THOSE who call to mind the dismal, gloomy state of despondency we were all in at the very time (and for a year or two before) our deputies were fram­ing our now constitution; the then very small hopes, from a variety of symptoms, that when met, any would be fixed upon, so as to be generally agree to; the very long and warm disputes and opposite opinions that hap­pened amongst themselves upon that most important oc­casion; the turn, notwithstanding, as it were all at once, of all the states present, unanimously to consent to re­commend the federal form we have; that the states also should separately debate as warmly on the acceptance of this form; that at last all the states of the union should universally adopt it; and above all, that this form should contain in itself, extracted from the democratical, the aristocratical, and the absolute systems, whatever is worth having from each, clear of, and guarded from, all the shocking and pernicious tendencies each of those systems are exposed to, and have at times been woefully felt by the subjects of either: I say, those who weigh these occurrences alone, (many more as extraordinary might be adduced) and do not perceive a kind fostering hand of Providence leading the United States to the formation and universal adoption at last, of our therefore excel­lent, and let me add, almost miraculously-made consti­tution, must, I think, be looked upon, if possible, as [Page 4]great unbelievers as Mr. Paine seems to make himself to be. And here let me notice, en passant, a clause in a letter of this Mr. Paine to our President, dated at Paris but in July last, in which he styles himself an Anti-Con­stitutionalist, not wishing to be called an Anti-Federalist— ‘It was only (says he) the absolute necessity of some federal authority extending equally over all the states, that an instrument so inconsistent as the federal con­stitution is, obtained a suffrage.’ By this, 'tis plain, he seems to think our constitution ought now to be kicked out, being in itself so "inconsistent" and not worth "a suffrage." Whatever may have been Mr. Paine's private thoughts, as he well knew what was brewed and brewing in July last in Paris against us, this passage carries more the appearance of the malevolence of an insidious enemy wishing to stir up divisions amongst us to favour the views of France, than any glimpse of the feeling, sympa­thizing affection of a cordial citizen, what he affects still to call himself.

An idea of perfection seems to be implanted in our nature, far beyond what the best man can attain to in prac­tice: our works are like ourselves; in the most correct, imperfections may be spied.

Some men of a strange turn, fond of laying hold of the least slips, even in the best plans, to overset them, seem always for pulling down whatever may be proposed, without ever attempting, themselves, to substitute any thing in its place, however absolutely necessary that something should be done. Mr. Paine seems to be one of these pull-down politicians. His Common Sense is a capital work of this cast, acknowledged to have been well-timed, and of very great service to us all in our struggle with Great-Britain; but, still, not so necessary by any means, that we should not have succeeded with­out it: however, for this we were much obliged to his [Page 5]pull-down qualities. But has he not now entirely can­celled all this obligation, by endeavouring to pull down our constitution, and by that means throw us back again into the same gloomy, desponding state we were in before it existed? Happy for us, he was not here to be con­cerned in the building it, his talents not laying that way. Pulling down is his forte; here, in my opinion, while he kept to quid valeant humeri, his true political line, none exceeded him: but his Age of Reason has run his bark bump ashore, and made him appear in as odd a charac­ter there, as the bear in the boat, turned sailor.

I confess I should be glad to see something built up by a man so long employed only in pulling down: it must, I think, be a curiosity indeed: any strong arm, with (I had almost said without) any head, may be suf­ficient to pull down a fine building; but, to erect a tol­erably convenient one, that may be indispensably neces­sary, in its room, a nice hand, guided by a head furnished with many data in the building way, that Mr. Paine has never hitherto appeared possessed of, seems not to be dispensed with.

Hitherto, in Mr. Paine's various political works of pulling down, he has offered reasons; but his bare ipse dixit he seems to think sufficient to make us ashamed of our constitution. But my worthy fellow citizens, under this "so inconsistent" a constitution, not worth "a suf­frage," according to Mr. Paine, we have been more hap­py and flourishing since its existence, now eight years, than any of the best and most tranquil powers in Europe have been for ten times as long. Let us, therefore, be thankful for it; and such as it is, a work made by men, not by angels, be contented with it, and join shoulder to shoulder in its support: not doubting that the same over-ruling Providence that has favoured us under it hitherto, will not fail us in future, if we do not fail ourselves.

The closer, my friends, you keep to this our heaven-bestowed constitution, (for, let Mr. Paine think what he [Page 6]will, I confess I think it so) and the more you watch over it, the better and safer situation will you and your posterity find yourselves in.

