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J. P. BRISSOT. Born the 14 th of Jan y 1754. Guillotined Oct r 31 st 1793
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THE COMMERCE OF AMERICA WITH EUROPE, PARTICULARLY WITH FRANCE AND GREAT BRITAIN; COMPARATIVELY STATED AND EXPLAINED.

SHEWING THE IMPORTANCE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION TO THE INTERESTS OF FRANCE, AND POINTING OUT THE ACTUAL SITUATION OF THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH-AMERICA, IN REGARD TO Trade, Manufactures and Population.

By J. P. BRISSOT DE WARVILLE, AND ETIENNE CLAVIERE.

Translated from the last French Edition, Revised by BRISSOT, and called the SECOND VOLUME of his View of America.

With the Life of BRISSOT, and an Appendix, By the Translator.

NEW-YORK: Printed and sold by T. and J. SWORDS, No. 99 [...] — 1795 —

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A SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF J. P. BRISSOT.

HE was born at the village of Ouarville, near Chatres, in Oreannois, on the 14th of January, 1754. His father was what the French called a Traiteur; that is, keeper of an eating house or an or­dinary. He was intended for the profession of the l [...]w, and was articled to an attorney for that pur­po [...]e. But he grew disgusted with the chicane and turpitude he was daily obliged to witness, and there­fore, after the five years of the articleship were ex­pired, he left Chatres and went to Paris.

An accident one night at the theatre at Paris plac­ed him in the company of an English gentleman. They became intimate, and from this gentleman he obtained some knowledge of the English language; which he afterwards improved by a residence in London.

He had received a regular classical education, and acquired, by strict application, a tolerable knowledge of the German, Italian, and Spanish languages, suf­ficient to consult the authors who have written in those languages On his arrival at Paris, his first [Page iv] study was jurisprudence, with an intention of be­coming an advocate in parliament. No science however escaped his attention. He attended lec­tures and experiments in every branch of science; wherein his active genius found ample exercise. Chymistry was his favourite object of pursuit; but his circumstances were too limited to indulge much in it. The small patrimony which he inherited from his father did not exceed forty pounds per annum.

In the year 1777 he made his first tour to London. During his stay in London he became engaged in the conduct of a French newspaper, at that time called the Courier de l' Europe, but since the Courier de Londres. Some misunderstanding having happened concerning the stamps (at the stamp-office in Lon­don) for this paper, the proprietor took a resolution of printing it at Boulogne sur-mer; and Brissot was appointed the Editor, and resided at Boulogne for that purpose. He continued in this capacity at Bou­logne about two years. From thence he went to Paris, and was admitted Counsellor in Parliament.— Early in the year 1782 he went to Neuschatel to su­perintend the printing of one of his books (mentioned hereafter). This was the memorable period of the revolution at Geneva. Here he became acquainted with M. Claviere and M. du Rovray, who, with a numerous party, were expelled that city, and sought an asylum in Ireland.

In the autumn of this year, he married a daughter of Madame Dupont of Boulogne. This young lady had been recommended to the celebrated Madame de Genlis, who obtained a situation for her in the nursery of the Duke de Chartres, late Duke of Or­leans, who suffered under the guillotine; in which situation she continued some time after her marriage.

At the beginning of the year 1783, he visited London a second time. His view in this journey was to establish in London, a Lyceum, or Academy [Page v] of Arts and Sciences, together with an office of ge­neral correspondence. In this undertaking he was encouraged by some of the first literary men in France; and a Monsieur du Forge, musician at Pa­ris, was so captivated with the scheme, that he ad­vanced four thousand livres, (166 l.) for one third share of the profits. Brissot was to have the sole ma­nagement, and the other two thirds of the profits. He took a house in Newman-street, Oxford-street; and published a prospectus of his undertaking. He sent for his wife and his youngest brother (his eldest brother was a priest.) At this time he commenced his description of the sciences in England (mentioned hereafter) to be published monthly. Having in one of his publications taken occasion to vindicate the Chevalier Launay, editor of the Courier du Nord, printed at Maestricht, the editor of the Courier de l' Europe, now M. du Morande, was so highly of­fended by it, that he became from that time Brissot's most determined enemy. It is to be observed, that the Courier du Nord, and the Courier de l'Europe, were rival newspapers. De Launay quitted Maes­tricht, and went to Paris, where he was immediately put into the Bastile, and was never more heard of.

In the month of May, 1784, Brissot was arrested by his printer in London. Although he was at this time very well known to several persons of rank and fortune, yet he was too delicate to apply to any of them for pecuniary assistance. But after remaining a day or two in a lock-up house in Gray's Inn Lane, he sent his brother to an intimate friend, who in­stantly paid the printer his bill, and liberated him.

The next morning Brissot set out for France, leaving his wife and brother in England, assuring them he would quickly return, which he certainly intended. But in this he was severely disappointed. Thus ended his literary enterprise of establishing a [...] in London, in which he embarked his [Page vi] whole property with a degree of infatuation and zeal that seemed to border upon insanity. During his residence in London he became acquainted with one Count de Pelleport, author of several pamphlets against the principal persons of the French Court, particularly of one called Soirees d'Antoinette, for the apprehension of the author of which the French court offered a thousand pounds (1000 Louis) re­ward. Brissot, instead of proceeding directly to Pa­ris, stopped at Boulogne, and resided there with his mother-in-law: here he resolved to continue his publication on the original plan. Du M— know­ing that Pelleport was the author of the offensive pamphlet, and that Brissot and Pelleport were inti­mate, resolved to obtain the reward, and gratify his resentment. He applied to Pelleport, offering him the superintendance of a publication to be carried on at Bruges, (near Ostend,) the salary of which was to be two hundred pounds per annum. Pelleport accepted the offer. But it was necessary to stop at Boulogne, where some final arrangements were to be made. In the month of July, Pelleport embarked for Boulogne with Captain Meredith. But the moment he landed, he was seized by the officers of the Police, who put him in chains and carried him to Paris, where he was sent to the Bastile. Du M— was an agent of the Police of Paris. Information being given to the Police, that Brissot was at Boulogne, and that he was the intimate friend of Pelleport, he was immediately taken into custody, carried to Pa­ris, and committed to the Bastile. However, it is certain that Brissot never wrote any thing against ei­ther the King or Queen of France. He was sincere in his abhorrence of the arbitrary and despotic prin­ciples of the French government, but with respect to the private conduct of the King and Queen, he ne­ver bestowed the smallest attention upon it. In this magazine of human victims, he continued about six [Page vii] weeks. His wife applied to Madame Genlis in his favour, and Madame Genlis most generously made a point of it with the Duke de Chartres to obtain his liberty. The Duke de Chartres's interference does not appear by any document; but Brissot's acquittal of the charge brought against him appears in the following report of his examination, made to the French minister, M. Breteuil, on the 5th of September.

‘The Sieur Brissot de Warville was conveyed to the Bastile on the day after the Sieur de Pelleport, who was arrested at Boulogne sur-mer, arrived at Paris. In consequence of his connections with this man, guilty of writing libels, he was suspected of having been his coadjutor. The attestation of a boy in the printing-office, from whence one of these libels issued, gave strength to suspicions; but this attestation, transmitted from London, is des­titute of authenticity; and the Sieur Brissot de Warville, who has very satisfactorily answered to the interrogatories which were put to him, attri­butes his crimination to the animosity of enemies whom he conceives to have plotted against him in London. The Sieur Brissot de Warville is a man of talents, and of letters; he appears to have form­ed systems, and to entertain extraordinary princi­ples; but it is certain that, for the last seven or eight months, his connections with the Sieur de Pelleport had ceased, and that he employed him­self solely upon a periodical paper, which he ob­tained permission to circulate and sell in France, after having submitted it to the examination of a licenser.’

It is proper to observe, that the addition of de Warville, which Brissot made to his name, (to dis­tinguish himself from his elder brother) is a kind of local designation, not uncommon in many countries. William of Malmsbury, Geoffry of Monmouth, Ra­pin de Thoyras, Joan d'Arc, &c. &c. But in the [Page viii] orthography he substituted the English W for the French dipthong Ou; the sound of that dipthong being similar to our W. Thus Ouarville is pro­nounced Warville in both languages.

In a very short time after his release from the Bas­tile, he very honourably discharged his pecuniary obligation to his friend in London.

In the year 1787, which was the era of the foun­dation of the French revolution, the Duke de Char­tres, now become Duke of Orleans by the death of his father, embraced the party of the parliament against the Court. Upon the principle of gratitude Brissot attached himself to the Duke of Orleans. As an honest man he could not do otherwise.

We shall here pass by his tour to America, and some other circumstances, because they are intimate­ly connected with the account of his writings, which is subj [...]ined.

Upon his return to France he found that his cele­brity had not been diminished by his absence. He was elected a member of the Constituent Assembly, and was much engaged in the committees of research, of which he was the reporter. He was also elected a member of the Legislative Assembly for the depart­ment of Paris. It must be observed, that the revo­lution cast a veil over the crimes of all those who had been obliged to leave their country. In this group who returned to France was Du M—. He opposed Brissot in his election for Paris, but Brissot was elected by a majority of more than three to one. However, Du M—'s party were excessively morti­fied; and they unceasingly calumniated Brissot in the most opprobrious terms. M. Petion, mayor of Paris, and who was Brissot's friend and townsman, contri­buted much to strengthen his interest and ascen­dency.

Brissot now distinguished himself as one of the Amis des Noirs (friend of the Negroes) of whom he [Page ix] was a most zealous advocate. In a speech which he delivered in the Assembly in the year 1791, there is a strong trait of philanthropy.

Of this speech the following is a short extract: "You have heard of enormities that freeze you with horror; but Phalaris spoke not of his brazen bull, he lamented only the dagger that his own cruelty had raised against him. The colonists have related instances of ferocity; but give me, said he, an in­formed brute, and I will soon make a ferocious mon­ster of him. It was a white man who first threw a negro into a burning oven; who dashed out the brains of a child in the presence of its father; who fed a slave with its own proper flesh. These are the monsters that have to account for the barbarity of the revolted savages. Millions of Africans have pe­rished on this soil of blood. You break, at every step, the bones of the inhabitants, that nature has given to these islands: and you shudder at the relation of their vengeance. In this dreadful struggle the crimes of the whites are yet the most horrible. They are the offspring of despotism: whilst those of the blacks originate in the hatred of slavery, and the thirst of revenge. Is philosophy chargeable with these hor­rors? Does she require the blood of the colonists? Brethren, she cries, be just, be beneficent, and you will pros [...].—Eternal slavery must be an eternal source of crimes;—divest it at least of the epithet eternal; for anguish that knows no limitation of pe­riod can only produce despair."

Upon the abolition of the French monarchy, in the month of September 1792, the Legislative As­sembly dissolved itself. The constitution being dis­solved by the abolition of the King, they conceived that it was the inherent right of the people to choose a new representation, in order [...] new consti­tution, suited to the wishes of the p [...]ple, and to the necessity of the existing circumstances of the times. [Page x] In this general election Brissot was elected one of the deputies from the department of Eure and Loire. His abilities and talents became every day more con­spicuous. He was chosen the Reporter of the Com­mittee of Public Safety; in which situation he con­ducted himself without reproach, until the treache­rous conduct of Dumourier threw a suspicion on the whole of the Gironde party.

Although assailed on all sides by his enemies, his character aspersed and depreciated by the basest of calumnies, Brissot shewed himself consistent with his public principles of philanthropy.

In the dreadful massacre of the 3d of September, his opponents, particularly Du M—, sought every opportunity to accomplish his destruction, by ac­cusing him of being a principal instigator of those horrors. And it must be owned, that these repeated and continual calumnies weakened him in the pub­lic esteem. Du M— was perfectly acquainted with the English method of writing a man down.

When Condorcet moved for the abolition of roy­alty, Brissot was silent.

When the motion was made to pass sentence of death on the King, Brissot spoke and voted for the appeal to the primary assemblies.

When Fayette was censured, Brissot defended him.

When the Duke of Orleans (M. de Egalité) was censured. Brissot defended him.

The two first seem to have arisen in principles of humanity.

The two last, unquestionably, arose in the strongest ties of gratitude and friendship.

A conscientious man cannot suffer a more severe affliction, than when his private honour places him against his public duty.

[Page xi]

Of Brissot's Writings; and particularly of this Work.

Upon the settlement of the American government after the war, he became an enthusiastic admirer of the new constitution of that great country. But some French persons, who had been in America, and were returned to France, had published their thoughts and opinions of America, in a manner that was no­thing short of illiberality. The reader will find the principal names of these writers in the thirty-second chapter of the first volume. Brissot was fired with indignation at this treatment of a people, whom he conceived could not in any wise have deserved such reproach; and, imagining that the general peace in 1783, had opened an honourable and free commu­nication of reciprocal commercial advantages be­tween America and France, he wrote this volume with the view of supporting and establishing that primary idea, or theory of a French commerce with the Unit­ed States.

Upon this point it is no more than ordinary can­dour to observe, that all which Brissot recommends, explains, or relates, concerning a French commerce with the United States, applies equally, and in some points more than equally, to the British commerce with them. Every B [...]itish merchant and trader may derive some advantage from a general view of the principles which he has laid down for the establish­ment and regulation of a reciprocal commerce be­tween France and America. The produce and ma­nufactures of England are infinitely better suited to the wants of America; and therefore all his theory, which is directed to the welfare and improvement of France, must strongly attach the attention of the British merchant and mechanic: who, in this great point, have not at present any superiors, but have several rivals. Brissot's ambition was to make France [Page xii] the greatest and most powerful rival. And every candid person must allow that he deserved much cre­dit of his countrymen for the progress he made, in this first attempt, to open the eyes of the French nation to prospects of new sources of advantage. All that is further necessary to say of this work, is said by Brissot himself in the introduction, from the tenth to the twentieth pages. In the last French edition of Brissot's Travels in America, published by him­self, about seven or eight months before his decapi­tation, this volume is placed the last of that work. We have followed the Author's arrangement, and collated the whole by the last Paris edition.

Of the preceding volume, entitled, "New Tra­vels in the United States of America," we have no­thing to add: the whole of the French edition is now before the reader.

Of Brissot's other works it is proper to mention the following▪

The Theory of Criminal Laws, in two volumes—Al­though M. la Cr [...]telle, at the conclusion of his Essay on the Prejudices attached to Infamy, speaks in flat­tering terms of this work; for he says, that it exhi­bits an extensible knowledge, and shews the writer's ambition ascends to great principles; yet to those persons who have read Becar [...]a's Essay on Crimes and Punishments, it will not appear that Brissot has added much novelt [...] to the subject.

The Necessi [...] of a Reform of the Criminal Laws.

What Repar [...] [...] is due to innocent Persons unjustly accused.

These were two discourses which were crowned by the Academy of Chalons sur [...], and were printed in the form of two pamphlets. The minis­ters of Louis XVL were a good deal offended at the principle▪ they contained, and they forbid the Aca­demy proposing the discussing of similar subjects at any of their future [...]eetings.

[Page xiii]This check served but as a stimulus to Brissot to continue his subject. He therefore, in two years afterwards, publishes his Philosophical Library of the Criminal Laws. This work is now ten volumes. Bris­sot's view in this work was, to diffuse and explain those grand principles of freedom which produced the revolution in England in the year 1688, and the revolution in America in the year 1775. Before the dissolution of the monarchy in France, those princi­ples were almost unknown to the French, and are still almost unknown to the other parts of Europe. But as several of the monarchs of Europe approved of the American revolution, it may be presumed that their subjects will not long continue ignorant of the motives and grounds of a measure which was honoured with the patronage of their sovereigns. This circumstance alone should convince the Eng­lish, that many of the powers of Europe behold with pleasure the diminution of their greatness and con­sequence, and that very few of those powers are ever friendly to them, except during the time they are receiving a bribe, by virtue of an instrument, com­monly called a subsidiary treaty.

Of Dr. Price of London he was an admirer; but of Dr. Priestley he was also an imitator, for he amused himself frequently with chymistry, physics, anato­my, and religion. On the last subject there is a pre­sumption that he wrote but little; for in his Letter to the Archbishop of Sons (the only tract on religion, by him, that has come to the Editor's knowledge) he says, ‘That religious tyranny had been prostrated by the blows of Voltaire, Rousseau, D'Alembert, and D'lderot.’ His mind was capacious, and his com­prehension extensive. In his zeal to become an imi­tator of Priestley, he published a volume Concerning Truth, or Thoughts on the Means of attaining Truth, in all the branches of Human Knowledge. Here was a wide field for the display of Brissot's talents and industry. [Page xiv] His design was to have carried on the work to seve­ral volumes, and to have invited the communica­tions of the literati of all Europe, in all the different sciences, and, it may be added, speculations. But there was such a freedom of sentiment manifested in the first volume, that both the author and printer were alarmed with the terrors of the Bastile. Filled with these apprehensions, he left Paris, and went to Neuf­chatel. There he printed his prospectus, and he caused it to be also printed in London. But when these copies were attempted to be circulated in France, they were seized. Not a single number was permitted to be seen in any bookseller's shop in France.

Finding the execution of his project thus rendered impracticable, he left Neufchatel, and went to Lon­don; where, in order to give currency to his free opinions, he altered the title of his book. He pro­posed to publish the remaining part periodically, un­der the name of A Description of the Sciences and Arts in England; great part of which was intended to be devoted to an examination of, and to observations on, the English constitution. His friends solicited the French ministry to permit this work to be re­printed at Paris. At first they obtained this favour; and the work went on as far as twelve numbers, or two volumes; after which it was prohibited, not more to the author's mortification than to the injury of his pocket. M. de Vergennes, who was at that time minister of France, had so strong a dislike to every thing that was English, that he would not en­dure the smallest commendation upon any part of the English constitution, or commerce, to be pro­mulgated in France. He had begun to discover, that the favourite idea of his master, of separating the British colonies from the British empire, might lead to an investigation of the principles of govern­ment [Page xv] at home, and prove extremely dangerous to a despotic monarchy.

Notwithstanding he was thus disappointed a se­cond time, he still pursued his design; but under a second change of title. He published two volumes under the title of Philosophical Letters on the History of England. The title did not attract the public atten­tion; because two volumes under a similar name had been published in London, and had, with some art, been imposed on the public as the production of Lord Lyttleton; but they were written by Gold­smith, in support of tyranny and aristocracy.

Every circumstance of cruelty and oppression met with the observation of Brissot. When the late Em­peror Joseph was punishing Horiah, the leader of the revolt in Walachia, and issuing his shocking edict against emigration, Brissot addressed two letters to him upon those subjects, which were read throughout Germany. In one letter he affirmed, that Horiah was justified in his revolt; in the other he held, that a privilege to emigrate from [...]ne country to another, was a sacred right derived from nature.

He was an enthusiast in his admiration of the American revolution, and of the conduct of the Americans in risking every thing to emancipate themselves from the tyranny of Great-Britain. Upon comparing the new constitution of America with that of England, he changed his opinion of the lat­ter— he ceased to approve of it.

Some French gentlemen, who had visited America, having, when they returned to France, written some severe remarks on the Americans, Brissot defended the Americans, particularly in his book called A Cri­tical Examination of the Travels of the Marquis of Cha­telleux. But as this work has been already mentioned in the preceding volume (see chapters 31 and 32), it is not necessary to say any thing more of it here.

It must never be forgot, that during the period of [Page xvi] the French monarchy there were more intrigues al­ways going on in the French court than in any court in Europe. At this time (the year 1787) the court was full of intrigues—libidinous as well as political; for though the King had no mistresses, the Queen had her favourites and her party. Neckar was dis­missed, and Calonne was appointed by her influence. Montmorin succeeded Vergennes, and the Duke of Orleans was at the head of the party that sought the overthrow of the new ministry. When Calonne assembled the Notables at Versailles, Brissot publish­ed a pamphlet entitled No Bankruptcy; or Letters to a Creditor of the State concerning the Impossibility of a Na­tional Bankruptcy, and the Means of restoring Credit and Peace. This pamphlet, which contained many se­vere observations on Calonne's measures and plans, and some arguments in support of certain privileges claimed by the people, the Duke of Orleans was highly pleased with. He made inquiry after the author, for the tract was anonymous, and having discovered him, he ordered his chancellor to provide a situation for him. He was made secretary-general of the Duke's chancery. This did not save him from ministerial resentment. A letter de cachet was made out against him; but having notice of it, he instantly escaped to the Netherlands. He was for several months editor of the Courier Belgique, printed at Mechlin. It was during this voluntary exile that he formed his project of visiting America. He com­municated his design to the Philanthropic Society of the Friends of the Negroes at Paris, and was by them assisted and recommended to several persons in America. The produce of this visit to America was the first volume of this work, written upon his return to France. The French ministry being changed before he left Europe, he embarked at Havre de Grace in the month of June, 1788.

Intelligence having reached him in America of [Page xvii] the rapid progress liberty was making in France, he returned to his native country in 1789, in a confi­dence that his labours might become useful to the general interest.

His first publication after his return (except the preceding volume of his travels in America) was, A Plan of Conduct for the Deputies of the People.

His knowledge and admiration of America natu­rally produced a friendship with the Marquis de la Fayette, who introduced him into the club of the Jacobins.

We shall pass by the several steps and measures of the revolution; for to give an account of all Bris­sot's concern therein, would be to write a large vo­lume upon that event only. But the mention of a few circumstances which are attached to Brissot pe­culiarly, is indispensible.

By the interest, or rather influence, of Fayette, he was made a member of the Commune of Paris. He was agent of the Police, and a member of the Com­mittee of Inspection at Paris; and afterwards a re­presentative for the department of Eure and Loire.

He commenced a newspaper, which he called Patriote Français; in which he constantly defended the conduct of la Fayette. He attached himself to the party called Girondists.

To the English reader this name may require some explanation. The warm and most violent of the National Convention, having gained the confidence and support of the city of Paris by various arts, but principally by declaring, upon every opportunity, that Paris must constantly be the place in which the National Representation must hold their deliberations; to balance against this power of Paris, Condorcet, Petion, Vergniaux, Bris­sot, Isnard, and others, all members of the Conven­tion, endeavoured to gain the commercial cities in their interest. Bourdeaux was the principal of those [Page xviii] cities which joined them; it is situated on the river Garonne, locally pronounced Gironde, which being the center of a department, named from the river, the appellation of Girondists was given to the whole party.

The whole was a struggle for power: there was no other object whatever. It is a foolish, and an idle assertion, in those who say, that Brissot and the party had engaged in a plot to restore the monarchy of France. Whatever their opinions might have been in some of the early stages of the revolution, perhaps from an apprehension that the people of France might hesitate at an abrupt proposition of a republican go­vernment, they were unquestionably innocent of the charge at the time it was made. Here follow, however, the documents as published by authority, in justification of the execution, which, like all other state papers, in every country, consist of the best apology, or most colourable pretence, for a thing that has been done by order of government.

Report against Brissot, and the other arrested Deputies; made October 3, 1793.

The Citizens of Paris, being informed that Amar was to present his report from the Committee of Ge­neral Safety this day, filled the galleries at a very early hour.

As soon as he appeared at the bar, the applauses were so loud and continued, that he was unable to begin for more than a quarter of an hour.

At length, amidst the most profound silence, he read his report.

He began by stating, that, before he proceeded to the report which had been expected with such im­patience, and would amply recompense the unavoid­able delay that had prevented a more speedy gratifi­cation of the wishes of the people, he was com­manded [Page xix] by the Committee of General Safety to re­quest that none of the members of the Convention should be allowed to go out till the decree of accu­sation had been adopted. This request was imme­diately complied with, and a decree being passed, the President gave orders to the Commander of the National Guards to allow no members to go beyond the bar.

Amar then affirmed that the gigantic arm of trea­son had been uplifted to strike the representative majesty of the people, and to level with the ground the unity and indivisibility of the French Republic.— The arm of treason had been nerved and supported by the united energies of Brissot, Condorcet, Gaudet, Vergniaud, and the other Deputies.

Brissot, the leader of this traitorous band, com­menced his political career by being a Member of the Commune of Paris, to which he was introduced by La Fayette, to whose designs he had prostituted his pen. At this aera of his life he made his ap­pearance three times in the Jacobin Club. In the first visit he proposed those measures which have proved so disastrous to the Colonies; in the second, he attempted to produce the assassination of the peo­ple in the Champ de Mars; and in the third visit he moved the declaration of war against Great-Britain.

Introduced into the Legislative Assembly, he im­mediately entered into a coalition with Condorcet and the Girondine faction, whose designs he approv­ed and supported. The consummation of the ob­ject of this coalition was to have been produced by the surrender of the Republican body to the viola­tion of the Allied Powers, and by the destruction of that unity and indivisibility which can alone be ex­pected to combat with effect the tyrants who would undermine the proud pillar of Liberty, and destroy even the vestige of freedom from the face of the earth.

[Page xx]The Court made use of their influence to declare war at a moment when the armies and the fortified places were in a state of absolute want, or entrusted to traitors chosen by a perjured King. They protected Narbonne, the minister, whom all France accused of the measures taken to render this war fatal to liber­ty; and in their Journals they calumniated the Pa­triots who had the courage to resist them. They de­fended Dietrisch, convicted of being an accomplice with La Fayette, and of having offered to give up Strasbourg; and while the chiefs of that faction pro­tected the conspirators and traitorous Generals, the patriotic soldiers were proscribed, and the volunteers of Paris sent to be butchered.

During the time we were surrounded by the sa­tellites of despots, when the court was going to open the gates of France to them, after having caus­ed the intrepid defenders of liberty to be murdered at Paris, Brissot and his accomplices did all they could to counteract the generous efforts of the peo­ple, and to save the tyrant. During and after the unhappy insurrection of the 10th of August, they endeavoured to prevent the abdication of Louis XVI. and to preserve to him the crown.

In the night of the 10th of August, Petion▪ shut up in the Thuilleries, consulted with the satellites of tyrants the plan to massacre the people, and gave or­ders to Mandat, Commander of the National Guards, to let the people come in, and then to cannonade them in the rear. A few days before, Gensonne and Vergniaud engaged to defend Louis XVI. on condition that the three ministers, Roland, Claviere, and Servan were recalled.

Petion and La Source made use of all their means to send the federates from Paris. Brissot, Kersaint, and Rouyer, according to the letters found in the Thuilleries, gave bad advice to the tyrant, and, in defiance of the laws, they dared to solicit places in [Page xxi] the ministry, under a promise to extend the destruc­tive authorities of the despot.

The project to overturn the foundation of the Republic, and to murder the friends of Liberty, was put in practice in the Legislative Assembly, by Brissot, in his insidious harangue on the 20th of July, 1792, opposing the abdication of the throne. We have seen Brissot and his accomplices Republicans under Monarchy, and Royalists under the Repub­lic; always constant in their designs to ruin the French nation, and to abandon it to its enemies. At the time the hypocritical tyrant, Louis the XVI. came into the Assembly to accuse the people, whose massacre he had prepared,—Vergniaud, like a true accomplice of the tyrant, told him—"That the As­sembly held it to be one of their most sacred duties to maintain all constituted authorities, and conse­quently that of Royalty."

When the Attorney-general, Raderer, came to announce, with the accent of grief, that the citi­zens in insurrection had taken the resolution not to separate till the Assembly had pronounced the for­feiture of the Crown, President Vergniaud silenced the applauses from the gallaries by telling them, that they violated the laws in obstructing the freedom of opinion; and he told Raderer, that the Assembly was going to take into immediate consideration the proposal which he, Vergniaud, had made, shewing the necessity of preserving the existence of the King.

Kersaint seconded the motion. Geradet proposed to liberate Mandat, who was arrested for having given orders to fire on the people; or, in the event that that commander was no more, to send a depu­tation of twelve Girondist members, authorised to choose his successor, in order by this means to keep the public force at the disposition of that mischievous [...]action.

In that memorable sitting of the 10th of August, [Page xxii] the G [...]ondist chiefs, Vergniaud, Guadet, and Gen­sonne, took by turns the chair, and went to the galleries to slacken the energy of the people, and to save Royalty, under the shield of the pretended con­stitution. They spoke of nothing but obedience to the constitutional laws to those citizens that came to the bar to protect their newly acquired liberty.

When the municipality came to invite the Assem­bly to send the proces-verbal of the great operations of the 10th of August, in order to prevent the calum­nies of the enemies of liberty, Guadet interrupted the members who made that demand, by making a motion to recommend anew to the magistrates the execution of the laws.—He blamed the Council of the Commune for having confined Petion in his own house; though they did it in order to render it im­possible for that impostor to make even insurrection subservient to act against liberty.

When a deputation from the suburb St. Antoine came to announce the civic affliction of the widows and children massacred on that day, the perfidious Guadet cooly answered them, "That the Assembly hoped to restore public tranquillity and the reign of the laws."

Vergniaud, in the name of the extraordinary com­mission directed by that faction, proposed the sus­pension of the King, who had been dethroned by the people, as a simple conservatory act of royalty; and seemed greatly affected at the events which had saved the country, and operated the ruin of the tyrants. He opposed Choudieu's motion, tending to exclude from the Convention the members of both the Le­gislative and Constituent Assemblies; and with the same cunning he prevented the registers of the civil list from being deposited on the table.

