A MOURNFUL pleasure, like that experienced by the Bard of Caledonia, on the review of past joys, swells every breast, at the remembrance of the day, which we are now convened to celebrate. The train of ideas being once awaked, reflection traces back the long-shared toils, dangers, and glo­ries, of a seven-years war. It traces, also, the tri­umph of liberty over oppression, and the acclama­tions of millions, at the birth of our empire. The events of the past, connected with the prospect of the future, diffuse a pleasing melancholy over the soul, elevate it above every mean and selfish passion; above the ordinary scenes of amusement, or the com­mon concerns of life; and temper it for the contem­plation of those objects, in which our national wel­fare is more immediately interested.

To draw the descriptive pencil over those illustri­ous [Page 6] deeds, by which our independence was atchieved, would be a pleasing, but unnecessary employment. They already live on the glowing canvas; they roll in the Poet's numbers, and give rapture to his song; they shine on the Historian's page, and reflect their light into future ages.

To contemplate the superior excellence of our Constitution, and our national prosperity since its adoption, would be equally pleasing,—and perhaps equally unnecessary. If our Constitution is, in fact, as we believe it is, the most perfect fabric, which human wisdom could raise, and, at the same time, human frailties support, its perpetuity, and happy influence on its subjects, will confer on it the most complete eulogium. And if, as a nation, we are prosperous, beyond our most sanguine expecta­tions, unless we prove ourselves worthy of that pros­perity, it will only afford us the greater reason for humiliation.

The works of Creation cast a brighter light on the page of sacred history, and strike the mind with more astonishment, than the works of Providence: Yet it is certain, that the latter cost the same efforts of Almighty power as the former. The preservation of the world is but a perpetual creation of it. In a similar manner, the train of events, which gave po­litical existence to our nation,—which produced, from the chaos of oppression, amid the conflict of contending principles, a beautiful and harmonious system of republican government, pours a greater effulgence on the mental eye, than the most arduous labors of wise statesmen to perpetuate its existence: Yet it is as certain, in this case, as in the other, and it is our duty, as citizens, to remember it, that the preservation of our government requires no less ex­ertions, than were required to establish it.

[Page 7]Among those means, which are calculated to de­stroy a free government, none will be found more efficient than PARTY SPIRIT. It has long been said, and sanctioned by the authority of Heaven, that, "A HOUSE DIVIDED AGAINST ITSELF CANNOT STAND."

The first stroke, which a division of sentiment in the people directs at a government like ours, is, to discourage public officers in the execution of their duty. Good men in office are influenced in the out­lines of their conduct, by a sense of duty; but it is the general confidence of their constituents alone, which can animate and support them, through diffi­culty and danger. We can be at no loss on this subject, when we hear the great WASHINGTON declare to his fellow citizens, ‘If benefits have re­sulted to our country from my services, let it al­ways be remembered to your praise, and as an in­structive example in our annals, that under cir­cumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appear­ances sometimes dubious,—vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging,—in situations in which not un­frequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism,—the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guaran­tee of the plans by which they were effected.’ — But among a divided people, the best and wisest magistrate can hope for no more, at most, than the confidence and support of the largest party.

As party spirit tends to discourage public officers in the execution of their duty, so also it equally tends to diminish a sense of their responsibility. The re­putation of men, in office, is a pledge to the people, for the faithful discharge of the trust committed to their hands. But, with the party in opposition to [Page 8] them, and their measures, they have no reputation to lose, no approbation to secure.