The farewell legacy of our long tried, true and trusty friend President Washington. For, be persuaded, you will find his fatherly recommendation as good a comment to our constitution, as "The Mantuan Muse," so much recommended by Pope, can be to old Homer.

This intrusion, my friends, on your patience, is oc­casioned by three late public occurrences appearing to me much to affect our constitution, and, if not properly and timely noticed, their consequences may be very dis­tressing, if not fatal. That I might not appear a party man, I kept designedly silent till all our elections were over.

They are, first, an assertion in the last session of con­gress, very pertinaciously maintained by a number of members, that congress had no right "to enquire into the merits of a foreign treaty."

2dly. The manner our last election for a chief magis­trate has been carried on.

3dly. The attempt of a foreign minister to appeal to the people at large.

With regard to the first of these, it will be fully suf­ficient, in my opinion, to contrast the power given by the constitution to the president and senate united, with the general power, given by the same constitution, to the congress, (of which the representatives are a part) to see, not only the danger, but the weak foundation of that assertion. However, a few remarks shall be added.

[Page 7] Nothing appears to me easier than that each of these powers may do the duty enjoined, without clashing or interfering in the least with each other. Let the president and senate make a treaty as directed, without the congress interfering. Let the congress, when a treaty is made, provide for it, if they think it not contrary to the welfare of the United States. Here we find the congress have nothing to do with the making of a treaty, (and very rightly, from the delay and variety of obstructions that would probably happen in so numerous a body) but, when made by the president and senate, and application is had to them to provide for it, can any person then think his business excluded entirely from the direction given them, "to provide for the general welfare of the United States;" but that they are still obliged to make such provision, even if they are persuaded that it is ex­tremely dangerous to, if not destructive of that general welfare?

Many good reasons may be given for their not being concerned in the making of a treaty; but not one, I imagine, that when made, at all events, whether they think it for, or not, for the general welfare of the United States, they ought still to provide for it. This appears to me so plain a case, that there does not seem occasion to call in the spirit of our constitution as an arbitrator; but yet let us call it in, in settling this point, allowed to be of the utmost importance. We are all made to be­lieve that the three departments of our government, are mutual checks on each other, and that in those checks lies our great security. This is what I call the spirit of our constitution, and accordingly, even in this business of treaty-making, the senate is a check on the president. But where is the check upon the president and senate united, should they combine and act treacherously, if this new doctrine should take place? Is there no danger here? No need for any father check? A treaty, when made, is a supreme law of the land. Some trading na­tions would very probably, to bring about a treaty to [Page 8]their liking with the United States, give very large dou­ceurs. I hope our president and senate will always be an uncorruptible body; but history tells us that consuls and senates have had clammy fingers: what has been, may be again. Thank heaven, our constitution does not de­sert us even here. We must be all rogues, all rotten, before we can be ruined: when that indeed is the case, there is no help for us; the body politic, like the natural body, must be soon after entirely dissolved. They are both past cure.

Here let me declare my concern, that the congress sent for the papers relative to the making of the British treaty. This step appears to me to have been unnecessary, as the treaty itself was before them, a sufficient ground to form their judgment upon. But the astonishment to hear it asserted, that they had no right to enquire into its merits, must have irritated many. Heat begets heat; and one part overstretching one way, often fires the other to do the like their way. This is human nature collectively, as well as individually.

I confess myself one, though no favourer of the Bri­tish treaty while pending, made very happy, at hearing that so many members, who had expressed themselves against it in the house, had sacrificed their private opinions to the peace of the public. But, indeed, I never at any time thought that treaty of such moment, that it should be refused to be provided for by our represent­atives.

Farther, what is here said, is intended to prove the constitutional right the congress have to consider the merits of a treaty; not by any means to insinuate, that upon every bad bargain, they should deny to provide for a treaty. No! But upon the most glaring, trying oc­casions, like the British parliament (fas est et ab hoste doceri) to exercise that right: this causes no interruption amongst them in making their treaties with foreign na­tions, who know they claim such a right, and will exer­cise it when they find it absolutely necessary. What [Page 9]reasonable objection can they then have to our doing it only on such occasions?

I am aware that foreign nations, as well as bad pre­sidents and senates, would wish to see no possibility of any after reckoning; but that the representatives of the people should be obliged to provide for any treaty laid before them, whatever may be its merits, duration or tendency. But our constitution provides an ample re­medy in such cases, if the people but do their parts. Send honest, firm men, of good sound common sense, that can judge when it will be absolutely necessary to apply that remedy; when not.

