I AM a native of Berne in Switzerland, and a lapidary by profession. In 1716, my father came, with his whole family, to London; and as he proposed to set­tle in England, he got himself naturalized there.

After living twenty-two years in that city, I went, at the solicitation of a friend, to Paris, in order to work in the galleries of the Louvre. Five years after I left this capital, and removed to Lisbon, in hopes of finding an opportunity of going to Bra­sil, where I flattered myself that I should [Page 2]make my fortune. But the king of Por­tugal, whom I addressed in order to ob­tain permission for this purpose, being in­formed of my profession, and the skill I might have in diamonds, &c. his majesty, by the advice of his council, refused my petition, upon the supposition that it would be no way [...] proper to send a foreigner, who was a lapidary, into a country aboun­ding with immense treasures, whose value the government endeavours, by all means possible, to conceal, even from the inha­bitants.

Whilst I was waiting for an answer from court, to my petition, I got acquainted with several substantial jewellers, and other persons of credit, in Lisbon; who made me the kindest and most generous offers, in case I would reside among them, which I accepted, after having lost all hopes of going to Brasil. I now was set­tled in the above mentioned city, equally to the satisfaction of my friends, my em­ployers, and myself; having a prospect of gaining wherewithal, not only to support my family with decency, but also to lay up a competency for old age, could I but have escaped the cruel hands of the In­quisitors.

[Page 3] I must observe, by the way, that the In­quisitor have usurped so formidable a pow­er in Spain and Portugal, that the monarchs of those kingdoms are no more, if I may be allowed the expression, than as their chief subjects. Those tyrants do not scruple to encroach so far on the privilege of kings, as to stop, by their own authority at the post-office, the letters of all whom they take it into their heads to suspect. In this manner I myself was served, a year before the In­quisitors had ordered me to be seized; the design of which, I suppose, was to see, whether among the letters of my correspon­dents, some mention would not be made of Free-Masonry; I passing for one of the most zealous members of that art, which they resolved to persecute, upon pretence that enormous crimes were committed by its professors. However, though the Inquisi­tors did not find, by one of my intercepted letters, that Free-Masonry either struck at the Romish religion, or tended to disturb the government; still they were not satis­fied, but resolved to set every engine at work, in order to discover the mysteries and secrets of Masonry. For this purpose, they concluded that it would be proper to [Page 4]seize one of the chief Free-Masons in Lis­bon; and accordingly I was pitched upon, as being the master of a lodge; they like­wise-cast their eye on [...] warden, an inti­mate friend of mine, Mr. Alexander James Mouton, a diamond cutter, born in Paris, and a Romanist. He had been settled six years, before his seizure, at Lisbon, in which city he was a house-keeper; and where his integrity, skill, and behaviour were such, as gained him the approbation of all to whom he was known.

The reader is to be informed, that our lodges, in Lisbon, were not kept at taverns, &c. but alternately at the private houses of chosen friends. In these we used to dine together, and practise the secrets of Free-Masonry.

As we did not know that our art was forbid in Portugal, we were soon discover­ed by the barbarous zeal of a lady, who declared, at confession, that we were Free-Masons; that is, in her opinion, monsters in nature, who perpetrated the most shock­ing crimes. This discovery immediately put the vigilant officers of the Inquisition upon the scent after us: on which occasion my friend Mr. Mouton fell the first victim, he being seized in manner following.

[Page 5] A jeweller and goldsmith, who was a fa­miliar of the holy office, sent a friend, (a Free-Mason also) to Mr. Mouton; upon pretence that he wanted to speak with him, about mending a diamond weighing four carrats. They agreed upon the price; but as this was merely an artifice, in order for our familiar to know the person of the said Mouton, he put him off for two days; upon pretence that he must first enquire of the owner of the diamond, whether he approved of the price settled between them.

I happened to be at that time with Mr. Mouton; a circumstance which gave the highest joy to the jeweller; finding that he had got a sight, at one and the same time, of the very two Free-Masons whom the In­quisitors were determined to seize.

At our taking leave, he desired us to come together, at the time appointed, to which we both agreed. The jeweller then made his report to the Inquisitors, who ordered him to seize us, when we should return about the diamond in question.

Two days being elapsed, and my business not permitting me to accompany Mr. Mou­ton, he went alone to the jeweller, to fetch the diamond, which was computed to be worth an hundred moidores. The first [Page 6]question the jeweller asked, after the usual compliments, was, "Where is your friend Coustos?"—As this jeweller had before shown me some precious stones, which he pretended I should go to work upon, Mr. Mouton, imagining he was desirous of put­ting them instantly into my hands, replied: ‘That I was upon 'Change; and that, if he thought proper, he would go and fetch me.’ However, as this familiar, and five subaltern officers of the Inquisition, who were along with him, were afraid of losing half their prey; they inveigled Mr. Mou­ton into the back shop, upon pretence of asking his opinion concerning certain rough diamonds. After several signs and words had passed between them, the oldest of the company rising up, said, he had something particular to communicate to Mr. Mouton; upon which he took him behind the curtain; when, enquiring his name and sirname, he told him that he was his prisoner, in the king's name.

Being sensible that he had not committed any crime for which he could incur his Por­tugueze majesty's displeasure, he gave up his sword the moment it was demanded of him. Immediately several trusty officers of the Inquisition, called familiars, fell upon [Page 7]him to prevent his escaping; they then com­manded him not to make the least noise, and began to search him. This being done, and finding he had no weapons, they asked whether he was desirous of knowing in whose name he had been seized? Mr. Mouton answered in the affirmative: ‘We seize you (said they) in the name of the Inquisition; and, in its name, we forbid you to speak, or murmur ever so little.’ Saying these words, a door at the bottom of the jeweller's shop, and which looked into a narrow bye­lane, being opened; the prisoner, accompa­nied by a commissary of the holy office, was thrown into a small chaise, where he was so closely shut up, (it being noon day,) that no one could see him. This precaution was used to prevent his friends from getting the least information concerning his imprison­ment; and consequently from using their en­deavours to procure his liberty.

Being come to the prison of the Inquisi­tion, they threw him into a dungeon, and there left him alone; without indulging him the satisfaction they had promised, which was, to let him speak, immediately upon his arrival, to the president of the holy office; to know from him, the reason of his detainer. On the contrary, they were so cruel to Mr. [Page 8]Mouton's reputation, as to spread a report he was gone off with the diamond above-mentioned. But how greatly were every one of his friends surprised and shocked at this slander! As we all entertained the high­est idea of his probity, none of us would give credit to this vile report; whence we unanimously agreed, after duly weighing this matter, to go in a body to the jeweller, who was the owner of the diamond, and offer him the full payment of it; firmly persuaded, that nothing but the most fatal and unex­pected accident could have made him dis­appear thus suddenly, without giving some of his friends notice of it. However, the jeweller refused our offer in the politest manner; assuring us at the same time, that the owner of the diamond was so wealthy a man, that the loss of it would be but a trisle to him.

But as truth frequently breaks through all the veils with which falsehood endeavours to cloud her; this generosity in persons to whom we were, in a great measure, strangers, made us suspect some iniquitous, dark act. Our conjecture appeared but too well grounded, from the severe persecution that was imme­diately raised against the Free-Masons; I myself being seized four days after.

[Page 9] I perhaps should have escaped their mer­ciless paws, had I not been betrayed, in the most barbarous manner, by a Portugueze friend of mine, as I falsely supposed him to be; and whom the holy office had ordered to watch me narrowly. This man seeing me in a coffee-house, the 5th of March, 1742-3, between nine and ten at night; went and gave notice thereof to nine officers of the Inquisition, who were lying in wait for me, with a chaise, near that place.

I was in the utmost confusion, when, at my going out of the coffee-house with two friends, the above officers seized me only. Their pretence for this was, that I had pas­sed my word for the diamond which Mr. Mouton had run away with: that I must certainly be his accomplice, since I had en­gaged my friends to offer to pay for the diamond; all which (added they) I must have done in no other view than to conceal my villany. It was to no purpose that I alledged a thousand things in my own jus­tification. Immediately the wretches took away my sword; hand-cuffed me; forced me into a chaise drawn by two mules; and in this condition I was hurried away to the prison of the Inquisition.

But, spite of these severities, and their [Page 10]commanding me not to open my lips, I yet called aloud to one of my friends (Mr. Richard) who had been at the coffee-house with me, and was a Free-Mason; conjuring him to give notice to all the rest of our bre­thren and friends, of my being seized by command of the holy office, in order that they might avoid the misfortune which had befallen me, by going voluntarily to the Inquisitors, and accusing themselves.

I must take notice, that the Inquisitors very seldom cause a person to be seized in broad day light, except they are almost sure that he will make no noise nor resistance. This is a circumstance they observe very strictly, as is evident from the manner in which they took Mr. Mouton. Farther, they frequently make use of the king's name and authority on these occasions, to seize and disarm the pretended criminal, who is afraid to disobey the orders he hears pro­nounced. But as darkness befriends deeds of villany, the Inquisitors, for this reason, usually cause their victims to be secured in the night.

The Portugueze, and many foreigners, are so apprehensive of the sinister accidents which often happen at Lisbon in the night-time, especially to a person who ventures [Page 11]out alone, that few are found in the streets of this city at a late hour.

I imagined myself so secure in the com­pany of my friends, that I should not have been afraid of resisting the officers in ques­tion, had the former lent me their assistance. But unhappily for me, they were struck with such a sudden panic, that every one of them fled; leaving me to the mercy of nine wretches, who fell upon me in an instant.

They then forced me to the prison of the Inquisition, where I was delivered up to one of the officers of this pretended holy place. This officer presently calling four subalterns, or guards, these took me to an apartment, till such time as notice should be given to the president of my being catched in their snare.

A little after, the above-mentioned officer coming again, bid the guards search me; and take away all the gold, silver, papers, knives, scissors, buckles, &c. I might have about me. They then led me to a lonely dun­geon, expressly forbidding me to speak loud, or knock at the walls; but that, in case I wanted any thing, to beat against the door, with a padlock, that hung on the outward door; and which I could reach, by thrust­ing my arm through the iron grates. It [Page 12]was then that, struck with all the horrors of a place of which I had heard and read such baleful descriptions, I plunged at once into the blackest melancholy; especially when I reflected on the dire consequences with which my confinement might very possibly be attended.

I passed a whole day and two nights in these terrors, which are the more difficult to describe, as they were heightened at every little interval, by the complaints, the dismal cries, and hollow groans (echoing through this dreadful mansion) of several other pri­soners, my neighbours; and which the so­lemn silence of the night made infinitely more shocking. It was now that time seemed to have lost all motion, and these threescore hours appeared to me like so many years.

However, afterwards calling to mind, that grief would only aggravate my cala­mity, I endeavoured to arm my soul with patience; and habituate myself, as well as I could, to woe. Accordingly I roused my spirits; and banishing for a few moments, these dreadfully mournful ideas, I began to reflect seriously, on the methods how to ex­tricate myself from this labyrinth of horrors. My consciousness that I had not committed [Page 13]any crime which could justly merit death, would now and then soften my pang [...]; but immediately after, dreadful thoughts o [...]-spread my mind, when I imagined to myself the crying injustice of which the tribunal that was to judge me, is accused. I consi­dered that, being a protestant, I should in­evitably feel, in its utmost rigours, all that rage and barbarous zeal could infuse in the breast of monks; who cruelly gloried, in committing to the flames, great numbers of ill-fated victims, whose only crime was their differing from them in religious opinions; or rathe [...] [...]ho where obnoxious to those tygers, merely because they thought [...]orthily of human nature; and had, in the utmost detestation, these Romish barbarities, which are not to be paralleled in any other reli­gion.