In public councils, party spirit is attended with consequences still more ruinous. The minds of its votaries are so completely engrossed in projects for defeating their rivals, that they become blind to the light of reason, and deaf to the calls of duty. Enga­ged in the accomplishment of this object, they lose sight of the public good. A measure of universal utility is frequently abandoned, by one party, for no other reason, than that it must embrace the other party also, within the circle of its benefits. Some­times, even the personal advantages of one party are sacrificed, in order to involve the other party, in the same sacrifice. The reins of government are thus committed to the sport of chance. As differ­ent parties prevail, different measures succeed, which, by their repugnancy to measures already adopted, defeat their own objects. Or, to make the most fa­vourable supposition; let the same party invariably compose the majority, and hold, of course, the as­cendancy, still the opposite party are capable of ef­fecting infinite mischief. Though they may not be able ultimately to defeat the measures of the majority; yet, by their opposition, they may retard those mea­sures, and, in this way, destroy the effects, which they were designed to produce. Such has ever been the line of policy pursued by the Jacobinic party, in this country; and, by a strict adherence to it, have their treacherous plots been attended with a degree of success, alarming to every friend of American liberty.

All subordination depends upon opinion. There exists not a government on earth, where the physical strength does not reside in the governed. Some obey from reason, and some from self-interest: But it is a reverence, founded in prescription, for the laws [Page 9] and magistrates of their country, which alone pre­vents a large majority of the subjects, from exer­cising their natural powers, and trampling those laws, with their authors, under foot. Party spirit always weakens, and not unfrequently destroys, this reverence. The next step is a riot, and then an in­surrection. These evils the United States have al­ready experienced. They have indeed been sup­pressed, but the cause remains; and unless the most vigorous exertions are made to exterminate it, our nation, bright as its prospects have appeared, will, in all probability, soon be convulsed with a civil war. When once that class of people, who have neither character, property, nor Religion, and are, of course, in no way responsible, have begun to assume the rights of sovereignty, and dictate law to those, who have character, property and religion, we may rest assured, that a state of anarchy, the worst kind of civil war, is at no great distance. It is already commenced.

Party spirit, where its influence is less operative, destroys the tranquillity of society. It excites terrify­ing apprehensions, in the fearful; exhibits visionary scenes of danger, to the credulous, and perplexes the most firm and enlightened, with doubt and anx­iety. It raises false alarms to serve its own views, and, aided by the lying breath of interested dema­gogues, agitates the whole community with "strifes and animosities." It occasions ill founded jealousies between citizen and citizen; it awakens the remem­brance of injuries once forgiven, and 'till now for­gotten; it engenders distrust, in the bosom of friend­ship; and ripens that distrust into confirmed hatred. It produces, in the lower ranks of society, club-fight­ing; in the higher ranks, duelling. It is the parent of contention, and the nurse of disorder.

Among other evils, which it produces, small com­pared [Page 10] with destruction of government, but of infinite importance, as they respect individual happiness, that of slander is not the least. It is a remark of the late President Washington, that, ‘One of the ex­pedients of party to acquire influence within par­ticular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts.’ It is the great cha­racteristic of all partizans, to labor for their own ad­vancement, on the ruins of their adversaries; to en­deavor to promote their own views, and extend their own [...], by thwarting the views, and contract­ing the influence, of others. In the pursuit of this object, they unfeelingly stain the fairest characters with reproach. To the most upright line of con­duct, they attribute the [...] motives. They hurl promiscuously, on all opposed to them, shafts of calumny, which no purity of sentiment, no sanctity of manners, no benevolence of soul, can avert; and whose points, the virtues of angels could not blunt. The common argument in palliation of slander, that the press in this country, is free from restraints, and through that medium, the slandered character may recover to itself its primitive lustre, is too contempt­ible, to require a serious refutation. Let me ask any one, but a fool or a madman, if he will suffer me to plunge a dagger in his breast, because it is possible, that, by medical assistance, he may heal the wound? The man of upright conduct, and ingenuous senti­ments, spurns at the idea of having his character called in question.

The effects of party spirit, in calling off the at­tention of the people, from their proper employ­ments, to political speculations, are of too great im­portance to pass unnoticed. No sooner does the mind, among the lower classes of society, persuade itself that it belongs to a party, than it swells, in its own estimation, to an uncommon size. The farmer quits his plough, and the mechanic his tools, to dis­cuss [Page 11] subjects of national importance in a grog-shop. A few draughts inspire them with the wisdom of sa­ges, and qualify them to move in higher spheres, than those marked out for them by the illiberal hand of fortune. The farm and the factory soon become unworthy of their attention; a distressed wife and family of children are unfeelingly reduced from com­petence to beggary; every habit of industry and pri­vate usefulness is expelled their own breasts; they live on the plunder of their neighbours; and, "idle to do good," are prepared for any enterprize, which originates in wickedness, and has for its object the subversion of religion and government.