Still pardon me, my worthy friends, for thinking the manner of carrying on the last election for our chief magistrate, very objectionable, and, if continued, seems in its tendency, not only calculated to foment and keep up heats and animosities amongst us, but in no long time, I am afraid, to overset our union, or split and shiver us into many different governments; and if we once begin to divide, no one can foresee the end of it.

Our constitution says, ‘Each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of senators and representatives to which the state may be entitled in the congress: but no senator, or represent­ative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector.’

Now, my fellow citizens, suppose we read the latter part of the first of these clauses, thus: ‘But NO PER­SON holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector.’ Do not the words, "no person," in themselves, as com­pleatly include the senator and representative, without their being particularly named, as with? Therefore, un­less [Page 11]these words, "senator or representative," are taken distinctly and separately, as the characteristic of a legis­lative capacity, they are altogether nugatory and super­fluous. Whoever attends to the style of the constitu­tion, will, I believe, find no where else in it, such an unnecessary redundancy. Therefore, as it appears to me, senator and representative being to be understood in the legislative character of each, and ONLY so, they are both excluded, by the intention of the constitution itself, from being electors; for, had it been designed that any assembly should have appointed the electors from among themselves, precision required that the words from among themselves, or others of like signification, should have been inserted: as no such are, when they seem so neces­sary, no claim, especially one of such moment, ought to be assumed from an, at least, equivocal expression. Besides, to a public body appointed to fix upon another public body, upon a business of the greatest importance, surely it must seem awkward and indelicate, for the first public body to chuse out of themselves, the whole, or 7-8ths of the other, upon an authority so doubtful and disputable, as not precisely and clearly giving them leave to appoint a single one.

Again; the electors for a president being equal, in every state, to all the members in each of those states, (senators and representatives) taken together, the elec­tors seem to be left to be appointed by the representa­tives ONLY, (they being peculiarly the public's vice­gerents) in order that our three departments of go­vernment, the president, senate, and representative, might be ALL of a piece, ALL the choice of the people; and, therefore, such electors, when thus chosen to fix upon a president, ought to be as free, unshackled, and inde­pendent, as the members of the assemblies themselves, who are chosen in each state, to represent their respec­tive citizens at large. This, I think, cannot be denied; and, therefore, the elector, who, antecedent to his ap­pointment, has engaged to vote for any particular per­son, [Page 12]sins, in my opinion, against the spirit and vitals of the constitution; and, as far as in him lies, is sapping it, and introducing precedents of the most pestilential na­ture; preventing the choice of the chief magistrate from being as free, and as equally the people's choice, as that of the senate and representatives, when they ought, all the three departments, to be so, as nearly as the peace and safety of the whole United States will admit. If, in any state, it has unavoidably happened, through acci­dent, their assembly's meeting, or other unpremeditated circumstances, that they have been obliged to strain upon the meaning of the constitution, and to chuse electors from among themselves; such obstacles ought to be re­moved against the next election, that so dangerous a practice may not be sanctioned by custom; and any par­ticular state, not wishing to be suspected as unfriendly to the union, will chearfully conform its actions, so as, if possible, not to interfere with the expectations of the constitution.

Mankind are, generally, so unwilling to submit to restraints or rules, that even such as are made by them­selves, are strangely perverted, to gratify the present moment; or essential parts of them often neglected, through mere laziness, or inattention: for instance, the constitution plainly expects a number of candidates for the president's place; or why the following injunction? ‘If no person have a majority, then, from THE FIVE HIGHEST on the list, the said house, shall, in like man­ner, chuse the president.’ Or why permit each state to take one of the two persons to be chosen, from them­selves? It is owing to mere laziness, perverseness, or the arts of intriguing, designing men, played upon you, that you have been diverted from attending to, and pur­suing this excellent, salutary provision? Are you infa­tuated to your own destruction? I wish with all my heart, no state of the union would ever, in future, neglect complying with this important constitutional right. Had they done this, in the last election, there would have [Page 13]been sixteen candidates from among themselves; and, if each state had, besides, chosen the other citizen a dif­ferent one from the choice of any of the other states, there would have been at least sixteen more: What then? We should have mortified the sly emissaries, be­hind the scenes, foreign and domestic, to see their deep plan, to set us all by the ears with one another, effec­tually defeated. But our delusion this year, (I cannot help calling it so) may have been permitted, my friends, to happen so early in our national career, as a warning to us in future presidential elections, to be more cau­tious, and tenacious of sticking as close as possible to the plain meaning and expectation of our constitution, and not take upon us again, to be wise above what is written. Such a true republican procedure, will not occasion, in my opinion, much, if any more trouble to congress, or to any particular state. But supposing it does; let us not again be persuaded out of our senses, to shrink from it. Our happiness, our independence, our existence as a nation, depends greatly on our peace­able, but firm, collective exertions in this respect, for the time to come.