Gaudet wished to have a governor named to the son of the late King, whom he called the Prince Royal. Brissot and his accomplices always affected [Page xxiii] to invoke the literal execution of the Constitution, while the people, in the name of the martyrs who fell before the castle of the Thuilleries, demanded the complete o [...]erthrow of the tyrant.

Vergniaud opposed this demand, saying, that the people of Paris were but a section of the empire, and affected to oppose it in this manner to the de­partments.—He likewise resisted the petition made by the Commons to put the tyrant under arrest. He used all his efforts with Brissot, Petion, and Manuel, to get Louis XVI. confined in the Luxembourg, from whence it would have been easier for him to escape than out of the tower of the temple.

Gensonne and Gaudet had the servility to publish, at different times, that Louis XVI. had commanded the Swiss not to fire upon the people. From that time, the leaders of the Girondists (Department of Bour­deaux), compelled to praise the events of the 10th of August, continued, notwithstanding, to under­mine the Republic. They published the severest satires against the Jacobins, against the Commons and people of Paris, and in general against all those who contributed to the destruction of monarchy. Roland's house was filled with packets of libels, which were to be distributed among the people, and sent into the departments.

These guilty men protected all the conspirators, favoured the progress of Brunswick with all their power, and were the agents of the English faction which has exerted so fatal an influence during the course of our revolution. Carra was in league with certain characters of the court of Berlin. In his Journal Politique of the 25th of August, 1791, he formed a wish, on account of the marriage of the Duke of York with the Princess of Prussia, "that the Duke might become Grand Duke of Belgium, with all the powers of the King of the French." While Brunswick was preparing to decide the fate of the [Page xxiv] French nation by the force of arms, Carra, in the same Journal, represented him as a great commander, the greatest politician, the most amiable Prince in Europe, formed to be the restorer of liberty in all nations.—He published, that this Duke, on his arri­val at Paris, would go to the Jacobins, and put on the red cap, in order to interest the people in favour of this satellite of tyrants. Finally, Carra was so audacious as to propose openly to the Jacobins, for the Duke of York to be King of the French.

From these and many other facts, too tedious to mention, there results, that Carra and his associates were iniquitous and deep dissemblers, pensioned by England, Prussia, and Holland, to enable a Prince of that family which rules over those countries to obtain the crown of France. This same Carra, to­gether with Sillery, the dishonoured confidant of a contemptible Prince, was sent by the then reigning faction to Dumourier, to complete that treason which saved the almost ruined army of the Prussian despot. Dumourier came suddenly to Paris to concert with Brissot, Petion, Guadet, Gensonne, and Carra, the persidious expedition into the Austrian Netherlands, which he undertook when the Prussian army, wast­ing away, by contagious disorders, was peaceably re­tiring—while the French army was burning with indignation at the inaction in which they were kept.

It was not the fault of this faction, if the motion often made by Carra to receive Brunswick at Paris, was not realized. He meditated, in the beginning of September, 1792, to deliver up this city, with­out means of defence, by flying beyond the river Loire, with the Legislative Assembly, with the Exe­cutive Council, and with the captive King. He was supported in it by Roland, Claviere, and le Brun, the creatures and instruments of Brissot and his a [...] ­complices.

But these perfidious ministers, having been threat­ened [Page xxv] by one of their colleagues to be denounced to the people, it was then that Carra and Sillery were sent to Dumourier, to authorize this General to ne­gociate with Frederick William, to enable this Prince to get out of the kingdom, on condition that he should leave the Netherlands without the sufficient means of defence, and deliver them up to the nume­rous and triumphant armies of France.

The calumnious harangues that were made in the Tribunes were prepared or sanctioned at Roland's, or in the meetings that were held at Valaze's and Pe­tion's. They proposed to surround the Convention with a pretorian guard, under the name of Depart­mental Force, which was to be the basis of their foederal system. In the Legislative Assembly they meditated a flight beyond the Loire, with the Assem­bly, the Executive Council, the Royal Family, and the public treasure. Kersaint, at his return from Se­dan, dared to propose this project to the Executive Council; and it was supported by Roland, Claviere, and le Brun, the creatures and instruments of Brissot.

The faction strove to put off the judgment of the tyrant by impeding the discussion. They appointed a commission of twenty-four members to examine the papers found in the Thuilleres, in the guilt of which some of these members were implicated; and they endeavoured, in concert with Roland, to con­ceal those which tended to discover their transaction with the court. They voted for the appeal to the people, which would have been a germ for civil war, and afterwards wanted a respite to the judgment.

They incessantly repeated, that the Convention could do no good, and that it was not free. These declamations misled the departments, and induced them to form a coalition which was near being fatal to France.

They patronized an incivic peace, entitled, L'am [...] des Loix.

[Page xxvi]On the 14th of January, Barbaroux and his friends had given orders to the battalion of Marseillois to surround the Convention.

On the 20th, Validi wrote to the other deputies, "To-morrow in arms to the Convention—he is a coward who does not appear there."

Brissot, after the condemnation of Louis Capet, censured the Convention, and threatened France with the vengeance of the European Kings. When it was his object to bring on war, he spoke in an op­posite sense, and treated the downfal of all thrones, and the conquest of the universe, as the sport of the French nation. Being the organ of the Diplomatic Committee, composed almost entirely of the same faction, he proposed war suddenly against England, Holland, and all the powers that had not then de­clared themselves.

This faction acted in coalition with perfidious Generals, particularly with Dumourier. Gensonne held a daily correspondence with him: Petion was his friend. He avowed himself the Counsellor of the Orleans party, and had connection with Sillery and his wife.

After the revolt of Dumourier, Vergniaud, Gua­det, Brissot, and Gensonne, wished to justify his conduct to the Committee of General Defence, as­serting that the denunciations made against him by the Jacobins and the Mountain were the cause of his conduct; and that Dumourier was the protector of the sound part of the Convention. This was the party of which Petion, Brissot, Vergniaud, &c. were the chiefs and the orators.

When Dumourier was declared a traitor by the Convention, Brissot, in the Patriote Françoise, as well as other writers, who were his accomplices, praised him, in defiance of the law. As members of the Committee of General Defence, they ought to have given information relative to the preparations that [Page xxvii] were making in La Vendée. The Convention, however, was not made acquainted with them till the war became serious.

They armed the Sections where Aristocracy reign­ed, against those where public spirit was triumphant.

They affected to believe that a plot was meditated by the Republicans against the National Conven­tion, for the purpose of naming the commission of twelve, who, in an arbitrary manner, imprisoned the magistrates of the people, and made war against the patriots.

Isnard developed the views of the conspiracy, when he used this atrocious expression: "The asto­nished traveller will seek on what banks of the Seine Paris once stood." The Convention dissolved the commission, which, however, resumed its functions on its own authority, and continued to act.

The faction, by the addresses which it sent to the departments, armed them against Paris and the Con­vention. The death of numbers of patriots in the southern departments, and particularly at Marseilles, where they perished on the scaffold, was the conse­quence of those fatal divisions in the Convention, of which they were the authors.—The defection of Marseilles soon produced that of Lyons. This important city became the central point of the coun­ter-revolution in the South. The republican muni­cipality was dispersed by the rebels, and good citi­zens were massacred.—Every punishment that cruel­ty could devise to increase the torments of death was put in execution. The administrative bodies were leagued partly with Lyons, and partly with foreign Aristocrats, and with the Emigrants dispersed through the Swiss Cantons.

The cabinet of London afforded life and energy to this rebellious league. Its pretext was the anar­chy that reigned at Paris—its leaders, the traitorous deputies of the Convention.

[Page xxviii]Whilst they made this powerful diversion in fa­vour of the tyrants united against us, La Vendée continued to drink the blood of the patriots.

Carra and Duchatel were sent to this department in quality of Deputies from the National Conven­tion.

Carra publicly exhorted the administrators of the Maine and Loire to send troops against Paris. Both these deputies were at the same time connected with the Generals of the combined armies.

Coustard, sent also as a commissioner, carried his treasonable projects to such a length, as even to fur­nish supplies of provisions and stores to the rebels. The mission of the agents of this faction, sent to different parts of the republic, was marked by singu­lar traitorous measures.

Perhaps the column of republican power would ere this have measured its length upon the ground, if the conspirators had preserved much longer their inordinate power. On the 10th of August, the foun­dation of the column was laid; on the 31st of May it was preserved from destruction. The accused published a thousand seditious addresses, a thousand counter-revolutionary libels, such as that addressed by Condorcet to the department of the Aisne. They are the disgraceful monuments of the treason by which they hoped to involve France in ruin.

Ducos and Fonfrede formed the flame of the rebel­lion, by their correspondence and their speeches, in which they celebrated the virtues of the conspirators.

Several of these conspirators fled, and dispersed themselves through the departments—They establish­ed there a kind of National Convention, and invest­ed the administration with independent powers— they encircled themselves with guards and cannon, pillaged the public treasuries, intercepted provisions that were on the road to Paris, and sent them to the revolted inhabitants of the former provinces of Bri­tanny. [Page xxix] They levied a new army, and gave Wimp­fen, degraded by his attachment to tyranny, the command of this army.

They attempted to effect a junction with the re­bels of la Vendée, and to surrender to the enemy the provinces of Britanny and Normandy.

They deputed assassins to Paris, to murder the members of the Convention, and particularly Marat, whose destruction they had solemnly sworn to ac­complish. They put a poignard into the hands of a woman who was recommended to Duperret by Bar­baroux and his accomplices. She was conveyed into the gallery of the Convention by Fauchet.—The enemies of France exalted her as a heroine. Petion pronounced her apotheosis at Caen, and threw over the blood stained form of assassination the snowy robe of virtue.

Girey Dupre, the colleague of Brissot, in the pub­lication of the Patriote Français, printed at Caen se­veral songs, which invited, in a formal manner, the citizens of Caen to arm themselves with [...]oignards, for the purpose of stabbing three deputies of the Convention, who were pointed out by name.

Brissot fled with a lie added to his other crimes. Had he gone to Switzerland, as the false passport stated, it would have been for the purpose of excit­ing a new enemy against France.

Rabaud St. Etierre, Rebecqui, Duprat, and An­tiboul, carried the torch of sedition into the depart­ment of le Gard and the neighbouring departments. Biroteau, Rouger, and Roland, projected their ter­rible plots in Lyons, where they poured the ample stream of patriotic blood, by attaching to the friends of their country the appellation of anarchists and monopolizers.

At Toulon these endeavours were successful, and Toulon is now in the hands of the English. The same lot was reserved for Bourdeaux and Marseilles. [Page xxx] The reigning faction had made some overtures to Lord Hood, whose fleet they expected. The entire execution of the conspiracy in the South waited only for the junction of the Marseillese and Lyonese, which was prevented by the victory gained by the Republican army which produced the reduction of Marseilles.

The measures of the conspirators were exactly similar to those of the enemies of France, and par­ticularly of the English.—Their writings differed in nothing from those of the English ministers, and li­bellers in the pay of the English ministers.

Mr. PITT.

Wished to degrade and to dissolve the Convention.

He wished to assassinate the members of the Convention.

He wished to destroy Paris.

He wished to arm all na­tions against France.

In this intended partition of France, Mr. Pitt wished to procure a part for the Duke of York, or some other branch of his master's family.

He endeavoured to destroy our colonies.

The DEPUTIES.

Attempted to do the same.

The deputies procured the assissination of Marat and Le Pelletier.

The deputies did all in their power to produce this effect.

The deputies obtained a de­claration of war against all na­tions.

Carra and Brissot entered into a panegyric of the Dukes of York and Brunswick, and even went so far as to propose them for Kings.

The deputies have produced the destruction of the colonies.

Brissot, Petion, Guadet, Gensonne, Vergniaud, Ducos, and Fonfrede, directed the measures relative to the colo­nies▪ which measures reduced them to the most lamentable situation.

Santhonax and Polverel, the guilty Commissioners who ravaged the colonies with fire and sword, are their accomplices. Proofs of their corruption exist in the correspondence of Raimond, their creature.

[Page xxxi]Of the numerous facts of which the faction are accused, some relate only to particular individuals: the general conspiracy, however, is attached to all.

Upon this act of accusation they were tried before the Revolutionary Tribunal, on the 30th day of October, 1793. When the act of accusation was read to them in the court, they refused to make any answer to it, unless Rob [...]ierre, Barrere, and other members of the Committee of Safety, were present, and interrogated: they insisted upon those members being sent for; which being refused, and they still refusing to make any answer, the Judge stated to the Jury, that from the act of accusation it resulted that,

I. There existed a conspiracy against the unity and indivisibility of the Republic, the liberty and safety of the French people.

II. That all the individuals denounced in the act of accusation are guilty of this conspiracy, as being either the authors of, or the accomplices in it.

The Jury of the Revolutionary Tribunal brought in their verdict at eleven o'clock at night, on the 30th of October, against

BRISSOT,
  • Vergniaud
  • Gensonne
  • Duprat
  • Valaze
  • Lehardi
  • Ducos
  • Fonfrede
  • Borleau
  • Gardien
  • Duchatel
  • Sillery
  • Fauchet
  • Duperret
  • Lasource
  • Carra
  • Beauvais
  • Mainvielle
  • Antiboul
  • Vigee, and
  • Lacaze,

who were declared to be the authors and accompli­ces of a conspiracy which had existed against the unity and indivisibility of the Republic, against the liberty and security of the French people.

[Page xxxii]The President of the Revolutionary Tribunal im­mediately pronounced the sentence decreed by the constitution:—That they should suffer the punish­ment of death—that their execution should take place on the subsequent day, on the Place de Revo­lution—that their property should be confiscated, and that this sentence should be printed and posted up throughout the whole extent of the republic.

As soon as the sentence was pronounced, Valaze pulled a dagger from his pocket and stabbed him­self.—The Tribunal immediately ordered that the body should be conveyed on the morrow to the Place de la Revolution, with the other deputies.

At eleven o'clock in the forenoon, on the 31st, the execution took place. The streets were lined with soldiers, and every precaution taken to prevent the disturbance of the public tranquillity.

Duchatel, Ducos, Fonfrede, and Lehardi, pre­served a firm and undaunted air, and surveyed the engine of death with a composed and unruffled coun­tenance.

The deportment of Brissot was manly—he pre­served a fixed silence, and submitted his head to the guillotine, after surveying stedfastly, for a few mo­ments, the Deputies, to whom, however, he did not speak.

Sillery saluted the people with much respect, and conversed a short time with his confessor, as did Fauchet.—Lasource died in a penitential manner.— Carra, Vergniaud, Gensonne, Duperret, Gardien, Duprat, Beauvais, Mainvielle, Lacaze, Antiboul, and Vigee, died with firmness, and with the excla­mation of " Vive la Republique."—The execution was concluded in thirty-seven minutes.

[Page]

CONTENTS.

  • INTRODUCTION Page. 1
  • CHAPTER I. Of External Commerce; the circumstances which lead to it, and the Means of assuring it to a Nation Page. 17
  • CHAPTER II. Of External Commerce, considered in its Means of Exchange, and its Balance Page. 24
  • CHAPTER III. Application of the foregoing general Principles to the reciprocal Commerce of France and the United States Page. 38
  • CHAPTER IV. That the United States are obliged by their pre­sent Necessities and Circumstances to engage in foreign Commerce Page. 46
  • CHAPTER V. Of the Importation to be made from France into the United States, or of the Wants of the United States and the Productions of France which correspond thereto Page. 64
    • [Page xxxiv] Section I. Wines Page. 65
    • Section II. Brandy Page. 74
    • Section III. Oils, Olives, Dry Fruits, &c. Page. 79
    • Section IV. Cloths Page. 80
    • Section V. Linens Page. 84
    • Section VI. Silks, Ribbons, Silk Stockings, Gold and Silver Lace, &c. Page. 92
    • Section VII. Hats Page. 96
    • Section VIII. Leather, Shoes, Boots, Saddles, &c. Page. 97
    • Section IX. Glass Houses Page. 100
    • Section X. Iron and Steel Page. 103
    • Section XI. Jewellery, Gold and Silversmiths' Articles, Clock-work, &c. Page. 109
    • Section XII Different Sorts of Paper, stained Paper, &c. Page. 112
    • Section XIII. Printing Page. 115
    • Section XIV. Salt Page. 117
    • Section XV. General Considerations on the Catalogue of French Importations into the United States Page. 118
  • CHAPTER VI. Of the articles which Independent America may furnish in return for Importations from France Page. 120
    • Monsieur Calonne's Letter to Mr. Jefferson, the American Minister at Paris ibid
    • EXPORTS OF AMERICA Page. 125
      • Section I. Tobacco ibid
      • Section II. Fisheries, Whale-oil, &c. Sperma­ceti Candles Page. 128
      • Section III. Corn, Flour, &c. Page. 135
      • Section IV. Masts, Yards, and other Timber for the Navy Page. 139
      • Section V. Skins and Furs Page. 141
      • [Page xxxv] Section VI. Rice, Indigo, Flax-seed Page. 143
      • Section VII. Naval Stores, such as Pitch, Tar, and Turpentine Page. 147
      • Section VIII. Timber and Wood, for Car­penters and Coopers Work; such as Staves, Casks-heads, Planks, Boards, &c. Page. 148
      • Section IX. Vessels constructed in America, to be sold or freighted Page. 150
      • Section X. General Considerations on the pre­ceding Catalogue of Importations from the United States into France Page. 156
    • CONCLUSION, and Reflections on the Situation of the United States Page. 163
    • APPENDIX; consisting of authentic Papers, and Illustrations, added by the Editor Page. 171
      • Return of the Population of the United States Page. 173
      • Ditto of the Territory South of the Ohio Page. 174
      • Dr. Franklin's Observations on the Popula­tion of America Page. 176
      • Captain Hutchins's Account of the Western Territory Page. 178
      • Thoughts on the Duration of the American Commonwealth Page. 206
      • Mr. Jefferson's State of the Commercial In­tercourse between the United States and Foreign Nations Page. 209
      • Principal Articles of Exportation during the Year 1792 Page. 225
      • Of the Civil List and Revenue of the United States Page. 226
      • Mr. Paine's Statement of the Expences of the American government Page. 227
[Page]

INTRODUCTION,

THE Court of Great-Britain had no sooner signed the Treaty acknowledging the Independence of her late Colonies in North America, than her merchants and political writers sought the means of rendering to her by commerce an equivalent for her losses by the war.

Lord Sheffield has predicted, in his Observations on the Commerce of America, "that England would always be the storehouse of the United States; that the Americans, constantly attracted by the excel­lence of her manufactures, the long experienced in­tegrity of her merchants, and the length of credit, which they only can give, would soon forget the wounds which the ministerial despotism of London, as well as the ferocity of the English and German satellites, had given to America, to form with it new and durable connexions." *

This politician was the only one who appeared in that career; others followed it [Dr. Price, &c.] and the debates, which the new regulations of com­merce proposed for America, produced in Parlia­ment, prove that the matter was known, discussed, and profoundly examined.

[Page 2]The English nation resembled at that time a man who, coming out of a long delirium (wherein he had broken every thing that he ought to have held most dear,) eagerly strives to repair the ravages of his in­sanity.

As for us, we have triumphed, and the honour of the triumph is almost the only benefit we have reap­ed. Tranquil under the shade of our laurels, we see with indifference the relations of commerce which nature has created between us and the United States ▪ —whilst, to use the language of vulgar policy, the English, of whom we are jealous as our rivals, whom we fear as our enemies, use the greatest efforts to make it impossible for us to form new connexions with our new friends.

That the English will succeed, there is no doubt, if our languor be not soon replaced by activity; if the greatest and most generous faculties, on our part, do not smooth this commerce, new, and consequent­ly easy to be facilitated: finally, if our ignorance of the state of America be not speedily dissipated by the constant study of her resources of territory, com­merce, finance, &c. and affinities they may have with those of their own.

Our ignorance! This word will undoubtedly shock,—for we have the pride of an ancient people: We think we know every thing,—have exhausted every thing:—Yes, we have exhausted every thing; but in what? In futile sciences, in frivolous arts, in modes, in luxury, in the art of pleasing women, and the relaxation of morals. We make elegant courses of chymistry, charming experiments, deli­cious verses, strangers at home, little informed of any thing abroad: this is what we are; that is, we know every thing except that which is proper for us to know. *

[Page 3]It would be opening a vast field to shew what is proper for us to know, therefore I will not under­take it. I confine myself to a single point: I say that it concerns us essentially to have a thorough knowledge of the state of America, and that, never­theless, we have scarcely begun the alphabet which leads to it. What I advance has been said before by Mr. Paine, a free American, and who has not a lit­tle contributed, by his patriotic writings, to spread, support, and exalt, among his fellow countrymen, the enthusiasm of liberty. I will remark, says he, in his judicious letter to the Abbé Raynal, that I have not yet seen a description, given in Europe, of America, of which the fidelity can be relied on.

In France, I say it with sorrow, the science of commerce is almost unknown, because its practice has long been dishonoured by prejudice; which pre­vents the gentry from thinking of it. This preju­dice, which is improperly thought indestructible, because the nobility are improperly thought one of the necessary elements of a monarchical constitution; this would alone be capable of preventing French commerce from having activity, energy, and digni­ty, were it not to be hoped, that sound philosophy, in destroying it insensibly, would bring men to the great idea of estimating individuals by their talents, and not by their birth: without this idea there can be no great national commerce, but aristocratical men will abound; that is, men incapable of conceiving any elevated view; and men contemptible, not in a state to produce them.

[Page 4]Finally, another prejudice, quite as absurd, which has been combated a thousand times, and is always predominant in France, withholds from the eyes of the public precious memoirs, and interesting discus­sions, which would inform France of her interests.

Who is ignorant that it is to the freedom of de­bate and public discussion that England owes the sin­gular prosperity which, till lately, has followed her every where, in commerce, in arts, in manufactures, as well abroad as at home? a prosperity which she may enjoy in spite of the faults of her ministers; for none but these have ever endangered it: and it is to the freedom of debate that she has often owed her salvation from ruin. Who doubts that this liberty would not produce the same happy effects in France; —that it would not destroy false appearances;—that it would not prevent the destructive enterprizes of personal interest;—that it would not alarm mis­chievous indulgence, or the coalition of people in place with the enemies of the public welfare? Go­vernment seems at present to do homage to this in­fluence of the freedom of discussion. At length, it appears to relax of its severity in the laws of the press; it has suffered some shackles, which restrained dis­cussion, to be broken, especially in political matters. But how far are we still from feeling the happy ef­fects of the liberty of the press, rather granted to pub­lic opinion, than encouraged by a real love of truth!

By what fatality are energetic discourses of truth ineffectual? This ought to be pointed out; govern­ment itself invites us to do it; the abuses which ren­der information useless in France, ought to be laid open.

It is because the liberty of thinking and writing on political matters is but of recent date.

Because the liberty of the press is environed with many disgusting circumstances; and that an honest man who disdains libels, but loves frankness, is dri­ven [Page 5] from the press by all those humiliating formali­ties which subject the fruit of his meditation and re­searches to a censure necessarily arising from igno­rance.

It is because the censor, instituted to check the elevation of a generous liberty, thinks to flatter au­thority, by even exceeding the end proposed; sup­presses truths, which would frequently have been re­ceived, for fear of letting too bold ones escape, with which he would have been reproached; multiplies objections, gives birth to fears, magnifies dangers, and thus discourages the man of probity, who would have enlightened his fellow citizens; whilst this cen­sor sanctions scandalous productions, wherein reason is sacrificed to sarcasms, and severe morality to ami­able vices. *

It is because there are but few writers virtuous enough, sufficiently organized, or in proper situations to combat and surmount these obstacles.

Because these writers, few in number, have but little influence; abuses weakly attacked and strongly defended, resist every thing which is opposed to them.

Because the necessity of getting works printed in foreign presses, renders the publication difficult; but few of them escape from the hands of greedy hawk­ers, who monopolize the sale, to sell at a dearer price; who post the mystery, and a false rarity, to sell dear for a longer time.

Because these books are wanting in the moment [Page 6] when they would excite a happy fermentation, and direct it properly, in giving true principles.

Because they fall but successively into the hands of well-informed men, who are but few in number, in the search of new truths.

Because the Journalists, who ought to render them a public homage, are obliged, through fear, to keep silence.

Because the general mass, abandoned to the tor­rent of frivolous literature, loses the pleasure of me­ditation, and with it the love of profound truths.

Finally, because truth is by this fatal concurrence of circumstances never sown in a favourable soil, nor in a proper manner; that it is often stifled in its birth; and if it survives all adverse manoeuvres, it gathers strength but slowly, and with difficulty; consequent­ly its effects are too circumscribed for instruction to become popular and national.

Let government remove all these obstacles: let it have the courage, or rather the found policy, to ren­der to the press its liberty; and good works, such as are really useful, will have more success; from which there will result much benefit.

Does it wish for an example? I will quote one, which is recent and well known: the law-suit of the monopolizing merchants against the colonists of the sugar islands. Would not the last have, according to custom, been crushed, if the dispute had been carried on in obscurity? They had the liberty of speech, of writing, and of printing; the public voice was raised in their favour, truth was triumphant; and the wise minister, who had permitted a public discussion, that he might gain information, pro­nounced for humanity in pronouncing in their fa­vour.

Let us hope that this example will be followed; that government will more and more perceive the immense advantages which result from the liberty of [Page 7] the press. There is one which, above all others, ought to induce it to accelerate this liberty, because it nearly regards the interest of the present moment: this liberty is a powerful means to establish, fortify, and maintain public credit, which is become, more than ever, necessary to great nations, since they have stood in need of loans. As long as the attempts of personal interest are feared by the obscurity which covers them, public credit is never firmly establish­ed, nor does it rise to its true height. It is no longer calculated upon the intrinsic strength of its resources, but upon the probability, upon the fear of the dis­order, which may either divert them from their real employ, or render them sterile. The liberty of the press keeps personal interest too much in awe not to fetter its measures; and then public credit supports itself if it be established, is formed if it be still to be constituted, and fortifies itself if it has been weaken­ed by error.

Full of these ideas, as well as the love of my coun­try, and surmounting the obstacles to the liberty of printing, I have undertaken to throw some light upon our commercial affinities with the United States. This object is of the greatest importance; the question is, to develope the immense advantages which France may reap from the revolution which she has so powerfully favoured, and to indicate the means of extending and consolidating them.

It appears to me that all the importance of this re­volution has not been perceived; that it has not been sufficiently considered by men of understanding. Let it, therefore, be permitted me to consider it at present.

I will not go into a detail of the advantages which the United States must reap from the revolution, which assures them liberty. I will not speak of that regeneration of the physical and moral man, which must be an infallible consequence of their constitu­tions; [Page 8] of that perfection to which free America, left to its energy, without other bounds but its own fa­culties, must one day carry the arts and sciences, America enjoys already the right of free debate, and it cannot be too often repeated, that without this de­bate, perfection is but a mere chimera. In truth, almost every thing is yet to be done in the United States, but almost every thing is there understood: the general good is the common end of every indi­vidual,—this end cherished, implanted, so to speak, by the constitution in every heart. With this end, this intelligence, and this liberty, the greatest mira­cles must be performed.

I will not speak of the advantages which all Ame­rica must one day reap from this revolution; nor of the impossibility that absurd despotism should reign for a long time in the neighbourhood of liberty.— I will confine myself to the examination of what advantages Europe, and France in particular, may draw from this change. There are two which are particularly striking: the first, and greatest of the revolution, at least in the eyes of philosophy, is that of its salutary influence on human knowledge, and on the reform of local prejudices; for this war has occasioned discussions important to public happi­ness,—the discussion of the social compact,—of civil liberty,—of the means which can render a peo­ple independent, of the circumstances which give sanction to its insurrection, and make it legal,—and which give this people a place among the powers of the earth.

What good has not resulted from the repeated de­scription of the English constitution, and of its ef­fects? What good has not resulted from the codes of Massachusetts and New-York, published and spread every where? And what benefits will they still produce? They will not be wholly taken for a model; but despotism will pay a greater respect, [Page 9] either from necessity or reason, to the rights of men, which are so well known and established. Enlight­ened by this revolution, the governments of Europe will be insensibly obliged to reform their abuses, and to diminish their burdens, in the just apprehension that their subjects, tired of bearing the weight, will take refuge in the asylum offered to them by the United States.

This revolution, favourable to the people, which is preparing in the cabinets of Europe, will be un­doubtedly accelerated, by that which its commerce will experience, and which we owe to the enfran­chisement of America. The war which procured it to her, has made known the influence of commerce on [...]ower, the necessity of public credit, and conse­quently of public virtue, without which it cannot long subsist:—What raised the English to that height of power, from whence, in spite of the faults of their Ministers, Generals, and Negociators, they braved, for so many years, the force of the most powerful nations? Their commerce, and their credit; which, loaded as they were with an enormous debt, put them in a state to use all the efforts which nations, the most rich by their soil and population, could not have done in a like case.

