admi­ral arrived in the bay, with four sail of the line, and two frigates, and in a few days ef­fected a peace with the Regency. He ran­somed all the Dutch captives, which the Algerines had in their possession. It being an old custom among the Algerines, when they make a peace with any christian nation to oblige that nation, to ransom the Dey's Chief servant, and sweeper of the palace, should they be of a different nation from the one ransomed. Accordingly when the Dutch ransomed their captives, they also ransomed one Philip Sloan, an American, who was captured in the year 1785, on board the Ship Dolphin of Philadelphia, Commanded by Richard O'Brien, he being at this time sweeper of the palace.

In the Month of Sept. they captured 201 Corsicans. The manner of capturing them was somewhat singular. The corsicans, when they were under the government of France had licence from the Algerines, to fish for Coral on the coast of Africa, from the bay of Bona, to the Island Galette. And hav­ing surrendered the Island of Corsica, to the English, they supposed they still enjoyed the same privelege. Accordingly they e­quiped about thirty boats for this purpose. They sailed under the convoy of an armed [Page 58] brig. Having been a few days upon the coast, a french frigate captured their convoy and several of the boats. The rest took refuge in the harbour of Bona. The Aleaid or Mayor on their arrival, not knowing their flag, (which is a white field with a Moors head in the centre) confined them all in the Mortimore, or dungeon, secured their boats & sent and informed the Dey of Algiers what he had done, asking his orders con­cerning them. The Dey commanded them all to be brought to Algiers, and made slaves.

They remained in captivity until the month of March '96. And were then ransomed by the English, at the rate of 1,200 dollars each.

We heard many encouraging stories du­ring our captivity, but none proved to be fact, until the month of July '95, when we were informed that David Humphreys Esq. and Joseph Donaldson jun. Esq. had arrived at Gibraltar, and that Mr. Donaldson was or­dered for Algiers, to make a peace, for the United States. This news was confirmed about the 10th of August, when a Spanish courier arrived from Alicant, with a letter from Mr. Donaldson, to the Dey of Algiers for permission to come and effect a peace with the Regency. At this time the Dey [Page 59] being very anxious to have an American Ambassador come, and negociate with him for a peace, and the redemption of the cap­tives, he chartered a Ragusean polacre, and and sent her to Alicant, to bring Mr. Do­naldson to Algiers.

On Thursday the 3d Sept., 95, the wind being W. b, S. at 9 A. M. saw a sail from the marine, bearing N. b W. standing direct for the harbour. At 11 A. M. could dis­cern that she had a white flag, at her fore­top gallant mast head, the American flag at the main top gallant mast head, and the Ra­gusa flag over her stern.—This being a flag of truce, and denoting the American Am­bassador was on board.

Our transports are more easily imagined than described. At 3 P. M. she being with­in one mile of the mole, the harbour-master went on board with permission from the Dey, for Mr. Donaldson to land when he thought proper. At 4 he landed and was conducted by some of the chief men of the place, to a very elegant house, which the Dey had provided for him, previous to his arrival.

Friday, 4th, being the Mahometan sabbath, he could not do any kind of business with the Dey. The suspence, the hope, fear, and agitation we suffered this day may be con­ceived [Page 60] but not described. An Ambassador to redeem us had arrived. What would be his success we knew not—a whole day was passing away and nothing done. Never was there a longer, more tedious day in the an­nals of slavery—Again we must repair to our mansion of misery and in suspense wear out a night of sleepless anxiety.

Saturday, the 5th, about 11 A. M. Mr. Donaldson, was invited to the Dey's pre­sence. Accordingly he went, and about 12 o'clock the American flag was hoisted on board the Raguscan polacre. And the ban­ner of the United States was saluted from the castles of Fenelle and Cordalares, with the thunders of 21 Cannon.

Sounds more ravishing never vibrated in the air; our hearts were joy. We imagin­ed ourselves already freemen. In idea, our chains were falling off and our task-masters no longer at liberty to torture us. In ima­gination we were already traversing the o­cean—hailing our native shore—embracing our parents, our children and our wives. This delirium of joy was of short duration; like a dazzling meteor in a dark night, which blazes for a moment, making succeeding darkness more dreadful; our enchanting hopes left us to despondency, horrible be­yond description. In about five hours we [Page 61] were informed that the cup of our sufferings was not drained—that we could not be re­leased till our ransom was paid.

Never was there a more sudden or affec­ting change in the countenances and conver­sations of men. Instead of sprightly looks, cheerful congratulations and sanguine anti­cipations of finished bliss; there was nothing but faces of sadness and the most gloomy silence, interrupted only with sounds of complaint, or sighs of despair. "Not relea­sed till our ransom is paid?" How long▪ said we, may our country neglect us! How many fatalities befall our redemption on its passage! How many disappointments may yet occur! How long may our chains and torments be continued!