In the higher classes of society, the evil, though of a different nature, is no less extensive. It is al­ways incident to the human mind, whenever it is engaged in the attainment of any object, to consider that as the only object of importance. Hence, among political partizans, there will ever exist a restless am­bition for political preferment. Passing over the vile arts which are too often practised in order to accom­plish their wishes, we are led to a scene, more pain­ful to the philanthropist, because the happiness of more generations is involved in it. For the acqui­sition of personal interest, and the extension of per­sonal power, the arts and sciences are neglected, the great duties of morality and religion cease to be ex­plained and enforced; and literary merit, if it hap­pens to exist, "wants even the cheap reward of empty praise."

The tumults, which party spirit produces at elec­tions, may, with propriety, be registered in the cat­alogue of its evils. If party spirit, on common oc­casions, disturbs the peace of society, it is to be expected, that when the interests of the parties are put to issue, the disturbances will rise higher propor­tionably to the greater agitation of their passions.— [Page 12] In those parts of the country, where unanimity of sentiment prevails, the inhabitants can form no just conception of the rancour, billingsgate and violence at­tendant on elections, under the influence of party spirit.

These are serious evils: And yet they are of little consequence, because of short duration, compared with that arising from the tendency, which party spirit has, to prevent the introduction of wise, mo­derate and independent men, into the councils of government. In a period of civil dissentions, the business of legislation is not to apply the general principles of justice and policy, as they exist in the nature of things, to the exigencies of society; but to carry into execution an artificial, pre-determined system. The part, which legislators are to act, is settled upon, before they are chosen. They are only required to go upon the stage, and play it off from the prompt-book of their constituents. Instead of regulating their conduct by uniform principles, they are to bend principles to a line of conduct already marked out. It follows, that he, who has the best address, who has the most zeal and practical skill in the arts of intrigue, who, in short, can play his part to the best advantage, will be certain of success:— While the man of extensive knowledge, of sober tho't, of clear discernment, and a disposition for im­passionate investigation, will be treated with neglect.

[Page 13]Party spirit opens the avenues to foreign influence. —While the passions of the parties are excited, any nation, which will flatter their views, may be secure of their favors. Hence originate passionate attach­ments for particular nations, and inveterate anti­pathies against others. The evils arising from these attachments, and these antipathies, are of the most alarming nature. To adopt better language than my own,— ‘The nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of um­brage, and to be haughty and intractable, when ac­cidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.— Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes the liberty, of nations has been the victim.’

‘So likewise, a passionate attachment of one na­tion for another produces a variety of evils. Sym­pathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illu­sion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infu­sing into one, the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the con­cessions; by unnecessary parting with what ought [Page 14] to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the par­ties from whom equal privileges are withheld:— And it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens, who devote themselves to the favorite nation, facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity, guilding with the appearan­ces of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commenda­ble deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compli­ances of ambition, corruption or infatuation. ^*’

It is a property ever attendant on party spirit to precipitate its victories into extremes. The differ­ent parties, according to their natures and disposi­tions, conceive a predilection for some system of measures and opinions; and the opposition, with which they meet, in the accomplishment of their fa­vorite object, soon plunges them into an excessive attachment for it.