These are the advantages which France, the world, and humanity, owe to the American Revolution; and when we consider them, and add those we are obliged to let remain in obscurity, we are far from regretting the expences they occasioned us.

Were any thing to be regretted, ought not it to vanish at the appearance of the new and immense commerce which this revolution opens to the French? This is the most important point at present for us,— that on which we have the least information, which consequently makes it more necessary to gain all we can upon the subject; and such is the object of this work.

[Page 10]In what more favourable moment could it appear, when every nation is in a ferment to extend its com­merce, seeks new information and sure principles? The mind is incessantly recalled in this book to the nature of things, the first principle of commerce.— At a time when people, which an ancient rivality, an antipathy, so falsely and unhappily called natu­ral, kept at a distance one from the other, are in­clined to approach each other, and to extinguished in the connexions of commerce the fire of discord; this work shews that these rivalities must be effaced by the immensity of the career which is opened to all.—At a time when all the parts of universal poli­cy are enlightened by the flambeau of philosophy, even in governments which have hitherto professed to be afraid of it, the author of this work has let slip no opportunity of attacking false notions and abuses of every kind.

Never was there a moment more favourable for publishing useful truths. Every nation does not only do homage to commerce, as to the vivifying spirit of society; but they employ, in the examina­tion of all these connexions and affinities, that lo­gic of facts, whose use characterizes the end of the present century,—that art truly philosophical, of considering objects in their nature, and in their ne­cessary consequences:—Never had well informed men more contempt for those chimerical systems solely founded upon the fancies of pride, upon the little conceptions of vanity, and upon the presump­tion of the false political science, which has too long balanced the destiny of States. Never were so many men seen united by the same desire of an universal peace, and by the conviction of the misfortune and inutility of hateful rivalities. At length it appears, that men perceive that the field of industry is infi­nite; that it is open to every sta [...], whatever may be its absolute or relative positions; that all states may [Page 11] thrive in it, provided that in each of them the sup­port of individual liberty, and the preservation of property, be the principal end of legation.

This work still concurs with the patriotic views which the sovereign of France manifests at present: he meditates important reformations. He directs them towards the happiness of the people; and con­sults the most respectable members of this people, whom he wishes to render happy, upon the means of insuring the success of his good intentions. There­fore, could there be a more propitious moment to offer to the present arbitrators of the national pros­perity, a work written with deliberation, on the means of establishing a new commerce with a new people, who unites to an extensive soil, and proper to nourish an immense population, laws which are the most favourable to its rapid increase?

At first I had alone undertaken this work, de­pending on my own strength and laborious research­es: I had collected all the facts,—all the books,— all the proofs which could be certain guides to my steps; but I soon perceived the impossibility of rais­ing upon objects of commerce a solid and useful theory, if it were not directed by the skill which practice only can give, and possessed by a man whose judgment had been long exercised by reflec­tion, and whose decided love of truth and the public welfare had accustomed to generalize his ideas. I found this man, this co-operator, of whose assistance I stood in need, in a republican; to whom I am united by a similarity of ideas, as well as by the most tender attachment. I have permission to name him, —he consents to it: I have conquered his modesty by the consideration of his interest, and of the law which the particular circumstances of his situation imposes on him: I have persuaded him, that the best means of destroying calumny was to make known his principles and opinions on public matters. [Page 12] It is M. Claviere, a Genevese, exiled without any form from his country, by the military aristocracy; which has substituted its illegel and destructive re­gimen to the reasonable and legitimate influence of a people, distinguished by their natural good under­standing, their knowledge, and their more simple manners. What was his crime? That of having defended the rights of these people, with a firmness and ability, which the implacable hatred of his ene­mies attest! This part does too much honour to my friend, not to confine myself to describe him in this character, the only one which has ever been productive of public good.

M. Claviere has, during his abode in France, given proofs of his knowledge in the philosophical and political part of commerce. It is to his abode among us that the public is indebted for some useful works on these abstract matters; works, as remark­able for their solidity of principle and truth of dis­cussion, as for the clearness and precision of ideas; works, whose success proves that minds may be led to the contemplation of these matters, by substitut­ing an exact and clear analysis to the metaphysical and obscure jargon which restrained them from it.

Finally, the present work will prove at once the extent of his knowledge, and that of the sincere philanthropy which animates him, even for the good of a country, where a man less generous would see nothing, perhaps, but the origin and cause of his misfortunes. Oh! how happy am I, to have it in my power to defend my friend against cowardly ca­lumniators, in putting him under the safeguard of his own talents and virtues! And is it not a sacred duty for me, as the calumny is public, to publish the part he has taken in this work, wherein it is im­possible not to discover the honest man, in the man enlightened? the friend of mankind, in the propa­gation of the wisest maxims? In the thinking phi­losoper, [Page 13] accustomed to a severe logic, to pursue the interests of public good, whenever the light of truth can clear up some of its aspects? This is not a vague eulogium; people will be convinced of it in reading the two chapters which concern the prin­ciples of commerce; a great number of notes in which he has had a part, and especially the article of tobacco, which is entirely his own In general, he will be known in those new considerations which the commercial man of reflection only can suggest to the philosophical politician.

The same motive has guided us both in the com­position and publication of this work. It was the desire of being useful to France, to Free America, to Humanity; for nothing which passes in the United States, neither ought to, nor can in future, be in­different to humanity. America has revenged it by her revolution: she ought to enlighten it by her le­gislation, and become a perpetual lesson to all go­vernments, as a consolation to individuals.

It remains to me now to speak of the sources to which we have had recourse, in the order of this work, &c. &c.

We have joined the information of intelligent per­sons, whose abode in America has given them an opportunity of gaining information, to that with which the public papers, the acts of Congress, of different legislatures, and the different works pub­lished in the United States, have furnished us. There­fore credit may be given to all the facts which we advance.

In associating our ideas, we have striven to give them an uniformity: we have, above every thing, endeavoured to express them with that clearness which is so difficult to introduce into matters of com­merce and finance. The poverty of our language, and the singularity of new circumstances which we had to describe, has sometimes led us to what is called [Page 14] neology. We must create what we have not, and of which we stand in need, without giving ourselves any trouble about those grammarians, but triflingly philosophical, whom Cicero describes thus in his time: Controversies about words torment these little Greeks, more desirous of contention than of truth. *

We have carefully avoided certain words much used in vulgar politics, and which give and perpe­tuate false ideas and deceitful systems. Such are these expressions; powers fill the first character, hav [...] the first rank, the balance of trade, the political balance of Europe, &c. These words, which stir up hatred and jealousy, are only proper to feed petulant am­bition, and, if I may use the expression, to put the policy of disturbance in the place of that happiness. Ministers, wearied of these words and ideas, will at­tach a greater price to real glory,—that of making the people happy.

Many notes will be found in this work; we thought it necessary to give this form to all the ideas, which, thrown into the text, might have obscured the prin­cipal one.

A note relaxes the mind, in suspending the chain of the principal thoughts; it excites curiosity, in announcing a new point of view; it forces the reader to a certain degree of attention, in obliging him to attach the note to the text, to reap any advantage from his reading.

We have in these notes indicated, as often as it has been possible, the ideas of reform which may be useful to France. We have frequently quoted the English nation and government. Let not our read­ers, be surprised at it. It is this nation which has made most progress in the practice of some good principles of political economy. To what nation in Europe can we better compare France? If a ri­vality [Page 15] ought to exist between them, is it not in that which is good? Ought not we from that moment to know all the good measures taken in England? Ought people to be displeased with us for mentioning these measures? The example of those who have already quoted England has encouraged us. They have naturalized in France, happy institutions, imi­tated from her rival.

If our criticism appears sometimes roughly ex­pressed, our readers will be so good as to consider, that friends to public welfare can but with difficulty refrain from being moved by the aspect of certain abuses, and from suffering the sentiment of indigna­tion which it excites in them to break forth.

Notwithstanding the numerous precautions we have taken to come at truth; notwithstanding the extreme attention we have given to this work, errors will undoubtedly be sound in some of the statements, and perhaps in the reasonings. Whether they be publicly discussed, or that we are privately inform­ed of them, we shall see these refutations with plea­sure; we shall joyfully receive these observations, and if they be well founded, we shall be eager to re­tract. This is but a simple essay on an important subject. It may become a good work by the aid of a concourse of lights.

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THE COMMERCE, &c.

CHAPTER I. Of External Commerce; the circumstances which lead to it, and the Means of assuring it to a Nation.

COMMERCE signifies an exchange of produc­tions, either by barter, or by representative signs of their value.

External commerce is that carried on between two or more nations. It supposes in them mutual wants, and a surplus of productions correspondent thereto.

Nations, which nature or the force of things in­vites to a commercial intercourse, are those which have that correspond [...]nce of wants, and surplus of productions.

This familiarity enables them to trade together, directly or indirectly; a direct commerce is that which exists between two nations, without the intervention of a third.

Commerce is indirect when one nation trades with another by way of a third. This is the case of states which have no sea-ports, and yet wish to exchange their productions for those of the Indies.

That nation, which having it in its power to carry on a direct commerce with another, yet makes use of an intermediate one, is necessarily obliged to di­vide [Page 18] its profits. However, this disadvantage may sometimes be compensated by other considerations.

Such, for instance, is the case of a nation which, in want of husbandmen and manufacturers, prefers that strangers should themselves come in search of its superfluities, and bring in exchange those of others: its want of population imposes this law, and whilst these considerations exist, it is both morally and phy­sically better that its inhabitants should be employed in cultivation, than become carriers of their own national productions, or of those of others.

It is impossible that nations which already have communications with each other, should be ignorant of their mutual productions. Hence arises the desire of acquiring them in those where they do not exist. Hence direct or indirect commerce, which is conse­quently the inevitable result of the state of things.

From the same principle, it is the interest of each nation to render its exterior commerce direct as soon as possible, without doing an injury to its interior trade.

Direct importations, not being subject to the ex­pences and commissions of agents, procure things at a cheaper rate.

A moderate price is the surest means of obtaining an exterior commerce, the best reason for preference, and the guarantee of its continuation. *

[Page 19]The country which can produce and sell a thing at the cheapest rate, is that which unites the favour­able advantages of that production, whether it be with respect to its quality, manufacture, or its low rate of carriage.

The advantages which render commodities and raw materials cheap, are a fertile soil, easy of culti­vation, climate favourable to the production, a go­vernment which encourages industry, and facili­tates carriage by the construction of public roads and navigable canals; finally, a population not too nu­merous relative to the extent of country which of­fers itself to be cultivated. *

The same circumstances are still more favourable to the manufacture of things common, simple, or little charged with fashion, if the raw material be a natural production of the country, in plenty, and easy to be worked up; because these manufactures require but few hands, or are carried on at that lei­sure [Page 20] which agriculture affords. Nothing can equal the cheapness of this workmanship, and in general no industry is more lucrative, or better supported on easy terms, than that which is employed in the in­tervals of repose from cultivation: in that case cheap­ness is neither the product nor the sign of misery in the manufacturer; it is, on the contrary, the proof and consequence of his easy circumstances. *

The most necessary conditions for manufacturing, at a cheap rate, articles complicated, or extremely fine and perfect, or which require the union of seve­ral kinds of workmanship, are a constant and assidu­ous application, and a numerous population; one half of which must be at a distance from the labours of the field, and applied to manufacture alone.

These manufactures ought, according to natural order, to be the productions of an excess of popula­tion only, which cannot give its industry to agricul­ture or simple manufactures; but in general they are the result of the gathering together of the poor and wretched in great cities.

[Page 21]These manufactures cannot furnish their produc­tions but with difficulty and uncertainty for exterior commerce, when they are established and supported merely by forced means, such as prohibitions, ex­clusive privileges, &c. by which natural obstacles, not to be destroyed, are pretended to be combated. Countries exempt from them prevail in the end, and obtain a preference.

It sometimes happens, that obstacles caused to manufactures by dearness of provisions, burthensome imposts, distance from the raw material, and un­skilfulness, or small number of hands, are surmounted by ingenuity, or the use of machines; which make the work of one man equal to that of many; and render a manufacture capable of supporting the com­merce of populous countries, where such manoeu­vres and machines are not made use of, or known.

But these means are precarious, and sooner or later give way to a more happy situation, where climate, soil, and government especially, concur in favouring, without effort, all the activity and industry of which men are susceptible. *

[Page 22]Thus, in the final analysis, the power of furnish­ing at a low price belongs incontestably to countries so favoured, and they will obtain in all markets a sure preference to those to which nature has been less kind, let their industry be ever so great, because the same industry may always be added to natural advantages.

Exterior commerce, more than any other, is in­timidated by shackles, customs, visits, chicaneries, and processes; by the manner of deciding them, and the solicitations and delays they bring on.

The state which would favour such a commerce should, in the first place, destroy all these obstacles. It is more to its interest so to do, as from exterior commerce results an augmentation of the national revenue.

All things equal, relative to the price of merchan­dise, and to the facilities with which direct exterior commerce can be carried on, it is more readily esta­blished between two nations which have a similarity of political and religious principles, manners, cus­toms, and especially of language: these decisive means of connexion cannot be combated but by evident advantages from which there results less ex­pence and more profit. Commercial people gene­rally place profit at the head of every thing.

Nations not having these affinities between them, ought, in order to compensate for their deficiency, to give great encouragements, and tolerate to the [Page 23] utmost degree the religious and political opinions of strangers, as well as their manners and customs.

To obtain the preference in exterior commerce, neither treaties, regulations, nor force must be de­pended upon. Force has but a momentary effect. It destroys even that which it means to protect Treaties and regulations are useless if the interests of two nations do not invite them to a mutual in­tercourse. They are ineffectual if that attraction does not exist. Treaties, regulations, force, all yield to the impulse or nature of things. *

This force of things in commerce is but the result of the circumstances in which two nations are which attract one towards the other, and oblige them to enter into an alliance, rather than with any other nation. These terminate in their mutual interest: it is therefore necessary, in order to create a perpetual commerce between two countries, to give each of them a preponderating interest so to do.

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CHAPTER II. Of External Commerce, considered in its Means of Ex­change, and its Balance.

WE are deceived in believing that commerce cannot be established between two nations without gold or silver to balance their accounts. It will be interesting to enter into some detail on this head, on account of the deficiency of coin in the United States, and the necessity of reducing themselves to the com­merce of exchange, being the two principal objec­tions ignorantly brought against a trade with them. *

It has been frequently asserted that the balance will be against them; that they can only offer an exchange in merchandise. It is therefore necessary to prove that this great word, balance, is insignificant; that [Page 25] a great commerce may be carried on without money, and that one of exchange is the most advantageous of any.

When a nation pays with money the whole, or the balance of its importations, it is said the balance of trade is against it, by which a disadvantageous idea of its position is meant to be given. This is a pre­judice easy to be overturned, although entertained by men celebrated for their knowledge.

In effect, whence comes to this country the gold it pays? It is either from its mines, and in that case it pays with one of its own productions; or it owes it to artificers who exercise their functions in a fo­reign country, and even then it pays with a produc­tion which originates within its dominions. As long as a nation pays another, directly or indirectly, with its own productions, its position cannot be disad­vantageous. Therefore, the unfavourable word ba­lance, thus attached to the balance of an account paid in money, offers no exact and nice idea of the favourable or unfavourable state of a nation.

Gold is also a merchandise; and it may be con­venient to one nation, according to its relations or connexions with another, to pay with money, with­out its having, for that reason, an unfavourable ba­lance against it.

There is but one case wherein the balance against a nation can be declared; it is that when having ex­hausted its money and treasures, it remains debtor to another nation. But things could not remain long in this state; so wretched a soil, unequal to the con­sumption and exchange of its inhabitants, would soon be abandoned; this, however, cannot happen. Importation presently becomes in proportion to ex­portation; an equilibrium is established, and the pre­tended unfavourable balance has not duration enough to give a right of supposing even its existence.

There is as little truth and justice in saying a na­tion [Page 26] has the balance of trade in its favour, when it receives in money balances due to it upon the amount of its exportations. This balance, existing for a certain time, would heap up specie in the country, and at length render it very miserable. This has never been the case; yet it would have happened if this system had the least foundation.

The circulation of money depends on too many causes, to deduce from its abundance a certain sign of a favourable commercial balance; a thousand combinations and events, which have no relation to that balance, draw money from abroad or send it there; and in general, continued and various motions of commerce, the tables of exportation and impor­tation, according to which the sign of a favourable or unfavourable balance is regulated, are too uncer­tain and defective for the purpose, as well as for form­ing a judgment of the quantities of coin or riches of a nation. *

[Page 27]Let the tables for comparing the exportation and importation of raw materials, and of manufactured articles, be increased to what they may; let the great­est [Page 28] care and fidelity be employed to render them per­fect, the result will never be more certain or deci­sive: for as long as prohibitory laws, which are al­ways accompanied by illicit commerce, shall exist, it will be impossible to know and state exactly what comes in and goes out; * and if there be a coun­try where no such laws exist, are exact registers of [Page 29] the exports and imports to be found in it? And if they were, would it not be a constraint which the private interests of merchants would frequently oblige them to avoid?

Moreover, does it appear that, in these general balances, which are supposed to be paid in money, notice is taken of the operation of bankers, foreign government, and those who go abroad, in export­ing the public specie. * Knowledge is deceitful which is acquired from such consequences.

But how appreciate—how estimate the increase of the riches and commerce of a nation?—By its population. If this sensibly augments, if ease and the conveniencies of life become more general, if the causes of indigence in an increasing people be seen to diminish, or are confined to inability to work, occasioned by accidental illnesses; it is evident, that the revenues of that nation exceed its expences, and that the balance of trade is in its favour; for if the value of its exportation were inferior to that of its [Page 30] importation, a considerable debt and impoverishment would soon be the consequences: and impoverish­ment falls immediately upon population. It is there­fore by rational and well composed tables upon this subject only, that a minister of sound judgment, pro­found and extended in his plans, will be prevailed upon to govern himself. It is by them he will judge of the increase and advantages of exterior commerce, as well as of national riches.

He will be very cautious of decorating with this title the amassing of gold and silver, and equally so of making it the token of riches, or of judging of their extent by the quantity of those metals. All such ideas are sordid, dangerous, and false; sordid, because they attach to this sign the representation of productions, and consequently the extension of com­merce; dangerous, because they accustom men to look upon gold as real riches, to neglect the thing for its shadow, * and make them strangers to their [Page 31] country; false, because that display of figures an­nounces the quantity only of money which conti­nually disappears; and which, when carried to a cer­tain degree, is of no farther consideration. *

Enquiries on the quantity of coin are like those on the balance of trade. To establish both one and the other with some degree of certainty, it is neces­sary to assemble notions and details, of which the elementary principles vanish, or incessantly vary.

[Page 32]The proceedings in the administration of finances are more useful and certain; by laying aside the pomp of false riches, and by considering gold and silver in a point of view relative to their particular pro­perties. They supply our wants as means of ex­change only; they [...]re notes to the bearer, which having every where the same value, are every where negociable. Thus they are ambulatory; they pass, repass, are accumulated or dispersed like the waves of the sea, continually agitated by successive winds [Page 33] blowing from every point of the compass. To un­dertake to make them stationary, would be striving to change their nature, to deprive them of that pro­perty from which they derive their value: this ridi­culous enterprise is, notwithstanding, a consequence of the system which causes them to be looked upon as real treasures. Their disappearance is dreaded, and yet their circulation is clogged, and the mind loses sight of the use of the most simple and universal means of creating real riches, without which metals would be useless, and consequently of no value.

On the contrary, disdaining vulgar opinions, and seeing nothing in gold and silver but the means of exchange, but proper agents to facilitate it; the mind, freed from the fear of the want of them as riches, con­ceives the idea of doing without them as agents, at least about man's person. * What a vast field is this opened to industry! These metals are in that case reserved for the best uses to which nations who obtain [Page 34] them from abroad can put them. They are sent out to seek materials for industry, new commodities, and especially increase the number of citizens; of every species of riches this is the most sure and fruitful. Thus, when gold is reduced to its exact value, that its real use is known, the advantageous purposes to which it is proper, are more justly calculated. It is then perceived that paper credit may have the same properties as gold itself; and to succeed in giving them to it, nothing more is necessary than to preserve the most inviolable respect for the principles which support public confidence; for upon what basis rests the value and general use of money, if it be not upon the certitude that it will be received every where in payment for things which men's wants may require, because of its conventional value? Why should a paper which presents the same conventional value, the same certitude and solidity, be refused in pay­ment? I will add more—A more solid basis than gold and silver have, may be given to paper money: * for we have no guarantee that the value of these me­tals will not be all at once diminished by the discovery of new and rich mines; we cannot calculate their quantities concealed in the earth, and men incessant­ly rake up its bowels in search of them. Therefore in countries where precious metals are scarce, but where lands may be successfully cultivated, banks should be formed, whose operations should chiefly [Page 35] rest upon title deeds and productions deposited; in a word, upon such objects only as gold and silver should represent. *

In countries where these metals are already in cir­culation, but are still foreign productions, easy and certain means should be sought after to render ex­changes less dependent on the security or abundance of specie. Paper credit should be naturalized there, because its infallible effect is to double or treble the quantity of current coin, and even to replace it en­tirely, where, as in England, public confidence has never received a wound. These observations might be more extended if a treatise on the nature of banks and Caisses d'Escompte were in question. But this is not my present object; I have considered exterior commerce in its means of exchange only, like metals and paper credit, and in its balance for the purpose of applying these principles to the relations and commerce of France and the United States: and [Page 36] more especially to clear up some difficulties to the French, who seem to have a bad opinion of this commercial intercourse, on account of the want of money in America, and to encourage the independent Americans, who seem to dread the pretended incon­veniencies arising from its deficiency.

I think I have proved:

1st. That the balance of trade is but an insignifi­cant word: that the balance paid in specie is no proof of a disadvantageous commerce on the part of the nation which pays it, nor advantageous to the nation which receives it. *

2d. That the tables of that commercial balance deserve no faith; and that the only method of esti­mating the increase of trade, is by the increase of population.

[Page 37]3d. That it is impossible to judge exactly of the quantity of money existing in a country, and that all calculations on that head are founded upon an un­certain and defective ba [...]s, because it is impossible to collect all their elementary principles.

4th. That metals are not re [...]l riches.

5th. That considered as agents of exchange, it would be more advantageous to substitute paper cre­dit in interior commerce, and to apply them to uses for which paper is unfit, to wit, all the purposes of exterior commerce. There results from these de­monstrations, that commerce may be begun between two nations without the aid of money; that the quantity a nation has of it to exchange for foreign productions is in proportion to its confidential inte­rior establishments, which advantageously supply its place.

In three words, a good soil, paper credit, and a government anxious to support it, are the true means of opening the resources of a nation, of procuring abundance of specie, as well as an extensive exterior commerce.

I have not considered this commerce in its influ­ence upon the manners of the people; such a discus­sion would here be useless, because, whatever that influence may be, exterior commerce is a forced ef­fect of the respective situations of France and the United States, as will hereafter be made appear. I [Page 38] examine this matter as a politician, not as a philoso­pher, and I pray the reader not to forget the distinc­tion.

CHAPTER III. Application of the foregoing general Principles to the recipro­cal Commerce of France and the United States.

That France has every Means of procuring a great Commerce, and those which must assure it to her in the United States; that her Productions are proper for them; and that her parti­cular interior Circumstances oblige her to engage in this Commerce.

THESE truths will not be contested when the fer­tility of the soil of France shall be considered, her various and particular productions, and the tempe­rature of her climate, which favours those the most simple and necessary.

These advantages constantly assure her workman­ship at a lower price than those of nations endowed with the same activity, but which have not the ad­vantages of such favourable circumstances.

Her manufactures are numerous, and her popu­lation is considerable in comparison with that of most other nations. Yet these are far from the degree to which they may be extended; for in considering France, room for a more extensive population is soon discovered, and an immensity of means for a great number of manufactures, which only wait for the will of government to be established.

What other nation has more activity? more in­dustry? or unites to so great a degree, all the advanta­ges of civilization, and the matter and means of the most varied and extensive interior and exterior com­merce, independent of completion? What other [Page 39] would have been able to resist, for so long a time, the chain of misfortunes, and repeated faults of which she has been the victim? The force of her constitution, rather than her apparent prosperity, ought to be calculated by this resistance. France is not what she might and ought to be. There is no doubt but she will become so if she opens her eyes to her true interests, if, unshackling her interior, she does not neglect her exterior commerce, and parti­cularly that which the United States wish to open with her. The productions of her soil and industry are proper for them. She can export in exchange, from independent America, the raw materials for which she may have occasion. These two countries may therefore carry on a direct commerce of ex­change between them, and so much the more advan­tageous, as the raw materials, which must constitute it, would cost them more in any other place. These truths will not be doubted when the double cata­logue of the respective wants of France and the United States, or of their importation and exporta­tion, shall have been examined.

Intelligent patriots are of opinion, that it cannot be advantageous to France, in her present situation, to engage in the commerce of the United States.— They observe, that her manufactures being inferior to those of the English, she will be worsted in the American markets; they add, that instead of en­couraging this commerce, government would per­haps act more wisely by preventing the interior abu­ses which stop the progress of cultivation and in­dustry.

I am far from denying the necessity there may be of stirring to reform such abuses, [...]d to direct our efforts to culture and the improvement of manufac­tures; but it is easy to demonstrate, that exterior commerce will in a very short time infallibly bring [Page 40] on such a reform, and that France in her present state is in the greatest need of this exterior trade.

In effect, an active and industrious nation, whose soil is fertile, ought always to have markets for the sale of its commodities to animate its industry. Its culture and manufactures would languish if the li­mits of its consumption were perceived. It is even necessary that these markets should be superabun­dant; that one may succeed the other, in case of un­suspected events, which might cause a momentary change in the ordinary course of things.

What cause has thrown Ireland into so continued a state of languor, although one of those countries the most favoured by nature, and the best situated for exterior commerce, if it is not the deprivation of that commerce? An embarrassing exuberance of productions was feared: the cultivation of them was presently neglected, and this negligence increased waste lands. This island would at length have of­fered a spectacle of the most deplorable misery, of a complete depopulation, if, by a restitution of the li­berty of commerce, an end had not been put to so cruel a discouragement which choaked industry, by making it fear a want of markets for the vent of its productions.

Let our patriots, therefore, cease to look upon fo­reign commerce as contrary to the reforms which are to revive our interior trade: to encourage the first is not to proscribe the second, because one cannot succeed without the other. But, on the contrary, the seeds of activity are sown in the latter, by extending the boundaries of consumption.

Alas! is not France evidently in need of them? Are not her magazines crouded with a superfluity of the most necessary productions, for which she has no market? Such as, amongst others, her wines and brandies. * The United States offer to her an im­mense [Page 41] consumption; why does she refuse to supply them?

Even if her wines and brandies were not in such superfluity, it would be prejudicial not to support the price of them by foreign consumptions. The greatest scourge of industry, and especially of manu­factures, is the low price of those liquors which are seducing by their strength. On this account prudent manufacturers carefully avoid wine countries. It would be superfluous to give a detail of their rea­sons; but certainly the politician, the most jealous of a free extention of individual enjoyments, will never become an advocate for the indulgence of men in those articles which deprive them of their faculties and reason.

France ought to desire the commerce of the United States. She ought also to be anxious for it on ac­count of her manufactures, to employ her popula­tion which is in want of work. Consequently work­manship is cheap; whence results indigence, beg­gary, and strife. * Work and productions are in­creased by opening new markets. Thus, for exam­ple, vineyards will remain, which a want of con­sumption would soon cause to be destroyed; thou­sands of labourers, who languish, will be employ­ed; society will be increased by thousands of indivi­duals; more corn, more cloth, &c. will be necessary: hence an increase of interior consumption and po­pulation.

[Page 42]When we examine the question, if exterior com­merce be advantageous and necessary to a nation; a newly constituted state, whose population is far from being in proportion to its soil, where there is space and property in land for every one, must be distin­guished from that which is ancient, rich in produc­tions as well as in men; or, to speak with more pre­cision, a state where the unequal distribution of pro­perty takes men from the fields, shuts them up in cities, and prostitutes their faculties to the fancies of the rich.

Certainly such a new state cannot increase its fo­reign commerce before it has cleared great quantities of lands, and is become considerably peopled, and has a surplus of men and productions.

Such a state, while necessary, will undoubtedly follow this counsel.

But this counsel would be improper to another state, which, advanced in its civilization, covered with a population without property, having manu­factures and money in abundance; whose industry and territorial riches wait for demands, and whose culture languishes for want of markets. A foreign commerce is necessary to this state to vivify it.

Such is the situation of France; neither soil, in­dustry, activity, nor the thirst of gain, is there want­ing; other pernicious causes slacken her interior commerce. If the merchant has not a certainty of markets, he does not buy nor give orders; the ma­nufacturer employs fewer hands, has less occasion for the productions of the earth. Languor then de­scends from manufactures to cultivation, and dimi­nishes population.