Some of the good effects probably will be,

First, greatly to diminish, if not to banish entirely, that too prevailing spirit of jealousy and party, from among us: those most formidable weapons, which we have so madly put into our enemies hands against our­selves; and dexterously do they know, we clearly see, when and how to wield them against us, to their own advantage. How distressing is it to perceive a number of our back citizens, too unhappily possessed with an opinion, that the citizens on the sea coast, or near it, having the opportunity, from their situation, to be soonest and best informed, take advantage of them, to deceive and blind them into the choice of men best suitable to themselves, and their purposes of trade and speculation. Whilst too many of these, on the other hand, as weakly and groundlessly, seem to distress themselves that the [Page 14]back country want to cram down their throats, by their numbers, whatever measures of government they may think proper. To banish this dreadful daemon, by taking the sting, if possible, out of those sly, ambitious, mis­chief-making go-betweens, of both town and country, that raise and foment these jealousies, is the ardent wish of the writer of this paper. 'Tis a necessary, but Her­culean task; and without your strong exertions, my friends, cannot be effectually done. For these men, deficient in no arts of effrontery or cajolement, can trans­form themselves, occasionally, into any characters; tra­velling up and down, backwards and forwards, like Sa­tan, seeking whom they may deceive and pervert, to aid their treacherous or ambitious purposes. What mischief have they done in almost every state! But so far, happy for us, one wholesome, skilfully applied ca­tholicon, will operate alike in all the states, and un­doubtedly effect a radical cure. 'Tis this—Only let us all resolve to entertain no ungenerous sentiments of each other, (at least, not so as to affect the public at large) remembering that we are all citizens of one and the same great government; have one great COMMON inter­est, and that nothing but such unnatural, shocking, im­politic mistrusts among one another, can keep us from being as great a government as ever the sun shined on. Away, then, with these jealousies among ourselves; turn all your resentment, my fellow citizens, against these sly, political, pretending, bettering gents; these sus­picious zealots for reformation; these mischievous pro­pagators of innovation! It warms me beyond measure, when I think of their impositions; especially, when I see how easily you swallow them. Can you avoid seeing how these gents start themselves into consequence, merely by striving, underhandedly, to set us all in a flame? Their first step, after feeling their power of delusion, is generally to riggle themselves into our state assemblies: success here, prompts them, by means of their fluent tongues and pliant consciences, assisted by your own [Page 15]most unaccountable infatuation, to look up to a seat in congress; and often do they gain their ends. After so many instances of their treading the same beaten path, one after another, is it not astonishing that you still con­tinue to countenance the breed? At least, if possible, in future, prevent their going to congress to spread their mischief there. That body hitherto, upon the whole, has given great satisfaction; too many of these ambitious dividers among them, will, if not prevented in time, probably overset us all. Here act like true, generous federalists; prefer the general, to your particular good, and keep them at home, though you dislike their com­pany, if you can do no better, by all the means in your power. If each state would only so far baulk such ini­mical citizens in their ambitious career, we should soon not only get rid of them, but demonstrate to all the world, that for a man to rise in the United States, was only by noble, manly, virtuous means; by sincerely and steadily promoting the general welfare; by overlooking small inconveniences; by treating small errors with ten­derness, and by disinterestedly endeavouring to heal those of consequence, by fair, friendly and candid rea­soning. But reasoning will have no effect upon the men just hinted at; they are callous to every noble, generous, tender feeling; self is their all. But our keeping close to the expectations of the constitution, will much lessen even their power of doing mischief, in many respects.

Another advantage is this: that no foreign nation would hardly attempt, again, to interfere in our elec­tions, from the little prospect of success in corrupting sixteen states, chusing their chief magistrate at one and the same time. And suppose the found means to tam­per with three or four, the rest would be fully sufficient to shelter us from the bad effects of their corruption. But, could our enemies, themselves, have wished for a finer opportunity, than that given them at our last elec­tion, to chuse a chief magistrate for us; having then to manoeuvre with the parties of only two men, pitted [Page 16]against one another by ourselves. This certainly was making fine sport for, and costing them less daubing, and less trouble.