The two extremes to which the present faction leads, are, a too great adherence to ancient opinions, habits and institutions, on the one hand, and, inno­vation on the other. The former prevents all fu­ture improvements in the arts and sciences; in agri­culture, commerce and manufactures; in religion, and politics. If our ancestors had gone fully into this extreme, we should, at this time, have been grouping in ignorance and superstition. We should have been chtined to the same dull round of employ­ments, from age to age; our eyes would never have opened on the sun of liberty; our minds would ne­ver have been warmed with the beams of science. The other extreme is attended with consequences still more pernicious. The former, although it pre­vents [Page 15] all future improvements, effectually secures our present enjoyments; but the latter loosens, from the foundation, every settled principle, upon which the happiness of past ages has been supported, and upon which the happiness of posterity depends; gives to the sport of winds our dearest rights; and introduces confusion to the bosom of peace.

The leading principle of the innovating party, is, to attack every thing ancient and venerable, with a degree of rage proportionable to its antiquity, and the veneration attached to it. Religion has, of course, become the first object of their vengeance. France murdered her religion, before she dared to murder her king, and the innocent inhabitants of half of Europe. The partizans of France in America ban­ished the precepts of the gospel from their breasts, before they ventur'd to conspire against the country, which gave them birth. For the benevolent prin­ciples of Christianity, they substituted the wild dog­mas of infidel philosophy, a philosophy, originating in wickedness, founded in error, and subversive of the peace and happiness of society. It not only strikes at the root of all morality, but shakes the very foun­dation of the law of the land. It undermines the judicial system, and the whole fabric, reared by the work of ages, totters at once to the ground. Un­der what obligations are Judges to decree with jus­tice, witnesses to testify the truth, or ministerial offi­cers to exercise their duty, unless influenced by the hopes and fears of that state, which the philosophy of France teaches us to deride? Unless influenced, by the hopes of gaining the approbation, or the fears of incurring the displeasure, of that Being, whom the philosophy of France teaches us to disregard, to des­pise, to insult?—Extinguish the light of revelation, or divert its influence from the hearts of men,—the forms of Courts become but solemn mockeries, and SO HELP ME GOD serves only for the chorus to an oath. Happy for France, for America▪ and for [Page 16] the world, did the demoralizing principles of this philosophy extend their baneful influence no far­ther. They snatch from afflicted minds the balm of comfort, they cloud the chearful heart, with terrify­ing apprehensions; they take away the solace of de­clining years; and present the youthful imagination, with the gloomy prospect of temporary woe, and final annihilation. They scatter thorns in the path of the rich; they enter the poor man's cottage, and destroy his only consolation amidst the distresses of life. "I can conceive a distressed but virtuous man," says a British Orator of the present day, ‘surround­ed by children looking up to him for bread, when he has none to give them, sinking under the last day's labor, and unequal to the next; yet still looking up with confidence to the hour, when all tears shall be wiped from the eyes of affliction, bearing the burden laid upon him by a mysteri­ous providence which he adores, and looking for­ward with exultation to the revealed promises of his Creator, when he shall be greater than the greatest, and happier than the happiest of man­kind. ^*’ But the wretched philosophy of France blots every consideration of this nature, from the mind; "for the book of knowledge" presents it "with an universal blank."

To complete the group of evils, which are the le­gitimate offspring of party spirit, let me add a muti­lated commerce, and a sullied reputation. In the train of this group, will appear every possible injury and insult, which the versatility of Frenchmen could invent, and which the most unbounded ambition and avarice could carry into execution.

I shall but repeat a truth, with which every Ameri­can is, by sad experience, acquainted, when I ob­serve, [Page 17] that the United States have lately received in­juries, from the hands of France, greater in degree; and of a more pernicious tendency in their nature, than any other nation has dared to offer, since our fore-fathers fled from the oppression of European Courts, and sought, in this then uncultivated coun­try, an asylum for peace and independence. She has perseveringly infringed the most essential rights of our sovereignty, and has, at least implicitly, if not directly, demanded a surrender of our independence. She has spurned at the most solemn obligations, which compact could create; and has violated treaties, with the indifference of a child, in demolishing his puerile constructions. From the passing of the decree of the ninth of May, 1793, to the present day, she has, with the exception of a few weeks, while that decree lay repealed, invariably made our commerce the ob­ject of her plunder. She has unblushingly commit­ted, on our vessels, piracies which would disgrace a nation of Algerines. She has unfeelingly inflicted, on our seamen, cruelties, which would cast a darker shade on the character of savages. She has treated our nation, through its official organs, with a degree of contempt, which stands without a parallel, on the history of diplomatic intercourse.