The reverse will be the case in the supposition of a vast exterior commerce, and will lead to the im­provement even of our manufactures; for the ne­cessity of improving to obtain a preference will ob­lige manufacturers to study the taste of the Ameri­cans, [Page 43] and to conform themselves to it, to vary the productions of their industry; and will oblige them not to relax, that they may not be surpassed by rivals.

It is here necessary to make some reflections on the general inferiority found in our manufactures, on comparing them with those of the English. This fact has furnished Lord Sheffield with his principal argument, to maintain that America will always prefer the latter. It is necessary to clear up this point, which seems not to be well understood.

Manufactures of luxury, of conveniency, and of necessity, must be distinguished in a manner hereaf­ter pointed out. Lord Sheffield and all foreigners agree, that France has the advantage in the first class of manufactures. * His Lordship agrees even that France makes finer cloths than those of England; but with respect to manufactures of convenience, or such as are intended for the consumption of the people, we must, in spite of patriotism, agree on our part, that we are in many articles inferior to the English. This will appear by the sequel. It would be ridiculous and even dangerous to flatter the nation in this particular; the illusion would keep it in a state of mediocrity. It is for a better constituted patriotism to prove to the nation, that it may rise above mediocrity, and to shew it by what means this is to be effected. Should any body wish to know the cause of this double difference between the French and English manufactures, it is as fol­lows:—

[Page 44]There is in England a greater number of men, among the people, in easy circumstances, than in France, and who are consequently in a situation to choose and pay better for such articles as they like. It is a known fact, that the common people of Eng­land, although loaded with taxes, are well clothed and fed; * the rags of misery are not found with the poulle au pot. The English manufacturer having a greater demand for articles of necessity, and being better paid for them, can make improvements in his manufacture.

Should it be required to know from whence comes the easiness of circumstances so general in England, independent of the soil and position, and the advan­tages of that liberty which reigns there, it results from the consideration attached to industry in the opinion of the public; from the laws sure protection accorded to every individual against the agents of government; and the haughtiness and insolence, to which they are naturally inclined (because in men of slender education these are the effect of power,) be­ing [Page 45] continually repressed, and their being prevented from trampling upon the citizen, who must be obe­dient. He is obedient to the law, and not to him who puts it in execution. * In fine, it is the conse­quence of not blushing to be a tradesman, artificer, or workman, from father to son.

In France there are individuals excessively rich; but the people are poor. The first have it in their power to pay extremely dear for articles of luxury and fancy, which cause an improvement of manu­factures of this kind. Finer cloths, as it has been before observed, are to be found in France than in England; but their quantity is not great, because there is not an extensive demand for those of the first quality.

On the other hand, the property of the people being very inconsiderable, they pay badly, and the consequence is, that things of conveniency or neces­sity are badly manufactured for them.

I will not here enter into the examination of causes which occasion such a state of things, nor of the means of changing it. I will leave the discussion of such means for another chapter; but the following conclusions must necessarily be drawn from these facts: the perfection of manufactures depends upon the demand, and the demand upon the means of payment. Now, because the French have not those means, they must be sought after in a foreign coun­try. [Page 46] Increase foreign demands for French manufac­tures, and they will be seen to improve very rapid­ly. This is the effect which the commerce of the United States will produce in France. These States contain a people accustomed to be well clothed, to make use of well manufactured things only, and ca­pable of paying for good workmanship by their pro­ductions. Charged with the furnishing of articles for American consumption, French manufacturers will strive to outdo their rivals; and they can easily accomplish this when Government shall be willing. Na­ture has given them the means. They will become superior in almost every thing when once they shall no longer be obstinately counteracted.

Therefore, the commerce with the United States will be the cause of improvement in French cultiva­tion and industry. Consequently it is necessary to embrace and pursue it.

CHAPTER IV. That the United States are obliged by their present Neces­sities and Circumstances to engage in foreign Commerce.

SOME writers, among whom are found the cele­brated Dr. Price, and the Abbé Mably, have exhort­ed the independent Americans, if not to exclude ex­terior commerce entirely from their ports, at least to keep it within very contracted bounds. They pretend, that the ruin of republicanism in the United States can happen only from exterior commerce; be­cause by great quantities of articles of luxury and a frivolous taste, that commerce would corrupt their morals, and without pure morals a republic cannot exist.

[Page 47] ‘Alas! what can the United States import from Europe, continues Dr. Price, except it be infec­tion? I avow it, cries the Doctor, I tremble in thinking on the furor for exterior commerce, which is apparently going to turn the heads of the Ame­ricans. Every nation spreads nets around the United States, and caresses them, in order to gain a preference; but their interest cautions them to beware of these seductions.’ *

I am far from contradicting, in its basis, the opinion of these politicians. Moreover, I think, with Dr. Price, that the United States will one day be able to produce every thing necessary and convenient; but I am also of opinion, that these two writers have con­sidered the independent Americans in a false point of view; that they have not sufficiently observed the state of their circumstances; in fine, that their circumstances and actual wants oblige them to have recourse to foreign commerce. This is a truth which I propose to de­monstrate; for I will prove that the independent Americans are in want of the necessaries and con­veniencies of life, and in some states, of luxuries, and that their habits and nature, added to other cir­cumstances, will always prevent their renouncing them entirely.

I will prove, that having no manufactures, they cannot themselves supply these wants, and that they can have no manufactures for a long time to come.

That although they already possessed them, they ought to prefer to national ones those of exterior commerce, and that they should rather invite Euro­peans [Page 48] to their ports than frequent those of the Euro­pean states.

Finally, that by the same reason which makes it impossible to exclude exterior commerce, in case of wants which alone it can supply, it is equally so to fix its boundaries.

When the nature of man is attentively considered, it is seen that it incessantly disposes him to render his life agreeable. If he has a property, he strives to improve it; if the soil he cultivates be fruitful, and demands but little in advance, the desire of in­creasing his enjoyments stimulates him to torture his land to draw from it its various productions. One idea put in practice gives birth to another; one want satisfied creates a second, to have the pleasure of sa­tisfying this also. Such is the nature of man; his activity, which leads him from desires to enjoyments, from one change to another, is the source of what are called manufactures. A manufacture is but the means of giving to a production of the earth, a form which adds to it a new degree of agreeableness and utility. Want and desire of manufactures are there­fore in the nature of man; so that if we supposed Europe entirely annihilated, manufactures would soon rise up in America, because each individual strives to render his existence agreeable by means the most speedy and efficacious. *

[Page 49]Manufactures, like the wants of civilized men, may (as was observed in the last chapter) be divided into three classes: 1st. those of necessity; 2d. those of convenience; 3d. those of fancy or luxury. Food, and the natural exigencies of mankind, are compre­hended in the first class.

It is from the wants of convenience especially, that manufactures have their origin. Without doubt, skins of sheep were sufficient to defend men from the severities of cold; a cabin or a hut from the in­temperature of the atmosphere; but man is no sooner preserved from one evil than he seeks to get rid of another. Skins are insusceptible of being well join­ed together; use makes them hard; a cabin is frequent­ly thrown down, is confined and smoaky; whence arise the wants of conveniency, which are transform­ed into enjoyments, whose accustomed use changes them into necessities.

When man has every convenience, he then thinks of ornament. Hence the wants of luxury; they are entirely in the imagination, and procure imaginary pleasures only. Therefore to wear any laced clothes, or drink coffee out of a china rather than a delfen cup, is a want created by luxury or fancy.

The nature of these three kinds of want being pointed out, it is necessary to know what those of the Americans are. They have the two first of them. Their habitudes contracted in their infancy▪ from European emigrants, and their commerce with the English, have accustomed them to the kind of life and [Page 50] taste of the latter, and it is well known that English industry has been particularly directed to necessary and useful arts.

The independent Americans, at least those who inhabit great maritime cities, have borrowed from the English a taste for luxuries; they seek for gauzes, blond lace, silks, &c. It is however with pleasure I observe, that if this taste of modes has infected Lon­don within these few years, its ravages have not been extended with the same rapidity in the United States as in Eu [...]ope. Their situation, austere religion, morals, and ancient habits, their rural or marine life, prevent their seeking after elegance and dress, and keep them from ostentation and voluptuousness. Al­though they may perhaps be changed a few degrees, the evil is not yet sensible, at least in the Northern States * Therefore our observations ought princi­pally to rest upon the two first classes of wants. Now it is impossible that the Americans should ever re­nounce them; they will be perpetually led and at­tached to them by their nature and habitudes, and by the manner in which their population is in­creased.

By their nature, because they are men; and it has been proved, that man is endowed with that activity which perpetually disposes him to add to his enjoy­ments.

By their habitudes, because, as it has been ob­served, they contracted that of all those wants; and it is well known, that a taste for pleasure is not to be exterminated when rooted by habitude. How can it be required of man to deprive himself of wine and [Page 51] liquors to which he is accustomed, and in which he places a part of his enjoyments, except we would render him unhappy? I will not quote hermits, sick persons, or philosophers, who have had that empire over themselves; but let not a like prodigy be expect­ed in a whole nation. An association of three mil­lions of philosophers has not yet been, nor will be seen to confine themselves to the regimen of Pytha­goras, * or the diet of Cornaro.

The severe sacrifice of tea, which the independent Americans made at the beginning of the war, will perhaps be also quoted. The enthusiasm of liberty and influence of example were able, during some time, [...]o overcome their habitudes; as religious en­thusiasm has combated, sometimes successfully, the passions of an hermit. But there is no cause power­ful enough to produce a like effect, except in the crisis which makes the sacrifice necessary and easy. The reason of the dependence in which the Ameri­cans would put themselves with respect to the Eu­ropeans, and the fear of distant corruption, are mo­tives too feeble to carry men to that point of heroism! It is not sufficiently demonstrated to them that they cannot drink wine from Madeira without being some day corrupted by it, and without preparing the way for great calamities.

The manner in which population is renewed and [Page 52] increased in America, does not make it probable that its inhabitants will ever be able to renounce the want of European productions.

A prodigious number of individuals emigrate every year from all parts of Europe to America, who carry with them wants and inclinations which they have from education and habit. If they find them in America, they continue to gratify them; if they are unknown there, they naturalise them, and it is the first thing they go about; for they do not so much perceive the new pleasures they are go­ing to enjoy, as those of which they are deprived; so great is the force of our first habits and customs. Remembrance, although frequently mixed with the cruel idea of servitude, abandons man in the grave only.

According to this inclination, natural to all men, let the immense variety of wants and appetites be calculated which are going to transplant themselves from Europe to the United States; and let it be judged, whether it be possible to put bounds to or destroy them.

To succeed in this, it would not only be neces­sary to shut out foreign commerce from all the Ame­rican ports; American industry must be circumscrib­ed, and the source of their wants stopped up; it would be necessary to imitate the Lacedemonian law, which ordained that nothing should be worked up but with the heavy hatchet, the more effectually to banish the luxury of elegant furniture. In a word, a miracle must be operated upon the Americans, to take from them all remembrance of what they have been, of all they have seen, smelt, or tasted; and the same en­chantment must deprive European emigrants of their ideas; as it would be absurd to hope for a like pro­digy, the force of things, which drags the indepen­dent Americans into exterior commerce, must be [Page 53] submitted to. * All is reduced to two words: Ame­rica has wants, and Europe has manufactures.

In the United States some of the inhabitants fill up the leisure afforded by agriculture (in which the Eu­ropeans cannot hope to become their rivals) with an attention to manufactures. And they have others confined to the most necessary arts; connected with cultivation, fisheries, and the construction of vessels. But even these manufactures are but few in number, and insufficient for the wants of the United States. They are therefore obliged to have recourse to Eu­rope. It is not that they neither have, nor can have almost all the raw materials employed in our own manufactures. They have hemp, flax and cotton.

But, if they had raw materials in plenty, they ought to be advised not to establish manufactures; or, to speak more justly, manufactures could not be esta­blished; the nature of things ordains it so. Let us dis­cuss this question, as it is an important one.

[Page 54]There are many reasons for men's engaging in a new country in agriculture rather than in manufac­tures. There, where two individuals can easily live together, they marry, says Montesquieu. The la­bour of the field offers to them more means of living together, of augmenting and supporting their fami­ly, than working at manufactures: in these the de­pendence of the workman, his precarious and changeable state, his moderate wages, and the high price of provisions in cities, where most manufac­tures are established, put it out of his power to think of having a companion; and if he has one, the pros­pect of misery which she must have before her eyes after his death, imposes on him a law contrary to propagation, to avoid the cruelty of causing children to be brought into the world only to be unhappy. *

In a new country where land is not dear, where it requires not much in advance, or an expensive cul­tivation, and [...]s at the same time fruitful, the num­ber of little and happy families must rapidly increase.

What a difference in other respects from this pure and simple country life, where man is constantly in the presence of nature, where his soul is elevated by the spectacle, where his physical principles continu­ally regenerate by a salubrious air, and in reviving exercises, where he lives in the midst of his relations and friends, whom he makes happy: what a difference from that to the life of manufacturers condemned to vegetate in dismal prisons, where they respire in­fection, and where their minds are absorbed, as well as their lives abridged! This conduct alone ought to [Page 55] decide the Americans to reject the painful state of manufactures. *

[Page 56]Besides there will be, for a considerable time to come, more to be gained in the United States, by the earth, which yields abundantly, than by manufac­tures—and man places himself in that situation where the greatest and most speedy gain is to be acquired.

As population must, for many ages, be dispropor­tioned to the extent of the United States, land will be cheap there during the same length of time, * and consequently the inhabitants will for a long time be cultivators.

Those whom ambition, thirst of gain, or igno­rance, should incline to establish manufactures, will, from that moment, be disbanded from it by the dear­ness of workmanship. This dearness is already very [Page 57] considerable, * and may become still more so, as the cause which occasions it must naturally become more extended.

What is the cause? It has already been intimated so as to be foreseen.

Cities are built in all quarters; lands are cleared and establishments made every where. In the state of Kentucky, for instance, where, in 1771, there were scarcely one hundred inhabitants, there are now nearly thirty thousand; and these men have emigrat­ed from inhabited coasts or countries. Thus hands are taken from the commerce and agriculture of these last, which is consequently the cause of the increas­ed price of workmanship.

From this dearness it has been concluded in Eu­rope, that the people in America were wretched; a contrary conclusion ought to have been drawn. Wherever workmen govern; wherever they are paid a high price, the people are necessarily happy; for it is of them that the various classes of workmen are composed.

On the contrary, wherever workmanship is at a low price, the people are wretched; for this cheap­ness proves that there are more workmen than there is work to execute, more want of employ than can be supplied. This is what the rich desire, that they may govern the workmen, and buy the sweat of their brows at the lowest rate possible.

[Page 58]It is the reverse in America, the workman gives the law, and so much the better, he receives it too often every where else.

This dearness of workmanship is prejudicial to manufactures, and still so much the better. These establishments are so many tombs which swallow up generations entire. * Agriculture, on the contrary, perpetually increases population.

By preventing, or at least retarding the rise of ma­nufactures within their provinces, the Americans will stop the decadency of morals and public spirit: for if manufactures bring gold into the States, they bring at the same time a poison which undermines them. They resemble a number of individuals whose nature and morals are at once corrupted: they form and accustom men to servitude, and [...] in a repub­lic a preponderance to aristocratical principles, and by accumulating riches in a small number of hands, they cause republics to incline to aristocracy.

Therefore the independent Americans will do wisely to leave to Europe the care of manufacturing for them, because she is irresistibly dragged into ma­nufactures; and as their population and consumption must rapidly increase, it is not impossible that Eu­rope may one day confine herself to this kind of oc­cupation, and that America may one day become her storehouse of grain and raw materials, of which she will not be in need. In this case nothing will [Page 59] be seen in Europe but cities and workshops; in inde­pendent America nothing but fields well cultivated. I will leave it to be decided which country would have the most happy fate.

Under the same point of view, the independent Americans will still act wisely by leaving it to the Europeans to furnish them with necessary articles; and in seldom frequenting the cities and sea-ports of the ancient continent. In effect, an European transported to independent America is in the pro­portion of one to one hundred, and sometimes to a thousand.—His example has therefore but very little influence; the luxury of which he makes a parade in passing by, excites less consideration▪ or respect than contempt and ridicule. If he leaves a remem­brance of himself, it is soon effaced by the general motion: there are, moreover, some Europeans, who, struck and edified by the manners and cus­toms of free America, have good sense enough to respect and conform themselves to them.

It is the reverse when an American goes on shore in Europe, almost alone, with his simplicity of man­ners in the midst of a vortex of men who esteem the eclat of exterior appearance only; who, agitated and led by the general ton, sacrifice every thing to the furor of making a great figure by the brilliance of dress, equipage, and pomp: this American must at first be torn down and tormented, because he finds himself thrown into a circle of habitudes contrary to his own. Afterwards he becomes familiarised by little and little, and if he does not quite get a taste for them, at least his attachment to a simplicity of life and manners is necessarily weakened. Carrying back with him to his own country this disposition of mind, he introduces it insensibly into the minds of those who are about him, upon which it has some in­fluence—upon the minds of his children and friends. Their taste for simplicity becomes lukewarm by his [Page 60] example, and the following age sees public virtues fall into indifference.

It will be less dangerous to the public spirit of the independent Americans to admit the Europeans into the United States, than to go themselves into Europe; from which it results that it would be very impolitic to encourage the former to become the carriers of their exterior commerce.

I have insisted upon this reflection because there seems to have appeared in some States a disposition to give premiums for distant navigation. They ought to reflect, that they have but few hands, and that as few as possible should be taken from culture. They are in the situation I have spoken of in my principles of exterior commerce, where a nation gains by making carriers of others having less soil or employ. They should also recollect, that republi­can morals are better preserved in the bosom of agri­culture than upon the sea and in foreign voyages, which give to men communications with other mo­rals and governments.

It is a general question in the United States, by what means it is possible to put bounds to exterior commerce, and stop the progress of luxury: stay at home,—cultivate, cultivate, I will repeat to them; this is the secret whereby you will prevent the in­crease of luxury; a secret much preferable to sump­tuary laws and prohibitory regulations, which some states have it in contemplation to make.

There is no power great enough to set, by regula­tions, such boundaries to exterior commerce as will not be exceeded: to circumscribe it, for instance, to merchandizes of convenience, without the importa­tion of those of luxury. The nature or force of things only has such a power. That force has, as has been before explained, the union of the natural circumstances of a nation; these circumstances alone mark the limits of commerce. A nation which [Page 61] cannot pay for luxuries with its own production, does not purchase them. The savage can only pro­cure with his furs, brandy, gunpowder, and woollen coverings; he buys neither silks nor laces.

If, therefore, the productions of the United States be scarcely sufficient to pay for the importations of necessity and convenience from Europe, merchan­dizes of luxury will not be imported: if these be carried to it, 'tis because it can pay for them. There is no merchant who likes to ruin himself.

If, on the contrary, the United States have pro­ductions proper for the ancient continent, in quan­tities sufficient to procure, by their exchange, not only the most necessary and convenient things, but even those of luxury, nothing can hinder the latter from being sooner or later imported, by means of exterior commerce.

In truth, to increase demands of this nature, the public opinion, which before treated opprobriously a taste for modes, must totally change, and the par­ticular opinions of certain sects equally yield to it.

But notwithstanding the powerful influence of opinion upon merchandizes of luxury, the fate of this kind of commerce will be more particularly de­termined by the state of the independent Americans, for when rich they will adopt them. This fact will appear certain, if what has been said on the nature of the human heart be recollected, and its inclina­tion to improve man's situation, and to increase his enjoyments.

Taste for a rural life alone, if the Americans pre­serve it, will retard the progress of luxury, which springs up in cities, from satiety, want of something to do, and from lassitude: employment preserves the country from those moral ills.

There is one last consideration, which ought to persuade the independent Americans to employ themselves in cultivation, and reject both manufac­tures [Page 62] and exterior transports; which is, that in wish­ing to undertake every thing at once, the scarcity of money, necessary at least for the mechanical part of these operations, will always be more perceived, whilst, by giving themselves up entirely to cultiva­tion, they will procure from their soil productions sufficient to pay for these manufactures from Europe, and to make up for the scarcity of coin. *

They appear to be alarmed at this; what has been said upon the subject of money ought to remove their fears. It has been demonstrated that a nation may carry on a very considerable commerce without its aid. It will hereafter be seen that the United States produce many raw materials essentially necessary to [Page 63] France, and that she can make their exports with greater advantage than those of any other country.

Thus it appears that these two countries may carry on together a direct trade of exchange without mo­ney, consequently an advantageous one; for the ex­change between them of productions is more lucra­tive than an exchange of productions for money; although this opinion may not be adopted by men in general, who attach a greater price to gold than to merchandize, and continually forget its representa­tive value, to substitute for it a real one. It must be incessantly repeated to them that money would be absolutely nothing without productions; that a rich people is that which, by its industry, increases po­pulation, and has consequently an abundance of productions; that the secret of increasing the quan­tity of coin consists only in the art of multiplying necessary productions, and it is this to which the United States ought to incline, without being anxious about the money which they may have at present or in future.

Let us resume the different questions contained in this chapter.

My object has been to make it appear that the United States were forced by their necessity and cir­cumstances to engage in exterior commerce.

To convince my readers of this, I have proved that the independent Americans had wants of ne­cessity, of convenience, and even some of luxury, which they could neither renounce nor supply them­selves with.

That having no manufactures of their own, they were obliged to have recourse to those of Europe: that they could establish none for a long time, having but few hands, and that cultivation ought to employ all their cares.

That according to physical, political, and moral relations, they ought to persevere in applying them­selves [Page 64] to agriculture alone, and even give up all thoughts of transporting to Europe, by their own means, their proper productions.

That this was the only means of preserving their republican morals, and of retarding the progress of luxury.

In fine, that by engaging in agriculture, and ne­glecting manufactures, they will less perceive the want of money, and will find the means of sup­plying that want, and of carrying on a very advan­tageous exterior commerce of exchange of commo­dities.

These different points being firmly establish [...]d, it is at present necessary to prove, that of all the nations of Europe, France is the most proper to enter into a commercial alliance with the United States, and that their necessities and productions are correspon­dent to each other. It is proposed to [...]ay open this truth, by presenting the double table of reciprocal importations and exportations, to be made between France and free America.

CHAPTER V. Of the Importation to be made from France into the United States, or of the Wants of the United States, and the Productions of France which correspond thereto.

THE attentive reader will have already been able to judge, that if the independent Americans do not deviate from the career which is open to them, Europe will, for a long time, have to furnish them with manufactured merchandize. It has been made to appear, that the clearing and cultivation of lands, and all that relates to inferior commerce, such as roads and canals, offered to their industry the most [Page 65] favourable and useful employ, especially whilst im­posts do not restrain their movements, and that a free constitution equally honours every individual.

It is now necessary to take a cursory view of their wants, and to point out those articles with which France may pretend to furnish them in competition with other nations, if even she cannot do it more advantageously than her rivals. I will follow, in this enumeration, the English publications which have treated upon the matter, and particularly that of Lord Sheffield: he has omitted nothing, because his country pretends to furnish every thing. *

SECTION I. Wines.

Wine becomes a real want of those who have once been acquainted with it. Happy or miserable, rich or poor, every body makes use of wine. Wine is the delight of the happy or of the rich: it helps the unfortunate to support his sorrow; the poor think they find it an equivalent for the food they are without.

Ease has lately been too general in the United States, not to have introduced the use of wine; and futurity, by augmenting their means, will only in­crease their want of this liquor.

The wines which were most generally consumed in the United States, were, as in England, Oporto, Madeira, and some from Spain. French wines, charged as in Britain, with enormous duties, were introduced by contraband only.

Liberty has caused those Britannic shackles to dis­appear. [Page 66] French wines are freely imported into the United States▪ and pay but little duty.

Such is the state of things, and it leads me to the dicussion of three questions:

Does it suit the United States to cultivate vines, and to make wine?

Ought they not, in renouncing this cultivation, to give the preference to French wines?

And what means ought the French to use, in order to obtain and preserve this preference?

It would be absurd to deny that the United States can produce wine, because the experiments hitherto made have been fruitless. Extended as they are, and having countries as southern as Europe, it is im­possible there should not be, in many places, a soil proper for the vine.

The little success of attempts may therefore, without hazarding too much, be attributed either to the ignorance of the cultivator, his want of perse­verance, or a bad choice of plants.

However that may be, if the Americans will hearken to the counsels of able observers, and reap advant [...]ge from the errors of other nations, they will carefully avoid the cultivation of vines. In every country where they have been cultivated, for one rich man, they have made a number wretched.

The long and considerable advances which vines require, the preparation, preservation, and sale of their produce, have put all the good vineyard plots into the hands of rich people, who not cultivating these themselves, pay the real cultivator very badly. The salary of the wretched vine-dresser is every where inevitably fixed; the time he does not work not being calculated, and few wine countries offer any employ by which lost time may be filled up; and otherwise, the variations in the prices of the most necessary commodities occasioned by a thousand [Page 67] causes, by the abundance or even scarcity of wine, are not considered for him.

Would it be believed, that abundance is the most unfortunate thing that can happen, either to the pro­prietor or the vine-dresser? In fact, the expence of gathering augments, and the price of the thing di­minishes. There is more work to be done, more hands are necessary, and they are paid more wages; more hogsheads are wanted, the expences of carriage greater, more space is required, the sale is less, and consequently the income. *

The scarcity of wines, or the sterility of the vine­yard, is perhaps less unfortunate than the abundance, at least to the proprietor. But it is cruelly felt by the vine-dresser, and those wandering troops of day labourers, whom the ingratitude of their soil, or a bad government, forces to go from home in search of employ.

The numerous variations which have an influence upon the produce of the vineyard, make it very in­convenient property, and triflingly advantageous. [Page 68] The return must be wasted for when much has been gathered; payments must be made when there has been but little. The proprietor m [...]st therefore have other resources, whether it be to wait or to pay. The vine-dresser, unhappy enough to have a pro­perty, * without any of these resources, ruins him­self sooner or later. He is obliged to sell at a low price, or to consume his wines himself; thence re­sults his stupidity and idleness, his discouragement, his dull and quarrelsome humour, and especially the ruin of his health. Too much wine in the time of abundance, no bread in that of scarcity; these are the two alternatives which divide his life.

Therefore countries covered with vineyards are generally less peopled, and present a picture of a de­generated, weak, and wretched population. For the most part they want hands to cultivate the vineyard in a season when work cannot be delayed. It is done by these bands of strangers, of whom I have [Page 69] already spoken, and who come to sell some days work to the poor vine-dresser.

The cultivation of a vineyard cannot be better compared than to those manufactures, of which the hopes of success are founded upon the low price of workmanship, and which enrich none but the under­takers, and retailers or shopkeepers.

The pernicious influence of the vine is extended, in wine countries, to even those who do not cultivate it; for the cheapness of wine leads to excesses, and consequently it becomes a poison for all ranks of society, for those especially who find in it a means of forgetting their sorrows.

Therefore, as I have already remarked, industry carefully avoids these dangerous vineyard plots. None of the great manufactures, whose success is the con­sequence of order, assiduity, and labour, are seen in the neighbourhood of them.

The result of all these observations is, that the Americans ought to proscribe the cultivation of the vine.

It would infallibly render miserable that class of society which should apply itself to it, and in a re­public there should be none who are wretched, be­cause want obliges them to disturb civil order, or, what is worse, because they are at the command of the rich, by whom they are paid, and who may make use of them to destroy republicanism. *

Considered with respect to the proprietors, the vine ought still to be proscribed by the United States; because every profession or calling, susceptible of too great a variation of fortune, which sometimes heaps up riches to one person, and at other reduces to indigence individuals in easy circumstances, ought [Page 70] carefully to be avoided.—Economy, simplicity, pri­vate virtues, are not attached to such changeableness.

They are found in the bosom of mediocrity only, from easiness of circumstances, founded upon that kind of toil whose produce is constant. * Such is that of agriculture in general; it embraces divers productions, which, in case of accident, replace each other.

Finally, if it be insisted that wine is necessary to man, let it not stupify him; it should be used with moderation, and its dearness alone may oblige men to be moderate in the use of it. It being greatly the interest of the American Republics to remove all excesses from individuals, in order to prevent this degeneracy, they ought to keep perpetually at a dis­tance from them a production, whose dearness will prevent the abuse of it, whose cultivation would render it cheap, and consequently bring on dangerous excesses both to policy and morals.

The catalogue which I have just gone over, of the evils and abuses occasioned by the culture of vines, will not induce the French to pull up theirs. But it ought at least to excite them to increase in foreign [Page 71] markets the consumption of wines, in order to keep up their price, and consequently to diminish a part of the evils which they produce. This will be doubly advantageous, by an additional exterior pro­fit, and a diminution of interior ill. Nobody will deny that French wine [...] must obtain the preference in the United States. They are the most agreeable, the most varied, and who [...]esome, if moderately used; the least prejudicial, if used to excess. They ought to be the basis of our exportations to America; no nation can raise a competition with us. Lord Shef­field himself pays this homage to our wines; but in order to assure to them this advantage for ever, the art of making, preserving, and transporting them must be improved.