After we had done work that evening and come to the Bagnio; myself, Abel Wil­lis and Thomas Billings were sent to the Ambassador's house; he informed us the Dey had granted him three captives as ser­vants to him, and that he was responsible for our good behaviour. We tarried with him and Mr. Barlow, until the day of our liberation.

On Friday the 11th, Captain O'Brien was sent from Algiers, on board a Spanish vessel, with dispatches for Mr. Humphreys at Lisbon. About the middle of March '96, [Page 62] we understood that the Dey had got impa­tient with the delay of the money, and had ordered Mr. Donaldson to leave the place, and declared that he would send out the corsairs and bring in every American vessel they met with; that he would never make a peace with the United States in his reign. At this we again despaired of ever seeing a christian shore again.

On the 21st of March, a brig appeared in the bay, with the American colours over her stern, and she proved to be the Sally of Philadelphia, commanded by—March. She brought as a passenger, Joel Barlow, Esq. Consul General of the United States, for the city and kingdom of Algiers. This worthy gentleman, whose compassionate ser­vices for his distressed countrymen, can ne­ver be estimated too highly, nor praised too much, gave us all the encouragement he could; assuring us he would never quit Algiers and leave us in slavery, altho' at this time he was not permitted to enter the Dey's palace. While we were in this sus­pense, we received the following letter from Col. David Humphreys, Esq. who likewise faithfully did for us all that could be done. [Page 63] Copy

A few days afterwards, Mr. Barlow got permission to see the Dey, with whom he made new arrangements, and our hopes were again revived.

About the first of April Mr. Donaldson sailed from Algiers destined for Leghorn (as we were informed) to procure the mo­ney for our Redemption.

At the time of his departure, the Plague that fatal epidemical disorder, had spread its alarm, in the country adjacent. And which soon made its appearance in the city, and carried off many of my fellow countrymen, when they were expecting every day to be called free men.

On the 9th of July we were informed by a letter from Mr. Barlow that we might ex­pect to be at Liberty within three or four days.

This filled our hearts with joy, and we imagined ourselves the happiest people in world. For a long period we had been suf­fering the most inhuman slavery; loaded with almost an insupportable weight of chains, and now expecting to enjoy Liberty; [Page 65] the greatest blessing human beings ever pos­sessed. And our expectations at this time were not visionary nor unfounded, as had often been the case with us before. For that worthy gentleman, Mr. Barlow had procured money for our redemption from Mr. Machio Baccri, a Jew belonging to Al­giers, which should be paid assoon as it could be counted.

What a joyful night, was this, we passed it with praises to our kind deliverer. And anticipations of ensuing freedom.

On the 10th at day break in the morning the Bagnio-keeper, informed us that all ta­ken under the American flag must stay in the Bagnio, and hold ourselves in readiness to go to the Dey's palace, and receive our (tiscaras) or pass-ports from the Dey, and that we should be embarked the next morn­ing.

On the 11th after the slaves of other na­tions had gone out to work, we were all called out of the Bagnio, and conducted by the Dey's chief clerk to the palace where we received our pass-ports from the Dey, and at 9 A. M. we all embarked on board a ship which had been captured by the French (formerly English) and condemned at Al­giers, and she now being the property of Mr. Baccri, a Jew belonging to that place.

[Page 66] On board of this ship were also forty eight Neapolitans, who had been ransomed three days before us.

On the 12th we received the provisions on board, and got ready for sea.

On the 13th, at 5, A. M, we got under way and stood to sea, at 7, A. M. we found a Neapolitan below, sick with the Plague, we then tack'd and stood into the bay again, and made signals for the harbour master to come on board. He boarded us at 9, and took the sick man on shore, we then tack'd and stood to sea again with a fresh breeze from the eastward, bound to Leghorn.

On the 14th, another Neapolitan was at­tacked with the plague. and died on the 16th.

On the 15th Captain Samuel E. Bayley was attacked with the plague, and we find­ing the plague begining to rage on board the ship, made all possible haste for Mar­seilles. On the 17th capt. Bayley died, and on the 2 [...]th we arrived at Marseilles, and on the 22d, all hands, except twelve who were left on board to take care of the ship, went on shore to the Lazaretto, where we performed a quarantine of Eighty Days, and nothing particular happened, during our residence here.

On the 7th October, we were visited by [Page 67] several Doctors, who finding us all in good health, gave us Praddick, at 10, A. M. we were conducted by a company of the city guards to the house of Stephen Catherlan, jun. esq. Vice Consul of the United States, for the city of Marseilles; he provided lod­gings and provisions for us all.