The important question now arises, To what cause is the production of these evils to be attributed? I boldly pronounce, and the proposition is too capable of proof, that they are principally to be attributed to the traitorous efforts of the partizans of France in America.

In opposition to the sentiment, which I advance, it has been asserted, that our treaty with Great-Britain was the real cause of the injuries, which we have re­ceived from France; and, also, that it afforded a sufficient justification of the conduct of France, in inflicting those injuries.

[Page 18]Neither of these assertions is true. The latter has been most amply refuted, in the late memorial of our Envoys Extraordinary, to the minister of foreign relations. The most offensive part of the British Treaty is that article, which permits British cruizers and ships of war to take the property of French citi­zens, out of American bottoms. The propriety of this measure was fully warranted, by the right of the captors, under the circumstances of the case, to ex­ercise such a power. The treaty of commerce made between France and the United States, in 1778, sti­pulated, that neither party should take out of the vessels of the other, the goods of its enemy. But with England, no such stipulation had been made; and of course, the rights of that nation remained pre­cisely in the situation, in which the laws of nations place them. What then is the doctrine of the laws of nations on this subject? There is perhaps no one point more luminous, than that war gives, to a bel­ligerent power, a right to seize and confiscate the goods of its enemy. It follows, that the conduct of the American Government, in forming the treaty with Great-Britain, furnished no just cause of um­brage to the French nation.

The other assertion, that the British Treaty did, in fact, occasion the injuries, which we have received from France, is equally false. The British Treaty was concluded, at London, on the 19th Nov. 1794. In a short time afterwards, Mr. Jay communicated one of the most important articles, as it respected France, to our minister at Paris. Before the 17th Aug. 1795, the whole Treaty was published in France, with the proceedings of the Senate upon it. On the 20th October following, our minister declared officially to our government, in express terms, that no complaint had then been made to him against the Treaty. About two months afterwards, he wrote again to our Secretary of State, and informed him, [Page 19] that, with regard to the effect, which the Treaty had produced in the councils of the French govern­ment, he had nothing material new to add. So that, at the expiration of four months from the publica­tion of the Treaty, in France, and of more than a year from the signing of it, at London, no discon­tents had been excited in the French Government, which our minister deemed of sufficient importance, to be worth communicating to our Secretary of State.

In America, the discontents arose against the Treaty, merely on the ground of its operating against the interests of France, even before it was published. Those who had been disappointed, in the attainment of the first offices of government, and, as a natural consequence, soured at the administration of their successful competitors; those who had been violently opposed to the President's Proclamation of Neutral­ity, and still more opposed to the appointment of an Envoy Extraordinary to the Court of Great-Britain, were prepared to arraign and condemn the justice and policy of the Treaty, without knowing its con­tents. They accordingly published partial extracts from it, as soon as it arrived, and gave those extracts a false colouring, with a view to prepossess the pub­lic mind against the instrument. The object of the Treaty was misrepresented, and every important ar­ticle, especially such as any stretch of the imagina­tion could possibly connect with the interests of France, was slandered in the vilest manner. All the passions of America were roused, before the people had opportunity to examine the Treaty, and reflect upon its operation. The minister of the French Re­public was, at this time, in the midst of the scene of action. He became personally acquainted with most of the leaders of the French faction, and possessed their confidence, in the highest degree. He acquired a thorough knowledge of all the objections which they had been able to invent, in the national councils, and [Page 20] in private clubs. He knew the exact force of the opposition, and understood the means of fomenting and increasing it. With this information, Fauchet returned to France. He communicated the informa­tion to his government. It had been almost ingrati­tude, in the Directory, not to have seconded the en­deavours of their devoted partizans, in America. Influenced, as they have ever been, by motives of ambition and avarice, it had formed a new trait in their character, had they not, at least, accepted the opposition to the Treaty, as a pretext for the depre­dations which they had, at times, been committing, and which they wished to continue, upon our com­merce. Hence, we discover the true grounds of all discontents, which have ever arisen, in France, against the British Treaty.

