THE period for a new election of a Citizen to ad­minister the Executive Government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in desig­nating the person, who is to be clothed with that impor­ [...]nt [...], it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those [...] of whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you, at the same [...], to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without [...] regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation, which [...] a du [...]ful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of [...]eal for your future interest; no defi­ciency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the of­fice to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a de [...]erence for what appeared to be your de­sire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retire­ment, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then per­plexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign na­tions, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.

I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, ex [...]ernal as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclina­tion incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propiety; and am persuaded whatever partiality may be retained [...] my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

The impressions with which I first undertook the ardu­ [...] trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. No [...] un­conscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifi­cations, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to [...] of myself; and every day the encreasing weight of [...] admonishes me more and more that the shade of re­tirement [...] as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Sa­tisfied that if any circumstances have given peculi [...]r value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consola­tion to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to [...] the career of my public life▪ my feelings do not [...] me to suspend the deep acknowledgment o [...] that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the [...] honours it has conferred upon me: [...] more for the [...] confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enj [...]yed of [...] my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. It benefit [...] have resulted to our country from these ser­vices, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as [...] instructive example in our [...], that under circum­stances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mis [...]ead, [...] appearances sometimes du­bious,—vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging,—in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism—the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a [...] of the plans by which they were effected— [...] penetrated with this idea▪ I shall carry it with [...] to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vow [...] [...] Heaven may continue to you the [...] tokens of [...] beneficence—that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual—that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained— that its administration in every department may be stamp­ed with wisdom and virtue—that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and [...] of this blessing, as will [...] to them the glory of recommending to the applause, the affection and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, [...] me on an occasion like the present, to [...]ff [...] to your [...] contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent [...], which are the result of [...] observation, and which ap­pear to me all important to the permanency of your feli­city as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the d [...]sin­terested warnings of a p [...]rting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent recep­tion of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar oc­casion.

[...] as is the love of liberty with every [...] of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is ne­cessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar of the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquilty at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pain [...] will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress, against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be m [...]st constantly and actively (though often cove [...]tly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union, to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and in­dignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every at­tempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

For this, you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common coun­try, that country has a right to concentrate your affecti­ons. The name of an AMERICAN, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the j [...]st pride of Patrio [...]ism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of differ­ence, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause sought and triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint ef­forts▪ of common dangers, sufferings and successes.

But [...] powerfully they ad­dress themselves [...], are greatly outweigh­ed by those which [...] to your inter­est. —Here every [...] finde the most commanding [...] guarding and preser­ving the Union of [...]

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws [...] a common govern­ment, finds in the productions of the latter, great addi­tional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry—The South in the same intercourse, benefitting by the Agency of the North, [...] agriculture grow and its commerce expand. [...] partly into its own channels the sea­men of the North, [...] finds its particular navigation invi­go [...]ted;—and while it contributes in different ways, to nourish and increase the general [...] the national na­vigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted.—The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communication by land and water, will more and more find a valuable [...]ent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home.—The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort—and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity ow [...] the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the [...] di­rected by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation —Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural con­nection with any foreign power, must be [...] preca [...]io [...]s.

While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the [...] mass, of means and efforts, greater strength, greater [...], proportion­ably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign [...] ▪—and what is of inestimable value▪ they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently [...] neighbouring countries, not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues would stimulate and imbitter.—Hence like [...] they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establish­ments, which under any form of government are inau­spicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as parti­culiarly hostile to Republican Liberty; in this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one [...]ght to endear to you the preservation of the other.

These considerations speak a person [...] language to eve­ry reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continu­ance of the Union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. —I [...] there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere?—Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation, in such a case, were criminal. We are authorised to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. 'Tis well worth a [...] and full experiment. —With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, w [...]e experience shall not [...] demonstrated its impractibility, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to w [...]ken its [...]ands.

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs [...] matter of serious concern, that any ground should [...] furnished [...] characterising par­ties by Geographical [...] — Atlantic [...]; when [...] men may endeavour to excite, a belief that ther is [...] difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent [...] opinions and [...] of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jea­lousies and heart burnings which spring from [...] mis­representations: they tend to render [...] to [...] other those who ought to be bound together [...] af­fection. The inhabitants of our [...] have la [...]ly had a useful lesson on this [...] have seen, in the negociation by the Executive, [...] in the unani­mous ratification by the Senate, of [...] treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at the event throughout the United States, a decisive proof [...] unsounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriend­ly to their interests, in regard to the Misissippi ▪ They have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that with Spain, which secures to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our fo­reign relations▪ towards confirming their prosperity.— Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the UNION, by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, i [...] such there are, who would sever them from their Brethren and connect them with aliens▪

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Go­vernment for the whole is indispensable—No alliances, however strict between the parts can be an adequate sub­stitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Govern­ment, the off [...]pring of our own chance, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon [...] deliberation, completely [...], to the distri­bution of its powers, [...] with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amend­ment, has a just claim to your confidence and your sup­port. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government—But, the Constitution which at any time exists, 'till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the pow­er and the right of the people to establish Government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the est­ablished Government.