Again; out of the thirty-two citizens to be chosen by the electors of the sixteen states, only two, by the con­stitution, could be approved. This, far from occasion­ing any heart-burnings to the other thirty citizens, they would rather think it an honour (as it certainly would be) to have been so far distinguished by their fellow citizens in their different states, and held up as worthy of the most important offices; and though kept back for the present, would be like a corps of reserve against the next election, with this advantage to the public in general, that in the interim, we may all grow better acquainted with the real merit of each; and if elected again by their own citizens, it would be a high sign of their fixed reputation.

Another advantage of this strict adherence to the con­stitution, would be, that the nation in general, the United States themselves, could not be reflected on, as carrying even the appearance of countenancing parties; whereas, in the last election, the nation seemed to split itself into two parties, through predilection for two citi­zens; a long noted, dreadful rock, a Caesar and Pom­pey, a Scylla and Charybdis. We ought to have no predilection for any citizen. 'Tis of no consequence to the nation, what citizen, from one end of it to the other, is at our head, so that he is rightly chosen; an honest man, a steady, firm federalist, no party man, of good sound common sense, and otherwise constitutionally qualified. And here, I hope, I shall be pardoned for saying, I always looked upon those as very weak friends, or artful, insidious, undermining enemies, who made the execution of our president's office so difficult, as requiring such extraordinary, uncommon talents. Plain failing suits our constitution best: tricks, twistings, jost­lings, and deep laid, equivocal subterfuges in treaty-making, let European powers divert each other with, [Page 17]and welcome. Our thousand league distance from these cunning, double refined politicians, (with whom, the less we have to do, the better) is not among the least of the blessings we have to thank a kind Providence for— Capitulations or treaties, with either Great-Britain or France, we have experienced already, mean any thing, every thing, or nothing, at times, as may suit either. But let us mind our own business; take as much care as we can of ourselves; be a party in none of their wars; what treaties we may find it necessary to make with them, let them not be of long duration, and let us, on our parts, keep them faithfully. Honesty is the best and truest policy—I think we have hitherto observed this rule, and hope we shall always. Our president, in treaty making, has the senate to consult; without two-thirds of the members present, agreeing and advising him to make a treaty, he cannot do it. What great dif­ficulty then, can arise to an honest man, qualified as just mentioned, with such assistance, that he can scruple to encounter?

No state, or number of states should, in my opinion, give the least reason to suspect, that they wish to set up or name, upon these occasions, directly or indirectly, any man or men, in a manner that may carry the most distant reason to suspect they wish to push him or them through the rest of the states; the more delicacy shewn, the better; let every state be left entirely to itself. Such a cautious, unmeddling behaviour in each state, will na­turally promote harmony, and discard every degree of suspicion and jealousy amongst ourselves as separate states. Now, added to this, if men, ready at their pen, wedded to the constitution, of true, vital philanthropy, would, from the time the election notice to chuse another president is given out, 'till the very day of election ar­rived, be as pressing as their powers of language will permit them, to enforce to the constitutional electors of each state, the importance and duty of their appoint­ment; the great dependence the public had on their faith­fully [Page 18](without predilection, favour or affection)discharg­ing their trust, he himself not mentioning a single name, this might be of the greatest importance, and convince the errantest sceptic, that the republicans of the United States had nothing more at heart, than to find out and obtain, in the most direct and peaceable manner, the man (no matter of what particular state) for their presi­dent, that the majority of the people at large had, by their constitutional electors, made choice of.