These apprehensions, together with the reflections which reason suggested to me, viz. that it would be highly incumbent on me to calm the tumult of my spirits, in or­der, to prevent my falling into the snares which my judges would not fail to spread round me; either by giving them an op­portunity of pronouncing me guilty, or by forcing me to apostatize from the re­ligion in which I was born; these things, [Page 14]I say, worked so strongly on my mind, that, from this moment, I devoted my whole thoughts to the means of my justi­fication. This I made so fami [...]ar to my­self, that I was persuaded neither the partiality of my judges, nor the dreadful ideas I had entertained of their cruelty, could intimidate me, when I should be brought before them; which I according­ly was, in a few days, after having been shaved, and had my hair cut by their or­der.

I now was led, bare-headed, to the president and four Inquisitors, [...]o, upon my co [...]ing in, bid me kneel down, lay my right hand on the bible; and swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I would speak truly with regard to all the questions they should ask me. These questions were; my Christian and sir­names; those of my parents; the place of my birth, my profession, religion, and how long I had resided in Lisbon. This being done, they addressed me as follows: — ‘Son, you have offended and spoke injuriously of the holy office, as we know from very good hands; for which rea­son we exhort you to make a confession of, and to accuse yourself of the seve­ral [Page 15]crimes you may have committed, from the time you was capable of judg­ing between good and evil, to the pre­sent moment. In doing this, you will excite the compassion of this tribunal, which is ever merciful and kind to those who speak the truth.’

It was [...]hen they thought proper to in­form me, that the diamond mentioned in the former pages, was only a pretence they had employed, in order to get an oppor­tunity of seizing me. I now besought them, ‘To let me know the true cause of my imprisonment; that, having been born and educated in the protestant religion, I had been taught, from my infancy, not to confess myself to men, but to God, who, as he only can see into the inmost reces­ses of the human heart, knows the sinceri­ty or insincerity of the sinner's repentance, who confessed to him; and being his crea­tor, it was he only could absolve him.’

The reader will naturally suppose, that they were no ways satisfied with my an­swer; — ‘They declaring, that it would be indispensably necessary for me to confess myself, what religion soever I might be of; otherwise, that a confession would be [Page 16]forced from me, by the expedients the holy office employed for that purpose.’

To this I replied, ‘That I had never spoke in my life against the Romish reli­gion; that I had behaved in such a man­ner, ever since my living at Lisbon, that I could not be justly accused of saying or doing any thing contrary to the laws of the kingdom, either as to spirituals or temporals; that I had also imagined the holy office took cognizance of none but those persons who were guilty of sacrilege, blasphemy, and such like crimes, whose delight is to depreciate and ridicule the mysteries received in the Romish church, but of which I was no ways guilty.’—They then remanded me back to my dun­geon, after exhorting me to examine my conscience.

Three days after, they sent for me, to interrogate me a second time. The first question they asked was; ‘Whether I had carefully looked into my conscience, pur­suant to their injunction.' I replied, That after carefully reviewing all the past transactions of my life, I did not remem­ber my having said or done any thing that could justly give offence to the holy of­fice; that from my most tender youth, [Page 17]my parents, who had been forced to quit France for their religion; and who knew, by sad experience, how highly it concerns every one that values his ease, never to converse on religious subjects, in certain countries; that my parents, (I say) had advised me never to engage in disputes of this kind, since they usually embittered the minds of the contending parties, rather than reconciled them; farther, that I be­longed to a society, composed of persons of different religions; one of the laws of which society expressly forbid its members ever to dispute on those subjects upon a considerable penalty.’ As the Inquisitors confounded the word society with that of religion; I assured them, ‘that this society could be considered as a religious one, no otherwise than as it obliged its several members to live together in charity and brotherly love, how widely soever they might differ in religious principles. They then enquired, how this society was cal­led?’ —I replied,— ‘That if they had or­dered me to be seized, because I was one of its members, I would readily tell them its name; I thinking myself not a little honoured in belonging to a society, which boasted several Christian kings, princes, [Page 18]and persons of the highest quality among its members; and that I had been fre­quently in company with some of the lat­ter, as one of their brethren.’

Then one of the Inquisitors asked me, ‘Whether the name of this society was a secret?’ I answered, ‘that it was not; that I could tell it them in French or English, but was not able to translate it into Por­tugueze.’ Then all of them fixing, on a sudden, their eyes attentively on me, re­peated, alternately, the words Free-Mason, or Franc-Macon. From this instant I was firmly persuaded, that I had been imprison­ed solely on account of Masonry.

They afterwards asked, ‘What were the constitutions of this society.’ I then set before them, as well as I could, ‘the an­cient traditions relating to this noble art, of which (I told them) James VI. king of Scotland, ^* had declared himself the protector, and encouraged his subjects to enter among the Free-Masons: that it appeared, from authentic manuscripts, that the kings of Scotland had so great a [Page 19]regard for this honourable society, on account of the strong proofs its members had ever given of their fidelity and at­tachment; that those monarchs established the custom among the brethren, of say­ing, whenever they drank, God preserve the king and the brotherhood: that this example was soon followed by the Scotch nobility and the clergy, who had so high an esteem for the brotherhood, that most of them entered into the society.’

‘That it appeared from other traditions, that the kings of Scotland had frequently been grand masters of the Free-Masons; and that, when the kings were not such, the society were impowered to elect, as grand master, one of the nobles of the country, who had a pension from the so­vereign; and received, at his election, a gift from every Free-Mason in Scotland.’

I likewise told them; ‘That queen Eli­zabeth, ascending the throne of England, at a time that the kingdom was greatly divided by factions and clashing interests; and taking umbrage at the various assem­blies of great numbers of her subjects, as not knowing the designs of those meet­ings; she resolved to suppress the assem­blies [Page 20]of the Free-Masons; however, that, before her Majesty proceeded to this ex­tremity, she commanded some of her sub­jects to enter into this society, among whom was the archbishop of Canterbury, primate of her kingdom: that these, obey­ing the queen's orders, gave her so very advantageous a character, of the fidelity of the Free-Masons, as removed, at once, all her majesty's suspicions and political fears: so that the society have, ever since that time, enjoyed in Great-Britain, and the places subject to it, all the liberty they could wish for, and which they have never once abused.’

They afterwards enquired, ‘What was the tendency of this society?—I replied: Every Free-Mason is obliged, at his ad­mission, to take an oath, on the holy gos­pel, that he will be faithful to the king; and never enter into any plot or con­spiracy against his sacred person, or against the country where he resides: and that he will pay obedience to the magistrates appointed by the monarch.’

I next declared, ‘That charity was the foundation, and the soul, as it were, of the society; as it linked together the se­veral individuals of it, by the tye of fra­ternal [Page 21]love; and made it an indispensable duty to assist, in the most charitable man­ner, without distinction of religion, all such necessitous persons as were found true objects of compassion.’—It was then they called me liar; declaring, ‘that it was impossible this society should profess the practice of such good maxims, and yet be so very jealous of its secrets as to exclude women from it.’ The judicious reader will perceive, at once, the weakness of this inference, which perhaps would be found but too true, were it applied to the inviola­ble secrecy observed by this pretended holy office, in all its actions.

They presently gave orders for my be­ing conveyed into another deep dungeon; the design of which, I suppose, was to ter­rify me completely; and here I continued seven weeks. It will be naturally supposed, that I now was overwhelmed with grief. I will confess, that I then gave myself up entirely for lost; and had no resource left but in the Almighty, whose aid I implored continually with the utmost fervency.

During my stay in this miserable dun­geon, I was taken three times before the Inquisitors. The first thing they made me do was, to swear on the bible, that I would [Page 22]not reveal the secrets of the Inquisition; but declare the truth with regard to all such questions as they should put to me: they added, ‘That it was their firm opinion that Masonry could not be founded on such good principles as I, in my former inter­rogatories, had affirmed; and that, if this society of Free-Masons was so virtuous as I pretended, there was no occasion of their concealing, so very industriously, the secrets of it.’

I told them, ‘That as secrecy ^* naturally [Page 23]excited curiosity, this prompted great numbers, of persons to enter into this so­ciety; that all the monies given by mem­bers, at their admission therein, were em­ployed in works of charity: that by the secrets which the several members practi­sed, a true Mason instantly knew whether [Page 24]a stranger, who would introduce himself into a lodge, was really a Free-Mason; that, was it not for such precautions, this society would form confused assemblies of all sorts of people, who, as they were not obliged to pay obedience to the orders of the master of the lodge, it con­sequently would be impossible to keep them within the bounds of that decorum and good manners, which are exactly observed, upon certain penalties, by all Free-Masons.’

‘That the reason why women were ex­cluded this society, was, to take away all occasion for calumny and reproach, which would have been unavoidable, had they been admitted into it. Farther, that since women had, in general, been always con­sidered [Page 25]as not very well qualified to keep a secret; the founders of the society of Free-Masons, by their exclusion of the other sex, thereby gave a signal proof of their prudence and wisdom.’

They then insisted upon my revealing to them the secrets of this art.— ‘The oath (says I) taken by me at my admission, never to divulge them directly or indirectly, will not permit me to do it: conscience forbids me; and I therefore hope your lordships are too equitable to use com­pulsion.' They declared, 'That my oath was as nothing in their presence, and that they would absolve me from it.—Your lordships (continued I) are very gracious; but as I am firmly persuaded, that it is not in the power of any being upon earth to free me from my oath, I am firmly determined never to violate it.’ This was more than enough to make them re­mand me back to my dungeon, where, a few days after, I fell sick.

A physician was then sent, who finding me exceedingly ill, made a report thereof to the Inquisitors. These, upon their be­ing informed of it, immediately gave orders for my being removed from this frightful dungeon, into another, which admitted [Page 26]some glimmerings of day light. They ap­pointed, at the same time, another prisoner to look after me during my sickness, which, very happily, was not of long continu­ance.

Being recovered, I was again taken be­fore the Inquisitors, who asked me several new questions with regard to the secrets of Masonry; ‘and whether, since my abode in Lisbon, I had received any Portu­gueze into the society?'—I replied, 'that I had not: that it was true, indeed, that Don Emanuel de Sousa, Lord of Callia­ris, and captain of the German Guards, hearing that the person was at Lisbon, who had made the Duke de Villeroy a Free-Mason by order of the French king Lewis XV. Don Emanuel had desired Mr. de Chavigny, at that time minister of France at the Portugueze court, to en­quire for me: but that, upon my being told that the king of Portugal would not permit any of his subjects to be Free-Masons, I had desired two of the brethren to wait on Mr. de Calliaris above-men­tioned, and acquaint him with my fears; and to assure him, at the same time, that, in case he could obtain the king's leave, I was ready to receive him into the bro­therhood; [Page 27]I being resolved not to do any thing which might draw upon me the indignation of his Portugueze majesty: that Mr. de Calliaris having a very strong desire to enter into our society, declared, that there was nothing in what I had ob­served with regard to his majesty's prohi­bition; it being (added this nobleman) unworthy of the regal dignity, to concern itself with such trifles. However, being certain that I spoke from very good au­thority; and knowing that Mr. de Calli­aris was a nobleman of great oeconomy: I found no other expedient, to disengage myself from him, than by asking fifty moidores for his reception; a demand which, I was persuaded, would soon lessen, or rather suppress at once, the violent desire he might have to enter into the society of Free-Masons.’

To this one of the Inquisitors said:— ‘That it was not only true that his Portu­gueze majesty had forbid any of his subjects to be made Free-Masons; but that there had been fixed up, five years before, upon the doors of all the church­es in Lisbon, an order from his holiness, strictly enjoining the Portugueze in gene­ral, [Page 28]not to enter into this society; and even excommunicated all such as were then, or should afterwards become mem­bers of it.’—Here I besought them to consider, ‘that if I had committed any offence in practising Masonry at Lisbon, it was merely through ignorance; I hav­ing resided but two years in Portugal: that, farther, the circumstance just now mentioned by them, entirely destroyed the charge brought against me, viz. of my being the person who had introduced Free-Masonry in Portugal.’—They an­swered, ‘that as I was one of the most zealous partizans of this society, I could not but have heard, during my abode in Lisbon, the orders issued by the holy father.' I silenced them by 'the com­parison I made between myself and a traveller, (a foreigner) who, going to their capital city, and spying two roads leading to it, one of which was expressly forbid (upon pain of the severest punish­ment) to strangers, though without any indication or tokens being set up for this purpose; that this stranger, I say, should thereby strike accidentally, merely thro' ignorance, into the forbidden road.’