In general we are at present far from this: * igno­rance, old prejudices, discouragement of the people, impost on exportation; all concur to retard the pro­gress of improvement.

The United States (these states of so new a date) already furnish us the model of an institution, which alone would encourage the culture of corn and vines, [Page 72] and make the momentary inconvenience of abundant vintages, which ruin the proprietor and farmer, disappear.

This institution, easy to be naturalized in France, would have two branches, a deposit in the public magazines of the productions of the earth; certificate or billets of deposit which would form an authentic title for the disposing proprietor, transferable without formalities at the current price, like all other public effects.

It is thus, that in Virginia means have been found to supply the want of money, * and to give at the time of reaping, a real and useful value to tobacco, which, without that, waiting for a demand, lies heavy upon the proprietor.

This is not the place to examine this idea pro­foundly, neither to destroy the objections which will be made against it. This project may constitute the matter of a memoir by itself. I give here nothing more than the title.

[Page 73]People in the United States complain of an abuse in the commerce of the French wines, which abuse it is of importance to remedy in the most speedy manner, if we would not destroy the commerce in its origin. Illicit commerce produced there before the revolution good Bourdeaux wine, because it is a property of smuggling to give that which is of superior quality, and at a cheaper rate.

Now, since the peace, wines sent from France have not been, as it is asserted, of a good quality. It is impossible that from greediness they may some­times have been adulterated. But this transient abuse, which the merchant may easily destroy when­ever he pleases, by choosing in the United States [Page 74] commissioners whose reputation is untouched; this abuse, I say, ought not to stop the exportations of France.—Wine, if it be good, will always find con­sumers.—Nothing but intelligence and sincerity are necessary to succeed in this, for nature has done the rest for France.

The Americans prefer, in general, the wine which is carried to them in bottles, because they believe it less subject to become sharp, or to change on the voyage. On the first view it seems advantageous to France to furnish its wines with this envelope, be­cause it is a new opening for its glass-ware. But if it be recollected, what a prodigious quantity of com­bustibles glass manufactures require, to the sensible destruction of forests, it appears imprudent to en­courage a commerce which cannot but augment it rapidly. At least, before it be encouraged, it would be necessary to have very certain accounts of the number of glass manufactories in the kingdom, of their consumption of wood and charcoal, of their produce and exportation, and, finally, of our forests and mines.

SECTION II. Brandy.

The rapid progress lately made in chymistry has discovered, in most of the fruits of the earth, the salts and spirits which constitute the essence of bran­dy; this discovery has been turned to advantage; there results from it a considerable abatement in the price of that liquor, that is to say, a very great evil; this proves, by the way, that there are discoveries in physics which should not be revealed without having first considered their moral and political ef­fects, and having indicated to government the means of preventing their inconveniencies; it also proves, [Page 75] that a chymist ought not to be a chymist only, but a politician also.

The brandies of France are generally locked upon as the best, that is to say, the most delicate and least pernicious: therefore they obtain the preference with people in easy circumstances.

A great deal of brandy is consumed by the com­mon people; but this is counter-balanced at home and abroad by spirits drawn from grain, fruit, or sugar.

Rum, which is produced from the latter, has had, and ever will have, in the United States, the pre­ference over our brandies, by reason of its cheap­ness. The American [...], especially the Bostonians, import melasses from the sugar islands, and distil it, and independently of their consumption, they re­sell a great part of it to the inhabitants of the same Islands, who cannot distil it for want of combustibles.

Beside rum, the Americans make strong spirits from grain, potatoes, &c. They are indebted for this to the Irish and Germans who have gone to settle in the United States. A pernicious present those emigrants have made them.

In Ireland the cheapness of spirits made from grain places them within the reach of the poorest man. The lowest classes of society use them to an incredible excess; and this excess contributes not a little to promote that quarrelsome humour which characterises the Irish, to plunge them into stupidity, and hinder them from rising to that degree of pros­perity to which the liberty of commerce they have lately obtained ought to carry them.

The Americans would already have experienced a part of that degradation of which the excessive use of strong liquors is the cause, if they were not almost all proprietors, in easy circumstances, and fathers of families; if instruction and morals were not more generally propagated among them than among any [Page 76] other people; and, finally, if the quick and consi­derable profits which workmen there obtain by the high price of workmanship, did not give them a salutary ambition which keeps them from intem­perance. *

Those of the United States, where the people have gone from simple and primitive manners, where luxury begins to reign, where slavery still [Page 77] exists, are daily witnesses to the ravages caused by the excessive use of spirits made from grain. *

A long habit is difficult, and often impossible, to shake off, especially when it procures enjoyments. Therefore, it is not to be expected that the Ameri­cans will ever renounce the use of these liquors. The philosopher sighs at this; commercial nations, which turn to profit the misfortunes and caprices of mankind, strive to take advantage of it. France will have the advantage, if she can reduce the price of brandies to the level of that of rum. Go­vernment, in order to aim at this point, has already perceived the necessity of lowering the duties on the exportation of these spirits.

But ought it to favour, with so much complaisance, the distillation and exportation of brandies? I do not think so; this new opinion seems to be a para­dox; it will cease to appear so, when it shall have been examined with attention.

The distillation of brandies cause a great decay of combustibles, one great evil in a country where combustibles daily become more rare.

[Page 78]The exportation of brandy produces but little to the revenue. To encourage this article, it has been necessary to take off the impost, which at present is no more than five sols per hogshead, whilst wine pays a duty of at least an hundred sols, and in the Bordelois, from that sum to twenty-eight livres. *

Government ought to have done the reverse, to have reduced the duties on wines, and augmented those upon brandies.

The exportation of brandies is prejudicial to the consumption of our wines, for it is the basis of all made wines in countries where wine is not produced. It is put into a great quantity of water▪ to which are added bay-berries, every where to be found. Wine brandies are indispensable in this fabrication; no other can supply their place, because they only can give to artificial wines the winy taste which is essen­tial to make them drinkable.

What immense gain to strangers in this process— and what loss to France! A barrel of brandy which pays a trifling duty on exportation, whose transport costs but little, on account of its contracted bulk, may be added to five or six barrels of water, which cost nothing, and by the aid of sugared ingredients, which give colours, may enter into competition with six barrels of wine, that pay considerable duties on exportation, and whose exportation and transport are very expensive.

Therefore, in distilling and exporting brandies, we work for the interest of our rivals: we give them an easy means of doing without our wines. What [Page 79] folly! What would people say of an alchymist, who, having found the philosopher's stone, should com­municate his secret to his rivals, who would make use of it to his prejudice.

And yet this operation, so prejudicial to France, has been favoured by government. It encourages distillers; that is, it raises up enemies against the meliorating vineyards and wines, and especially against the art of preserving the latter. It would be much more prudent and advantageous to discourage distilleries. In fact, the distillation of brandies is for the vineyard proprietor a last resource, which proves his ruin. *

SECTION III. Oils, Olives, dry Fruits, &c.

These articles are so many wants with the Ame­ricans of easy fortune, and especially those in the northern States. Our southern Provinces, which produce such delicious fruits, cannot in this respect fear any competition. They are also articles which have hitherto best succeeded in adventures made from Marseilles.

Moreover, all that Europe will be able to furnish of them, will find room in the United States; they [Page 80] will accompany our wines, and we can [...]oin with the same ease and certainty of sale, per [...]umeries, anchovies, verdigrease, &c. as well as an hundred other little things taken by the English from Mar­seilles, and of which they have created a want to the Americans.

Lord Sheffield, in his work, makes Spain, Por­tugal, and Italy, furnish the United States with these commodities. I wish he had been sincere enough to give the advantage to France. France is so ge­nerally known to sell these productions in the States of America, that it is equally astonishing this writer should have been ignorant of it, or silent upon the subject. This fact, by proving his partiality, ought to put readers upon their guard against his assertions.

SECTION IV. Cloths.

People governed by a free constitution are natu­rally grave and deliberate. They prefer, in every thing they use, goodness to elegance, what is solid to that which is subject to the caprices of mode. Therefore, as long as the independent Americans en­joy their excellent constitution, they will prefer clothes of cloth to those of the most brilliant stuffs.

Moreover, its beauty, pliancy, strength, and du­ration, render it more generally fit for this use in any climate whatsoever: cloth secures the body from the excesses of cold as well as from those of heat. It resists rain; in a word, it unites every conveni­ence; and if it be the universal clothing of people in a middling state, it offers equally to the rich, but reasonable man, a choice proper to satisfy his taste, and to proportion his expences to his means.

The manufacture of cloths is in the number of those complicated manufactures which employ throughout the year a great number of workmen by [Page 81] the day; therefore it will not be suitable to the Ame­ricans, so long as that class of men which produces these workmen shall be able to employ themselves more usefully in the clearing of lands, and in culti­vation in general.

A manufacture of woollen stuffs, proper for the clothing of the country proprietor, his family and servants, may, without doubt, be associated into the labours of the field; but manufactures of this kin [...], although very important in themselves, can only be applied to coarse and unfinished stuffs. The inter­rupted leisure of the peasant permits him to do no­thing which is complicated. Card, spin, weave, and bleach, is all that he can do. * If it be neces­sary for him to go beyond these, he will find a greater advantage in selling his raw materials, or even with their first preparations, if they be simple, and to draw from the manufactures, properly so called, the articles of which he is in need.

We owe little gratitude to those of our speculators who immediately after the peace dispersed our cloths in the United States. If one spark of public spirit had animated them, they would have perceived the precious and honourable service which they were able to render to their country in these first adven­tures, by giving to the Americans a great idea of the state of our manufactures. These people were well disposed, by the succour France had given them, to cherish its inhabitants, to esteem their cha­racter, and receive their productions. They were [Page 82] well disposed to abjure the contempt and aversion with which the English had inspired them for their rivals and their productions, and to give France the preference in every thing. Why has avarice, by a miserable calculation, rendered these good disposi­tions of no effect? Men were willing to gain, to gain greatly; to make what is called a good stroke, in taking advantage of the distress of the Americans, and forcing them to take those commodit [...]es which were unfit for every other market. *

This dishonesty has counterbalanced the service rendered them; for the imprudent and wretched young man, whose throat is cut by an [...] owes him no acknowledgment. A greater evil to France has been the consequence—her cloths have lost their reputation in the United States. But let the Ame­ricans undeceive themselves; let them not attribute to the nation the fault of a few individuals; let them not have a bad opinion of our cloths, because some bad ones have been sent to them. The same acci­dent would have happened to English cloths if, in a like case, there had been English merchants avarici­ous enough, and so far strangers to the public good, as to send their refuse to the United States.

[Page 83]The Americans who come among us, study the nature of the intercourse which we shall one day have with the United States; they know that our manufacturers possess all the means which give to English cloths their reputation; that they make them in the same manner, and that the superfines are su­perior to those of England; that in general dying is better understood with us, and carried to greater perfection: in short, that it depends but on some circumstances easy to be got over, to make the cheap­ness of our workmanship assure us the preference to the English with respect to cloths.

Lord Sheffield, in avowing the superiority of our fine cloths, and of their cheapness, observes, that the greatest consumption of the Americans is of common cloths, with respect to which France cannot enter into a competition with England. And he draws from it this consequence, that the inconveni­ence of dividing the demands to compose assort­ments, and the consideration of the small quantity of fine cloth necessary to form them, will cause these to be ordered in England, notwithstanding the ad­vantage there would be in getting them from France.

But why should we not furnish common cloths to the United States, since the labour of our manu­facturers is cheaper than that of England? It is be­cause the English wool is cheaper than ours. The English grow their own wool, and stand in no need [Page 84] of foreign wool, except a little Spanish, indispen­sable to superfine cloths. On the contrary, we im­port more than half of the wool we manufacture into cloth. M. la Platiere says there are thirty-five millions of sheep kept in Great-Britain, each of which, he affirms, produces on an average at least six pounds of wool. It is the breed of sheep which gives to England such an amazing superiority over all other nations in her woollen manufactures. France ought to encourage the breed of sheep and the destruction of wolves. * M. la Platiere saw this evil, and had courage to publish it in the Encyclo­pediae Methodique. Platiere was called a man of pretensions. The same title was given to Dr. Price in London, when he predicted the loss of the Colo­nies. The ministerial heads of that country laughed at the prophet, but the event proved he was right.

SECTION V. Linens.

There are two principal species of linen-drapery, which are subdivided into a multitude of others.

The first species contains linen properly so called; that is to say, linen which serves to make shirts, sheets, table linen, and all the linen made use of for every purpose of cleanliness.

These linens are made with hemp, flax, or cotton; this last article is employed when the two former ones are scarce: it is sometimes mixed with flax.

[Page 85]The manner of making these linens is very sim­ple; they are made in all parts of Europe. * Those countries where religious or political despotism di­scourages industry; where the numerous institutions of charity, invented to divert the attention of de­spair from misery, nourish idleness; these countries are the only ones wherein this manufacture does not merit the attention of the political observer.

Every where else, the country people employ, more or less, the leisure which their kind of life af­fords them to spin and weave linen. Most of the farmers and proprietors who enjoy a little ease, or who are not afraid of letting it appear, sow hemp or flax, and draw from their soil and the work of [Page 86] their hands the linen which covers their bodies and supplies their family.

The English have added other causes to those which produce low-priced workmanship: their asto­nishing industry, their observing genius, their ever calculating mind, have invented for the spinning, &c. of cotton, and for weaving, several machines which still surpass the cheapness to be expected from the leisure of the inhabitants of the country.

As these machines are insensibly introduced into countries, it may be expected that the low price of linen-drapery will be every where established.

But notwithstanding the multiplication of these machines, nations which groan under a bad govern­ment, or are grown rusty in old and wretched habits, will always depend, for that article of necessity, upon those which have established bounds to their govern­ment, but none for their industry, which must con­stantly increase.

It results from these facts, that the United States will always have, in proportion to the increase of their population and culture, less recourse to stran­gers for that principal kind of linen-drapery whose manufacture is so well associated with the labours of the field. *

Very fine linens must be excepted: they are des­tined for luxury, and the individuals employed in manufacturing them are condemned to vegetate mi­serably in cities, rolling perpetually in the same circle of mechanical labours. It is the unhappy fate of [Page 87] all those who are born in Europe without property, and will not debase themselves by [...]omestic labour.

The United States, where laborious individuals may with so much facility become proprietors, are far from that degradation; and if they are wise, they will have, for a long time, the happiness not to see spun or woven among them, any of those delicate kinds of thread and fine linens, which, sought after and bought up by the opulent, are the real produc­tions of European misery.

The second species of linens contains what is more properly called linen-drapery; that is to say, cloth made of thread of different colours, whether flax, or cotton; or these two substances mixed with others.

The greater part of this drapery requires too com­plicated a process, too varied an apparatus, too con­tinued a labour, to be manufactured otherways than in those particular establishments, situated from ne­cessity in the neighbourhood of cities, and which have no affinity with a rural life.

The art of making well the tissue, of mixing the colours, of contrasting them, of imaginary agreeable [Page 88] designs, of preparing the linen when it is finished, &c. this art, extensive, varied and delicate, requires the greatest attention. The most important thing is to do a great deal in it at a little expence, and it is the point to which the English are arrived, with re­spect to that kind generally known under the name of printed callico.

This will be for a long time a considerable article of commerce, between Europe and the United States, which consumes a great deal of it; and it is an article wherein French industry, left to its natural force, and not being restrained by any obstacle, need not fear competition. * In this, as in most other articles, the nature of things is entirely in favour of France, and success depends wholly on the will of her government.

In the year 1785 the government of France in­vited, by an arret, foreign manufacturers of these linens to come and settle in France.

But this invitation is not made in terms sufficiently clear, or flattering, to induce strangers to come and settle amongst us; especially not such as have a little energy and elevation in their characters, and it is of these alone that we are in need.

Among different favours granted them, there is one which entitles them to the enjoyment of their state or profession, and of their usages; in that which shall not be contrary to the laws of the kindom, &c.

[Page 89]But what signifies all the vague expressions of en­joyment, of state and profession, liberty and usages? What state is here spoken of? Is it of the political, civil, religious, or domestic state? Englishmen, in­dependent Americans, have a political state, a poli­tical liberty, that is, a right to take part in the ad­ministration of public affairs: is this state under­stood? Is the liberty of having a temple for commu­nion, for marriage according to that communion, understood by the liberty of usages? Why are not these usages specified?

And above all, what signifies these words, in that which shall not be contrary to the laws of the kingdom. If they convey a clear meaning, do they not completely destroy the preceding favours granted? or, at least, do not they leave a great uncertainty upon that which is or is not granted?

Why is not a language clear and without evasion made use of, especially in treating with strangers? Instead of an equivocal jargon, dangerous in its na­ture, because it produces mistrust, and may give an opening for deceit, why not say to them in clear terms, "If you come within our states, accompanied by your wives and children,—if you bring your manufactures, if you establish yourselves among us, you shall enjoy all the rights of our subjects? These rights are, to possess property in the fullest security, and not to be deprived of it but by the laws, tri­bunals, &c. If you fix your abode among us, your children will, without obstacle, be your heirs: you shall also preserve your religious opinions. When there shall be a certain number of you, you shall have a temple wherein to worship, according to your own manner, the Everlasting Father; and you shall have ministers, and hold assemblies; shall intermarry according to your rules, &c. If France be not agreeable to you, nothing, absolutely nothing, shall hinder you from leaving it, and carrying with you [Page 90] your riches." It shall be told that all this was meant to be said by the arret: it was necessary then to ex­plain it clearly, and why were these obscure words added,— in that which shall not be contrary to the laws of the kingdom?

How should a German, an Italian, an English­man, who should be tempted to establish themselves in France, be acquainted with your ancient laws and ordinances? Will they turn over your innumerable folios? Certainly they will not, they will stay at home; you will therefore have failed in your inten­tions. On the other hand, do not they know that a century ago, and ever since that time, thousands of ordinances were, and have been made against the Calvinists, and that these ordinances are not yet repealed? Ought not they to be afraid that these would be brought forth against them if they gave the least offence? They will remain at home, and once more you have missed your aim.

It is the more necessary for monarchies not to disguise under a captious form the advantages by which they seek to entice strangers; as free states; such as Ireland and Independent America, do not subject emigrants to any capitulation or constraint: they offer them all the rights of citizens the moment they set their feet on free ground: and what rights! In Ireland that of voting at elections; in the United States, that of being elected themselves; and con­sequently the most seducing right, because it is the most proper one to maintain the dignity of a man who has dignity; the most proper to give it to him who has it not.

When a nation perceives the necessity of enticing strangers to settle in it, nothing ought to be spared, especially in states far advanced in civilization.

It is a means of regenerating morals, if it be pos­sible to regenerate them, and especially to encourage [Page 91] industry; for in order to exist in a strange land, and to gain in it consideration and confidence, emigrants are forced to have good morals, probity, and exacti­tude. Their example cannot but have a salutary in­fluence upon the nation which receives them into its bosom.

Otherwise, having opinions, habitudes, and know­ledge, different from those of that nation, they may help it to break its bad customs, to give it a greater extent in its views, more cosmopolitism, or of that character proper for approaching nations to each other, and for diminishing national antipathies.

When the advantages which a country acquires by strangers who fix themselves in it are considered, it is astonishing to see governments think so little about them, and frequently not to respect their rights: They ought, on the contrary, to protect a stranger so much the more as he seems less supported by the laws than a citizen; that he is unacquainted with them; that he may easily be the victim of artifice and chi­canery; that it frequently happens that he does not understand the language; finally, that being alone, he has neither family, friends, nor patrons.

In this situation, the stranger ought to be envi­roned by the safeguard of a particular administration, which should watch over his safety; but it is the reverse of this in many states. *

Thus, whilst we see in those states who under­stand their interests better, Frenchmen direct the [Page 92] greatest part of their manufactures; few strangers are seen to come and establish themselves amongst us.

I could quote, as a proof of what I advance, known facts, quite recent; but I will not write a book upon every article of exportation; I will con­fine myself to saying that great liberty, and few regu­lations, * are the two best means of improving the linen manufactures in all countries, as well as in France.

SECTION VI. Silks, Ribbons, Silk Stockings, Gold and Silver Lace, &c.

There are upwards of seventy thousand looms and frames employed in these articles, and one half of the silk made use of is produced in the kingdom.

The other states of Europe, except Spain and Italy, are obliged to procure from abroad the whole of the silk necessary for the manufactures which they have established, in imitation of those of France.

If there be added to the advantage which these circumstances give to the French, their singular ap­titude for the manufacture of every article of luxury; their incredible fecundity in varying these articles; the absolute and general empire allowed them over the taste and mode which preside in these manufac­tures; an empire so particular, as to be every where copied; no doubt will remain, that French silks, [Page 93] ribbons, silk stockings, and lace, will be preferred to all others in the United States. *

It is not to be feared that they will be manufac­tured there; from the cares which the insect that produces the silk requires, to the arrival of the stuff in the warehouse where it is to be sold, almost all is workmanship; and the workmanship of Europe must for a long time, if not for ever, be even cheaper than that of the United States.

The consumption of these articles cannot be [Page 94] very considerable th [...]re, * if America takes advan­tage of that opening to which nature calls her. Rib­bons excepted, the rest are proper for great cities only; where vanity being incessantly excited, makes dress a desirable and almost necessary object. But these great cities will, without doubt, be very rare in the United States. It is still more certain that the consumption of silks does not, at present, form there a considerable article; that it will augment but very slowly, and in a manner almost insensible. The Americans ought undoubtedly to be congratulated upon it. Their manners will be good and simple as long as they do not contract a want of these articles; but if they do not want them for themselves, they will have occasion for them to form branches of their smuggling commerce with the Spaniards. Nature invites them to carry on this commerce in an advan­tageous manner, both by sea and land.

[Page 95]It is known that wretched individuals, who vege­tate in South-America, masters and slaves, all sigh after nothing but luxury, pomp and dress. Elegant and shining stuffs of France; her silks and laces will therefore be sought after, demanded, and bought up with avidity.

However it may be with respect to this commerce, which exists but in futurity, and which must be pre­ceded by other circumstances, there is at present a certain consumption of silks, ribbons, &c. in the United States; and the French ought to be anxious to supply them.

I will observe upon this subject, that if the French government ordered that the regular packet-boats going from France and America should receive as much merchandize on board as their destination would permit, little ventures of our silks, stuffs, rib­bons, gauzes, stockings, &c. would be frequently sent out, and these articles would serve better than any other to establish uninterrupted connexions, and which by the insight they give, and the experiments which they afford an opportunity of making, con­duct nature herself to those great commercial inter­courses to which we ought to aspire.

The facilities which packet-boats offer for the sending out of merchandi [...]e of value and of little incumbrance ought not to be neglected, since, in this class of merchandize, we have things which have a decided preference. I will return to those packet-boats which it is important to keep up and to increase, and it is to be wished, that no monopoly of right or fact may take possession of them, in order to carry one branch of commerce in exclusion of others.

[Page 96]

SECTION VII. Hats.

Although a [...]ne hat be called a beaver, it does not follow that Canada and the United Northern States are more favourable to the fabrication of hats than France. Hats, purely of beaver, do not wear well, and are inconvenient on account of their weight. The finest, handsomest, and best hats, contain but little of the fur of that animal, which we esteem at too high a price, when we think of the loss of Ca­nada. Wool, the furs of the hares and rabbits; the hair of goats, which, in fact, is wool, and camels hair, are more necessary for making of hats than the fur of beavers.

The few hats made of beaver in the United States will be sufficient for their consumption.—The Ame­ricans must, however, be incessantly told this great truth, that manufactures are not proper for them ex­cept in those articles which are immediately associated with agriculture, and which facilitate its operations. That of hats is not of this kind.

Europe will therefore furnish hats to the Ameri­cans. And of what great importance is this object, when the rapid increase of their population is con­sidered? It may be affirmed, that every nation ca­pable of sending them out merchandize, will send them hats; but those of France will have the prefe­rence. This manufacture had there its origin. The French alone have carried it elsewhere, like many other things; but it has never ceased to improve in France.

French hats are always the best fulled and dyed, and the most agreeable. When government shall have resolved to do for wools that which it has done for mulberry trees, the manufacture of hats will be so much the more advantageous, as we shall be less [Page 97] tributary to foreigners for the articles employed therein.

SECTION VIII. Leather. Shoes, Boots, Saddles, &c.

To what cause ought the great superiority of Eng­lish leather to be attributed over ours? Why is there in this leather-work of all kinds that neatness, that seducing appearance, which we have not yet ap­proached? It must be repeated, that in England men honour the profession of a tanner, and pride themselves upon it, whilst it is the contrary in France. An English tanner, shoemaker, or saddler, does not quit his trade when he is rich; but makes his riches serve, in proportion as they augment, to give lustre to [...]is profession, to multiply his workshops, to ex­tend his affairs, to become important even in the article which has furnished him the means of doing it. The leather which comes from the tanneries whose owner is in easy circumstances, is always well prepared, because he can advance sums of money, and give to hides the time necessary for their progress through his tan-yard. A poor tanner is always pressed by his wanting to take the leather out of the tan-pit, where it is necessary it should remain a long time to acquire a good quality. In general, it is im­possible with this penury, unknown to the English, that there should be time to manufacture or fabricate good merchandize. Those who employ the leather, acquire no reputation in their professions but in proportion to great provisions made before hand, which puts it in their power to furnish nothing but leather improved by being kept. It will be asked, how the wholesale dealers manage when they begin business? They find credit, if in their apprentice­ships, [Page 98] which precede their establishments, they have acquired a good reputation. *

This credit is then supported, not only by the certainty of success, but also by that of seeing them become a constant means of consumption.

Such is the art of the English to support and in­crease their commerce in every thing, and every where. If we could put it in practice, all our com­modities of leather would soon equal the perfection of theirs, since we do not otherwise want materials. Their being beforehand with us, ought not to dis­courage any body; but it is necessary to the success of this rivality, that government should deliver the tanners from the shackles with which they have fet­tered [Page 99] them, * and suppress or diminish the enormous duties with which the tanneries are loaded.

[Page 100]

SECTION IX. Glass Houses.

English glass ware is brought to great perfection, and England makes it a great object of exportation. [Page 101] America ought to prefer English glass to ours, be­cause we ourselves prefer it to that of our own ma­nufactory, common bottles excepted, which we make better, and which are of a finer glass than that of the English. But although this opinion may hurt the interest of those who have such establishments, it is necessary to say, that France, far from encou­raging them, ought to wish for their destruction. This kind of manufacture destroys combustibles, of which the rapid progress is alarming, when it is com­pared to the slowness with which they are produced.

The English, seated upon their coal mines, are little uneasy about the voracity of furnaces wherein glass is melted; but although it be said that we have the same advantage, it is still permitted to doubt of it. And moreover it is not sufficient to have immense coal mines under foot, it is necessary to be able to work them at a little expence. Glass manufactories, placed within the reach of mines, should not be too far distant from the sea, for the transports becoming expensive, would give to the English an advantage over us, who, from every part of their island, can easily get to the sea. Finally, our own consumption of glass-ware, much greater than that of the English, may already be too considerable, if it be compared with the means to which the ever growing scarcity of combustibles reduces us. *

[Page 102]To be fully convinced that we ought not to put glass-ware into the list of articles of exportation to America, it is only necessary to reflect upon the situa­tion of the United States. They have immense forests to clear, consequently it is highly proper that they should establish glass manufactories, and increase them as much as possible. The labour employed to destroy the woods for the clearing of lands, at the same time that it disposes the land to culture, will serve for the production of a very extensive object of manufacture, therefore the utility of this destruc­tion is double to the Americans. * It cannot be doubted, that this consideration will strike them, that they will one day conceive the project of furnishing Europe with glass-ware, of adding this article to those which they can exchange for such European pro­ductions as are improper for little states to cultivate or manufacture within themselves. It can be no more doubted, that France will gain greatly by seeing her glass manufactories destroyed by those of the A­mericans, who will sell us glass-ware in exchange for our wines, cloths, printed linens, silks, &c. In the mean time, it would undoubtedly be a salutary measure, to open the kingdom to the importation of foreign glass.

[Page 103]

SECTION X. Iron and Steel.

The consumption of these two articles is immense in the United States; the single article of nails amounts to considerable sums. This will not appear extraordinary, when it is remembered, that all the houses, all the inclosures of the Ameicans, are of wood, that they build a great number of ships, which require frequent reparations.

It is the same with respect to saws, shovels, hoes, and in general all the instruments necessary to agri­culture and navigation.

The Americans are singularly curious in the choice of the first necessity. They have therein the gene­ral taste of the English; they will have that only which is good. On comparing those which they make themselves with the tools made in France, it must be acknowledged that we are far from that per­fection at which they are arrived in them: this per­fection is owing to the ease of the labourer, and to the consideration attached to agriculture. Imper­fection is a necessary consequence of restraint and dishonour.

The Americans have attempted to make iron and steel. Many manufactories have been set up at New-York, in New-Jersey, and in Pennsylvania: it is true that these manufactures are few in number, but they will necessarily increase for the reasons which I shall hereafter give.