Finding that the import of the few minutes I had made, with regard to the insulting appeal of the French minister to the people at large, has been laid before you by much better pens, in the public prints; I shall now content myself with observing, that a stranger phenome­non has hardly been hard of in the political world, than that an absolute monarch over one and the same people, should, for the manifest interest of that nation, assist another people to recover their liberties, and become republicans; that that very nation, but a few years there­after should guillotine that monarch, in order to become republicans themselves; and, when hardly fixed as such, should, regardless of a solemn treaty with the people they had assisted, like free-booters, suddenly and unjus­tifiably fall upon their trade, and intermeddle with their government, in a manner they, themselves, have shewn all the world they would not suffer the least glimpse of an attempt. What can this proceed from, but a roman­tic giddiness of a restless power, setting itself no bounds; or, not unlikely, prompted besides, by a jealousy of our rising importance among the trading nations of the world, and wishing to check it? And here, by the bye, we shall much deceive ourselves, if we imagine the other trading nations of Europe, are without the like jealousy; for, however they may differ in other respects, they seem not far from being unanimous in this. I only wish we were as firmly agreed, in pursuing our own common in­terest and supporting our constitution and government; harbouring no mistrusts of either of its departments; [Page 19]Their management, for eight years past, having shewn them, upon the whole, not unworthy or incapable of their trust. We had it not in our power to send angels; as men, they have acquitted themselves to the admira­tion of all the world. Any political differences that may arise in particular states, should, like family variances, be kept within those states. Congress ought not to be affected by them; and, indeed, will not, I think, if our elections are managed strictly, according to the letter and spirit of the constitution.

No foreign minister whatever, I think, has a right to make appeals to the people at large; but the French minister has done this. On such occasions particularly, my friends, every respectful mark of confidential affec­tion, ought to be shewn to all our three departments of government, that it may be seen how ready the people are to give them every support in their power; and all fo­reign ministers be convinced, that any little, indirect ar­tifices of that sort, only serve to unite the people, if pos­sible, more firmly among themselves, to oppose all such attempts, and to shew, in the strongest manner, their strict attention to their own rulers.

I cannot laugh at my fellow citizens, I am sure, for their zealous, uncommon attachment to the French na­tion, on account of their aid in our struggle with Great-Britain; for, I believe, few have been more so than myself. That their interest, as a nation, induced them to exert themselves to make the diversion they did, I never had the least doubt of: their not doing it before Burgoyne's defeat, that capital turn of the war in our favour, shewed their cautious resolve to be on the sure side. Yet, still, they had a right to our gratitude, but, not that we should involve ourselves in ruin, or neglect our own pressing affairs as a nation. But now, my friends, we must have eyes surely that see not, if their very great love and friendship do not appear to us in their genuine colours, every atom, self-interested to the extreme; craf­tily intended to make us merely their puppets; to move [Page 20]by, and only by their wire. But, my fellow citizens, be afraid of only their intrigues, against which, by what we have already seen, we must be well assured, we cannot be too much on our guard; their long, well-train­ed emissaries are but every where amongst us. Quiet resignation to the resolves of the government we, our­selves, have set up, is my uppermost political maxim. But, exclusive of this, I never thought I should have been brought to like the British treaty, half so well as I do now: Providence seems to have thrown it in our way, as the means to bring about our being weaned, in time, from our over-ardent, too rapturous French love-sit. But do not, my friends, surmise from hence, that I mean, indirectly, to persuade you to a relapse to your former flame; by no means: we cannot but, by this time, know them both right well; to divide you is equally their aim. Corruption, we all know, is the most powerful wedge of division: watch, therefore, all those subjects which seem to have a crack ready to receive this wedge; keep a strict look out here, and your political peace and happiness will, in all probability, be lastingly secured. On our sea coasts they may scratch us; but not much, even there, if our country and other friends are alert to assist us. But, in the end, I am fully persuaded, they will deeply wound themselves. For what can the French, THEMSELVES ALONE, bring very formidable against the United States? In what a number of ships and transports? And, while bringing, to how many accidents exposed, in crossing the Atlantic? And for what national purpose to them, cui bono? We have been obliged to fight, and though all of us deprecate being reduced to that unna­tural necessity again; yet, if compelled, there is not the least doubt that our citizens, from one end of the union to the other, will turn out again with the like spirit, and advantaged by some experience, against any invaders, however giddily and romanticly impelled; relying on the same providential assistance that has never failed us hitherto.

[Page 21] Numbers freely allow, theoretically at least, that all governmental power ought to spring from the people at large. But most of these very men again say, that prac­tically, they, the people, have from all ages shewn, that they know not how to use power when they have it, or to be contented long, under constitutions that have sprung entirely from themselves. Our's is of this sort, in the amplest manner: it has not only sprung, but, IN EVERY STEP, proceeded under the people's auspices; and, at last, has solemnly received their consent.