On the 8th, I shipped myself in the capa­city of first mate, on board the ship Fortune of Philadelphia, commanded by Michael Smith.

On the 17th November we sailed from Marseilles, bound to Bona, (in the state of Algiers) where we arrived after a passage of twenty days, which brought it to the 7th of December.

On the 21st we began to take on board our cargo, and finished loading on the 15th of January '97, and sailed for Marseilles on the 17th.

On the 24th, being in latt. 37, 26, N. and long. 6, 56, E. was boarded by his Britan­nic Majesty's ship Pallas, treated politely and permitted to proceed on our voyage.

Feb. 5th, at 6, A. M. Marseilles light house bore N. N. E. about nine leagues distance, wind N. N. W. at 11, A. M. was captured by his Britannic Majesty's ships, Inconstant and Blanche, and ordered to Porto Ferrajo, in the island of Elba, where we arrived on [Page 68] the 15th and were all sent on shore on the 16th, and not allowed to stay on board the prize or frigate, except we would enter in his Britannic Majestys service, and none be­ing willing to enter; George Tilley was impressed on board the Inconstant; Richard Hales, Matthew Johnson and William Lac­key entered on board the Union, a British transport. The rest of us determined not to enter, we procured a passage for Leg­horn. Having been robbed of the greatest part of our cloathes, and all our money, by the captors, we found it very difficult to subsist until the vessel was ready to sail.

We sailed for Leghorn on the 23d, and arrived on the 24th, and were kept in qua­rantine until the 5th of March, on which day capt. Smith arrived from Porto Ferra­jo, and sailed for Marseilles on the 10th, with all the rest of the ships crew, but my­self and Moses Brown, Brown being sick in the hospital.

On the 20th I sailed from Leghorn in an open boat for Piombino, in the dominions of the king of Naples, to which place Mr. Donaldson went by land. I arrived at Piombino on the 21st, and Mr. Donaldson arrived the 22d; on the 23d we sailed for Porto Ferrajo, and arrived the same even­ing.

[Page 69] On the 24th, we sailed for Leghorn, and arrived on the 26th.

On the 2d of April I embarked on board the Madona del rasario e san vincenzo faera­ro, of Ragusa, in the capacity of a passen­ger, bound to Philadelphia, and sailed on the 4th, and on the 11th was captured by a Spanish privateer and carried into Barcelo­na; was cleared on the 12th and sailed a­gain, and on the 20th was captured by a French privateer and carried into Almeria, treated politely and cleared on the 22d and sailed. On the 29th, the wind having been contrary for several days, we run into Ma­laga, where we waited for a fair wind until the 21st of May. We then sailed, and on the 22d was boarded by his Britannic Ma­jesty's ship Petterel, treated very well and permitted to proceed on our voyage.

On the 23d at 6 A. M. was boarded by two Spanish privateers, (Gibraltar then bear­ing W. N. W. 3 leagues distant) and carri­ed into Ceuta, and I having struck one of the privateers men with a sword, and wound­ed him on the arm; was put into a dun­geon, ironed hands and feet. Where I was kept about an hour and a half, and then let out. The vessel was cleared the same even­ing, and we sailed for Philadelphia.

[Page 70] On the 28th lat. 31, 54 N. long. 17, 25 W, was boarded by a Spanish privateer, and robbed of a quantity of provisions, and the greatest part of our cloathes, and then per­mitted to proceed. On the 1st July was boarded by his Britannic Majesty's ship Wool­wich, treated politely, and permitted to pro­ceed on our voyage. We being very short of provisions, endeavoured to get some from on board the Woolwich, but could not be supplied, she being as short as our­selves.

On the 24th, lat. 38, 20. N. lon. 74, 10, W. spoke the brig Jefferson from St. Croix bound to Philadelphia, from whom we got a supply of provisions, having been about 40 days upon less than one biscuit per day, and nothing else except oil, and wine.

On the 25th at 4 A. M. saw Cape May bearing W. b. N. about 6 leagues distant. at 11 took on board a pilot and stood in for the land, wind N. W. on the 28th arrived at Philadelphia, where I remained (being in an indisposition) until the 11th August.

I then sailed in the quality of a passenger on board the Schooner Jay, belonging to Ed­gartown, commanded by David Smith, for Boston where we arrived on the 17th.—On the 23d I took passage for Newburyport where I arrived the same evening.

[Page 71] Thus out of 9 persons who left Baltimore on board the Brig Polly, 4 only returned, as follows: Michael Smith, first mate, Ben­jamin Edwards second Mate, Moses Brown mariner, and myself, the rest all died with the plague.

A List of American vessels, and their Crews, captured by the Algerines, in July, 1785, and October and November 1793.

N. B. Those marked with this * mark, were attacked with the Plague and recover­ed.