[Page 29] They afterwards charged me with ‘draw­ing away Roman Catholics, of other na­tions, residing in Lisbon.’ I represented to them, ‘that Roman Catholics must soon­er be informed of the pope's injunction than I, who was a protestant: that I was firmly of opinion, that the severe orders issued by the Roman pontiff, had not a little prompted many to enter among the Free-Masons: that a man, who was look­ed upon as a heretic, was no ways quali­fied to win over persons who considered him as such: that a Free-Mason, who professed the Romish religion, was, I presumed, the only man fit to seduce and draw away others of the same persuasion with himself; to get into their confidence; and remove successfully such scruples as might arise in their minds, both with regard to the injurious reports spread concerning Masonry, and to the pope's excommunication; of which a vile heretic entertained an idea far different from that of the Romanists.’—They then sent me back to my dungeon.

Being again ordered to be brought be­fore the Inquisitors, they insisted upon my letting them into the secrets of Masonry; threatening me, in case I did not comply. [Page 30]—I persisted, as before, ‘in refusing to break my oath; and besought them, ei­ther to write, or give orders for writing, to his Portugueze majesty's ministers both at London and Paris; to know from them, whether any thing was ever done in the assemblies of the Free-Masons, repugnant to decency and morality; to the dictates of the Romish faith; or to the obedience which every good Christi­an owes to the injunctions of the mo­narch in whose dominions he lives.’ I observed farther, ‘that the king of France, who is the eldest son of the church, and despotic in his dominions, would not have bid his favourite enter into a society proscribed by mother-church; had he not been firmly persuaded that nothing was transacted in their meetings, contrary to the state, to religion, and to the church.’ I afterwards referred them to Mr. Dogood, an Englishman, who was born a Roman Catholic and a Free-Mason. —This gentleman had travelled with, and was greatly beloved by Don Pedro Antonio, the king's favourite; and who (I observed farther) ‘having settled a lodge in Lisbon fifteen years before, could acquaint them, in case he thought proper, with the na­ture [Page 31]and secrets of Masonry.’—The In­quisitors commanded me to be taken back to my dismal abode.

Appearing again before them, they did not once mention the secrets of Masonry; but took notice that I, in one of my exam­inations, had said, ‘that it was a duty in­cumbent on Free-Masons to assist the needy;’ upon which they asked, ‘whe­ther I had ever relieved a poor object?’— I named to them a lying-in woman, a Roman­ist, who being reduced to the extremes of mi­sery, and hearing that the Free-Masons were very liberal of their alms, she addres­sed herself to me, and I gave her a moi­dore. I added, ‘that the convent of the Franciscans having been burnt down, the fathers made a gathering; and I gave them, upon the exchange, three quarters of a moidore.’ I declared farther, ‘that a poor Roman Catholic, who had a large family, and could get no work; being in the utmost distress, had been recommen­ded to me, by some Free-Masons; with a request that we would make a purse, among ourselves, in order to set him up again, and thereby enable him to support his family: that accordingly we raised [Page 32]among seven of us who were Free-Masons, ten moidores; which money I myself put into his hands.’

They then asked me, ‘whether I had given my own money in alms?' I replied, that these arose from the forfeits of such Free-Masons as had not attended proper­ly the meetings of the brotherhood.' What are the faults (said they) committed by your Brother-Masons, which occasion their being fined? Those who take the name of God in vain, pay the quarter of a moidore; such as utter any other oath, or pronounce obscene words, for­seit a new crusade; ^* all who are turbu­lent, or refuse to obey the orders of the master of the lodge, are likewise fined.’ They remanded me back to my dungeon, having first enquired the name and habita­tion of the several persons hinted at a little higher; on which occasion I assured them, ‘that the last mentioned was not a Free-Mason; and that the Brethren assisted, indiscriminately, all sorts of people, provided they were real objects of cha­rity.’

[Page 33] I naturally concluded, from the beha­viour of the Inquisitors, at my being brought before them four days after, that they had enquired into the truth of the several particulars related before. They now did not say a word concerning Ma­sonry, but began to work with different engines.

They then employed all the powers of their rhetoric to prove, ‘that it became me to consider my imprisonment, by order of the holy office, as an effect of the goodness of God; who (added they) in­tended to bring me to a serious way of thinking; and, by this means, lead me into the paths of truth, in order that I might labour efficaciously at the salvation of my soul. That I ought to know that Jesus Christ had said to St. Peter; Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it; ^* whence it was my duty to obey the injunctions of his holi­ness, he being St. Peter's successor.’— I replied with spirit and resolution, ‘that I did not acknowledge the Roman pontiff, either as successor to St. Peter, or as [Page 34]infallible: that I relied entirely, with re­gard to doctrine, on the Holy scriptures, these being the sole guide of our faith: I besought them to let me enjoy, undistur­bed, the privileges allowed the English in Portugal: that I was resolved to live and die in the communion of the church of England: and that therefore all the pains they might take to make a convert of me, would be ineffectual.’

Notwithstanding the repeated declara­tions made by me, that I would never change my religion, the Inquisitors were as urgent as ever. Encouraged by the apostacy of one of my Brother-Masons, they flattered themselves with the hopes of prevailing on me to imitate him; and, for this purpose, offered to send some English friars to me, who (they said) would instruct me; and so fully open my eyes, that I should have a distinct view of my wretched condition, which (they declared) was the more deplorable, as I was now wholly in­sensible of its danger.

Finding me still immoveable, and that there was no possibility of their making the least impression on me; the indulgence which they seemed to show at the beginning of my examination, was suddenly changed [Page 35]to fury; they venting the most injurious expressions; ‘calling me heretic, and say­ing that I was damned.’ Here I could not forbear replying, ‘that I was no here­tic; but would prove, on the contrary, that they themselves were in an error.’ and now, raising their voice; ‘take care (cried they, with a tone of authority) what you say.' 'I advance nothing, (replied I) but what I am able to prove. Do you believe (continues I) that the words of our Lord Jesus Christ, as found in the New Testament are true?’—They an­swered in the affirmative. ‘But what inference (said they) do you draw from thence?' 'Be so good (adds I) as to let me have a bible, and I will inform you concerning this.’ I then laid before them the passage where our Saviour says thus: Search the scriptures, for in them ye think ye have eternal life, and they are they which testify of me ^*. Likewise the following: We also have a more sure word of prophesy; whereunto ye do well that you take heed *; ‘and yet (says I) both the pope and your lordships forbid the perusal of them; and thereby act in direct opposition to the ^† [Page 36]express command of the Saviour of the world.' To this the Inquisitors replied, that I ought to call to mind, 'that our Saviour says to St. Peter, (and in his name, to all the popes his successors) I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth, shall be bound in hea­ven; and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven ^*. 'That none but a heretic, like myself, would dare to dispute the authority and infalli­bility of the pope, who is Christ's vicar here below: that the reason of not al­lowing the perusal of this book was, to to prevent the common people from ex­plaining the obscure passages contained therein, contrary to their true sense; as was daily the practice of schismatics and heretics like myself.’ I shall omit the other controversial points that afterwards occurred, all which I answered to the best of my slender abilities.

One thing I can assure my reader is, that the Inquisitors were not able to alter, in any manner, the firm resolution I had taken, to live and die a protestant: on the contrary, I can affirm, that their remon­strances, [Page 37]and even menaces, served only to strengthen my resistance; and furnish me abundant proofs to refute, with vigour, all the arguments offered by them.

I acknowledge, that I owe this wholly to the divine goodness, which graciously condescended to support me under these violent trials, and enabled me to persevere to the end; for this I return unfeigned thanks to the Almighty; and hope to give, during the remainder of my life, convin­cing testimonies of the strong impression which those trials made on my mind, by devoting myself sincerely to the duties of religion.

I was ordered back, by the Inquisitors, to my dismal abode; after they had decla­red to me, ‘that if I turned Roman Ca­tholic, it would be of great advantage to my cause; otherwise that I perhaps might repent of my obstinacy when it was too late.’ I replied, in a respectful manner, that I could not accept of their offers.

A few days after, I was again brought before the president of the holy office, who said, ‘that the proctor would read, in presence of the court, the heads of the indictment or charge brought against me.’ The Inquisitors now offered me a coun­sellor, [Page 38]in case I desired one, to plead my cause.

Being sensible that the person whom they would send me for this purpose, was him­self an Inquisitor, I chose rather to make my own defence, in the best manner I could. ‘I therefore desired that leave might be granted me to deliver my de­fence in writing;’ but this they refused, saying, ‘that the holy office did not allow prisoners the use of pen, ink, and paper.’ I then begged they would permit me to dictate my justification, in their presence, to any person whom they should appoint; which favour was granted to me.

The heads of the charge or indictment brought against me, were; ' That I had infringed the pope's orders, by my belonging to the sect of the Free-Masons; this sect be­ing a horrid compound of sacrilege, sodomy, and many other abominable crimes: of which the inviolable secrecy observed therein, and the exclusion of women, were but too manifest indications: a circumstance that gave the highest offence to the whole kingdom: and the said Coustos having refused to discover, to the Inquisitors, the true tendency [...]d de­sign of the meetings of Free-Masons: and persisting, on the contrary, in asserting, that [Page 39]Free-Masonry was good in itself: wherefore the proctor of the Inquisition requires, that the said prisoner may be prosecuted with the utmost rigour; and, for this purpose, desires the court would exert its whole authority, and even proceed to tortures, to extort from him a confession, viz. that the several articles of which he stands accused, are true.

The Inquisitors then gave me the above heads, ordering me to sign them, which I absolutely refused. They thereupon com­manded me to be taken back to my dun­geon, without permitting me to say a single word in my justification.

I now had but too much leisure to re­flect on their menaces; and to cast about for answers to the several articles concer­ning Masonry, whereof I stood accused; all which articles I remembered but too well.

Six weeks after, I appeared in presence of two Inquisitors, and the person whom they had appointed to take down my de­fence; which was little more than a reca­pitulation of what I before had asserted with regard to Masonry.

‘Your prisoner (says I to them) is deep­ [...] afflicted, and touched to the soul, to [Page 40]find himself accused (by the ignorance or malice of his enemies) in an infernal charge or indictment, before the lords of the holy office, for having practised the art of Free-Masonry, which has been, and is still, revered, not only by a consi­derable number of persons of the highest quality in Christendom; but likewise by several sovereign princes and crowned heads, who, so far from disdaining to become members of this society, submit­ted, engaged, and obliged themselves, at their admission, to observe religiously, the constitutions of this noble art; noble, not only on account of the almost infinite number of illustrious personages who pro­fess it; but still more so, from the senti­ments of humanity with which it equally inspires the rich and poor, the nobleman and artificer, the prince and subject: for these, when met together, are upon a level as to rank; are all brethren, and conspicuous only from their superiority in virtue: in fine, this art is noble, from the charity which the society of Free-Masons professedly exercises; and from the fraternal love with which it strongly binds and cements together the several [Page 41]individuals who compose it, without any distinction as to religion or birth.’

‘Your prisoner thinks is very hard, to find himself thus become [...]e victim of this tribunal, merely because he belongs to so venerable a society. The rank and exalted dignity of many, who have been and still are, members thereof, should be considered as faithful and speaking witnesses, now pleading in his defence, as well as in that of the brotherhood, so un­justly accused.’

‘Farther; could any one suppose, with­out showing the greatest rashness, or be­ing guilty of the highest injustice; that Christian princes, who are Christ's vice­gerents upon earth, would not only tole­rate, in their dominions, a sect that should favour the abominable crimes of which this tribunal accuses it; but even be ac­complices therein, by their entering into the society in question.’