England heretofore exported a considerable quan­tity of iron and steel: * her mines not having yet fur­nished [Page 104] iron proper for certain instruments▪ she had recourse to those of Russia, and especially to those of Sweden, whose iron and steel are most esteemed. She did no more with regard to America than stand be­tween her and others, and this circuit augmented the expences of the colonist, without procuring him any benefit. This will exist no longer, because the A­mericans are about to trade directly with the Swedes and Russians.

Lord Sheffield calculates, that one year with ano­ther England imported 50,000 tons of foreign iron, of which from 15 to 20,000 was afterwards exported to the colonies either in its natural state or worked up.

The profit to the mother country was, according to his Lordship, 12,000,000 lives, or thereabouts.

During the war, and since the peace, some exports of this kind have been made from France to the United States; but they did not succeed. Accustom­ed, according to the principles of monopolizers, who have hitherto directed our foreign commerce, to fur­nish our colonies with brittle utensils, and otherwise very imperfect, our merchants were willing to treat the independent Americans like their slaves in their islands; * and the Americans refused our merchan­dise. [Page 105] They said, that we did not even know how to make nails; and, in strict truth, they were right in their assertion. They preferred the iron and steel of England, although the duties on exportation in­creased their dearness.

It is probable enough that the English legislature will suppress them according to the advice of Lord Sheffield; and this, joined to the benefit of the oeco­nomy procured by the discovery of Lord Dundonald, and of Messrs. Watts and Boulton, for heating fur­naces at half the common expence, will undoubtedly produce a reduction in the price of iron.

This diminution is one of the causes which must necessarily hinder us from attempting a rivality in this particular with the English; but there is another, which is still more decisive.

In fact, the observations made heretofore upon the necessity of destroying our glass manufactories, ap­ply naturally to that considerable branch [...]f iron-work, of which the workmanship is the least ex­pence, and which requires a great quantity of com­bustible materials. The United States are obliged to destroy their immense forests: France ought, on the contrary, to think of re-producing hers: there­fore, the founderies and forges will offer in America the advantage of turning to profit woods, which, without these manufactures, it would be equally ne­cessary to burn: whilst in France, wood and char­coal becoming every day more scarce and dear, ren­ders these establishments more expensive. Now, as the abundance in which iron mines are every where [Page 106] found, * makes the price of iron depend almost en­tirely on that of combustibles necessary to melt it, it is evident that the United States have over us, and even over the English, a considerable advantage.

Moreover, forges are a part of the equipage neces­sary to country labour; for, if it were necessary to seek at a distance the utensils of agriculture▪ the pro­gress of clearing of lands would soon be stopped— the productions would not pay the expences. These would still be increased by the repeated necessity of substituting new utensils to those which there would be no means of repairing. As soon as the people have mines of iron—as soon as they are led by the nature of things, and by necessity, to establish foun­deries and forges, it is not a long time before they renounce all foreign aid in the articles of iron; therefore, the Americans are, as I have observed▪ already provided with these establishments: and as Engli [...] industry has established and directed them, they are all at that degree of perfection which we have not yet attained.

Let it be remarked, that these manufactures being joined to a life of agriculture, and carried on in the midst of it for its uses, can have none of the perni­cious influences which ought to be feared in those complicated manufactures which are obliged to be concentrated in the inclosures of cities, whose de­structive [Page 107] employ exhausts the natural strength of men, by corrupting their morals.

Therefore, to resume this article—far from en­couraging the exportation of iron manufactured in France, we ought, for our own interest, to encou­rage the importation of foreign iron, because manu­factures of this kind take away combustibles from things more pressingly wanted, and from less destruc­tive manufactures, where workmanship produces a greater profit.

This, however, is not the case with every article of curiosity of iron, steel, or copper work, wherein the workmanship exceeds the other expences. They belong to that weak organization which the Ameri­cans ought not to envy. But it must not be dissimu­lated, that a competition with the English will, on this head, be difficult to maintain: their great ability and address in the distribution of work and different processes, the invention of which has not been con­strained by any error * or false view of the admini­stration [Page 108] of England, give them over us a consider­able advantage; yet it is not impossible [...] us to ba­lance it, for this distribution of work and proceed­ings are neither secrets nor superior to French indus­try. Let government adopt and follow the trivial maxim—'Who will have the end will find the means.' Let it in consequence not interdict any of the means, and this industry will not have to envy the success of our rivals.

[Page 109]

SECTION XI. Jewellery, Gold and Silversmiths' Articles, Clock-work, &c.

If the inhabitants of the United States concentrate their labours and pleasure in a life of husbandry; if they continue to seek happiness, not in pomp, but in nature herself, and in a simplicity of manners; in that simplicity which naturally produces ease, and the population and prosperity of states; they will not seek after, but disdain plate and jewels, to which we attach so great a price. They will reserve precious metals for mints and commerce. It is not, however, to be presumed, that this order of things should long subsist in great cities, and especially in frequented ports; European taste and wants prevail in America, * and F [...]ench industry ought to be anxious to supply their consumption, seeing that the French can un­dersell the English in these articles.

But it is probable that the plated ware (copper plated with silver) invented in England will take place in the United States of that of silver plate, as painted paper has replaced there much more expen­sive hanging; this new sort of plate has for use all the advantages of the other, and costs a great deal less.

How comes it that the English are already so ad­vanced in this branch of industry, whilst there exists in France but one or two manufactures where copper is plated on one side only, and silvered over on the other? How have the English already carried this in­vention to so high a degree of perfection? How have they made of it a matter of extensive commerce, [Page 110] whilst we are reduced to the two manufactures wherein no progress is seen, and where the inferiority of the workmanship disgusts those who would other­wise find it to their advantage to make use of this kind of plate?

These manufactures have an exclusive privilege; there is the word—Government fearing lest false mo­ney might be made in them, has forbidden even the plating on both sides.

Reasoning would here be superfluous: it is suf­ficient to open the eyes to see which of the two ad­ministrations has best served its country; whether it be that of England, by not cramping industry, and in not giving way to fears, whose illusion is shewn by the most trifling observation, or ours, in follow­ing a contrary plan. Again, was it apprehended, that counterfeit crowns would be made by millions▪ as a sacrifice is made to this fear of an industry which would certainly produce many millions of them?

Thus, when we consider all these articles, wherein trifling considerations shall be our industry, and con­demn to mediocrity our means of prosperity; when we thence turn our attention towards the different spirit which governs England, it is astonishing that industry still exists in France, and that the nation does not fall into sloth, and remain there. Let us give thanks unto nature, who has richly gifted us, and her guardian strength has hitherto demonstrated itself superior to the malignant influence of the false science of our administrators. *

[Page 111]Shall we remain behind the English and Swiss in clock-work? The Americans must have watches; this admirable invention carries with it such a degree of utility for even the poor classes of society, that it ought not to be considered as a simple acquisition of luxury, especially in the United States, where the distance of habitations one from another makes the necessity of it most fully perceived.

But watches must be made good and at a cheap rate; these two conditions will assure them a prodigious sale wherever civilization exists; time is there a pre­cious property, and its price renders the instrument necessary which divides it: they will be made good and at a cheap rate, when able artists are consulted. *

This species of manufacture will always belong to great cities, where the excess of population keeps workmanship at a low price, where the difficulty of subsisting enslaves that crowd of weak and indolent beings which are under the law of the rich under­taker. [Page 112] The United States are far from suffering this difficulty of subsistence, this excess of population; they are therefore far from these manufactures.

SECTION XII. Different Sorts of Paper, stained Paper, &c.

This useful production from old rags, thrown off by people at ease, and gathered with care by the in­digent, is daily improved in France. * The English themselves buy our paper for printing, and our writ­ing [Page 113] paper will not be long unequal to theirs, if it does not surpass it. *

But if there be an object of commerce for which Europeans need not fear a reciprocal competition; if there be an article which offers to all European manufactures a certain and lucrative employ, it is that of paper: the consumption will always be equal at least to the production, and its numerous uses in­sure a still greater consumption, in proportion as po­pulation, commerce, and knowledge, sha [...]l increase.

Every nation ought therefore to observe without jealousy, that each country strives to have within itself manufactures of this kind.

The Americans cannot however enjoy this ad­vantage for a long time to come: besides the dearness of workmanship, their population cannot furnish them old rags in quantities sufficient to establish paper mills whose productions would be equal to the consumption of the inhabitants.

Will their population ever furnish them with this sufficiency? This is a question difficult to resolve. In fact, in proportion to the knowledge which na­tions may acquire, and to the liberty of the press, which may be enjoyed in America, a prodigious quantity of paper must be consumed there; but can the population of this country produce rags in the same proportion? It cannot reasonably be hoped that it will. It is therefore probable that the Ame­rican markets will not for a long time be provided with any other than European paper, and that this will find a place there.

[Page 114]But since the use of paper is so advantageous to men, since it is so varied, it behoves every nation to look upon foreign consumption as a supplement only, as an open port in the case of a suspension of interior commerce. It behoves every nation to keep paper at a moderate price within itself, and to attain this end, means must be thought of to increase ma­terials which serve to compose this article, and to pursue the happy attempts already made to do it. * These researches are so much the more essential, so much the more urgent, as the happy invention of coloured paper for hanging is of a nature always to cause a greater consumption of paper; and this man­ner of hanging with paper will subsist for a long [Page 115] time, because it gives a neat and agreeable appear­ance to apartments.

No other is known in the United States; it is there universal; almost all the houses are neat and decent.

SECTION XIII. Printing.

The liberty of the press being a fundamental principle of the American constitution, there can be no doubt that printing will increase there. But it must be observed, that extensive printing requires workmen at a little expence; that is to say, men without property, talents, or conduct; whom great cities produce and employ in work which requires neither intelligence nor emulation; and it has already been observed, that the United States, unless the rage of great cities takes possession of them, will contain but few of these wretched beings.

Printing will not, therefore, it may be presumed, be extended among the free Americans, at least be­yond that which is necessary for the public prints. * Their constant and considerable sale, permitting a greater expence in workmanship, consequently draws about the press many individuals, because they have, in a good salary, a view of the means of becoming proprietors or traders.

[Page 116]The furnishing of books of science and amuse­ment must therefore make a considerable object of importation into the United States. It is for France to appropriate to herself this commerce, and to en­courage the impression of English books. Our workmanship being cheaper than that of England, and the English making use of our paper, our bind­ing being less expensive, why should not all the books in which the Americans stand in need of be printed in France?

It will be said that we do not enjoy the liberty of the press,—be it so:—But it is only with respect to our books; * for undoubtedly the administration does not pretend to extend its coercive principles to books written in foreign languages; it would not attain its end, seeing that it does not do it with re­spect to French books; and by this impolitical ri­gour [Page 117] France would be deprived of a lucrative article of commerce, certain, and of continual increase.

The Dutch, so active and vigilant in seizing the rising branches of commerce, have for a long time speculated on books in the United States: many bi­bles and books of prayer, for the use of the Ame­ricans, are printed in Holland. Lord Sheffield is obliged to acknowledge, that printing in Holland is by far more cheap than that of England, and of course must have the preference. They will some day extend this commerce to classical books. *

SECTION XIV. Salt.

This article, so necessary to the Americans, and so abundant in France, must not be forgotten in the enu­meration of commodities to be imported into Ame­rica. The Americans will for a long time be obliged to get it from Europe; not that they have no salt marshes upon the coasts, and salt pits in the interior parts of the country; but these marshes, these salt pits, must have hands to work them; and hands are better employed in the United States. The salt ex­ported [Page 118] from Europe will for this reason be a long time cheaper than that of America:—moreover, its freight will cost but little, as vessels from Europe may be ballasted with it. The Americans ought to give the preference to French salt; it is less sharp, less corrosive, and possesses a better quality for salting, than any other European salt.

The three millions of inhabitants which the United States contain at present, are supposed to consume sixty million pound weight of salt, without reckon­ing that which is given to cattle, and that employed in salting provisions; of which great quantity is consumed in the United States, and with which they will carry on a commerce more and more con­siderable: I will not at present go into a calculation of the immense riches which the furnishing of made salt to foreign population, continually increasing, would produce to France. I ought to guard against exaggerations: but it may not be improper to ob­serve, that a considerable part of the States of the North will never make any salt. It is therefore pos­sible that French salt may have a preference among them, as being cheaper and more within their reach: the population of these states will be more rapid than that of the others, and the commerce more varied and extensive.

SECTION XV. General Considerations on the Catalogue of French Impor­tations into the United States.

I will extend no further the list of articles which French commerce may furnish to the United States: there are many others which I omit, because the bounds of my work will not permit me to examine any more than the principal ones.

If faith be given to the calculations of Lord Shef­field, and of other political writers, it appears that [Page 119] the amount of the expectations of Great-Britain into free America was, upon an average, calculated upon three years, taken before 1773, near three millions sterling, upwards of seventy-two millions of livres tournois. How much will it increase in following the progression of population, and clearing of lands? It is especially for this future state of things that France ought to prepare her means.

Let it be also observed, that this commerce em­ployed seven or eight hundred vessels, and about ten thousand sailors.

Ought France to let slip so important a commerce, and a means so natural of supporting her marine? For without commerce there can be no marine. Has not she, in the richness of her soil, in a variety of her manufactures, in the low price of her workman­ship, in the industry and taste of her inhabitants, in her population, and in the situation of her ports, an infinity of means sufficient to establish in America a solid and extensive commerce? It must be continual­ly repeated, that if it be wished that peace should reign upon the earth, the words preference and compe­tition, which are frequently signals of discord, must be used with circumspection. Why should there be any jealousy with respect to this commerce? In the course of time independent America will offer a field wide enough for all the European manufactures.

[Page 120]

CHAPTER VI. Of the Articles which Independent America may furnish in return for Importations from France.

ARRIVED at this part of my work, I cannot do better than consign to it the letter addressed by M. de Calonne to Mr. Jefferson, Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America.

LETTER Addressed to M. Jefferson, Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America to the Court of France.

SIR,

The King's intention being to favour as much as possible the commerce of the United States, I have the honour to communicate to you some dispositions made for that purpose.

By a letter of the 9th of January, 1784, to the Marquis de la Fayette, I informed him, that instead of two free ports, promised by the treaty to the United States, the king had determined to grant them four, which has been effected; and I promised him to consider the customs and duties on importation and exportation which shackle commerce; observ­ing to him, that these objects required considerable application; they have not yet been completed. By another letter I informed the Marquis, that his Ma­jesty had suppressed the duties on the exportation of brandy, a measure which he hoped would be useful to American commerce; I assured him also, that the duties of the king and admiralty, payable by an [Page 121] American vessel on its arrival in a port of France, should be diminished; and afterwards that such of them as remained, should be reduced to a single duty, to be regulated according to the number of masts or draught of water, and not according to the two uncertain estimation of gauging. This reduction requires an exact knowledge of all the duties received in the ports, and as they are of various species, the state which I ordered to be draw a up of them has not yet been given in.

You know, Sir, the king has charged a particular committee, to examine our commercial connexions with the United States, and that the Marquis de la Fayette has laid before it a project analogous to the ideas contained in your letter to the Count de Ver­gennes: but you must perceive, how imprudent it would be to hazard, by a change of system, the pro­duce of a branch of revenue, which amounts to twen­ty-eight millions of livres, without falling upon any object of the first necessity. After an ample discus­sion of every thing which might at present favour the importation of tobacco from America to France, it has been decreed, not that the agreement made with Mr. Morris should be departed from, but that, after the expiration of it, no other of the same import should be made; and that in the mean time the Far­mers General should be obliged to purchase annually about fifteen thousand hogsheads of American tobac­co, coming directly from the United States in French or American ships, at the same prices as stipulated in the contract made with Mr. Morris.

You will recollect, Sir, that whilst the demands which had been made for wh [...]le oil were under con­sideration, the Marquis de la Fayette made a private arrangement with M. Sangrain, permitting him to receive as much of that article as should amount to eight hundred thousand livres tournois, and that I had granted passports to exempt this first quantity [Page 122] from all duties whatsoever. M. Sangrain made af­terwards an agreement with the merchants of Boston for whale oil, to the amount of four hundred thou­sand livres a year, for six years, for which his Ma­jesty has promised the same favours as enjoyed by the Hanse towns.

This manner having lately been examined under a more general point of view, the administration, to which the committee has made its report comform­able to the request of the Marquis de la Fayette, and to your opinion, relative to the entire abolition of all duties on oils, has discovered that it cannot consent to it for the present, on account of engagements en­tered into with other powers. All that could be done was to insure, for ten years, whale oil, sper­maceti, and every thing comprehended under these denominations, coming from the United States in French or American ships, the same favours and mo­deration of duties as are enjoyed by the Hanse towns.

His Majesty hopes commercial connexions be­tween the United States and France will become ex­tensive enough to engage him to continue the effect of this provisionary decision; and as it has been ob­served in the committee, that a considerable duty was paid upon the making of the most favoured whale oils, and even upon national ones, his Majesty con­sents to abolish this duty with respect to the former, and upon spermaceti coming immediately from the United States in French and American ships; so that spermaceti and these oils will have to pay, for ten years to come, no more than seven livres ten sols, and the ten sols per pound, for all manner of duty; the last augmentation of ten sols per pound to cease in 1790.

It has been determined to gain particular infor­mation upon the consumption in France of rice from Carolina, and that encouragement should be given to the exportation of that article.

[Page 123]Upon the representations which have been made, touching the considerable duties paid on the entry of pot ash and pearl ash, as well as relative to those of beaver skins and fur, and raw hides, his Majesty has suppressed all the duties on pot ash—on the fur and skins of beavers—and on hides, coming raw from the United States, on board American or French vessels. He will also consider of proper encourage­ments to be given to every article of the skin and fur trade.

His Majesty has equally consented to free from all duties, masts and yards of every species, red cedar, green oak, in short, all timber proper for the con­struction of vessels, coming from the United States in French or American ships.

The committee having also represented, that there was a duty of five per cent. upon the purchase of vessels built abroad, and that this duty was prejudi­cial to the sale of American vessels, his Majesty has taken this into his consideration, and exempted the purchase of all ships, which shall be proved to have been constructed in the United States, from every duty of the kind.

Trees, small shrubs, and seeds of trees also, pay high duties, which his Majesty has agreed to abolish upon such as shall be sent from the United States to France, on board French or American ships.

It having been represented, that the state of Vir­ginia had ordered arms for its militia to be made in France, it has been determined, that the prohibitions which have hitherto hindered the exportation of arms and gunpowder, as well as the duties required in cases of particular permissi [...], should be abolish­ed, and that whenever the United States shall wish to have from France, arms, fusils, and gunpowder, they shall have full liberty to do it, provided it be in French or American ships, and that those articles [Page 124] shall be subject to a very moderate duty only, solely for the purpose of calculating the exportations.

Finally, his Majesty has received in the same fa­vourable manner the demand made to the commit­tee to suppress the considerable duties hitherto paid on books and paper of every kind. His Majesty suppresses all duties on articles of this kind, destined to the United States, and put into French or Ame­rican vessels.

It is with pleasure, Sir, I announce to you these dispositions of his Majesty, which are a new proof to you of his desire to unite closely the commerce of the two nations, and of the favourable attention he will always give to propositions which shall be made to him in the name of the United States of America.

I have the honour to be, with a sincere attachment,

Sir,
Your very humble and very obedient servant, (Signed) DE CALONNE.

Your nation, Sir, will undoubtedly see, with plea­sure, the facilities the king has just given to the ex­portation of the wines of Bourdeaux, Guienne, and Touraine, and the suppressions of duties granted to that effect, by different Arrets of Council, with which the Marquis de la Fayette will be able to acquaint you.

[Page 125]

EXPORTS OF AMERICA.

I WILL treat but of a few of the articles which America furnishes, on account of the attention which they all merit.

SECTION I. Tobacco.

Of all the articles which France may procure from the United States, tobacco is the most important one to the inhabitants of the two countries. If it cannot be classed with our most urgent necessities, it follows them so close, that excepting cases wherein the use of it excites disgust, the deprivation of it ordinarily discovers the last degree of misery.

We must not be surprised at its general use.— The man greedy of sensations has found one lively enough in tobacco: it is perhaps the only one which he can enjoy at pleasure without injuring his health, diminishing his strength, or suspending his work or meditations. Tobacco awakens the mind agree­ably, and observers who have remarked the innocent pleasure, the species of instantaneous comfort, which a little tobacco procures to a poor man, borne down by the weight of affliction, have always wished that so simple an enjoyment should be improved and be­come less and less expensive; and they cannot re­flect without horror on the crime of that fiscal in­dustry, which, hardened by monopoly to increase its profits, adulterates snuff so much, as to make it pernicious to health.

[Page 126]The consumption of tobacco must therefore be­come more and more considerable, and the com­merce of this leaf, already very important, cannot be decreased but by the diminution of its cultivation; which the policy of America will never permit.

The cultivation of tobacco is by no means proper for the European States, which have acquired popu­lation [...]nough to apply another kind of cultivation to all their good lands.

It is [...] the Alsaciens cultivate a little tobacco, and they boast of it; but they would make a greater profit if they cultivated their lands for provisions. This experience is decisive for France, where none of those rich lands exist which are so well known in America. It is therefore the interest of France to get tobacco from abroad, but it must be paid for by her manufactures: she may enjoy this advantage more fully with free America than with any other country. I will n [...]t repeat the reasons of it; I will observe only, that the free Americans, having an immense extent of lands which cannot be cleared but in the course of several centuries, must have, for a long time to come, tobacco to send to Europe, since this produc­tion pays with usury the expences of clearing.

It is true, that the cultivation of tobacco in Ame­rica must be farther and farther from the sea, and that the expences of carriage may become considerable.

But different considerations place this epocha at a distance; first, in cultivating tobacco in none but absolute new lands, the cultivation is much less ex­pensive, and the produce considerably more abun­dant; consequently it will cost much less in a new soil than when the soil requires more labour and ma­nure. Secondly, America, intersected in every di­rection by rivers and lakes, has infinite resources for rendering water carriage every where easy, and con­sequently never expensive. It is easy to multiply canals, and consequently communications: no part [Page 127] of the world is so much favoured in this respect as America. Thirdly, The banks of the Ohio and the Mississippi offer immense lands to be cleared: the Ohio falls into the Mississippi, which falls in its turn into the sea: these two rivers are almost every where navigable, and the lands near them produce already excellent tobacco, and will continue to do so for a long time. * Fourthly, If the price of tobacco should be increased, France would not feel the difference, if the free Americans, preferring the culture, con­tinued to want European manufactures, and gave the preference to those of France. According to this system, the exchange of merchandize, manufactured in France for the productions of the soil of America, may be still made with advantage, if even these pro­ductions were sold in France below the first cost in America. We have long seen the French commerce of the Levant produce great profits, although the merchandize brought in return was sold at a less price in France than it cost at the place where it was produced. This circumstance still exists.

Therefore the speculation, most to the interest of France, is to take as much tobacco as she can con­sume [Page 128] from the Americans, and pay for it with her manufactures. *

SECTION II. Fisheries, Whale Oil, &c. Spermaceti Candles.

Among the articles of subsistence which nature has liberally given to men, fish is one of the most abundant, the most easy to be procured, and the most proper to preserve their health and strength. By what fatal privilege is this food confined in France almost to the rich? Why does not fish abound in all places, where this tribute of the sea can be received in its original state, and without being charged with the expences of two long a carriage? Since it is so well known, that it is advantageous to a state, and to every class of citizens, to procure an abundance, and a variety of eatables, let them come from where they will, or of whatever nature they be, provided they be cheap [...] wholesome: why is this political rule departed from, with respect to fish, to that ali­ment which nature produces every where with such fecundity? Whatever may be the motives which may repel it by an overcharge of duties, they can proceed from nothing but a culpable ignorance.

Fully convinced of the benefit which must result to mankind from an abundance of provisions, and from the facility of producing this abundanc [...], in receiving from each nation the superfluity which na­ture has given it, I shall take great care not to copy the narrow system of Lord Sheffield with respect to [Page 129] fisheries.—His Lordship agrees, that the indepen­dent Americans have, for the great fishery, natural advantages, with which it is impossible for the Eu­ropeans to contend.

In fact, the Americans are near that part of the Atlantic where great fish abound; therefore their fishery must be l [...]ss expensive to them. If accidents happen, they are soon repaired; all their operations are more prompt and sure; having a better know­ledge of these seas, they are exposed to less risks than Europeans: finally, their proximity to the fisheries assures them provisions more fresh, * and puts it in their power to renew them more frequently; conse­quently their fishermen enjoy more constant health, and have older officers and sailors among them: these are inestimable advantages to America.

The English have very few of these advantages; the French scarcely any.—But ought we to conclude with Lord Sheffield, from this order of things, that American fish should be charged with duties, in or­der to support the national fishery, against this com­petition? the nature of things dictates to France more wise and advantageous means.—Fish is nourishing —whatever is nourishing is prolifi [...]: if the Ameri­cans fish at less expence than th [...] French, so much the better for the last; fish will be more abundant, and at a lower pr [...]ce in France. Let France open her ports; the Americans will bring fish into them, and will pay themselves with either the productions of the soil of France, or of her industry; and the po­pulation to which this abundance and cheapness are favourable, will increase the productions of French industry.

[Page 130]Moreover, it is necessary, either to renounce ex­terior commence, or to consent that there shall be something to exchange on both sides. To wish to establish and encourage a commerce with a foreign nation, and not to leave it to the care of furnishing that which it collects with the greatest facility, is a manifest contradiction. The enlightened policy of commerce is not to invade all the branches of it, but to do nothing but that which can be done better and cheaper than any other. Therefore, since the Ame­ricans have fish on their coasts, since they are in the neighbourhood of Newfoundland, leave to their in­dustry that branch which nature has given to them in preference; let us not dispute it with them: first, because it would be in vain to do it, and in the next place, because France may reap, without fishing, more advantageously the fruit of the American fisheries.

"But," says Lord Sheffield, ‘sailors must be found for the navy; and the fisheries are the nurseries for them; therefore the fisheries must be supported; and no fish consumed but that which we take our­selves; on which account premiums are necessary.’

There is no doubt but sailors are formed in the fisheries, but it is not in throwing nets or hooks, in cur­ing or preparing fish, that this is done; it is by a fre­quent and long exercise on board vessels in laborious manoeuvres, in living, so to speak, among rocks, and in seas, which the vicinity or nearness of opposite coasts makes continually dangerous: now this exer­cise of vigilance, agility, and intelligence, is perform­ed by the sailor in coasting and fishing on the coasts of his own country. Let coasting be frequent, and let not this fishery be discouraged in France, and it will not be necessary, in order to form sailors, to send them so far to take fish, which they cannot bring to Europe without great expence: by which the con­sumption is consequently limited, and which deprives us of the inestimable advantage of receiving in abund­ance, [Page 131] that which the independent Americans can take [...]t much less expence.

Without doubt the exercise of the fisheries of the North forms intrepid sailors; and this painful life must be consented to. But when nature has placed men in a climate where they have but a few steps to make to the interior of the country, * to find an oc­cupation exempt from dangers and less fatiguing, when they can get their bread upon land, under a clear and calm sky, if he reasons, how will he be en­gaged to trust his life to boards, and to brave icy seas, to expose himself during the finest months in the year to perpetual storms, which assail these fishing banks, so frequently stained, by means of the most fatal errors, with European blood?

It will be answered, by premiums, by privileges, [Page 132] and by prohibitions or overcharges of duties, which are equivalent to prohibitions on foreign industry.

But it must not be forgotten, that articles of sub­sistence are here in question, that those forced means make them dearer, that their consumption is then li­mited, and their effect restrained; that in forcing na­ture in this manner, is doing it at the expence of po­pulation, for by this barbarous regimen, men are de­stroyed instead of being produced, whilst permission to bring into sea-ports the fish of those who have no­thing better to do than to take it, would infallibly in­crease population.

Moreover, to whom are these premiums and all other favours, with which it is wished to combat the nature of things, distributed? Does the individual of whom it is intended to make a sailor enjoy any advantage from them? Let not men be deceived in this; they are the prey of the navigator, who goes out of his closet but to walk about, and who directs his steps sometimes toward the sea side. He begins by taking his own share, and be persuaded that the wages which he offers to those whom he employs to conduct his perilous enterprize are parsimoniously calculated; therefore the end is not attained.

If there be an absolute want of sailors who have passed their noviciate about the banks of Newfound­land, and in the North seas, there is a more simple and sure means, less expensive, and what is more important, one which is exempt from destructive consequences, to form them. Choose from honest families young, robust and intelligent men; insure to them a personal recompense, if, after a certain number of voyages on board fishing vessels, they bring certificates of good behaviour, and of experi­ence acquired by practice. Oblige them to go on board vessels belonging to nations or cities, to which these difficult fisheries are a necessary resource. It is there they will acquire real knowledge. These, [Page 133] added afterwards to sailors exercised in the coasting and in the fisheries on their own coasts, will form for the navy experienced sailors.