It is a serious fact, capable of proof from authentic documents, that certain characters in the United States, have inculcated, with matchless industry, an opinion, that the great body of the American people are so blindly attached to the French Republic, and their glorious cause, that they will submit to any measures which France may think proper to adopt for the accomplishment of her ambitious views.

The depredations of France, on our commerce, commenced with the operation of the Decree of the 9th of May, 1793. Our Minister, in France, at that time Mr. Morris, remonstrated against that De­cree, as it would be attended with the most ruinous effects upon our commercial interests; and was en­deavoring to obtain a repeal of it, when he was su­perceded, on account of some imprudent conduct, by Mr. Monroe. The official conduct of this Min­ister furnishes the highest evidence of a disposition to sacrifice the interests of America, to those of France. Instead of pursuing the line of policy, marked out by our Executive, and adopted, in part, by his prede­cessor, [Page 21] he went forward, of his own accord, and in­formed the Committee of Public Safety, in his first written communication, that, he was not instructed to complain of the Decree authorizing a departure from the 23d and 24th articles of the "Treaty of Amity and Commerce," and declared further, that, "He well knew on the contrary that if upon consid­eration, after the experiment made, they should be of opinion, that it produced any solid benefit to the Republic, THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT, AND HIS COUNTRYMEN IN GENERAL, WOULD NOT ONLY BEAR THE DEPARTURE WITH PATIENCE BUT WITH PLEA­SURE." ^* The Committee soon informed him that —"They were persuaded their COMPLIANCE with the articles alluded to would be USEFUL TO US, but VERY DETRIMENTAL TO THEM." Mr. Monroe immediately replied, that, "HE HAD NOTHING NEW TO ADD TO WHAT HE HAD ALREADY SAID ON THAT HEAD." ^† What else does this amount to, than an agreement with the French Republic, that certain articles of a solemn Treaty might, on their part, be disregarded? How directly is the sentiment enforc­ed, that, "THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES WILL BEAR WITH PATIENCE, AND EVEN WITH PLEA­SURE," any measures however oppressive and inju­rious to their interests, provided only the good of France may be promoted? Is it any thing less than telling the French Republic, "Trample on our com­merce, and we will smile under the injury; prostrate our Independence, and we will kiss the hand that offers the insult."

I shall notice but one other part of Mr. Monroe's official conduct, which evinces a disposition in him [Page 22] to subject his country, to the will of France. In con­tempt of his instructions, which were positive and unequivocal on that head, he encouraged the French Republic, in a project, to obtain by loans, from the United States, a sum of money, to enable it to pro­secute the war. In a Note to the Committee of Public Safety, he observes, ‘It is the wish of the French Republic to obtain, by loan, a sum of mo­ney, from the United States, TO ENABLE IT TO PROSECUTE THE WAR. This is to be expected from three sources; the general government, the state government, and from individuals. The French cause, and the French nation, are greatly regarded in America, and I AM PERSUADED SOME MONEY, AND PERHAPS A VERY RESPECTABLE SUM, MAY BE OBTAINED FROM THE THREE SOURCES ABOVE MENTIONED.’ In a letter ^* to the Secre­tary of State, a short time afterwards, he writes,— ‘I AM PERSUADED THE AMOUNT EXPECTED MIGHT BE OBTAINED BY LOAN, AND I AM EQUALLY SO, THAT THE PEOPLE WOULD CHEERFULLY BEAR A TAX, THE PRODUCT OF WHICH WAS TO BE APPLI­ED IN AID OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.’ We are elsewhere informed, that the "AMOUNT EXPECTED" was FIVE MILLIONS of Dollars. As the money, was to be lent for the express purpose of ENABLING FRANCE TO PROSECUTE THE WAR, a grant of the loan would not have been merely a departure from neutrality; it would have been taking an active part in the war,—the only active part, which it was possible for us, under our circumstances, to take.— If this project of our Minister had been attended with success, it would have involved the United States, like Batavia, and the other provinces of France, in the most deplorable slavery. We should have trem­bled at the frowns, and depended for our very exist­ence on the smiles, of an imperious master. The [Page 23] United States would have been "a republic with­out a will," and our citizens "freemen without a power over their persons or property."