‘What I have said above, should be more than sufficient to convince your lordships, that you are quite misinformed as to Masonry; and oblige you to stop all prosecution against me. However, I will here add some remarks, in order to corroborate my former assertions; and [Page 42]destroy the bad impressions that may have been made on your lordships minds con­cerning Free-Masonry.’

‘The very strict enquiry made into the past life and conduct of all persons that desire to be received among the Brother­hood; and who are never admitted, ex­cept the strongest and most indisputable testimonies are given, of their having lived irreproachably; are farther indica­tions, that this society is no ways guilty of the crimes with which it is charged by your tribunal; the utmost precautions be­ing taken, to expel from this society, not only wicked wretches, but even disor­derly persons.’

‘The works of charity, which the Bro­therhood think it incumbent on themselves to exercise, towards such as are real objects of compassion, and whereof I have given your lordships some few in­stances; show likewise, that it is morally impossible for a society, so execrable as you have described that of the Free-Ma­sons to be, to practice a [...]tue so gene­rally neglected; and so opposite to the love of riches, at this time the predomi­nant vice, the root of all evil.’

[Page 43] ‘Besides, wicked wretches set all laws at defiance; despise kings, and the ma­gistrates established by them for the due administration of justice. Abandoned men, such as those hinted at here, foment insurrections and rebellions; whereas Free-Masons pay an awful regard to the prince in whose dominions they live; yield implicit obedience to his laws; and revere, in the magistrates, the sacred person of the king, by whom they were nominated; rooting up, to the utmost of their power, every seed of sedition and rebellion: and being ready, at all times, to venture their lives, for the se­curity both of the prince, and of his go­vernment.’

‘Wicked wretches, when got together, not only take perpetually the name of God in vain; but blaspheme and deny him: whereas the Free-Masons punish very severely, not only swearers, but likewise such as utter obscene words: and expel from their society, all persons hard­ened in those vices.’

‘Wicked wretches contemn religions of every kind; turn them into ridicule; and speak in terms unworthy of the deity wor­shipped [Page 44]in them. But the Free-Masons, on the contrary, observing a respectful silence on this occasion, never quarrel with the religious principles of any per­son; but live together in fraternal love, which a difference in opinion can no ways lessen.’—I closed my defence with the four lines following, composed by a Free-Mason.

To which I added (in my own mind)

‘Such, my lords, (continued I) are our true and genuine secrets. I now wait, with all possible resignation, for whatever you shall think proper to de­cree; but still hope, from your equity and justice, that you will not pass sen­tence upon me, as though I was guilty [Page 45]of the crimes mentioned in the indict­ment; upon the vain pretence, that inviolable secrecy can be observed in such things only as are of a criminal nature.’

I was remanded back to my usual scene of woe, without being able to guess what impression my defence might have made on my judges. A few days after I was brought before his eminence Cardinal da Cunha, Inquisitor and director general of all the Inquisitions dependent on the Portugueze monarchy.

The president, directing himself to me, declared, ‘that the holy tribunal was assembled, purposely to hear and deter­mine my cause: that I therefore should examine my own m [...]nd; and see whether I had no other arguments to offer in my justification.'—I replied, 'that I had none; but relied wholly on their rectitude and equity,’ Having spoke these words, they sent me back to my sad abode, and judged me among themselves.

Some time after, the president sent for me again; when being brought before him, he ordered a paper, containing part of my sentence, to be read. I thereby was doom­ed to suffer the tortures employed by the [Page 46]holy office, for refusing to tell the truth, (as they falsely affirmed;) for my not discover­ing the secrets of Masonry, with the true tendency and purpose of the meetings of the Brethren.

I hereupon was instantly conveyed to the torture-room, built in form of a square tower, where no light appeared, but what two candles gave: and to prevent the dreadful cries and shocking groans of the unhappy victims from reaching the ears of the other prisoners, the doors are lined with a sort of quilt.

The reader will naturally suppose that I must be seized with horror, when, at my entering this infernal place, I saw myself, on a sudden, surrounded by six wretches, who, after preparing the tortures, stripped me naked, (all to linen drawers); when, laying me on my back, they began to lay hold of every part of my body. First, they put round my neck an iron collar, which was fastened to the scaffold; they then fixed a ring to each foo [...]; and this being done, they stretched my [...]mbs with all their might. They next wound two ropes round each arm, and two round each thigh, which ropes passed under the scaf­fold, through holes made for that purpose [Page]

[Page 47]and were all drawn tight, at the same time, by four men, upon a signal made for this purpose.

The reader will believe that my pains must be intolerable, when I solemnly de­clare, that these ropes, which were of the size of one's little finger, pierced through my flesh quite to the bone; making the blood gush out at the eight different places that were thus bound. As I persisted in refusing to discover any more than what has been seen in the interrogatories above; the ropes were thus drawn together four different times. At my side stood a phy­sician and a surgeon, who often felt my temples, to judge of the danger I might be in; by which means my tortures were suspended, at intervals, that I might have an opportunity of recovering myself a lit­tle.

Whilst I was thus suffering they were so barbarously unjust as to declare, that, were I to die under the torture, I should be guilty, by my obstinacy, of self-murder. In fine, the last time the ropes were drawn tight, I grew so exceedingly weak, occasi­oned by the bloods circulation being stop­ped, and the pains I endured, that I fainted quite away; insomuch that I was carried [Page 48]back to my dungeon, without my once perceiving it.

These barbarians finding that the tortures above described could not extort any far­ther discovery from me; but that, the more they made me suffer, the more fervently I addressed my supplications, for patience, to heaven; they were so inhuman, six weeks after, as to expose me to another kind of torture, more grievous, if possible, than the former. They made me stretch my arms in such a manner, that the palms of my hands were turned outward; when, by the help of a rope that fastened them toge­ther at the wrist, and which they turned by an engine; they drew them gently nearer to one another behind, in such a manner that the back of each hand touched, and stood exactly parallel one to the other; whereby both my shoulders were dislocated, and a considerable quantity of blood issued from my mouth. This torture was re­peated thrice; after which I was again taken to my dungeon, and put into the hands of physicians and surgeons, who, in setting my bones, put me to exquisite pain.

Two months after, being a little recover­ed, I was again conveyed to the torture [Page]

[Page 49]room; and there made to undergo another kind of punishment twice. The reader may judge of its horror, from the following description thereof.

The torturers turned twice round my body a thick iron chain, which, crossing upon my stomach, terminated afterwards at my wrists. They next set my back against a thick board, at each extremity whereof was a pulley, thro' which there run a rope, that catched the ends of the chains at my wrists. The tormentors then stretch­ing these ropes, by means of a roller, press­ed or bruised my stomach, in proportion as the ropes were drawn tighter. They tortu­red me on this occasion, to such a degree, that my wrists and shoulders were put out of joint.

The surgeons, however, set them pre­sently after; but the barbarians not having yet satiated their cruelty, made me under­go this torture a second time, which I did with fresh pains, though with equal con­stancy and resolution [...] I then was remand­ed back to my dungeon, attended by the surgeons who dressed my bruises; and here I continued till their Auto da Fé, or gaol delivery.

[Page 50] The reader may judge, from the [...] description, of the dreadful anguish I must have laboured under, the nine different times they put me to the torture. Most of my limbs were put out of joint, and brui­sed in such a manner, that I was unable, during some weeks, to lift my hand to my mouth; my body being vastly swelled, by the inflammations caused by the frequent dislocations. I have but too much reason to fear, that I shall feel the sad effects of this cruelty so long as I live; I being seized from time to time with thrilling pains, with which I never was afflicted, till I had the misfortune to fall into the merciless and bloody hands of the Inqui­sitors.

The day of the Auto da Fé being come, I was made to walk in the procession, with the other victims of this tribunal. Being come to St. Dominic's church, my sen­tence was read, by which, I was condemned to the galley (as it is termed during four, years.

Four days after this procession, I was conveyed to this galley; and joined, on the morrow, in the painful occupations o [...] my follow slaves. However, the [...]b [...]r [...] had of speaking [...] my friends, after ha [...] [Page]

[Page 51]been deprived of even the sight of them, during my tedious, wretched abode in the prison of the Inquisition; the open air I now breathed; with the satisfaction I felt in being freed from the dreadful apprehen­sions which always overspread my mind, whenever I reflected on the uncertainty of my fate; these circumstances united, made me find the toils of the galley much more supportable.

As I had suffered greatly in my body, by the tortures inflicted on me in the prison of the Inquisition, of which the reader has seen a very imperfect, though faithful nar­rative, in the foregoing sheets; I was quite unfit to go about the painful labour that was immediately allotted me, viz. the carrying water (an hundred pounds weight) to the prisons of the city. But the fears I was under, of being exposed to the in­humanity of the guards or overseers who accompany the galley slaves, caused me to exert myself so far beyond my strength, that, twelve days after, I fell grievously sick. I then was sent to the Infirmary, where I continued two months. During my abode in this place, I was often visited by the Irish friars belonging to the convent of Corpo Santo, who offered to get my [Page 52]release, provided I would turn Roman Catholic. I assured them, that all their endeavours would be fruitless; I expecting my enlargement from the Almighty alone, who, if He, in his profound wisdom thought proper, would point out other expedients for my obtaining it, than my becoming an apostate.

Being unable, after this, to go through the toils to which I had been sentenced, I was excused, by my amply rewarding the overseers. It was now that I had full leisure, to reflect seriously on the means of obtaining my liberty; and, for this purpose, desired a friend to write to my brother-in-law, Mr. Barbu, to inform him of my deplorable state; and to intreat him, humbly to address the Earl of Har­rington, in my favour; my brother-in-law having the honour to live in his lordship's family. This nobleman, whose humanity and generosity have been the theme of infinitely abler pens than mine, was so good as to declare, that he would endea­vour to procure my freedom. According­ly, his lordship spoke to his grace the duke of Newcastle, one of the principal secretaries of state; in order to supplicate 'for leave, from our Sovereign, that his [Page 53]minister at Lisbon might demand me, as a subject of Great Britain.

His Majesty, ever attentive to the fe­licity of his subjects, and desirous of relieving them in all their misfortunes, was so gracious as to interpose in my favour. Accordingly his commands being dispatch­ed to Mr. Compton, the British minister at Lisbon, that gentleman demanded my liberty of the king of Portugal, in his Britannic majesty's name; which accord­ingly I obtained the latter end of Octo­ber, 1744. The person who came and freed me from the galley, by order of the Inquisitors, took me before them. The president then told me, that Cardinal da Cunha had given orders for my being released. At the same time, he bid me return to the holy office in three or four days.

I could perceive, during this interval, that I was followed by the spies of the Inquisition, who kept a watchful eye over my behaviour, and the places I frequented I waited upon our envoy, as likewise upon our consul, whom I informed of the com­mands which had been laid upon me at the Inquisition; and those gentlemen ad­vised me to obey them. They cautioned [Page 54]me, however, to take a friend with me, in order to give them notice in case I should be seized again. I accordingly returned to the Inquisitors five days after, when the president declared; ‘that the tribunal would not permit me to continue any longer in Portugal; and therefore that I must name the city and kingdom whi­ther I intended to retire.'—' As my family, (replied I) is now in Lon­don, I design to go thither as soon as possible.’ They then bid me embark in the first ship that should sail for En­gland; adding, that the instant I had found one, I must inform them of the day and hour I intended to go on board, together with the captain's name, and that of his ship.

A report prevailed some days after, that one of the persons seized by the In­quisition for Free-Masonry, and who ob­tained his liberty by turning Roman Catho­lic, had been so indiscreet as to divulge the cruelties exercised in this tribunal.

I now imagined that prudence required me to secure myself from a second perse­cution. As there was, at this time, no English ship in the port of Lisbon, I wait­ed upon Mr. Vantil, the resident of Her [Page 55]and besought him to speak to the Dutch admiral to admit me on board his fleet. The resident, touched with my ca­lamities, hinted my request to the admiral, who generously complied with it. I then went, together with a friend, and informed the Inquisitor, that I designed to embark for England, in the Damietta, commanded by vice admiral Cornelius Sereiver, who was to sail in a few days. Upon the In­quisitor's enquiring the exact time when I intended to go on board; I replied, at nine o'clock the next morning. He then bid me come to him precisely at that hour; adding, that he would send some officers of the Inquisition to see me on ship­board.