All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all com­binations and associations, under whatever plausible cha­racter, with the real design, to direct, controul, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the consti­tuted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental prin­ciple, and of fatal tendency.—They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force— to put to the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alter­nate triumph [...] of d [...]fferent parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incon­gruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of con­sistent and wholesome plan [...] digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests.

However combinations or ass [...]ciations of the above de­scriptions may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things, to become po­pular engines, by which cunning, ambitious and unprin­cipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of govern­ment; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppo­sitions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles however specious the pretexts.—One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the constitution, altera­tions which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remem­ber that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of Governments, as of other human institu­tions —that experience i [...] the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country—that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and re­member, especially, that for the sufficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers pro­perly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to con­fine each member of the society within the limits prescrib­ed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tran­quil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

I have already intimated to you, the danger of par­ties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is insep [...]rable from our na­ture, having its root in the strongest passions of the hu­man mind.—It exists under different shapes in all go­vernments, more or less stif [...]ed, controuled, or oppressed▪ but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dis­sention, which in different ages and countries has perpe­trated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism.—The disorders and miseries, which result; gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual [...] and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turn [...] this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common and continued mischief [...] of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise People to discourage and restrain it.

It serves always [...] distract the Pub [...]ic Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the Com­munity with ill-founded jealousies, and false alarms▪ kindles the anim [...]si [...]y of one part against another; [...]oment [...] occasionally [...] and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitate▪ access to the government itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one coun­try, are subjected to the policy and will of another.

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Govern­ment, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty.— This [...] limits [...] probably true; and in Governments of a Monarchial cast Patrio [...]m may look with [...] not wi [...]h favour upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in G [...]ve [...]n­ments purely [...], it is a spirit not to be e [...]couraged. From [...] there will [...] [Page] be enough of that spirit for [...] salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of [...] effect ought to be, by force of public opinion, to [...] assuage it. A fire not to be quenched; it demands [...] [...]gilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, le [...], in­stead of wa [...]ing it should consume.

It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in [...] free country, should inspire caution, in those entrusted with [...] administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon ano­ther. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the power [...] of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despo­tism. A just esti [...]ate of that [...] of power▪ and prone­ness to abuse it, which predominates in the [...] heart, is suffi [...]ient to satisfy us of the tru [...]h of this position.— The necessity of reciprocal checks [...] the [...] of political power: by dividing and distributing [...] dep [...]sito [...]es, and constituting each the [...] of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, [...] been evinced by experiments ancient and modern: some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to [...] them. If, in the opinion of the People, the [...] mo [...]fication of the constitutional powers be [...] [...]ny particular wrong, let it be corrected by [...] amendment in the way which the constitution designates.—But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary wea­pon by which free governments are destroyed. [...] precedent must always greatly overbalance in perma­nent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use [...] at any tim [...] yield.

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to poli­tical prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensible supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism▪ who should labour to subvert these great pil­lars of human happiness, these fi [...]m [...]st prop [...] of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution [...]ndulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid or to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles.

'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a neces­sary spring of popular government. The [...] indeed ex­tends with more or less force to every [...] government. Who that is a sincere [...] with ind [...]fference upon attemp [...]s to sh [...]e the foundation of the fabric?

Promote, then, as an obj [...]ct of primary importance, in­stitutions for the general d [...]ffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

As every important source of strength and security che­rish public credit. One method of preferring it is to [...] expence by cultivating peace, but remembering also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater d [...]sbursements to [...]; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not of [...]; shunning occasions of expence; but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable [...] may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear.— The execution of these max [...]m [...] belongs to your Repre­sentatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be a revenue▪ that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embar­rassment insepar [...]ble from the selection of the proper ob­jects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the con­duct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining Revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all; Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no great distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with [...] Virtue? The experiment, at least, is re­commended by every sentiment which enobles human na­ture. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essen­tial than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others should be excluded; and that in place of the [...] just an amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation which indulges towards another an habitual ha­tred, or an habitual fondness, i [...] in some degree a [...]ave. [...] to its animosity or to its [...]ffection, either of which [...] sufficient to lend i [...] astray from its duty and [...] interest. Antipathy in one nation against another dispo­se [...] each more readily to [...] insult and injury, to lay [...] of slight causes of umbrage, and to be [...]aughty and intractable, when accidental or [...] occasions of dis­p [...]te occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, [...] and bloody conte [...]ts. The nation prompted by [...] and [...], sometimes impels to war the go­vernment, contrary to the be [...] calculations of policy.— The government sometimes participates in the na [...]i [...]nal prop [...]si [...]y, and adopts through passion what [...] reject; at other times [...] m [...]kes the animosity of the [...] su [...]serv [...]nt to project [...] of hostil [...] [...] by pride, ambition and other [...] and pernicious motives.— The peace often, sometimes, perhaps, the liberty of nati­ons has been the victim.