You may, perhaps, think me, my fellow citizens, a very great enthusiast to our constitution, when I give it as my sincere opinion, that the world never had so good a one manufactured by man. Let all of us, therefore, join heart and hand to make it as lasting as possible, and have the honour to superannuate such assertions, so ex­tremely derogatory, disgraceful and mortifying to hu­man nature. To countenance no tamperers with it, will much forward such an animating resolution. As the Israelites were ordered to have the words which Moses commanded them, in their hearts, and to write them on the posts of their houses, and on their gates; so let us imi­tate this injunction with our constitution, that excellent, (I think) heavenly gift also, by having it hung up in the most conspicuous places in our houses; and, if the fare­well legacy of our worthy friend, President Washington, was joined with it, our rising generation, in my opinion, would want nothing farther, compleatly to understand, admire and love it. I always was, and very early, in congress, shewed myself against any irregular predilec­tion of a citizen to any office whatever; but, when re­gularly elected, and he has served with reputation to himself, and done the public every service that could be expected from him in his station; we thus have had va­lue received, and ought, in our turn, from gratitude, as good policy, to shew him, in his retirement, all the res­pect and honour we can, suitable to the station he has held. The thus joining President Washington's farewell [Page 22]address, to our constitution, which he hath so long, so honestly, and firmly supported, will have a particular propriety in it, and, I think, be a greater mark of ho­nour to him, than if his statue was set up in every state.

Like true republicans, my friends, whatever is once constitutionally carried, whether by a single, or number of votes, the very nature, the foundation-spring of our constitution, call upon you to submit quietly to, and to support it, if necessary; otherwise, as far as is with you, you seem to turn tyrants, determined to carry, at all events, your own opinion, joined with the fewest, against the constitutional resolve, though attended with the greatest number of votes. Is not this a strong imitation of the sic volo, sic jubeo, of a tyrant? Will you not, by thus acting, lessen your right of being a republic? And, if you still indulge such an overbearing spirit, can it be long before you lose it altogether? The congress, unless an extreme bad choice is made, if wrong, will soon rectify their error themselves. Publications in the papers too, decently managed, often have, and may again, by giving useful hints, be of great service; but, tumultuous opposition answers no end, but to disgrace the promoters, to cause us to be laughed at by anti-re­publicans, to create confusion, and to make ill-blood amongst ourselves.

The calling conventions of the people, on general governmental affairs, I confess, I am now no friend to. During our struggle with Great-Britain, they were some­times unavoidable. The least objectionable instance, seems to me, is, when the president, after having duly consulted the senate about a treaty, still appears to be (as it were) at bay, and therefore defers putting his fiat thereto, as if wishing to know the general opinion with­out; here, if conducted with propriety and decency, they may, perhaps, be sometimes of use.

Members, sent from each particular state, when met in congress, belong, certainly, to the whole nation at [Page 23]large, to consult for their general welfare, as one body. They ought, therefore, to go unfettered. That mem­ber who will suffer himself to be fettered, in my opinion, is not worthy of his seat. He cannot be a true, firm, staunch federalist at heart: for, as the poet says, truly,

So a single state, the more strongly it embraces the whole general interest united, the more it will find, in the end, its own real importance promoted and strength­ened, and on the most solid basis. And the particular member, who uniformly acts on this principle, will find his own reputation, not only in the state that sent him, among men of true worth, fixed upon the most reput­able and lasting footing; but, among the rest of the states, he will always be mentioned with the highest esteem.

No man has more heart-felt joy than myself, to find our young nation, but of yesterday, already become the asylum from tyranny, wherever shewing itself. Let our fellow men come and welcome, from any where and in any numbers, we have room enough for them all. The only dread to be apprehended to them, as well as to our­selves, is the mischievous use, artful, wicked men, (and too many such we have) may make of the long fixed habits and biases they may bring with them; by cun­ningly playing and practising upon them these habits, to pervert them to their own diabolical purposes, before we have time to get thoroughly acquainted with each other.

Men devoted to particular, ancient families, having had famous names, from their infancy, sounded in their ears, and applauded like demi-gods, in the sports and songs of their native country; I say, men of this cast, are too apt to be taken in by designing, watchful way-layers. In the beginning of our struggle with Great-Britain, we had a formidable number of Scotch, in [Page 24]North-Carolina, so infatuated to the race of Stuart, as to cause much trouble to themselves and us. From some items, not very long since in the papers, with regard to suspect, there may be some dust attempted to be kicked up amongst those of that nation, to put them upon that, or some other family track. But, my Irish friends, be on your guard: I take the liberty to give you this hint, as being of Irish extract myself, by the mother's side, whose father was a native of Ireland, whom I am named after.