These orders giving me great uneasiness, I waited upon the several gentlemen above mentioned; when telling them the injunc­tions laid upon me, they advised me to act very cautiously on this occasion. I there­fore thought it would be safest for me to go on board immediately, without giving any notice of it to the Inquisitors. We lay at anchor, after this, near three weeks before Lisbon.

[Page 56] The Inquisitor no sooner found that I failed coming to him at the time appointed, in order to be conducted to the ship, than he sent out about thirty spies. Nine of these coming to enquire after me, at the house where I used to lodge, searched it from top to bottom; examining every trunk, chest of drawers and closet. But their endeavours to find me being fruitless, some officers of the Inquisition getting into a boat, rowed several times round the three Dutch men of war lying at anchor: These officers imagined, that if I was on board, and consequently in a place of security, I should not be afraid of showing myself; a circumstance that would have put an end to their search, which cost them some pains and expence. As I did not gra­tify their curiosity, and we weighed anchor a few days after, I know not whether they continued it.

Their search was so open, both at the house where I lodged, as well as at other places, that I was soon informed of it; at which I should have been delighted, had not my joy been damped by the apprehen­sions I was under, left my dear friend, Mr. Mouton, the companion of my sufferings and tortures, merely on account of Free-Masonry, [Page 57]should likewise fall a victim to their barbarity. Speaking concerning him to the admiral, he, with the utmost hu­manity, gave me leave to send for him on board. He coming accordingly next day, was received, with great satisfaction, by the whole ship's company, especially by myself, I having a peculiar esteem for him, which I shall ever entertain.

We set sail two days after. We had occasion to observe, during our whole voy­age, the true pleasure which a generous mind feels, in doing a h [...]mane action, and in protecting the unhappy. This was par­ticularly conspicuous in the admiral, he ordering the utmost care to be taken of us, all the time we were on board his ship; he sometimes condescending to admit us to his table, when he would talk to us with the utmost familiarity. This distinction won us the civility of every person in the ship, which continued till our arrival at Portsmouth, where we landed; without ha­ving been put to a farthing expence during the whole voyage.

All these favours, so generously bestowed by the admiral, call aloud for the strongest acknowledgments of gratitude.

[Page 58] To conclude, I arrived in London the 15th of December 1744, after a long and dangerous voyage.

I here return thanks, with all the pow­ers of my soul, to the Almighty, for his having so visibly protected me from that in­fernal band of friars, who employed the va­rious tortures mentioned in the former pa­ges, in order to force me to apostatize from my holy religion.

I return our sovereign King George II. (the instrument under heaven for procuring me my liberty) the most dutiful and most respectful thanks, for his so graciously condescending to interpose in favour of an ill-fated galley slave. I shall retain, so long as I have breath, the deepest sensa­tions of affection and loyalty for his sacred person; and will be ever ready to expose my life, for his majesty and his most august family.

THE Roman pontiffs employed every expedient, and set every engine at work (among which none has served their pur­pose better than religion) in order to in­crease their authority. Pretending to be the successors of St. Peter, they ascribed to themselves characteristics of holiness superior even to that of the apostles; and were so extravagant as even to boast their being infallible. Monarchs, infatuated with this pretended sanctity of the popes, whom they considered as deities upon earth, and dispensers of celestial blessings; strove to rival one another in bestowing territories, &c. upon these pontiffs, in [Page 60]hopes of obtaining their favour; adding such extensive privileges, that these pon­tiffs became, at last, the arbiters of crown­ed heads, who did not discover, till it was too late, that they themselves were become slaves to the papal authority.

Some of these princes being oppressed with the weight of their chains, and desi­rous of throwing them off, resisted the will of the holy father, and thereupon were declared heretics, and excommunica­ted. Nor did these popes stop here; for, if these kings persisted in their obstinacy, they were dethroned, and their domini­ons given to others, who readily offered to pay the obedience claimed by the see of Rome.

The emperors, jealous to see the Roman pontiffs, and their adherents, extend their authority so far beyond its just limits; did all that lay in their power to restrain and reduce it within narrower bounds. About the middle of the XIth. century, there broke out violent contests between them, which raged above fifty years.

The emperors and popes being thus exasperated against each other, no longer acted in concert, in order to suppress heresy; so that these commotions gave [Page 61]occasion to the starting up of several new heresiarchs. Hitherto the latter had op­posed only the mysteries; but now, lea­ving the mysteries, they attacked morality and discipline, and especially the papal authority. This was more than sufficient to open the eyes of the court of Rome, with regard to the danger which threat­ened it, in case a speedy remedy should not be found, in order to check these heretics, before the contagion was be­come general; under favour of the disputes subsisting between the emperor and the pope.

But as these heretics, or rather enemies of the pontifical authority of Rome, were exceedingly numerous; not to mention their being supported, clandestinely, by kings; the popes were forced, at first, to wink at, and even tolerate those heretics, till such time as an opportunity might offer, for suppressing, or rather rooting them out. For this reason, the Roman pontiffs now contented themselves with writing often to the princes, magistrates and bishops; exhorting them to exert their utmost endeavours, in order to extirpate the enemies of the see of Rome. How­ever, princes and magistrates took little [Page 62]pains to check them; whether it were that they did not care to sacrifice a set of people who were of so much use to them, in order for restraining the papal authority, and increasing their own; or, whether they did not think them so criminal as the popes pretended; or whether politics, which often vary according to times and interests, caused them to consider these heretics as persons whom it was incumbent on them to tolerate, for their own advan­tage.

The bishops, either through indolence, or because they were not strong enough to oppose the stream, were equally unsuccess­ful, whereby heretics became so powerful, that, at length, they were able to make head against the see of Rome.

The Arnaldists, ^* who were among these, reduced the popes to the greatest distresses; [Page 63]they forcing them, more than once, to quit Rome, and to seek an asylum else­where, in order to secure themselves from their fury.

The Waldenses and Albigenses, (people of France) rising up after them, were no less enemies to the authority usurped by the Roman pontiff, nor less zealous in attack­ing it: and the protection indulged those people by Raymond Count de Toulouse, and by Counts de Foix and de Comminges, caused them to be still more enterprising and more formidable.

Pope Innocent III. a man of great spi­rit, and fortunate in his enterprizes, form­ed a design of promulgating a crusade ^* [Page 64]against them, which had been of such vast service to his predecessors, in order for increasing their authority; however, he thought it necessary, before he carried things to extremities, to have recourse to gentle methods. For this purpose, he sent into Languedoc, missionaries, at whose head were Dominic, a native of Old Castle, who had lately founded an order of friars, cal­led from his name; together with the bles­sed Peter of Chateauneuf (as he is termed by the Romanists) who was butchered at Toulouse, anno 1200. And now the pope, resolving to employ temporal weapons against them, published a crusade, where­by indulgences were granted to all such as should take up arms, or furnish monies, &c. for assisting this enterprize against the Mahommedans; for thus he called those people, to enflame still more the crusaders against them. ^* The papal arms being suc­cessful [Page 65]Raymund submitted himself (about the year 1209) and gave, as a pledge of his word, seven of the chief towers in Provence and Languedoc. On this occasion several cities were taken, and the most shocking cruelties practised; numberless multitudes of the inhabitants being put to the sword, without distinction of age or sex. Counts de Foix, de Comminges, and de Beziers, afterwards followed the example of Ray­mund. Count Simon de Montfort, gene­ral of the church, signalized himself but too much at the head of these crusaders.

The origin of the Inquisition is thus re­lated, by Fleury, in his ecclesiastical his­tory. ‘In 1198, Innocent III. sent into the southern provinces of France, two Cistercian monks, Reinier and Gui, to convert the Manichees, with which those parts swarmed; to excommunicate the obstinate; and to command the lords to consiscate the possessions of the excom­municated; to banish them, and punish them with severity: impowering, at the same time, Reinier to force the lords likewise; to excommunicate them, and put their lands under sequestration.— [Page 66]These commissioners, thus sent against the heretics, were afterwards called In­quisitors.’ The Jesuits of Trevoux observe, that ‘the council of Narbonne, held in 1235, and that of Beziers in 1246, gave the Dominicans (Inquisitors) in the provinces of Arles, of Aix, of Embrum, and Vienne, a rule or ordi­nance, consisting of thirty-seven articles; and these were the basis of the procedures which have been observed, since that time, in the tribunals of the Inquisi­tion.’

Some imagine, that they find the origin of the Inquisition, in a constitution made by pope Lucius, in the council of Verona, anno 1184; because that he commands bishops to examine personally, or by com­missioners, people suspected, of heresy; distinguishes the various degrees of persons suspected, convicted, penitent, or relap­sed, for all whom different punishments are enacted; and that, after the church has employed, against criminals, spiritual wea­pons, it delivers them over to the secular arm, in order for corporeal punishments to be inflicted on them; experience having shown, (says my Romish author) that seve­ral Christians, and particularly the new [Page 67]heretics of this age, little regarded eccle­siastical censures, and despised these spirit­ual punishments. What blessed times were these, when ignorance, superstition, and tyranny swayed the earth!

THERE are, in the dominions of the king of Portugal, four Inquisitions, viz. at Lisbon, Coimbra, Evora and Goa, in the East Indies. The jurisdiction of the last mentioned extends over all the coun­tries possessed by his Portugueze majesty on the other side of the Cape of Good Hope.

Besides these four Inquisitions, there is a supreme council held in Lisbon, to which all the other Portugueze Inquisiti­ons are subordinate. This tribunal consists [Page 98]of an Inquisitor General, who is appointed by the king, and confirmed by the pope. He is empowered to nominate the Inqui­sitors in all the countries dependant on the crown of Portugal. Under him are five counsellors, a fiscal proctor, ^* a secretary [Page 99]of the king's bed chamber, two secretaries of the council, an alcayde or goaler, a receiver, two reporters, two qualificators, and a great number of subaltern officers.

[Page 100] This supreme council has an unlimited authority over all the Inquisitors of Por­tugal; they not being permitted to so­lemnize an Auto da Fé without its per­mission. This is the only tribunal of the Inquisition, from which there is no ap­peal. It may enact new laws at pleasure. It determines all suits or contests arising between the Inquisitors. It punishes the ministers and officers of the Inquisition. All appeals are made to it. In fine, the authority of this tribunal is so great, that there is scarce any one but trembles at its bare name; and even the king himself does not dare to oppose it.

We observed that, besides the supreme council, there are four other tribunals of the Inquisition. Each of them is compo­sed of three Inquisitors or judges, a fis­cal proctor, two secretaries, a judge, a receiver, and a secretary of confiscated possessions, assessors, counsellors, an ex­ecutor, physicians and surgeons, a gaoler, a messenger, door-keepers, familiars, and visitors.

[Page 101] There are, in the Romish church, two sorts of judges in matters of faith. The first are so by virtue of the employment with which they are invested; such is the pope and the bishops, who, immediately after their consecration, are supposed to receive, from heaven, a right and an ab­solute jurisdiction over heretics.

The second sort of judges, are those delegated by the pope, who sets himself up as supreme judge in matters of faith; and gives the judges in question an entire jurisdiction over all heretics and apostates. These are called apostolical Inquisitors.

This employment is of such eminence, that those who are raised to it have the fame title with bishops: and Clement IV. to do them the greater honour, and en­large their power, freed them from the jurisdiction of the bishops where they re­side; making them dependant only on the General Inquisitor of the kingdom. They likewise may publish edicts against here­tics; heighten their punishment; excom­municate, or take off the excommunica­tion from such as have incurred it, ex­cept these are dying.

The Inquisitors may seize a heretic, though he should have sled for refuge into [Page 102]a church; which the bishop must not op­pose, on any pretence whatsoever; a cir­cumstance that gives the Inquisitors greater power than is enjoyed by the kings of the countries where the Inquisition is esta­blished.