Whale oil belongs to the fisheries: it is another great article of commerce with the United States. All oil of this denomination is not produced by whales only; great quantities of it is drawn from seals, and other species of fish.

The use of this oil is much restrained in France: * that of the white of the whale, and of which such fine candles are made, is little known there. The use of oil will become more general.

Lord Sheffield is of opinion, that sound policy makes its necessary that the English should prohibit, or at least discourage by duties, American oil. It was with this idea that the government of England imposed a duty of four hundred and fifty livres tour­nois per ton on oils imported by the independent Americans, to favour the oils of Canada and Nova-Scotia.

This rigour should make this production, which has been hitherto proscribed, received in France. The introduction of it is so much the more necessary, as the French whale fishery is ruined. Bayon, for­merly celebrated for this fishery, has abandoned it; Dunkirk, which continues to fit out vessels, furnishes but little of this oil, at a very high price.

Whether the French go to the North, or towards Brasil, they will labour under a disadvantage:— Without asylum in case of misfortune, their naviga­tion is always longer and more expensive than that of other nations which carry on a whale fishery. It is therefore more to the advantage of France to re­ceive [Page 134] American oil, and to pay for it with her wines and manufactures.

The French government soon perceived the ne­cessity of receiving the oils of America. Had not this been done, an emigration of American fisher­men into Canada and Nova-Scotia would have been the consequence. This was near happening, some time after the peace, in the island of Nantucket. In despair on seeing the ports of England shut, and not knowing where to sell their oils, which alone sup­plied all their wants, the inhabitants had resolved to emigrate to Nova-Scotia, when, on the moment of departure, they received a letter from the Marquis de la Fayette, whom they justly looked upon as their patron and father. He persuaded them to be pati­ent until the French government should suppress or reduce the duties on oils, which have been reduced for a limited time; but during this time the indepen­dent Americans are to enjoy, with respect to their oils, all the advantages given to the most favoured nation; * and this favour, joined to all their other advantages, cannot fail to give them a great superio­rity in this branch of commerce, as beneficial to France as to them.

The white of the whale must be added, and the candles made with this substance: they are known by the name of spermaceti candles, and serve instead of very fine bougies or wax candles. The American Colonies exported of them, according to Lord Shef­field, to the amount of five hundred thousand livres [Page 135] tournois, in the years 1768, 1769, and 1770, cal­culating these candles at thirty-two sols a pound. It is probable, that these would be better made in France.

SECTION III. Corn, Flour, &c.

Foreign corn and flour enter France on paying a duty too inconsiderable to make any sensible increase in their price. The principles laid down in the pre­ceding article, with respect to articles of subsistence, must be adopted for the commodities of corn and flour.

The corn merchant, the most useful of all mer­chants (whatever the vulgar, who, from a want of information, confounds a dealer in corn with a mo­nopolizer, may think of him,) fears arbitrary excep­tions, sudden prohibitions, and unexpected strokes of authority. This state of uncertainty prevents the solid establishment of the true system of liberty, whence result innumerable inconveniencies, which no other system would bring on provided it were fixed, and that it afforded a certain basis of calcula­tion.

But how could a legislation for corn be formed which should not be one of liberty, and which should nevertheless afford a like basis? This is impossible▪ seeking, first of all, the particular rules for every case, when these are of a nature not to be foreseen, is seek­ing for a chimera.

Not to fall into contradiction it is necessary to choose between arbitrary power and liberty—But that which is arbitrary presents nothing but a perspec­tive which is naturally discouraging. No property is safe under this system; when it exists, the mer­chant and the cultivator are obliged to hazard their property in a lottery, of which the chicaneries can­not be calculated; for it is necessary to foresee the [Page 136] false informations, errors, and manoeuvres, of an in­terest different from their own, and even from that of the public, the attempts of power, &c. and if all these considerations ought to enter into the elements of their calculations, how can they found hopes on such a variable basis?

Liberty consists, on the contrary, in the choice which every one may make of that which is most agreeable to him, according to the circumstances of the moment. This is a general rule; it is applicable to every case, and the hope of gain is always ac­companied by the decisive certainty that an indivi­dual will be master of all his industry, and of com­bining his speculations according to circumstances, which human power cannot govern.

From this demonstrated truth, that in every state of circumstances, the first thing needful to the com­merce of grain is a fixed rule, results the necessity of embracing the system of liberty, and of protecting it in its fullest extent, without opposing any restrictive condition. *

Governments should be determined by the neces­sity alone of this fixed rule, if the system of liberty was not even demonstrated to be the best in every respect. But this system is moreover the most cer­tain preservative against the alternatives of ruinous abundance and scarcity still more ruinous, which are both calamities, wherever imposts are considerable.

Lord Sheffield observes, that Europe, not being constantly under the necessity of recurring to Ame­rican corn, the United States cannot put corn and flour into the class of productions, which found an [Page 137] essential and durable commerce. * Lord Sheffield is mistaken. It is a truth, which every man of obser­vation is acquainted with, [...]hat not a year comes forward without shewing that some one or more na­tions in Europe are in want of corn. This want of grain therefore being occasionally extended to all Eu­rope, France ought to be anxious to become the ma­gazine of it, since England was so formerly. There­fore it would be advantageous to construct in the free ports opened to the United States commodious depositories to receive and preserve American corn. By this means corn would be always ready to be transported to the place where the best price was to be had for it. These free ports being depositories where articles necessary to the United States would be collected, the commerce of corn would thereby acquire a continuation, advantageous to the two nations:—advantageous to America, because the certainty of a place of deposit, safe and little expen­sive, would cause grain to be sent more frequently; advantageous to France, because, besides the conti­nual possession of an important commodity, and which would guarantee it from every manoeuvre of interior monopoly, these depositories would furnish [Page 138] the means of a coasting trade, almost continual, from the north of France to the farthest part of the Me­diterranean.

France does not grow all the corn she consumes; * she is obliged to get it from the north, from Sicily, and the coasts of Africa: that of the United States ought to be more proper for her, for two reasons: First, it must be cheaper, being the produce of a cultivating people. Secondly, the people have more various and general wants of fresh provisions than the southern countries of Europe. The American may receive wines, fine oils, and fruits of France, in exchange for his corn. The Neopolitan, th [...] Sicilian, and the African, cannot be paid in the same manner.

Finally, there is another consideration favourable to the importation of American corn: it may easily arrive at Honfleur; there it may be stored up, and undergo all the processes necessary to its preservation; processes which are become very simple and little ex­pensive. These establishments would keep up a [Page 139] considerable quantity of foreign corn within the reach of the capital, a greater advantage than may be imagined.

There are still other motives which ought to en­gage the French to encourage the importation of A­merican corn. They have need of it for the vast magazines which the land and sea forces, and fre­quently scarcity, oblige them to keep stored.

What should hinder government from forming magazines of American corn in the French sugar is­lands, which tempests, conflagrations, and other unforeseen accidents, expose so frequently to famine, because contracted victualling is carried on by mo­nopolizers, who send but little in order to sell dear?

SECTION IV. Masts, Yards, and other Timber for the Navy.

France, like other European states which have a royal navy and fleets of merchant ships to keep in repair, imports timber from Livonia and Russia. This general magazine begins to be exhausted; the quality of its masts is not so good as formerly. This commerce is, moreover, attended with the disad­vantage to France of requiring considerable remit­tances of money, without reckoning the inconve­niencies of a dangerous navigation, frequently inter­rupted by ice; also the competition of several na­tions, which their proximity and many other cir­cumstances naturalize, so to speak, in the ports and seas of the North; advantages which the French cannot have.

[Page 140]These considerations ought to determine France to turn her attention to the United States, to procure from them the timber necessary for her navy, and mast timber especially. There is but one objection to this, and it arises from prejudice. It is pretend­ed in France, that the quality of American timber is very much inferior to that of the Baltic. Some people go so far as to maintain that it is improper for the construction of vessels. I have reason to believe that this judgment is not only hasty, but dictated either by ignorance, or the partiality of persons in­terested in the Baltic timber.

It is not in the laws of nature, that immense coun­tries, whose aspects are as varied as those of Europe can be, and in whose soil there are the same diversi­ties, should produce no timber but of a quality infe­rior to that of the timber of Europe.

Better directed inquiries, and a more attentive ex­amination, will soon destroy this prejudice against the quality of American timber; a prejudice so much the more disagreeable, as it would deprive the com­merce between France and the United States of an article important to the two nations.

If France will inform herself seriously of this mat­ter, let her consult even the enemies of America; let her consult Lord Sheffield, so moderate in his eulo­giums, when it is necessary to give them to the inde­pendent Americans. His Lordship says expressly, ‘that the negociators of the treaty of peace, who have ceded the territory of Penobscot, to the east of Casco-bay, belonging to Great-Britain, deserve the severest censure; as this country produces, without contradiction, the best timber. The coast,’ adds his Lordship, ‘is covered with timber proper for navigation and other uses, and in quantities sufficient to the wants of Great-Britain for centu­ries to come. The white pine, known in England by the name of the Weymouth Pine, or the Pine [Page 141] of New-England, abounds in this territory; it is incontestably the best for masts, and grows there to a prodigious height.’

This is confirmed to us by men who have travelled and resided in the United States. These men assure us, that the States produce all kinds of timber of which we are in need, and that the white pine of the Connecticut, Penobscot, and Ken [...]ebeck rivers is, at least, equal in quality to that of the north of Eu­rope. The ship-builders of Philadelphia esteem it so much, that they begin to make use of it for side planks above the surface of the water.

Green oak, of which there are such fine forests in Georgia, unites the most precious qualiti [...] it may be procured from St. Mary's, of a more considerable scantling than that which comes from the Levant and the island of Corsica; it is compact, the worms never attack it, and its duration is unequalled. The green oak of Carolina is the hardest timber known; —the vessels built with it are of a very long duration.

SECTION V. Skins and Furs.

In this trade Lord Sheffield looks upon the United States as dangerous rivals to Canada; and it is not without reason that his Lordship is of this opinion.

The proximity of the great establishments which the independent Americans form at present at Pits­burgh, and in many other places of their possessions beyond the mountains, must insensibly give them great advantages in this commerce, and make them partake with Canada a large share of the profits.

In fact, the regions situated between the waters of the lake Ontario, and those of the Mississippi, inter­sected by the numerous rivers which fall into the South and North-West of Lake Erie, of the Michigan, [Page 142] and of the Superior, as far as the Ouisco [...]sing, * and even to the lac des bois; the great undertakings in which the Virginians are at present employed, to improve the navigation of the Potowmack, to the foot of the Allegheny; the probability of another com­munication with the ultramontane waters, by means of the western branches of the Susquehannah; without omitting the facility with which the inhabitants of the state of New-York went to Niagara before the war, in going up the Hudson's river from their ca­pital to Albany, beyond that of the Mohawks, cros­sing the little lake of Oneida, and by means of an easy carriage going down the river of Oswego, in the mouth of which the Ontario seems an excellent har­bour; all these reasons, and many others which re­late not only to geography, but to climate, proximi­ty, &c. must in a few years put the Americans in possession of the greatest part of the fur trade.

These advantages will be still more certain, when the English shall have evacuated the forts of Niagara, the great establishment of the streight, and that of the Michillimakinack. §

The annual sales in London of furs from Canada, produced in 1782, four millions seven hundred thou­sand livres tournois, something more in 1783, and in 1784 they amounted to upwards of five millions. All these furs are paid for with English manufactures, and the fourth part is prepared in England, by which [Page 143] their value is doubled. Now, this rich commerce, carried on by way of Quebec, will certainly fall as soon as the forts and the countries which they com­mand shall be restored to the Americans. It is from this consideration that the restitution of these forts is withheld, to the period of which the English look forward with pain.

SECTION VI. Rice, Indigo, Flax-seed.

It is not possible to speak of American rice with­out thinking of the pernicious inconveniencies which its cultivation produces. The wretched slaves who cultivate it, obliged to be half the year in water, are exposed to scrophulous disorders and a premature death. It is said, that this consideration prevents the states wherein rice is produced, from abolishing slavery. Free men would not devote themselves willingly to this destructive labour. *

Were this even true, and that in the system of li­berty means could not be found to reconcile this cul­ture to the health of the labourers, a sufficient mo­tive could not be drawn from it to condemn to death, or to cruel diseases, a part of our fellow creatures, born free, equal us, and with an equal right to live. [Page 144] Were the culture of this commodity even absolutely necessary, this necessity would give us no right over the lives of negroes; or it would be the effect of a state of war; for servitude was never a right.

There is a species of dry rice no way dangerous to cultivate. Moreover, the example of the Chinese and the Indians, among whom the culture of rice makes not such ravages, ought to make us hope, that in imitating them life and health would be restored to men of which we have never had a right to deprive them.

After having considered this production as a man should consider it, I must now consider it as a mer­chant ought to do.

The French government has not yet taken a de­termined resolution relative to the introduction of American rice. It is a wholesome and simple arti­cle of subsistence, proper to supply the place of prin­cipal commodities. It cannot be too often repeated, that the multiplication of articles of subsistence ought to be encouraged; it would render life less painful to the people, increase population, and consequently natural riches.

If France wishes to have a great and solid com­merce with the United States, she ought to admit all the productions of the United States.

[Page 145]The Americans exported annually, during the years 1768, 1769, and 1770, to Great-Britain and the south of Europe, a hundred and fifteen thousand barrels of rice, worth six millions and a half of livres tournois. * It is the most considerable article of ex­portation after tobacco, wheat, and flour. It de­serves therefore that France should think of it for her commerce, and endeavour to bring it into her ports, to be distributed there to other European markets.

Indigo.

The same thing may be said of the indigo of the Carolinas and Georgia; it makes a part of the im­portant productions of the United States, and is con­sumed in Europe;—it is therefore necessary to open for its reception all the French ports, and afterwards to give it easy communications. The English re­ceived of it annually, during the years 1768, 1769, and 1770, to the amount of three millions of livres tournois. It was principally consumed in England, Ireland, and the north of Europe, by reason of its low price. The indigo of St. Domingo is much dearer.

The indigo of Carolina and Georgia has acquired a much better quality since the first quantities of it arrived in England; but I have not learned that it is to be compared with the indigo of Domingo. Tra­vellers say, that Carolina produces indigo almost as good as that of the French islands.

There are kinds of dying to which low priced in­digo is proper; and, for this reason, certain dyers use that of the Carolinas and Georgia. In these cases it will always have the preference. Therefore Ame­rican indigo should be admitted as long as there is a consumption for it, for the Americans will continue [Page 146] to cultivate it; and since this cultivation cannot be prevented, the most advantageous thing is to strive to become agents in the general commerce of Ame­rica.

Flax-Seed.

North-America sent to England and Ireland, dur­ing the years 1768, 1769, and 1770, flax-seed to the amount of two millions and a half of livres tournois; it was all consumed in Great-Britain. The advan­tage of paying for this seed with Irish linens, gave it the preference to that of Flanders and the Baltic. Flax-seed from these countries is, moreover, very dear.

It is the business of those French merchants, who may be interested in the commerce with the United States, to consider what advantages they may derive from this commerce. If the culture of flax becomes extensive in France, foreign seed ought to be pre­ferred for two reasons:—the quality of the produc­tion is improved by it, and there is more advantage in spinning flax in peopled and industrious countries, than in letting it ripen to gather seed. It appears, that flax-seed comes not in abundance, but from countries where there are not hands sufficient to spin, or give the first preparation, even to the flax they produce: it is then proper to cultivate it for its seed, which becomes a considerable article of commerce: as long as this state of things subsists, it must also be proper for peopled countries to get flax-seed from abroad.

Flanders seems to be an exception; but the expor­tation of flax is there prohibited, for the purpose of encouraging spinning, &c. in this case Flanders, be­ing a country very proper for the cultivation of flax, may leave to many cultivators of this plant no other resource than the commerce of the seed. It is pro [...]bable, that if the flax could be sent from Flanders▪ [Page 147] after the first preparation for spinning, nobody would think of gathering the seed.

SECTION VII. Naval Stores, such as Pitch, Tar, and Turpentine.

Before the emancipation of America, England re­ceived considerable supplies of these articles from America, particularly from Carolina and the South. The quantities of these articles amounted annually, during the years 1768, 1769, and 1770, to twenty-seven thousand seven hundred barrels of pitch; eigh­ty-two thousand four hundred barrels of tar; and twenty-eight thousand one hundred of turpentine: the whole amounting, in the port of exportation, to one million two hundred and twenty-eight thousand livres tournois.

These stores were very valuable to the English, as well for their commerce as for their proper consump­tion. Two considerable manufactures, established at Hull, were supported by them; tar was there conver [...]ed into pitch, considerable quantities of it were exported to the south, where it was received in competition with that from the north of Europe. Turpentine, converted in these manufactures into oil or spirit, furnished a considerable object of com­merce. England consumes a great deal of it in the preparation of colours, varnishes, &c.

The American revolution has not made the Eng­lish lose sight of these stores: the want they have of them makes it imprudent to trust wholly to the ex­portation of these articles from Russia and Sweden, where the English have the Dutch for competitor [...] ▪ Moreover, the navigation of America, less dangerou [...] than that of the Baltic, is not, like the last, limited to a certain time of the year; it is consequently more frequent and less expensive; so that these stores will come for a long time from America at a lower price [Page 148] than from the north. American tar is as good a [...] that of Europe, thicker and more proper for making pitch; it is preferred for sheep, even at a higher price. American turpentine is inferior to none but that of France.

An English merchant has taught the Russians how to furnish as good turpentine as that from any other nation: this production will be in great abundance there, by the numerous and immense forests of firs in the neighbourhood of Archangel, where their crops are deposited.

The state of things shews to France what value she ought to attach to the naval stores which may be fur­nished from America. The quantities of them ex­ported from Charleston become more and more considerable. * The sandy soil near the sea, in North Carolina and the south of Virginia, produces a great quantity of firs, from which tar and turpentine are extracted; this is done without much trouble, and the facility of selling and preparing the trees is a great encouragement.

SECTION VIII. Timber and Wood, for Carpenters and Coopers work; such as Staves, Cask-heads, Planks, Boards, &c.

France, as well as England, ought to be, for their own interests, engaged to favour the importation of these articles, of which the United States can furnish such great quantities.

[Page 149]Timber fails in France, and will become more and more scarce; population destroys it:—yet tim­ber must be found for houses, mills, &c.—hogsheads must be made for sugars; casks and barrels for wine, brandy, &c. These articles of timber are principally furnished from the North to the ports of France— but they become dear, their quality diminishes, and the Americans have the advantage in the carriage. *

The value of these articles, exported from Ameri­ca to Great-Britain only, amounted to two millions of livres tournois in the year 1770, according to a statement drawn up in the Custom-House of Boston. The general exportations to the English, French, American, and Spanish islands, and to the different parts of Europe, are immense and become daily more considerable. Were not this timber of a good qua­lity, the increase of this commerce would not be so rapid. The French have in this respect some preju­dices, which it is of importance to destroy. If the American staves are esteemed in making rum casks, &c. they will undoubtedly preserve our brandies.

[Page 150]

SECTION IX. Vessels constructed in America, to be sold or freighted.

It has been observed that the bulk of the commo­dities which might be exchanged by the commerce between France and the United States, was, at an equal value, much more considerable on the side of America than that of France. There results from this, that in these exchanges, a great number of Ame­rican vessels must be subject to return to America in ballast. This state of things would certainly be pre­judicial to the commerce between the two nations, if some compensation could not be established which should remove the inequality.

This compensation may be made in a very advan­tageous manner to both. The independent Ameri­cans construct vessels for sale: if it be agreeable to a nation to purchase of another the articles which this manufactures at a less expence, and with more means, it follows, that the French ought to buy American vessels; and, in fact, this commerce begins to be established.

Lord Sheffield reprobates this commerce with re­spect to his own country.—"Its existence," says his Lordship, ‘depends on its navy; this depends as much on English ship-builders as on English sailors; therefore, of all trades, that of ship-build­ing is the most important to be preserved in Great-Britain.’ The advances, according to his Lord­ship, are of little consequence, and these vessels not being destined to be sold to foreigners, what they cost ought to be considered so much the less, as the ex­pence is incurred in the country.

Lord Sheffield presumes also, that ship-building will be encouraged in New-Scotland, Canada, the Island of St. John, &c. Finally, his Lordship declares, ‘that the encouragement of ship-building in the [Page 151] United States is ruinous to Great-Britain; that it is the same to those who may purchase American built vessels; because, notwithstanding their cheap­ness, these vessels are little durable, from the na­ture of their materials.’ This observation relates particularly to vessels built for sale, which, his Lord­ship says, ‘are very inferior to those which are be­spoken.’

It cannot be denied, that it is of consquence to a nation which attaches a great importance to its navy, to have ship-builders. The repairs, &c. of which vessels are constantly in want, would be badly di­rected, if there were not, in the class of workmen to whom this industry belongs, men capable of constructing a vessel, and habituated to this construc­tion. What is still more, as soon as a nation has a navy, it is greatly to its interest to possess every means of improving it; and the possession of these means is so much more secure when there are esta­blishments in the country which, in this case, sup­port emulation, by the constant exercise of the art.

But it does not follow, that to preserve such an advantage, a nation ought to have no other vessels than those which are home built: it is here necessary to distinguish ships belonging to the royal navy from merchant ships. The first are alone sufficient to employ a requisite number of able builders, and to supply every thing which the construction and re­pairs of vessels require. But merchant ships, of which a considerable number is wanted, may be procured from abroad, if those of an equal quality can be had at a price considerably less.

Will it be said, that a nation becomes so much the more powerful at sea, as the construction of ves­sels is encouraged in her ports? that under this point of view it is necessary to be cautious not to furnish the independent Americans with the means of forming a [Page 152] navy, which would render them formidable? that it is at least unnecessary to hasten these means?

If this consideration were true, it would in some measure impose on France a law to encourage the United States to form their navy; for, however for­midable her own may be, she has too many natural obstacles to remove for her navy to be the effect of any thing but painful efforts, and consequently that it should be an establishment very difficult to main­tain,—very expensive, and subject to long intermis­sions. And since it is necessary to speak constantly of a threatening rivality,—of an armed rivality,— France has the greatest interest, to balance more sure­ly the force of her rivals, by calling to her aid the naval force of a friendly people,—of a people to whom nature has been prodigal in the means she has given them of having a considerable one.

But the policy which refused to purchase Ameri­can vessels, for fear the Americans should become formidable at sea, would be badly founded. A sure manner of retarding the establishment of a navy, by a nation which possesses the means and materials; the power and activity which such a great establishment requires, is to employ it continually in the construc­tion of vessels for sale, and to habituate it to this kind of commerce. If this nation, and such is the posi­tion of the United States, has nothing to fear inte­riorly from any other power, it will certainly despise all such military preparations, whose profit and utility will not be so immediately perceived, as the frequent gains of peaceful commerce. Therefore, let the inde­pendent Americans be persuaded to build vessels for sale: let them not be provoked to build ships for de­fensive and offensive operations, and they will neg­lect the great means with which nature has furnished them, of having a respectable navy: they will even neglect them, when greater riches, and a more con­siderable [Page 153] population, shall facilitate to them the use of their natural means.

Far from suffering by this new arrangement of things, France would gain thereby. This idea will undoubtedly appear extraordinary, because, in a­bandoning workmanship to American ship-builders, France is deprived of it: but how easily may she compensate this apparent loss! In fact, when no­thing is to be had without labour, it is then consi­dered as real riches: therefore, it ought to be em­ployed with a prudent economy, especially in the system of national rivalities. The workmen who will not build vessels, will make cloth, with which vessels may be paid for. The expence of manufac­turing these cloths will be paid at home, as that for the construction of vessels would have been; by which means these will be had at a cheaper rate. This labour and expence will therefore produce greater advantages, and place the nation in a more desirable relation with its rivals.

Finally, Lord Sheffield, whose narrow policy is here refuted, proposes that ship-building should be encouraged in Canada, New-Scotland, &c. But do physical circumstances favour these countries as much as the United States? Can England reap real advantages from this encouragement? It is a ques­tion with which several writers have combated Lord Sheffield, and on which I cannot decide.

But if England had this resource, France would be without it. Vessels built in America will always cost her less than her own, or those constructed else­where: she ought therefore to favour the introduc­tion of the first.

A celebrated minister, whom France has reason to regret, thought as follows: his design was to get a part of the vessels of the French navy constructed in Sweden; he thereby expected to make great sav­ings: [Page 154] they will be greater and more real, in getting the vessels constructed in the United States.

The English themselves will not be able to resist the force of things; they will sooner or latter return to the use of American vessels; for these cost but a third * of what English vessels are built for; and the cheapness is the first law of commerce.

The bad quality attributed to American vessels is a fable, arising from the following circumstances: in the contention for independence, the Americans built vessels in haste, to arm them as cruisers: they were forced to make use of wood which was green, and unprepared; other things were either wanting [...]o these vessels, or precipitately prepared. Conse­quently the vessels were imperfect; but this imper­fection was but accidental. A cruise is a lottery, wherein no notice is taken of the goodness and dura­bility of the vessel. It is sufficient that it be a good sailer, this is the essential quality.

Peace has re-established the construction of vessels in the manner it ought to be; and there are American vessels built before the war, and some thirty years ago, which for goodness and duration are not inferior to any English vessel.

More progress has been made in America than any where else in the art of ship-building; this is easily explained:—it must not be forgotten, when the inde­pendent Americans are spoken of, that they are not recovering from a state of barbarity. They are men escaped from European civilization, employed▪ so to speak, in creating their country and resource [...] ▪ no shackles restrain their efforts, every thing in Europe is looked upon as perfect, and made use of, without thinking of improving it. These two essential dif­ferences [Page 155] cause a very considerable one in the intensity of industry.

Boston has produced a man astonishing in the art of ship-building. Long and closely employed in the search of means to unite swiftness of sailing in vessels to their solidity, Mr. Peck has had the greatest suc­cess. It was his hand which produced the Belisarius, the Hazard, and the Rattlesnake, which were so par­ticularly distinguished during the late war by [...]eir swiftness of sailing. Vessels constructed by this able builder have qualities which others have not; they carry a fourth more, and sail faster. These facts are authenticated by a number of experiments.

The English themselves acknowledge the supe­riority of American ship-building: ‘The finest ves­sels,’ says Colonel Champion, ‘are built at Phila­delphia; the art of ship-building has attained in that city the highest degree of prefection. Great vessels are built in New-York, also in the Chesa­peak, and in South-Carolina: these last, made of green oak, are of an unequalled solidity and dura­bility.’

The American Proverb says: That to have a perfect vessel, it must have a Boston bottom and Philadelphia sides.

The French, if connoisseurs be believed, are very inferior to the Americans in the minutiae of ship-building. This superiority of America ought not to surprise us: it will still increase. The indepen­dent Americans who inhabit the coasts, live by the sea, and pride themselves in navigation. As they have competitors, their genius will never sleep, nor will its efforts be shackled in any manner whatever. In France, the people are, and ought to be culiva­ [...]ors; the marine is but a subordinate part, and by the nature of things, it must enjoy but a very preca­rious consideration. Honour, which affects the head of every Frenchman, is distributed but at Pa­ris and at Court; and there men are, and must still [Page 156] be, far from perceiving the importance of attaching merit to the improvement of ship-building; it must therefore languish, or yield to that of the Ameri­cans. Hence it results, that the French, in pre­serving every thing which can maintain amongst them an able class of ship-builders, must buy vessels of the Americans; because every convenience is united to that of facilitating their reciprocal impor­tations and exportations, of which the bulks are so different in one nation from those of the other.

This circumstance is attended with the advantage of procuring the French merchant an American ves­sel at a less price than if he had ordered it to be built, or if he bought it in America, because it will always be more to the interest of the American to sell his vessel, than to take it back in ballast.

Such is the fitness of American vessels for the French marin [...], and especially for merchant service; such is that fitness for all the European powers who have harbours and sea-port towns, that I think a sure and commodious road in Europe would soon be as­sorted with American vessels for sale, if every thing which can encourage a like depository were granted to the port wherein this road might be. This mar­ket for vessels will be established;—the English reject it. France will, in a short time, encourage it.

SECTION X. General Considerations on the preceding Catalogue of Im­portation▪ from the United States into France.

The list which I have gone through of the arti­cles with which the independent Americans may furnish Europe in exchange for her merchandize is not very long; but these articles are considerable, and important enough in themselves to merit the at­tention of European merchants: they are sufficient to destroy the prejudices of those who, under the [Page 157] false pretext of the inability of the Americans to fur­nish articles of exchange, disdain a reciprocal com­merce with the United States. These articles are not, however, the only ones which France may receive from them. Independently of pot-ash, so precious to manufactures, and of which the scarcity becomes daily more sensible, iron, vegetable-wax, wool, flax, hemp, &c. may increase the number. The English received of pot-ash to the amount of four hundred thousand livres per annum, during the years 1768, 1769, and 1770: pot-ash being the produce of the wood burnt by the Americans, and as the burning of wood must increase with the number of people, the quantities of pot-ash must have increased with population.