When the late Dispatches arrived, a degree of sur­prize was every where expressed, at the insolence of the French Republic, in their enormous demands upon our government: but when we consider that these very demands were encouraged, by our own minis­ter, more than three years ago, and have been en­couraged, by multitudes of the French faction, in this country, ever since, our surprize, at the con­duct of France, ought to change into indignation, at the perfidy of our own citizens.

The line of conduct pursued by the present Vice-President of the United States, since his return from his embassy to France, evinces a disposition to sacri­fice the interests of his own nation, to those of a fo­reign Power. Though he has had the address to conceal the greater part of his measures, behind the scenes of office, it is well known, that he has ever been the great Manager of the Gallieo-Anarchic-De­mocratic Farce, which has, for some time past, been played in this country, with so much success. Glory to the God of Peace, the taste of the Spectators has changed, and its Patrons are now falling into con­tempt! Soon after he was appointed to the office of Secretary of State, he patronized a Gazette, ^† the avowed object of which was to exhibit the measures of the Executive and of Congress, in an odious light to the people. Through this medium, he then sowed the seeds of civil discord, and is now inviting the Des­pots of France to reap the harvest. While he held one language with the Ministers of the French Re­public in his official capacity, he, at the same time, held a directly opposite language, in his private ca­pacity. [Page 24] When the posture of our affairs became so critical, that he could no longer hold his office, and retain the confidence of France, he retired. Since he has been elected to his present office, he has countenanced and recommended a Gazette, ^* teem­ing with all that is virulent and abusive against the government, and its administration. But, it is un­necessary to cite these facts, to prove, that he pos­sesses a disposition, hostile to the government, and the true interests of America. His own words con­demn him. In a letter ^† to a correspondent in Europe, he inveighs against the government, in the bitterest terms. He laments the change, from the old Con­federation, to the new Constitution. He declares, ‘That we have already the form of the British go­vernment, and that it is the avowed object of the party in opposition to him, (among whom are, as he observes, the "Executive power, the Judici­ary power, all the Officers of government,") &c. to impose upon us its substance.’

In our National Legislature, especially in the lower branch, an unjustifiable partiality for France, to the exclusion of a regard for the interests of our own coun­try, is still more manifest. We there hear, in open, sol­emn debate, one Member unblushingly declare, that, let France oppress, injure and insult us, as much as she pleases; "all we have to do is to draw ourselves within our shell." ^‡ Another observes, that, ‘We had better suffer the French to go on with their depredations, unjust and enormous as they are, than to take any step which may lead to war. ^‖’ —The language, indeed, of the whole party, as appears from the de­bates, is in the same strain.

[Page 25]The long and uninterrupted harmony between the measures of the French government, and those of their partizans, in America, were there no other proof, furnishes a sufficient presumption of a combi­nation between them. It is notorious, that, for a long time past, whatever has been done in France by the ruling power of the day, has been approved and justified so soon as it was known by the French fac­tion here; and whatever the French faction has, from time to time, attempted or avowed here, has been maintained and advocated by the ruling power there. —I should as soon believe in the production of the world, by a fortuitous concourse of atoms, as that this harmony of measures and sentiment proceeded from accident. It is a system, which has been ma­turing for years, and has, for its foundation, ambi­tion, on the one hand, and party spirit, on the other. France, ambitious of regulating the affairs of Ame­rica, as well as of Europe, is willing to bestow her aid, on men, who are expected to be devoted to her will; while the Jacobinic faction, in this country, precipitated by the blind impulse of party spirit, are willing, rather than not accomplish their views, to fly for aid, to a foreign nation.