No prelate, or legate from the see of Rome, can pronounce sentence of excom­munication, suspension or interdict, against the Inquisitors and their secretaries, with­out an express order from the pope; to prevent, as is pretended, the affairs of reli­gion from being injured, and heretics from going unpunished.

The Inquisitors may forbid the secular judges to prosecute any person, even in a prosecution carried on, at first, by their order.

Any person who shall kill, or employ another to kill, abuse or beat an Inquisitor and official of the Inquisition, shall be de­livered over to the secular arm, in order to be severely punished.

Pope Urban IV. granted them likewise the privilege of absolving one another, and their assistants, with regard to any faults committed by them, arising from human frailty; and for which they may have incurred the sentence of excommunication. [Page 103]They, farther, may grant an indulgence of twenty or forty days, (as they may think proper) to persons whom they shall think penitent.

They are impowered to absolve all friars, companions, and notaries of the Inquisition, from the penance which may have been enjoined them during three years; provided such had endeavoured sincerely, and personally aided and insist­ed in the prosecution of heretics, and of all who favour, defend or conceal them. And if any of the persons in question should die in the pursuit of so pious (as it is strangely termed) a work, the Inquisitors may give them full absolution, after such persons shall have made a confession of all their sins.

To these privileges we shall add such as relate more immediately to the prose­cution of persons impeached. All affairs relating to the pretended holy office, are managed by the Inquisitors, who, by vir­tue of the denunciations, informations, and accusations, brought against all sorts of persons; issue their orders for citing, seiz­ing, imprisoning, and laying in irons, those who are accused.

The Inquisitors receive the confessions and depositions of those persons, and appoint the various tortures, in order for extorting from them whatever they desire should be confessed. In fine, they con­demn definitively, all who have the sad fate to be their prisoners, without any­appeal whatsoever. The Inquisitors may, for their own ease, appoint persons to assist as judges, in their names, in case of sickness or absence; and these are allowed much the same prerogatives with those who established them; and can be removed by none but the Inquisitors by whom they were nominated. They likewise may [Page 105]appoint more assistants or commissaries, proportionably to the cities or towns in the provinces dependant on this tribunal.— There must be one commissary at least, in every town.

The second officer of the Inquisition is the fiscal proctor. This man, upon in­formations made against persons, receives the depositions of the witnesses; and ad­dresses the Inquisitors, in order for their being seized and imprisoned. In a word, he is their accuser, and pleads against them, after their being taken up. The secretaries keep an exact register of the prisoners from the time of their commit­ment; of the principle articles of the indictment; with the names of the witnesses who swore against them. In a word, they write down the proceedings in all causes, and the defence made by the prisoner. They likewise register all the orders given by the executor, and other officers of the tribunal in question. All writings must be carefully locked up, to prevent their being perused by any persons except those acquainted with the secrets of the Inquisi­tion. The judge of the goods and chat­tels confiscated, is judge between the fisc or exchequer, and private persons, in all [Page 106]causes relating to the effects of prison­ers.

The receiver is to take exact care of the confiscated possessions; must sell them, and apply the monies pursuant to the orders given him. He likewise must be present, when the executor, and the other officers, sequester the possessions of pri­soners; which is not done without an express command from the Inquisitor. The secretary of the sequestrations, takes [...]n exact inventory of all the effects belong­ing to the prisoners sound in their possessi­on; or in the hands of other persons, who, should they alienate the least part of them, would be exposed to the utmost rigours of this tribunal. All the effects and posses­sions belonging to the prisoners, are lodged with the receiver of the sequestrations; to­gether with an exact inventory, signed by the executor, who, as well as the secretary, has a copy thereof.

The duties of the executor, is to exe­cute the orders of the Inquisitors, and par­ticularly to take criminals, and go in pur­suit of them, if they are at a distance; to look carefully after them, when in their hands; and even to fetter them, &c. in order to convey them, with the greates [Page 107]security, to the prisons of the Inquisi­tion.

The familiars are the bailiffs or catch­poles of the Inquisition. Though this is a most ignominious employment in all other criminal courts, it yet is looked upon as so honourable in the Inquisition, that every nobleman in Portugal is a fami­liar of this tribunal. It is not surprising, that persons of the highest quality should be solicitous for this post, since the pope has granted, to these familiars, the like plenary indulgencies as the council of La­teran gave to such persons as should go to the succour of the holy land against the in­fidels. They are the satellites of the In­quisitors; they attending on them and de­fending them if necessary, against the insults of heretics. They accompany the execu­to, whenever he goes to seize criminals; and must obey all orders given them by the chief officers of the Inquisition. Seve­ral privileges are allowed them, especially the carrying arms; but they are ordered to use those with discretion.

Assessors and counsellors are persons skilled in the canon and civil law. The Inquisitors consult them in all difficult points, but follow their opinions no farther [Page 108]than they think proper. They commonly make use of those persons to give the greater weight to their sentences, by the specious precautions they take; but in no other view than to impose on man­kind.

The visitor is a person appointed by the Inquisitor General, to inspect all the towns, cities and provinces where commissaries are established. They must inform him of the care which these commissaries take in searching after heretics; and make a report thereof, in order that he, with his council, may use such measures as may be thought fitting: the visitor must pay the most exact obedience to the instructions of the Inquisi­tor: he is forbid to lodge at the houses of those over whose conduct he is to have an eye; to receive the least present from them, or any one sent in their name. The num­ber of these visitors is always in proportion to that of the towns, and the extent of the provinces where the Inquisition is estab­lished.

The several officers of this tribunal must make oath, before the Inquisitors, to dis­charge faithfully the duties of their employ­ment; not to divulge the most minute par­ticular relating to the Inquisition of its pri­sons, [Page 109]on any pretence whatsoever, upon pain of being turned out, and punished with the utmost severity. The Inquisitors admit of no excuse on these occasions; secrecy being the soul, as it were, and the mighty support of this tribunal.

Besides these several officers of the In­quisition, the popes have likewise com­manded, by their bulls, magistrates in ge­neral, to give all the assistance in their power, not only to the Inquisitors; but likewise to their various subaltern officers, who may stand in need thereof, in the ex­ercise of their employments, upon pain of their being subject to ecclesiastical punish­ments.

The Inquisitors being, as was observed, judges delegated by the pope, for enqui­ring into matters of faith, and for extirpa­ting heresy; they, upon this specious pre­tence, are impowered to prosecute all sorts of friars, of what rank or condition soever, either in their own names, by the supreme council of the kingdom, or by the pope. 'Tis so much the interest of the Roman pontiff to support the Inquisitors, that he exerts his whole authority for this pur­pose; some examples whereof will be given hereafter.

[Page 110] In sine, they may prosecute indiscrimi­nately, any layman infected with heresy, not excepting princes or kings. However, the Inquisitors, to secure themselves from any ill consequences which might attend their attacking persons in such exalted sta­tions, consult the pope on these occasions, and proceed as he may direct. This pre­caution is not used out of respect to persons of high eminence and crowned heads; but, for fear lest a severe treatment should ex­asperate them, and cause them to oppose the Inquisition in places where it is poor, and not powerfully established. No per­sons would be exempt from the prosecu­tions of this tribunal, how great soever his privileges might otherwise be, should he presume to speak contemptuously of this tribunal; this being an infinitely worse crime than the most pernicious heresy.

Having thus mentioned the privileges, &c. of the Inquisition, let us now specify the

THE pretended zeal of the Inquisitors, for preserving religion in all its purity, is merely a cloak to hide their boundless am­bition, their insatiable thirst of riches, and their vindictive spirit.

The emperor Frederic, mentioned in the foregoing pages, who first invested the Inquisitors with great privileges, was the first who made the most cruel abuse of them. All who opposed his will were deemed heretics, and judged and burnt as such. He committed to the flames, upon the false pretence of heresy, so great a [Page 164]number of Romanists, that pope Gregory could not forbear representing to him in the most serious terms; that it became him to extirpate heretics only, and not the true sons of the church.

The monarch in question did not fore­see that the court of Rome might turn those very weapons against him which he had employed so unjustly against a mul­titude of Christians. This emperor was afterwards sensible of his error, but too late; for he himself was in 1239 impeach­ed as a heretic; and being judged, was excommunicated as such; and his sub­jects freed from the allegiance they had sworn to him; though his heresy was no more, than his having opposed the un­limited power which the popes pretended to exercise over all Christians, not except­ing even crowned heads.

Elezine, lord of Padua, whose heresy was only too great attachment to the emperor Frederic, was likewise excom­municated, and Inquisitors appointed to prosecute him for this pretended crime. Accordingly he was summoned to appear in Rome, whither he sent persons of reputation to declare his innocence.— However, these were not allowed to be [Page 165]heard, the pope insisting that he should appear in person; and, upon his refusing to obey this order, the Roman pontiff sent the bishop of Treviso to inform Elezine, that he would render himself obnoxious to all the punishments inflicted on heretics, in case he refused to appear personally in Rome, sometime in August 1251; and further, that if he did not submit to all the pope's injunctions, he would be declared infamous and a he­retic; himself and his possessions seized, and a crusade sent against him and his ad­herents. In fine, sentence was passed against this lord in 1254, whereby he was pronounced a heretic, and all his posses­sions confiscated in favour of his brother Albert.

About the same time, Count de Tou­ [...]ouse fell a victim to the cruel power of the Roman pontiffs and their wicked agents. His dominions were sacked by crusaders, whom the pope had sent out against him. In fine, this Count, though a zealous Romanist, could find no other way to extricate himself, than by making a submission, too mean and severe for a prince, whose only crime was his strong attachment to Frederic, [Page 166]then at variance with the court of Rome; and his not persecuting his own subjects, who were accused, by that court, of he­resy.

The Spanish Inquisitors cited Jane, daughter of the emperor Charles V. to appear before their tribunal; in order to be examined concerning another person, with regard to some articles of faith, which the Inquisitors declared were here­tical. The emperor himself stood in such awe of the Inquisition, that he command­ed his daughter, in case she thought the person accused ever so little guilty, not to delay her information, in order to avoid the sentence of excommunication, levelled not only against other persons, but even against himself. The princess, in compliance with this command, imme­diately gave in her deposition to Valdes, archbishop of Seville, then Inquisitor-General.

The Inquisition of Arragon proceeded to still greater lengths; it having the inso­lence to prosecute Don Carlos, eldest son to Don John II. king of Arragon. ^*

[Page 167] The Inquisition of Castile distinguished itself in a manner equally daring and hor­rid; this tribunal attempted to prosecute the memory of the emperor Charles V. and to sentence his will to the flames, as here­tical; together with all those persons who had had the greatest share in this monarch's friendship.

Here follows a succinct account of this incident, as related by Thaunus, d'Aubig­né, and le Laboureur.

This emperor's retreat had given rise to various reports. One of these was, that he had contracted, by his almost continual correspondence with the pro­testants of Germany, an inclination for their opinions; and yet the sole motive of his withdrawing to a solitude, was, that he might have an opportunity of ending his days in exercises of piety conformable to his secret disposition. It was likewise affirmed, that his ill treatment of several of those brave protestant princes, whom he had subdued by force of arms, extorted from him such an admiration of their con­stancy in ill fortune, as made him almost blush for his conquests: and raised in him, by insensible degrees, an esteem for their religion.

[Page 168] A circumstance which added to the probability of these reports, was, his making choice of persons suspected of heresy to be the companions of his retreat, and the directors of his conscience. Doc­tor Caculla was his preacher; and his confessors-were the archbishop of Toledo, and especially Constantine Pontius, bishop of Drossin. This report was strengthened by the great number of passages, writ with the emperor's own hand, on the walls of his cell at St. Justus' where he died; these agreeing pretty nearly with the tenets of the protestants, on justification and grace.