So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for ano­ther produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favou­rite nation, [...] the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in [...] where no [...] common interest ex­ists, [...] to one the enmities of the other▪ be [...] the [...] a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequa [...] [...]ducement or justi­fication. It reads also to [...] the favourite na­tion of privileg [...] [...] apt doubly to [...] by unnecessarily [...] with what [...] retained; and by exciting jealousy, [...] to retaliate, to the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld: And it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favourite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the hale or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation.

At the avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, [...] attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic fac­tions, to practice the [...] of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to [...] or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of [...] weak, towards a great and powerful nation, [...] the forme [...] to be the sattellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I con­jure you to believe me, [...]) the jealousy of a [...] people ought to be [...] awake; since history and experience prove, that [...] influence is one of the [...] of a Republican Government. But [...], must be impartial; else it be­comes the [...] the very influence to be avoided, instead of a [...] against it. Ex [...]ssive partiality for one foreign [...], and [...] of another, cause those whom they actuate to [...] danger only on [...] side, and [...] to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other.—Real patriots, [...] may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; [...] usurp the applause and confidence of the [...].

The great to [...] conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, [...] commercial relations, to have with them as [...] political connection [...] possible. [...]o far as we have [...] any formed engagements, [...] them [...] good faith.— Here let us stop.

Europe has a [...] primary interests, which to us have none, of a very [...] relation. Hence she must be en­gaged in frequen [...] [...], the cause [...] of which are essentially [...] to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise [...]n us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her [...], or the or­dinary [...] and collisions of her friendships, or [...].

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a [...] course. I [...] we remain [...] people, under [...] government, the period is not far off when we may [...] material injury from external annoy­ance; when we [...] such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, [...] resolve upon, to be scru­pulous [...]y [...] nations, under the impossibi [...]ity of making acquisition upon us, will not lightly hazard [...] giving [...] provocation; when we may choose [...] or [...], as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit one [...] to [...] foreign ground? Why by [...]n [...]rweaving [...] with that of any part of Eu­rope, entangle [...]ut peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, [...], interest, humour or ca­p [...]ice?

'Tis our [...] policy to steer clear of permanent allian­ces, with any port [...]n of the foreign world; so far, I mean, a [...] we [...] at liberty to [...] understood as [...] engagement. [...] public than [...] policy. [...] it, therefore, let th [...]se engagements be observed in [...] genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it [...] unnecessary, [...] would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep [...], by suitable [...] defensive posture, [...] may safely trust to [...] for extraordinary [...].

Harmony, libera [...] intercourse with all nations, are re­commended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impar­tial hand; neither [...] nor gra [...]ng exclusive favors or [...]; consulting the natural course of things; [...] and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with pow­ers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course. [...] the rights of our merchants, and to enable [...] government to support them; conventional rules [...] the [...] that [...] circumstances and mutual opinion wi [...] permit, [...] temporary, and liable to be from [...] abandoned [...], as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that [...] fully in one nation to look for disinterested [...]a­vours from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for who ever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nomi­nal [...]avors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and [...] impression I could wish; that they will controul the usual current of the passi [...]s or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations: But [...] I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they now and then recur to moderate the [...]ury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompence for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictat­ed.

How f [...]r in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been deline­ated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and the world. To my­self the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least [...]elieved myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 2nd of April 1793, is the index [...] my Plan. [...] by your approved voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to [...] or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied, that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take and was bound in duty, and interest, to take a neutral [...]. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance and firmness.

The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to de­ [...]ail. I will only observe, that according to my under­standing of the matter, that right▪ so far from being [...] by any [...] Powers, has been vir [...] ­ally admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may [...] infer­red, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation in cases which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and [...] towards other nations.

[...] inducements of interest for observing that con­duct wi [...]l best be referred to your own [...] and experience. With me, a predominant moti [...] has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and [...]o progress with­out interruption, to that degree of strength and consist­ency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the commands of its own fortunes.

Though in reviewing the incidents of administration, I am unconscious of intentional error: I am neverthe­less too sensible of my de [...]ects not to think it [...] that I may have committed, many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to [...] or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them, with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its services with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and [...] by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenoturs for several generations; I anticipate with plea [...]g expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet en­joyment of partaking, in the midst of my F [...]llow-Citi­zens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government the [...], and the happy [...] and dangers.