Such, then, are the evils of party spirit:—It dis­courages public officers in the execution of their duty; it diminishes a sense of their responsibility; it distracts the public councils, and renders the mea­sures of government slow and ineffectual; it always weakens, and frequently destroys that reverence for the laws and magistrates, by which alone good order in society is maintained; it disturbs the happiness of the citizens, by occasioning ill-founded jealousies, false alarms, and animosities of one party against the other; it opens a flood-gate to slander; it precipi­tates its votaries into extremes, and renders them deaf to the voice of reason, and blind to the conse­quences [Page 26] of their actions; it diverts the attention of the people, among the middle ranks of society, from their proper employments, to political speculations; in the higher classes, it creates a restless ambition for political preferment, to the neglect of more lasting fame; it excites tumults and violence at elections; it prevents the introduction of wise, moderate and inde­pendent men into the councils of government; it opens the avenues to foreign influence; and, it has already produced the most lawless depredations, on our commerce, and the most abusive insults, to our go­vernment, which were ever offered, by any power, but the Despots of France, to a neutral and inde­pendent nation.

Yet even these evils, if duly improved, may lay the foundation for lasting advantages. The storms of faction may purify the political atmosphere. We may be roused from that lethargy, into which a long and uninterrupted state of peace and prosperity might have sunk us. We may be awakened to discern our true interests, to discriminate between the friends and foes to our government, to discover latent sources of danger, to take proper measures of defence against foreign enemies; to call forth public spirit, and to enlarge our views of national greatness.

If union of sentiment and measures was ever ne­cessary, the present period demands it. By our own dissentions, we have brought ourselves to the brink of ruin. France, intoxicated with the victories of her arms, and the success of her diplomatic intrigues, now aims at the universal subjugation of the human race. Most of the surrounding nations, who had neither strength to repel her force, nor wisdom to resist her arts of seduction, have already fallen vic­tims to her lawless ambition. Encouraged by the unhappy divisions, which have, for a long time, dis­tracted our citizens, and enervated our councils; [Page 27] confiding equally in the greatness of her power, and the efforts of her partizans here, she has, at length, assailed the Independence of the United States. The wretched catastrophe of Holland, Genoa, Venice, the States of Italy, and the Swiss Cantons, afford us a solemn momento, to shun, like the arrows of death, the intrigues of Frenchmen; to resist, with an ener­gy worthy of the American character, the least in­vasion of our rights. We deprecate the evils of war. We have felt them, and, from contrasting them with the blessings of peace, we know what they are, as well as any nation upon earth. At the same time, we still more deprecate the evils of oppression. To maintain our Independence, is the most sacred of du­ties. Its price was too great, its value is too inesti­mable, to be surrendered, while we have life to en­joy it, or nerves to defend it. Gratitude to the God of armies, for having rescued us from the oppression of one foreign power, forbids us tamely to submit to another. Reverence for the [...]ral Governor of the Universe, forbids us to bow the knee to those, who have conspired to subvert his eternal throne. The glory of the American empire, the happiness of fu­ture generations, demand the most vigorous exer­tions, in the defence of our rights.

The Youth of our country are emphatically called upon to unite. While we were dandled in the nurses arms, or, perhaps, before we awoke into existence, our fathers fought and bled, for the establishment of peace, liberty, and independence. To perpetuate these invaluable privileges, is a solemn charge, which peculiarly devolves upon us. If by our dissentions, or pusillanimity, we suffer them to be impaired, the toils and sufferings of the venerable band, on whose account we are this day assembled, will rise against us; the blood of those, who have fallen martyrs in the cause of Freedom, will reproach us; the voices of oppressed millions, through future ages, will con­demn [Page 28] us. Unite, then, and prepare for the defence of all that is sacred,—all that is dear. Let it never be told, in future story, that the SONS of FREE­MEN were DASTARDS.