But a circumstance which confirmed this opinion still more, was, his will not being drawn up after the manner of the Roman Catholics; I mean that no pious le­gacies were read therein, nor any monies bequeathed for saying masses, which gave offence to the Inquisitors. However, they did not dare to speak openly on this occasion, till they should first know the sentiments of Philip II. and whether he would not be offended at the prosecu­tion in question; but this prince, on his ascending the throne, sigualized himself by persecuting all those who had shook off [Page 169]the papal yoke; so that the Inquisitors, in imitation of him, first prosecuted the arch­bishop of Toledo, primate of Spain, after­wards Caculla, and last of all Constantine Pontius.

As the king permitted them to be impri­soned, this was considered as an undoubted proof of his zeal for the Romish religion: but the most judicious were struck with horror, when they saw the emperor's con­fessor, in whose arms he died, delivered up, by his own son, to a most ignominious and cruel punishment.

The Inquisitors could not forbear showing, that they were prompted to this horrid act, by no other views than those of interest; since, in the trials of the three persons above-mentioned, they charged them with being concern­ed in drawing up the emperor's will; and sentenced both it, and them, to the flames.

Philip, who hitherto had beheld with the utmost indifference, the conduct of the Inquisitors, now roused as from a lethargy; when reflecting on the bad things the world would say of him, in case he did not stop a prosecution so injurious to the memory of his royal [Page 170]father, and which might likewise be at­tended with fatal consequences, he en­deavoured, secretly, to stop the prosecu­tion; but employed, at the same time, gentle expedients, for fear of angering the Inquisitors.

Don Carlos, only son to king Philip, being a prince of great vivacity; and en­tertaining the utmost veneration for his grandfather's memory, was highly offended at this insult put upon it. Not knowing all the extent of the power of this horrid tribunal, he inveighed against it; and, after blarning his father's weakness, spoke publicly of this design of the Inquisitors, as a shocking and unheard of attempt.— He even went so far, as to threaten to extirpate, one day or other, the Inqui­sition, and all its agents, for this abomi­nable outrage. But this generous prince paid dear for these passionate expressions; the Inquisitors being determined to sacri­fice him to their vengeance, and hasten his end.

However, this dispute between the king and the Inquisition was afterwards adjus­ted. Caculla was burnt alive, with the effigy of Constantine Pontius, who died in prison some days before. The arch­bishop [Page 171]of Toledo appealed to Rome; and extricated himself by money and friends. After this, no farther mention was made of the emperor's will.

Though this reconciliation might pacify the prince of Spain, the Inquisitors were far from being appeased; it being one of their chief maxims, never to forgive. In this view, they raised so great a spirit of discontent among the common people, that the king was forced to remove Don Carlos from court; together with Don John his brother, and the prince of Par­ma, his nephew, who had shared in Don Carlos's just resentment against the In­quisitors.

This cruel tribunal had not yet satiated its revenge. Some years after it imputed to this young prince, as a crime, the com­passion he had extended to the inhabitants of the Netherlands, who were treated bar­barously. They declared, that as all the people in question were heretics, the prince must necessarily be one, since he set up for their defender. In fine, they gained so strange an ascendant over the king's mind, that he, inspired by a most unnatural spirit of bigotry, and being [Page 172]afraid of quarrelling with the Inquisitors: sentenced his son to die. The only in­dulgence the latter met with on this occa­sion, was to have the species of death left to his choice. The ill-fated prince, Ro­man-like, had recourse to the hot bath; when opening the veins of his arms and legs, he died gradually. Thus did this excellent young prince fall a martyr to the merciless Inquisitors.

The year 1580 furnishes us with ano­ther very remarkable instance, of the assuming spirit of this pretended holy tribunal.

Cardinal Charles Borromeo, archbishop of Milan, who afterwards was canonized, going his visitation of certain places, in his diocese, subordinate to him as to spi­rituals, and to the Swiss cantons as to temporals; thought it necessary to make some regulations for the good of these churches.

The Swiss took umbrage at this con­duct; when, without addressing the arch­bishop, they sent an embassador to the governor of Milan, intreating him not to let the prelate continue his visitation in the places subject to them; and to assure him, that in case of refusal, they would employ [Page 173]force; which must break the harmony it so highly concerned his sovereign, the king of Spain to preserve.

The embassador being arrived in Milan, lodged at a rich merchant's house of his acquaintance. The Inquisitor was no sooner informed of this, than, disregard­ing the law of nations, and the fatal con­sequences with which so great an outrage might be attended; he went, with all his officers, to the embassador's abode; when causing him to be shackled in his presence, he hurried him away to the prison of the Inquisition. Though all persons were struck with horror, at such an insult of­fered to a state in the person of its embas­sador, yet no one dared to make the least opposition. The merchant was the only person who interested himself in his fa­vour; for he, waiting upon the governor of Milan, told him the cruel usage the embassador had met with. The governor sent for the Inquisitor, and obliged him to release the embassador that instant; which being done, he paid him all imagin­able honours, and complied with his seve­ral demands. Thus the Swiss were in­formed of their embassador's release, al­most at the same time with the news of [Page 174]his imprisonment, otherwise they would have seized the cardinal, and used him exactly as the Inquisitors had treated their embassador. The governor afterwards in­formed the archbishop, by a letter, that the interest of his catholic majesty requi­red absolutely, that he should discontinue his visitations; which being done, things were quiet.

The instances here given, prove suffi­ciently, that if the Inquisitors had kept within the bound [...] which the popes pre­tended to set to them, in establishing their tribunal; (I mean the rooting up of here­sy,) and had not concerned themselves with politics; they would not have beha­ved so insolently towards monarchs, &c. Let us now see some other examples of their treatment of persons distinguished by their birth and employments.

Mark Antonio de Dominis was of a most illustrious Venetian family. He first entered among the Jesuits; was after­wards bishop of Segni, and at last arch­bishop of Spalatro and primate of Dalma­tia. He was thought the best skilled of any man of the age, in every branch of literature; especially in divinity and his­tory, both sacred and prophane. This [Page 175]prelate was consulted as an oracle, on every subject, and gave the highest satis­faction to all querists. Imbibing protes­tant principles, he defended them with the utmost vigour, in his Republica Eccle­siastica; and at the same time, wrote with greater vehemence against the pope and the court of Rome than its most inveterate enemies had ever done.

The passionate desire the prelate had to print this work in his life-time, and the little probability there was of his being able to stay in Italy after its publication, made him retire to Germany; whence he after­wards went to England, whither he was invited by James I. king of Great Britain. Mark Antonio met with a gracious recep­tion from this theological monarch; he giving him an honourable support; and do­ing all that lay in his power, to engage him to renounce the errors of the church of Rome.

On the other hand the pope, whether he was unwilling to leave a man of so exalted a character, in the hands of the enemies to the Romish church; or rather, as it afterwards appeared, had resolved to be revenged of, and make a public exam­ple [Page 176]of him; set every engine at work, to induce him to return to his native country. At last, Don Diego Sarmiento da Cunna, the Spanish embassador at the British court, made Mark Antonio such splendid offers, that he was prevailed upon to return to Italy.

This unhappy prelate then forgot the maxims he had so frequently inculcated in his works, viz. That no person can offend the court of Rome with impunity, and that it never pardons an injury: for Mark Antonio, spite of the strong exhor­tations of his friends in England, who were for ever representing to him the dangers to which he would inevitably expose himself, set out for Rome, where he was no sooner arrived than he found his mistake too late. The pontiff did not keep one of the promises made to Mark Antonio, but obliged him to abjure publicly the pretended heresies advanced in his books. He was now left, seem­ingly, at liberty; but was ever follow­ed by spies, who, at last, falsely swore that he carried on a secret correspond­ence with England. Immediately the Inquisitors seized this great man; but carrying on his prosecution with their usual [Page 177]dilatoriness, he died in prison, either thro' grief for the wrong steps taken by him; or through fear of the shameful and cruel punishment which he was sensible awaited him.

Alph [...]nso Nobre, born in Vilia Vizi­osa, and descended from one of the most ancient and illustrious families of that city, many of whom had filled those posts, which, in Portugal, are bestowed on none but noble persons; and all whose ancestors could not be reproached with the least tincture of judaism; was seized and carried to the prisons of the Inqui­sition of Coimbra, upon the informatio [...] of persons who swore that he was not a Christian. Some time after, his only son and daughter were seized and confined in the same prison. These children, who were very young, impeached their father; whether excited thereto by evil counsel­lors, or that the tortures had extorted the impeachment from them. At last the unhappy father was sentenced to be burnt alive, on the depositions of his children. The day of the Auto da Fé being come, the son drew near to his parent, to crave forgiveness and his blessing, but the ill-fated father replied; ‘I pardon you [Page 178]both, though you are the sole cause or my ignominious and cruel death; as to my blessing, I cannot give it you; for he is not my son, who makes a pretended confession of untruths; and who, ha [...]ing been a Roman catholic, shamefully denies his Saviour, by de­claring himself a Jew.—Go, adds he, unnatural son! I beseech heaven to pardon you!’ Being come, at last, to the stake, he discovered such great courage and resolution; made such pa­thetic discourses, and addressed himself with so much fervour to the Almighty, as filled all his hearers with admiration, and caused them to look upon his judges with horror.

In the same Auto da Fé were likewise burnt Donna Beatrix Carvalho, of a noble family of Elvas, and wife to Jacomo de Mello; she being sentenced to die for judaism, on the oaths of her children. There is no doubt but that, had the In­quisitors acted with sincerity and equity, and with a real intention to find out the truth, they might have discovered the innocence of the lady in question; as well as that of the above Signior Nobre, by comparing the confessions which each of [Page 179]their children had made separately, with the depositions of the witnesses. A wide difference would certainly have been found, on this occasion, in the facts and circumstances. Truth admits of no variation; and is ever the same, in the mouths of those who follow its dictates. Thus, by confronting them, new lights must have been struck out; but then the doing this would not have brought on the confiscation of the possessions of the two victims in question, the swallowing up of which was the sole view of the Inquisitors.

Here follows another instance of the brutal injustice of the Inquisitors: Joseph Pereira Meneses, captain general of his Portugueze majesty's sleets in India, was ordered by the governor of Goa to sail, with his fleet, to the succour of the city of Diu, then besieged by the Arabs. Pro­ceeding [...] his voyage, he was detained hy contrary winds, at Bacaim; whereby the Arabs had an opportunity of plun­dering Diu, and of coming back laden with rich spoils, before the arrival of the succours brought by Pereira Meneses. This commander being returned to Goa, was immediately seized by order of An­tonio [Page 180]de Mello de Castro, governor of that place, and a sworn enemy to Pereira. His prosecution was then ordered, when he was accused of loitering at Bacaim, purposely to avoid engaging the enemy; and thus to have caused, by his neglect and cowardice, the ruin and plunder of Diu. However, as governors are not permitted to put commanders to death, without first obtaining an express order from the court of Portugal; Antonio de Mello could not take away his enemy's life; for which reason he pronounced such a sentence upon him, as was more intole­rable than death itself to a man of honour. Pereira, pursuant to the judgment passed upon him, was led by the common exe­cutioner through the streets, with a halter about his neck, and a distaff at his side. A herald walking before, cried aloud, That this punishment was inflicted on him by the king, for being a coward and trai­tor. Pereira was then carried back to prison, where a familiar of the Inquisition came and demanded him. This fresh step surprised every one, who knew that he could not justly be accused of judaism, as he was of an ancient Christian family, and had always behaved with honour.— [Page 181]The day of the Auto da Fé was therefore expected with impatience by the people, in order that his crime might be made known to them: but how great was their surprise, when the prisoner did not come forth in the procession.

Pereira had long been engaged in a quarrel with a gentleman, once his inti­mate friend, and who was seemingly re­conciled to him before this misfortune. This false friend, harbouring a secret re­solution to revenge himself whenever an opportunity should offer, thought this im­prisonment of Pereira the most favourable for his purpose, that could have happened. He now suborned five of Pereira's domes­tics, who accused their master to the In­quisitors, of sodomy; making oath that they had seen him perpetrate that abomi­nable crime with one of his pages, who thereupon was seized. The latter, having less courage than his master; and dreading a cruel death, in case he should not do all he was commanded; and finding no other way to save his life than by pleading guilty, charged himself with a crime of which he was entirely innocent; and thus became, pursuant to the practice of the Inquisitors, a fresh witness against his master. The [Page 182]servant, by this confession, saved his own life, and was banished to Mozambique in Africa.