Your open, manly, generous, unsuspecting spirit, is well known; so is the tincture of credulity, naturally springing therefrom, as well known. Here you have often been, here you will still often be played upon, and your greatest caution is necessary to prevent it. Your distresses in Ireland, we have heard of; have felt and sympathized with you on that occasion. We are happy to know our country can relieve you; and you will soon find yourselves, in all probability, actually relieved, if you do not suffer yourselves to be cajoled into parties to distress us, and, in the end, distress and disappoint yourselves of that assistance you wish for. You are now in a land, that with half the industry and prudence you were obliged to use Ireland, you may gain a landed property, all really your own, sufficient to support your­selves and families decently and independently. Let this very heart-chearing prospect add spurs to your in­dustry; strive to rise gradually, peaceably and honestly, and pay no attention to foreign emissaries, emissaries, or to restless, designing, ambitious men, amongst ourselves, wishing to come country or family over you, or, in some other artful manner, to draw our now COMMON country into confusion, for their selfish ends. Take this in good part, my worthy, unsuspicious friends, however imper­tinent and officious you may think it; in whatever light it may appear, or be made to appear to you, I am con­scious it comes from an undesigning breast, that loves [Page 25]you, and wishes for nothing more than to see peace, har­mony, and universal philanthropy promoted, not only from one end of the United States, but from one end of the world to the other.

I am persuaded, from what I have seen, that more than half the misfortunes of any consequence, that have happened amongst us, has been caused from the precipi­tation of honest men, not aware of, or giving themselves time to guard against the secret, deep-laid, round-about ambushes of crafty knaves, indefatigably labouring to have no body credited but themselves; and most of these men, so deceived, have been convinced too late, as well for their's, as the public's peace, of their own hasty, infatuated credulity, being the sole occasion of all the mischief.

My reader, still permit an old man one small digres­sion. Little things, mere names and sounds, have some­times considerable effects. I have often wished the name of our nation was Columbia; and, more than once, took, when I had a right, some pains to have it so. One of our citizens calling himself a Columbian, would sound, I confess, more honestly in my ear, than now, as in com­mon, calling himself an American, and, I am sure, more harmoniously than an United States man; or than, by an awkward periphrase, (that few, if any, can bring themselves to) a man of the United States. From hence, it seems to me, the word American, is so, continually, by foreigners as well as by ourselves, applied to our persons, trade, customs, &c. as, the American trade, an American ship, &c. scarcely ever, I believe, an United States ship, &c. Again; the word American, (citizen being understood, seldom expressed) stands alone, which, every time I hear it named, methinks I hear the shade of the great Columbus reproaching us for abetting and continuing the cheat upon him, who, though like Horace, he might say exegi monumentum oere perennius; yet, that republicans seem to wish, and even to take pains to destroy it: for, is it not full as easy for one of [Page 26]our citizens to say abroad, I am a Columbian; which, too, if adopted, would be peculiar and precise, than to say, as they do, indistinctly, I am an American; merely to avoid, as it seems to me, this uncouth expression, I am a United States man; or, this round-about one, I am a citizen of the United States. This shews what pains is taken amongst us, and how much out of the common road, to countenance injustice. Pardon this sensibility in favour of the fame of a man, dead several hundred years since.

The writer of this paper is an old public servant. No citizen, high or low, in or out of office, from one end of the United States to the other, was earlier than he, in the British struggle. He, like the widow with her mite, put his all into that cause, his person; his services to the utmost of his power; his property of town and country, were all, from the first to the last of that strug­gle, at the public service, and made by them, at times, very free with, for which he never demanded, or wished to demand, one farthing compensation; excepting in the three first congresses, to which he had the honour, un­solicited, to be called out by his fellow citizens; of the provision for that service, he partook.

Besides, indeed, when his country property was se­questered, and his town, though under protection of a capitulation, taken from him, was in very little better situation; himself sent and made a close prisoner at Augustine; his family shipped off to Philadelphia, and in distress there; he then shared part of some public assistance, which he afterwards repaid to our public treasurer, with interest. Not improbably, it may be said, vanity is the impulse here; be it so, my reader. But I intreat you to believe it forced out from a wish to procure attention to the VERY IMPORTANT HINTS in this paper, as coming from a well-known, independent, friendly fellow citizen, devoted to our constitutional union, and therefore,

P. S. I am glad to hear the President has recom­mended a national university; I am persuaded it will tend to what we want most, a compleat union and ge­neral acquaintance with each other, throughout the United States.