In the mean time, as Pereira persisted in declaring himself innocent, he was con­demned to be burnt alive; and would have been committed to the flames, had not his continual protestations of his in­nocence; or rather a secret esteem which the Inquisitors ever entertained for him, made them suspend his execution; in or­der to try whether they might not, in time, prevail with him to make a confession; or find opportunities to clear up the affair. For this reason he was ordered to remain in prison till next Auto da Fé.

During this interval, the Inquisitors ex­amined the prisoner and his witnesses seve­ral times; when interrogating the latter separately, whether the moon shone the night in which, pursuant to their oath, their master committed the detestable crime in question, they varied in their answers. Being now put to the torture, they denied all they before had swore against their mas­ter. The accusers were then seized, and Joseph Pereira being declared innocent, came out of prison next Auto da Fé, stripped of all his possessions and quite [Page 183]ruined. His chief accuser was banished during nine years to Africa, and the wit­nesses were sentenced to the Galley for five years.

The above-mentioned example shows, that the Inquisitors make heresy a pretence, merely to seize upon the wealth of the in­nocent; and that this tribunal gives a wicked man the sinest opportunity possi­ble, to satiate his vengeance.—The spirit which animates the Inquisitors established in the East Indies, must really be horrid, since even the Jesuits themselves, thus speak of them, in their universal Latin and French Dictionary, printed at Tre­voux. ‘The Inquisition (say these most righteous fathers) is vastly severe in India. 'Tis true, indeed, that seven witnesses are required to swear against a man, in order for his being condemn­ed; but then the depositions of a slave, or of a child are admitted. The pri­soner must accuse himself, and he never sees, nor is confronted, with those who swear against him. A per­son who happens to let drop the least word against the church; or does not speak, with sufficient reverence of the [Page 184]Inquisition, shall be impeached.—The standard or banner of the Inquisition is of red silk, in which a cross is paint­ed; having an olive bough on one side; and on the other a sword, with these words of the Psalmist round it: "Arise, Lord, and judge thy cause."’ What a solemn mockery have we here of scripture, and how detestable a use is made of a supplication of the Psalmist!—Is this religion? Does this spirit descend from above? Surely no; but seems dictated ra­ther by the black chiefs of Milton's infernal council.

The following instance proves, that the Inquisitors will condemn an innocent per­son rather than permit any of their accu­sations to be disproved.

A major in a Portugueze regiment was charged with professing judaism privately, and hurried away to the prison of the Inquisition in Lisbon. Being descended of a family distinguished by the name of new Christians, this proved a great pre­judice against him. He then was asked, several times, the cause of his seizure, though he himself was an utter stranger to it. After he was kept in prison two years, the Inquisitors told him, that he was [Page 185]accused and duly convicted, of being a relapsed Jew, which he utterly denied; protesting that he had been always a true and faithful Christian. In a word, they could not prevail with him, either by threats or promises, to plead guilty to any one article of which he stood impeach­ed: he declaring resolutely to his judg­es, that he would die with innocence, rather than preserve his life by an action, which must cover him with eternal infa­my.

Duke d'Aveyro, then Inquisitor-Gene­ral, who was desirous of saving this officer, being one day upon his visitation, strongly exhorted him to embrace the opportu­nity he had of extricating himself; but the prisoner continuing inflexible, the Inquisitor was fired, and spoke thus to him: "Dost thou imagine that we'll have "the lie on this occasion?" The Inqui­sitor then withdrew, leaving the prisoner to his reflections on what he had heard. Surely these words employed a meaning inconsistent with the character of an upright judge, and strongly spoke the iniquitous spirit of this tribunal.

To conclude, the Auto da Fé approach­ing, our victim was condemned to the [Page 186]flames, and a confessor sent to him. Ter­rified at this horrid death, he, though en­tirely innocent, declared himself guilty of the crime laid to his charge. His possessions were then consiscated; after which he was made to walk in the pro­cession, in the habit of one relapsed; and lastly, was sentenced to the Gallies for five years.

William Lithgow, a Scotchman, had ever retained a strong inclination for tra­vel. To gratify it, he first went to Ma­laga, and there agreed with the captain of a French ship, to carry him to Alexandria. Before this ship set sail, an English fleet, fitted out against the Algerines, came and cast anchor before Malaga, the 7th of October, 1620; which threw the whole city into the utmost consternation; these ships being supposed to belong to Mahom­medans. However, next morning, they found their mistake; when the governor seeing the British cross in the flags, went on board the ship of the Admiral, Sir Robert Mansel, who received him with the greatest politeness; so that at his return, he removed the fears of the in­habitants, and made them lay down their arms. On the morrow, several of the [Page 187]crew came on shore; and being Lithgow's particular friends, spent some days in viewing the curiosities of the city, and in otherwise diverting themselves; and then inviting him on board, they presented him to the admiral, from whom he met with all imaginable civility. They kept Lithgow on board next day after which he returned to Malaga, and the fleet set sail.

As Lithgow was returning to his quar­ters through bye streets, in order to carry all his things on board the French ship, which was to sail that night for Alexandria; he was seized by nine catchpoles, or offi­cers, who took him before the governor, to whom he complained of the violence which had been done him. The governor answered only by a nod; and bid certain persons, with the town secretary, to go and examine him. This was to be trans­acted with all possible secrecy, to prevent the English merchants, residing in Malaga, from bearing of his arrest.

The council assembling, he was exami­ned, and being suspected to be an English spy, they did all that lay in their power to make some discovery to that purpose, [Page 188]but in vain. They afterwards asked the names of the captains of the fleet; whether Lithgow, before his leaving England, did not know of the fitting out of this fleet? Why he refused the offer which the English admiral made of taking him on board his ship? In a word, they affirm­ed that he was a spy; and that he had been nine months in Malaga, in no other view than to give intelligence, to the English court, of the time when the Spanish fleet was expected from India. They then observed, that his inti­macy with the officers, and a great many more of his countrymen on board this fleet, who had shewed him the highest civilities, were strong indications of his guilt.

As Lithgow found it impossible to erase these bad impressions, he intreated them to send for a bag, containing his letters and other papers; the perusal of which, he declared, would prove his innocence. The bag being accordingly brought, and the contents of it examined, they were found to consist chiefly of passports, and testimonials from several persons of qua­lity; a circumstance which, instead of lessening their suspicions, served only to [Page 189]heighten them. Presently a subaltern officer came into the room to search him, and took eleven ducats out of his pocket. Stripping him afterwards to his shirt, they found in the waistband of his bree­ches, the value of 548 ducats, in gold. Lithgow putting on his cloaths again, was conducted to a secure place, and from thence removed to an horrid dun­geon, where he was allowed neither bed nor bedding; and only an ounce and half of musty bread, and a pint of water daily.

As he would confess nothing, he was put to the torture three days after. The wretches had the inhumanity to make him undergo, in the space of five hours, fifty different sorts of torture; after which he was remanded back to prison, where two eggs were given him, and a little hot wine, just to keep him alive.

On this occasion he received from a Turk, favours which he could not have hoped from persons who stile themselves Christians. This Turk administered to him all the consolation possible, and wept to see the cruelties exercised on Lithgow. He then informed him, that certain En­glish priests belonging to a seminary, toge­ther [Page 190]with a Scotch cooper, had been some­time employed by the governor's order, in translating into Spanish, all his books, and the observations made by him in his travels. The Turk added, that it was publicly reported, that he was a most notorious heretic. It was then, Lithgow naturally supposed, that every engine would be set at work, in order to ruin him.

Two days after, the governor, with the Inquisitor and two Jesuits, came to Lith­gow in prison; when after asking him several questions, and strongly urging him to change his religion, they declared, that, having first seized him as a spy, they had discovered, by the translation of his papers, that he ridiculed the blessed lady of Loretto; and spake very irreverently of his holiness, Christ's vicegerent upon earth: that informations had been lodged against him before the Inquisitors; that he should be allowed eight days to return to the pale of the church; during which the Inquisitor himself, and other priests, would give him all the instructions neces­sary, to extricate him from his miserable state. They visited him again several times, but without success. In fine, the [Page 191]eighth day being come, he was sentenced to undergo eleven different tortures; when, in case he survived them, he was to be carried to Granada, and burnt there, after easter holidays. The same evening he was put to the torture, and bore it with great resolution, though the utmost cruelty was practised on this occasion. He then was remanded to his dungeon, where some Turkish slaves brought him, secretly, refreshments, which he was too weak to take. One of these slaves, though educated in the Mahommedan religion from his infancy, was so strongly affected with the deplorable condition to which Lithgow was reduced, that he fell sick for several days. However, a Moorish female slave amply compensated for the kind Turk's absence; she being allowed more liberty in the prison. This female slave brought Lithgow, daily, provisions, with a little wine; and this courtesy con­tinued six weeks.

To conclude, at the time that Lithgow expected, every instant, to die in the most cruel torments, he was released by a very unexpected accident. A Spaniard of distinction being at supper with the go­vernor, the latter informed him of every [Page 192]thing that had happened to Lithgow, since his imprisonment. As he had described, minutely, the various tortures he under­went, a young Flemish servant, who used to wait on the Spanish gentleman at table, moved to compassion at the sad relation of the barbarity exercised on Lithgow, and his being sentenced to the flames; fell into into such agonies, that he could not sleep the whole night. Getting up next morning by day break, he went, unknown to any one, to an English factor; and informed him of the conversation which had passed between the governor and his master. The servant being gone, the Englishman sent for the other six factors, his countrymen, residing in Malaga; when, consulting together, they resolved to write to Madrid, to Sir—Aston, the English embassador; who presenting a memorial to the Spanish king and council, Lithgow was released and put on board Sir Robert Mansel's fleet, then lying at anchor before Malaga. The poor victim was so vastly weak, that they were forced to carry him, upon blankets. The admi­ral afterwards demanded Lithgow's books, papers, money, &c. but no other answer [Page 193]was returned him than mere compli­ments. ^*

Gonsalvius gives us an example, which shows that vice is not the object of the Inquisitors hatred.—A poor inhabitant of Seville, who supported his family by his daily labour, had the mortification to have his wife kept forcibly from him by a priest, which yet was winked at by the Inquisition, and every other tribunal. As this man was one day discoursing concern­ing purgatory, with some of his acquain­tance, he spoke in such terms, as though he intended only to disburden his mind: As to myself, (says he) I have my pur­gatory in this world, by my wife's being thus with-held from me by the priest. These words being told to the ecclesiastic, he impeached the husband to the Inqui­sition, as having advanced some errors relating to the doctrine of purgatory. Hereupon the Inquisitors, without once reproaching the priest for his crime, sei­zed the husband. The latter then was imprisoned two years; and, after walking [Page 194]in the procession at the first Auto da Fé, and being sentenced to wear, during three years, the san benito, in a private prison; at the expiration of that term, he was ordered, either to be continued in prison, or to be released, as the Inquisitors should see fitting. These carried their cruelties to such lengths, as to confiscate, to the use of their tribunal, the little that this unhappy creature had in the world, and permitted the priest to still enjoy his wife; the holy lecher being passionately fond of her.

The various instances given above, all of them compiled from authors of appro­ved veracity, sufficiently show, that the Inquisition is the most iniquitous, and most inhuman tribunal on earth.

THE court of Rome, instigated by the impositions of evil-minded persons, poured out its bulls and decrees against the Ma­sons, whereby they were condemned in a more severe and tyrannical manner, (the peculiar characteristic of the Inquisition,) than they had ever yet undergone in any nation, and that without the least founda­tion for such proceedings, his holiness be­ing utterly ignorant of what was so zea­lously to be interdicted. The words of the said bull will best depicture the impure fountain they sprang from.