I ought to hope that the work, once known in the United States, will excite the independent Ame­ricans to co-operate with me, in what I have pro­posed to myself, which is to spread instruction on every thing which relates to their country. They will make known to Europe, in a more extensive and complete manner, every thing which can main­tain that reciprocal commerce in favour of which I write: they will assemble in a work correspondent to this, all that I have been able to expose but im­perfectly: they will rectify my errors. I invite them to apply to this interesting subject: I pray them to give it for a basis, more philosophical, and philan­throphical principles, than those which have hither­to directed the jealous industry of each society. For each, led on by a blind ambition, has wished to embrace every thing, to do every thing at home, and furnish every thing to others; each has taken for principle to receive nothing from others, except it be gold; each has accustomed itself to look upon every production, manufactured or unmanufactured, which it sent abroad as a profit, and all those which it received as so many losses. Such is the false prin­ciple, [Page 158] according to which all the European nations have directed their exterior commerce.

What would be the consequence of a like system, if it continued to prevail? All nations would be strangers to each other, and exterior commerce ab­solutely annihilated; because it tends to take from this commerce that which supports it. For the gold which is wished for in payment for exportations is refused to those who would obtain it: all nations look upon the necessity of giving it alike; that it is disadvantageous—and strive to avoid it. If, there­fore, on one side, none will take return in kind, and on the other, nobody will dispossess himself of his gold, what will become of exchanges? what will become of commerce?

Nature, which intended to make men so many brothers, and nations so many families;—nature, which, to unite all men by the same tie, has given them wants, which place them in a state of depen­dence one on the other;—this wise nature has, by the distribution of her gifts, anticipated and con­demned this exclusive system. She has said to the inhabitants of Nantucket, The rock which thou in­habit is rude and stormy; renounce, therefore, the desire of drawing from it the delicious wines and fruits which more calm and temperate climates pro­duce. Look at the sea which surrounds thee,—that is thy property and thy treasure: I have made it inex­haustible; and if thou knowest how to make use of it; if thou wilt confine thyself thereto, all the enjoy­ments of the other continent are thine: a single stroke of a harpoon, dexterously thrown, will pro­duce a thousand times more wine in thy cellar, than if by a painful cultivation thou continuest obstinate, in acting contrary to my intentions.

Nature holds the same language to the other inha­bitants of the earth: she tells the French to use all their efforts in the fruitful soil which she has given [Page 159] them, and to cease traversing foreign seas to obtain, at an immense expence and much risk, the fish and all which the inhabitants of Nantucket procure with greater facility and more success and economy.

Why should not all nations understand a language [...]o simple, so wise▪ and so proper to produce univer­sal harmony? But how are they to be made to un­derstand it? By what means are they to be prevail­ed upon to adopt it? What means are proper to en­gage nations which might have a direct commerce between them, to sign a treaty of commerce, which should leave each at liberty to furnish that which it could export better and cheaper than others; and thus establish exchanges on the immutable laws of nature?

As soon as nations shall be enlightened enough to perceive the advantage of such a treaty, from that moment it will cease to be necessary, and every other treaty will be still less so. It will then be seen, that they all center in the single word liberty. It will be discovered that liberty can put every thing in its place; that liberty alone, without negociation or parchment, can every where give birth to an advan­tageous industry. Finally, that every where, and at all times, she has sported with those commercial conventions, of which politicians have so ridicu­lously boasted; of those conventions wherein the contracting parties are incessantly on the defensive with respect to each other—incessantly disposed to deceive, and frequently multiply the seeds of war in a work of peace.

Under such a system of liberty, there would be no longer occasion for craftiness in national policy with respect to commerce:—of what use would it be? No more strife; for it would have no object: no more jealousy or rivality; no more fear of making others prosper and become rich; because the riches of each state would be advantageous to the whole. [Page 160] In a word, according to this system, each nation would wish the other more means, in order to have more to give and more to receive. Commerce would become what it ought to be, the exchange of industry against industry; of enjoyments against en­joyments, and not against deprivations: finally, a state of riches, without poverty on any side.

What people have more right and title than the Americans, to be the first in adopting so philanthro­pical a system, and which is so conformable to the laws of nature—at least to do nothing which shall retard it among them? Let their Congress,—that respectable assembly, which may become the light of nations, and from whose deliberations universal happiness may result,—remain faithful to the indica­tions of this nature; let it interrogate her constantly, and give every nation the same salutary habitude.

If Europe refuses to admit the productions of the United States, let Congress, rejecting the poor policy of reprisals, open, by a great and republican resolu­tion, their ports to all European productions. What evil can result from this to the independent Ameri­cans? If European prohibitions rendered their means of exchange useless, European merchandize must of course be without a market in America; or, falling to a mean price in the United States, it would become profitable to the Americans in paying for it even with gold.

The law may be given to an idle and degraded na­tion, but never to one which is active and industri­ous. This always punishes, in some manner or other, the tyrannical proceedings of other nations. The force of things is alone sufficient to revenge it.

It is a misfortune to the United States, in not having been able to establish at first the noble system of which I have spoken, and to be obliged to have recourse to the miserable means of other govern­ments,—that of imposing duties on foreign merchan­dize [Page 161] to pay their debts. Every imposition but a quit-rent upon land is a source of errors. The pretended protecting duties imposed in Europe are one conse­quence of these errors, and of which the effect leads government astray, so far as to persuade them, that they possess a creative force equal to that of the Divi­nity himself. And what are these enterprises by which men would force nature? Miserable hot-houses,—wherein every thing is hastened to finish the sooner; wherein industry vainly exhausts itself to support an unnatural existence; and wherein a vi­gorous whole is frequently sacrificed to a corrupted part.

Let the Americans carefully avoid these erroneous enterprises: to insure themselves therefrom, let them consider the state of Europe. The Europeans have no longer any judgment in matters of impost: simple ideas are lost, and become impossible to be realized by the metaphysician, which it is necessary to employ to combat ignorance, prejudices and habitudes: all ideas of justice and propriety are confounded. A truth cannot be advanced without meeting, at every moment, false notions to combat. The man of in­formation is fatigued, disgusted, and frequently at a loss what to answer to objections proceeding from habits of error. He perceives with concern, that the laws of happiness cannot be written, but upon tables from which there is nothing to be effaced: and such, I flatter myself, is the situation of the United States. They are yet virgin states—they are unac­quainted with the institutions which end in chaos, wherein the love of public good loses all its force.

Montesquieu observes, that the enterprises of mer­chants are always necessarily mixed with public af­fairs; but that in monarchies, public affairs are for the most part suspicious in the eyes of the merchants. But prosperity and national glory depend on com­merce, as much in monarchies as in other constitu­tions. [Page 162] It is therefore the interest of monarchies to give to merchants that hope of prosperity which they have in republics, and which inclines them with ar­dour to every kind of commercial enterprise.

Provincial administrations are the surest means of producing this happy effect. If they were already established, the French would comprehend, how ab­surb it is to imagine that the United States will not discharge their public debt; how impossible it is that Republicans should make use of the dishonourable resource of bankruptcy and deception; and that their public spirit, their morals, and interest, require them to discharge this debt, contracted for the most legiti­mate and honourable cause that ever existed; and which is otherways but an atom when compared with their immense resources. French merchants would then give themselves less concern about the manner in which their merchandize was to be paid for in America. For in the improbable case of a want of American productions, or of precious me­tals, they have, as a last resource, the paper of Con­gress and the States; which paper it is an advantage to acquire, by the price at which it is obtained, by the interest it bears, the certainty of its being paid, and by the consequent transmission which may be made of it in commerce to the Dutch merchant, to whom the paper of the whole world becomes neces­sary the moment it merits confidence.

I have mentioned precious metals. The Ameri­cans are in the neighbourhood of the countries which produce them. These countries are the abodes of indolence, which dispenses no [...] with necessaries. Skins, &c. of animals, and some metals, are every thing that can be given there in exchange for articles of subsistence, which the inhabitants have not the courage to make their lands produce, and for the necessaries, for which they find it more convenient to pay with gold than with their industry. The in­dependent [Page 163] Americans will become factors, advanta­geously placed between European manufactures, and the inhabitants of regions condemned by nature to the sterile productions of metals. All the powers of Spain cannot prevent this, nor ought even to under­take it. This new consideration promising to the French payment, so foolishly desired in gold, ought to encourage them to prepare for a commercial con­nexion with the United States.

CONCLUSION, And Reflections on the Situation of the United States.

IT will be proper to finish this volume by some explanations of the pretended troubles which agi­tate the United States. These explanations are ne­cessary to destroy the unfavourable impressions which must be made by the unfaithful recitals of gazette writers, who, from servile prejudices or mean inte­rest, affect to spread doubts of the happy consequen­ces of the revolution. If we believe these people, the independent Americans are plunged into inextri­cable embarrassments, forced to become bankrupts, given up to the most violent anarchy, exposed to the tomahawk of the implacable Indians, &c. How is it possible to resolve to carry on a commerce with people whose situation is so deplorable? Ought not their ruin to be feared rather than their fortune hoped for, in the connexions which it is wished to form with them?

It is necessary to refute these falsehoods. It is so much the more so, as ignorance easily leads people, little acquainted with republican constitutions, into [Page 164] error; and that, led astray by the prejudices of their educations, a great number of Frenchmen look upon this form of government as a state perpetually in a ferment, wherein life and property are continually exposed to the greatest dangers.

These prejudices lead to the belief of the most puerile and absurd fables. The least attention is not paid to circumstances. Would the United States have a Congress of magistrates if it we [...] true that the people were at war with them? For how could Congress and the magistrates defend themselves? They have no other defence but the respect which each individual has for the law, this is their only force. It is the obligation that the constitution im­poses on them, in common with the meanest citi­zens, of being obedien [...] to the law, as the last means which constitute their only safety, and which maintains, in all cases and every where, the authority which the people have confided in them. They cannot employ a physical force farther than the peo­ple are willing to lend them, because they have nei­ther an army nor soldiers in pay.

A diversity of opinion exists wherever there are men. It belongs not to one constitutions more than to another; but the essence of a republican govern­ment is to leave to each individual the liberty of ex­pressing his sentiments on every subject.

In the United States, legislation is more and more formed in proportion as things relative to each other are verified, extended, and multiplied. Is it asto­nishing that debates should arise on account of the different laws which are proposed, discussed, and adopted? These debates become public, animate conversation, and make it highly interesting. But is this anarchy?

The word anarchy is one of those words which has been most abused and misapplied. It is there­fore necessary to explain it.

[Page 165]Where anarchy reigns, there is neither chief, go­vernment, laws, nor safety. Each individual be­comes the defender of his own person, the social contract is broken, and there is no longer any con­fidence or transactions, because there can be no more contracts. Authority, changing at every in­stant its rules, principles, and aim, becomes cruel or contemptible; it destroys, or is destroyed. Such a stare exists not long; or if it does exist, it soon di­vides society into armed herds, enemies to each other, and which subsist but in proportion as they fear and counterbalance each other's power.

Is any thing like this seen in the United States? Are there disputes even about the principles of the constitution, the fundamental laws, or the proposed end? Has not every thing relative to this been long since agreed upon? The present debates relate wholly to some rules of administration: it is upon the best manner of serving the public cause, and of supporting it, that minds are still in a salutary agita­tion; and this agitation hinders not more the regular course of public affairs and transactions, than the debates in the English Parliament hinder the mo­narch from naming to offices and conferring rank— than they stop the course of justice, or are impedi­ments to the affairs of every class of citizens.

The word anarchy is proper to states which, like Egypt, have twenty-four sovereigns, and neither laws nor government. It is applicable to the dege­nerated constitutions of Asia, where the administra­tion is divided into several departments, independent of each other, traversing one another in their views and pretensions, the operations of one part interfer­ing with those of the other, all having the power of making particular laws, or of suspending the effect of those which exist. There a real anarchy reigns, because it is not known where the government is, nor in whom the legislative power is vested. This [Page 166] incertitude brings on disorder, renders property un­stable, and endangers personal safety.

None of these evils exist in the United States. America is not yet gnawed by the vermin which devour Europe, by indestructible mendicity: thieves render not her forests dangerous; her public roads are not stained with blood shed by assassins. How should there be assassins and robbers? There are no beggars, no indigent persons, no subjects forced to steal the subsistence of others to procure one to them­selves. Every man finds there lands to produce him articles of subsistence: it is not loaded with taxes, but renders to each, with usury, a recompense for his labour. A man who can live easy and honour­ably, never consents to dishonour himself by useless crimes, which deliver him to the torments of remorse, dishonour, and the vengeance of society.

The ravages of the seven years war were undoubt­edly terrible; but as soon as the faulchion could be converted into a p [...]ough-share, the land became fer­tile, and misery disappeared. The American soldiers were citizens; and they were also proprietors before they became soldiers; they remained citizens in uni­form, and returned to their professions on quitting it: they did not fight for money, nor by profession, but for their liberty, their wives, child [...]en, and pro­perty; and such soldiers never resembled the banditti of the old continent, who are paid for killing their fellow-creatures, and who kill on the highways fo [...] their own account, when peace obliges their masters to disband them. There has been seen in America (what the annals of the world present not in any state, except that of Rome) a General, adored by his soldiers, divest himself of his power as soon as his services became no longer necessary, and retire into the bosom of peace and obscurity: a numerous ar­my, which was not paid, was seen generously to con­sent to disband without payment; the soldiers to re­tire, [Page 167] each to his home, without committing the least disorder, and where each tranquilly retook either his plough, or his first trade or profession; those trades which we in Europe look upon as vi [...]e.

The following advertisement is taken from the American papers, in which there are a thousand others of a like nature.

Two brothers, Captains who distinguished them­selves during the war, returned at the peace to their trade of hat-making;—they inserted in the gazette an advertisement as follows:

‘The brothers Bickers inform the public, that they are returned to their old profession of hatters, which they had abandoned to defend the liberty of their country. They hope that their fellow-ci­tizens will be pleased, in consideration of their courage and services, to favour them in their bu­siness, and pr [...]fer them to others.’ What Euro­pean Captain would put his name to a like advertise­ment?

This is what results from liberty: but what is in­conceivable in most European states, a military spi­rit reigns there, and its prejudices are predominant. War is the road to glory, ambition, and fortune; and to preserve t [...] this profession its lustre and prepon­derance, it is an established principle, that a standing army is necessary to maintain order in society; that it ought always to threaten the citizens, although peaceful, to keep them in submission to authority. This useless burden, this pernicious spirit, is un­known to the United States;—public spirit, much more favourable to good order, takes its place, and peace and safety reign without marechauss [...]e o [...] spies, or that police which disparages the morals and cha­racters of citizens. Public spirit supplies the place of all these means, whilst they will never supply the want of public spirit; nor, like it, produce the hap­piness of society.

[Page 168]In vain will prejudiced men exclaim, that this is declamation—I offer them facts. It is necessary to read the American gazettes—not those altered by the English gazette-writers, but those which are printed in America: these only can give a just idea of the situation of the United States.

The American should rather despise Europe, in remarking to us the continual slaughter we make of thieves and assassins; in comparing the immense number of dungeons, prisons, hospitals, and estab­lishments of every kind, instituted to cure or palliate the incurable ulcers of the old institutions: in com­paring this disgusting list with the very few murders and thefts committed in the United States, with the hospitals, truly domestic and humane, which are estab­lished there, with the happiness of each American family and their simple manners; and in proving to us, by their example, that a wise liberty regulates the social man, and renders useless those ruinous ma­chines with which he is crushed, lest he should do any harm.

These are the men, the laws, and the govern­ment, which Europeans have calumniated. These men who are destined to regenerate the dignity of the human species!—These laws which scourge no­thing but crimes,—which punish them every where, and are never silent in the face of power!—This go­vernment, which is the first that ever presented the image of a numerous family, well united, and com­pletely happy; wherein power is just, because it circu­lates through every hand, and rests in none; where­in obedience, because it is voluntary, anticipates command; wherein administration is simple and easy; because it leaves industry to itself; wherein the ma­gistrate has little to do, because the citizen is free, and that a citizen always respects the law and his fellow creatures! These are the prodigies which we calumniate: we, Europeans, enslaved by antiquated [Page 169] constitutions, and by the habitudes given to us by prejudices, of which we know not either the barba­rity or the frivolousness! We speak well, but act badly; why, therefore, do we calumniate men, who not only speak but act well? If it be not permitted us to have their virtues, nor to enjoy their happi­ness, let us not decry them; let us respect that su­periority to which we cannot attain.

It will, perhaps, be objected, that the government of England has deferred the conclusion of a treaty of commerce with the United States, under the pre­text that their constitutions were not yet sufficiently established. But can it be imagined that the English, who trade in Turky, with the Algerines, and at Grand Cairo, were serious when they decried and rejected commercial connexions with the United States, un­der the pretence that their legislation was not yet well enough established?

It cannot be doubted that the difference of position between the French and English merchants, respect­ing their governments, has a great influence upon their reciprocal prosperity; and for this reason, it should be incessantly repeated to the French govern­ment, that if it wishes to insure prosperity to its com­merce, it ought to adopt the means, which are, liberty of acting,—the right of protesting against the attempts made on that liberty,—and the certainty of justice,— without respect to persons:—these are the basis of the genius, industry, and greatness of a state; and with­out which, a great commerce cannot exist: this basis may be easily conciliated with the French constitu­tion.

[Page]

APPENDIX; CONSISTING OF AUTHENTIC PAPERS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. Added by the Editor

[Page]

Return of the whole Number of Persons within the several Dis­tricts of the United States, according to "an Act providing for the Enumeration of the Inhabitants of the United States;" passed March the 1st, 1791.

The return for South-Carolina having been made since the following Schedule was originally printed, the whole Enumeration is here given complete, except for the North-Western Territory, of which no Return has yet been published.

DISTRICTS. Free white males of 16 years and upwards, including heads of fa­milies. Free white males under 16 years. Free white females, including heads of fa­milies. All other free persons. Slaves. Total.
Vermont 22,435 22,328 40,505 255 16 85,539
N. Hampshire 36,086 34,851 70,160 630 158 141,885
Maine 24,384 24,748 46,870 538 NONE 96,540
Massachusetts 95,453 87,289 190,582 5463 NONE 378,787
Rhode-Island 16,019 15,799 32,652 3407 948 68,825
Connecticut 60,523 54,403 117,448 2808 2764 237,946
New-York 83,700 78,122 152,320 4654 21,324 340,120
New-Jersey 45,251 41,416 83,287 2762 11,423 184,139
Pennsylvania 110,788 106,948 206,363 6537 3737 434,373
Delaware 11,783 12,143 22,384 3899 8887 59,094
Maryland 55,915 [...]339 101,395 8043 103,036 319,728
Virginia 110,936 110,135 215,046 12,866 292,627 747,610
Kentucky 15,154 17,057 28,922 114 12,430 73,677
N. Carolina 69,988 77,506 140,710 4975 100,572 393,751
S. Carolina 35,576 37,722 66,880 1801 107,094 249,073
Georgia 13,103 14,044 25,739 398 29,264 82,548
  807,094 791,850 1,541,263 59,150 6 [...]4,280 3,893,635
  Free wh. males of 21 years and upwards. Free males un­der 21 years of age. Free white fe­males. All other per­sons. Slaves. Total.
S. W. Terr [...]y. N. ditto. 6271 10,277 15,365 3 [...]1 3417 35,691
[Page 174]

Schedule of the whole Number of Persons in the Territory of the United States of America, South of the River Ohio, as taken on the last Saturday of Jaly, 1791, by the Captains of the Militia within the Limits of their respective Districts.

WASHINGTON DISTRICT. Free white males of 21 years and upwards, in­cluding hds. of families Free white males un­der 21 years. Free white females, including heads of fa­milies. All other free persons. Slaves. Total of each county. Total of each district.
Counties.
  • Washington
  • Sullivan
  • Greene
  • Hawkins
  • S. of F. Broad
1009 1792 2524 12 535 5872  
806 1242 1995 107 297 4447  
1293 2374 3580 40 454 7741  
1204 197 [...] 2921 68 807 6970  
681 1082 1627 66 163 3619  
              28,649
MERO DISTRICT.              
Coun [...].
  • Davidson
  • Sumner
  • Tennessee
639 855 1288 18 659 3459  
404 582 854 8 34 [...] 2196  
235 380 576 42 154 138 [...] 7042
6271 10,277 15,36 [...] 361 345 [...]   35,691

Note.—There are several Captains who have not as yet returned the Schedules of the numbers of their Districts, namely;—in Greene County, three—in Davidson, one—and South of French-Board, one District.

W. BLOUNT.
By the Governor, DANIEL SMITH, Secretary.

Truly stated from the original returns deposited in the office of the Secretary of State.

T. JEFFERSON.
October 24, 1791.

[Page 175]In point of size the towns in the United States may be ranked [...]n this order:—Philadelphia, New-York, Boston, Baltimore, Charleston, &c: In point of trade, New-York, Philadelphia, Boston, Charles­ton, Baltimore, &c.

From the preceding tables it is indubitable that the number of inhabitants in the United States con­siderably exceeded four millions in the year 1791, exclusive of those in the Northern Territory, and some other districts. If to this we add Dr. Frank­lin's calculation, "That the number of the inha­bitants of America is double every twenty years," this number must be increased to considerably above eight millioas in the year 1811, exclusive of emi­grants from the Old World.

The English reader, we hope, will not be offend­ed, if, in this place, we say a word or two on the population of Great-Britain. It is a current opi­nion, that the population of our island is yearly in­creasing. The fact is quite the reverse: but the as­sertion would signify nothing, if there were not in­contestible proofs or it. The proofs are these:—

Number of houses in England and Wales, taken from the return of the sur­veyors of the house and window duties; wherein they are stated distinctly, charg­ed, chargeable and excused.
Total of houses in 1759
986,482
— in 1761
980,692
— in 1777
952,734
Total of houses according to the hearth-books in 1690, as stated by Dr. Davenant (see his works, vol. i. page 38)
1,319,215

In Scotland the number of houses paying the house and window duties was, in 1777, only 16,206.

If the district returns of the parishes are examin­ed, it will be manifest, that a calculation of five [Page 176] perso [...] to every house is a large allowance. From all which thi [...] result is obvious—That the number of inhabitants in England and Wales is considerably short [...] five millions! that, perhaps, including Scot­land, the whole island of Great-Britain does not ex­c [...]ed that number.

The curiosity of the present moment may allow us [...]o cast our eye upon France, concerning this sub­ject. The intendants of the provinces of France were ordered, in the years 1771 and 1772, to make a return of the number of inhabitants in their re­spective districts. The return of 1772 states the number to be 25,741,320. See Recherches sur la po­pulation le la France, pa [...] M. Moheau.

It would be a right measure in every government to cause a survey to be made annually of the num­ber of inhabitants. It is done at Naples by order of the King, and is published annually in the Court Calenders. [...] will probably follow the ex­ample.

Observation on the Population of America. Written by Dr. Benjamin Franklin. Printed at Philadelphia in the [...] 1755.

Tables of the proportion of marriages to births, of deaths to births, of marriages to the numbers of inhabitants, &c. formed on observations made on the bills of mortality, christenings, &c. of populous cities, will not suit countries; nor will tables formed on observations made on full settled old countries, as Europe, [...]it new countries as America.

For people increase in proportion to the number of marriages, and that is greater in proportion to the ease and convenience of supporting a family. When families can be easily suppo [...]ed, more per­sons marry, and earlier in life.

[Page 177]In cities, where all trades, occupations, and of­fices are full, many delay until they can see how to bear the charges of a family; which charges are greater in cities, as luxury is more common; many live single during life, and continue servants to fa­milies, journeymen to trades, &c. hence cities do not by natural generation supply themselves with inhabitants; the deaths are more than the births.

In countries full settled the case must be nearly the same; all lands being occupied and improved to the height, those who cannot get land must labour for those who have it; when labourers are plenty, their wages will be low; by low wages a family is supported with difficulty; this difficulty deters many from marriage, who therefore long continue servants and single. Only as cities take supplies of people from the country, and thereby make a little more room in the country, marriage is a little more en­couraged there, and the births exceed the deaths.

Great part of Europe is full settled with husband­men, manufacturers, &c. and therefore cannot now much increase in people. Land being plenty in America, and so cheap as that a labouring man, who understands husbandry, can in a short time save money enough to purchase a piece of new land suf­ficient for a plantation, whereon he may subsist a family, such are not afraid to marry; for even if they look far enough forward to consider how their children, when grown, are to be provided for, they see that more land is to be had at rates equally easy, all circumstances considered.

Hence marriages in America are more general, and more generally early, than in Europe. And if it is reckoned there, that there is but one marriage per annum among one hundred persons, perhaps we may here reckon two; and if in Europe they have but four births to a marriage (many of their marri­ages being late) we may here reckon eight; of which, [Page 178] if one half grow up, and our marriages are made, reckoning one with another, at twenty years of age, our people must at least he doubled every twenty years.

But notwithstanding this increase, so vast is the territory of North America, that it will require many ages to settle it fully; and until it is fully set­tled, labour will never be cheap here, where no man continues long a labourer for others, but gets a plan­tation of his own; no man continues long a jour­neyman to a trade, but goes among these new set­tlers, and sets up for himself, &c. Hence labour is no cheaper now in Pennsylvania than it was thirty years ago, though so many thousand labouring peo­ple have been imported from Germany and Ireland.

In proportion to the increase of the colonies, a vast demand is growing for British manufactures; a glorious market wholly in the power of Britain, in which foreigners cannot interfere, which will in­crease in a short time even beyond her power of supplying, though her whole trade should be to her colonies.

Of the Western Territory.

It is a mistake in those who imagine that the new state of Kentucky comprises the Western Territory of North-America. That new state includes but a small part of this great domain. The state of Kentucky is described to be bounded on the south by North-Carolina, on the north by Sandy creek, on the west by Cumberland river, making about two hundred and fifty miles in length, and two hun­dred miles in breadth; whereas the whole Western Territory is infinitely more extensive. The limits are unknown; but that part of it which was sur­veyed by Captain Hutchins, geographer to the Con­gress, he has given us a short account of. From his [Page 179] account, because it is known to be authentic, we have extracted the following.

The part he surveyed lies between the 33d and 45th degrees of latitude, and the 78th and 94th de­grees of longitude, containing an extent of terri­tory, which, for healthfulness, fertility of soil, and variety of productions, is not perhaps surpassed by any on the habitable globe.

"The lands comprehended between the river Ohio, at Fort-Pitt, and the Laurel mountain, and thence continuing the same breadth from Fort-Pitt to the Great Kanhawa river, may, according to my own observations, and those of the late Mr. Gist, of Virginia, be generally, and justly described as follows.

"The vallies adjoining to the branches or springs of the middle f [...]rks of Youghiogeny, are narrow towards its source; but there [...] a considerable quan­tity of good farming grounds on the hills, near the largest branch of that river. The lands within a small distance of the Laurel mountain (through which the Youg [...]iogeny runs) are in many places broken and stony, but rich and well timbered; and in some places, and particularly on Laurel creek, they are rocky and mountainous.

"From the Laurel mountain to Monongahela, the first seven miles are good, level farming grounds, with fine meadows; the timber, white oak, chesnut, hickory, &c. The same kind of land continues southerly (twelve miles) to the upper branches or forks of this river, and about fifteen miles northerly to the place where the Youghiogeny falls into the Monongahela. The lands, for about eighteen miles in the same course of the last-mentioned river, on each side of it, though hilly, are rich and well tim­bered. The trees are walnut, locust, chesnut, pop­lar, and sugar or sweet maple. The low lands, near the river, are about a mile, and in several places [Page 180] two miles wide. For a considerable way down the river, on the eastern side of it, the intervals are ex­tremely rich, and about a mile wide. The upland for about twelve miles eastwardly, are uncommonly fertile, and well timbered; the low lands, on the western side, are narrow; but the uplands, on the eastern side of the river, both up and down, are ex­cellent, and covered with sugar trees, &c.

"Such parts of the country which lie on some of the branches of the Monongahela, and across the heads of several rivers that run into the Ohio, though in general hilly, are exceedingly fruitful and well watered. The timber is walnut, chesnut, ash, oak, sugar trees, &c. and the interval or meadow lands are from two hundred and fifty yards to a quarter of a mile wide.

"The lands lying nearly in a north-westerly di­rection from the Great Kanhawa river to the Ohio, and thence north-easterly, and also upon Le Tort's creek, Little Kanhawa river, Buffaloe, Fishing, Weeling, and the two upper, and two lower, and several other very considerable creeks, (or what, in Europe, would be called large rivers) and thence east, and south-east to the river Monongahela, are, in point of quality, as follows.

"The borders or meadow lands are a mile, and in some places near two miles wide; and the uplands are in common of a most fertile soil, capable of abundantly producing wheat, hemp, flax, &c.

"The lands which lie upon the Ohio, at the mouths of, and between the above creeks, also con­sist of rich intervals and very fine farming grounds. The whole country abounds in bears, elks, buffaloe, deer, turkies, &c. An unquestionable proof of the extraordinary goodness of its soil! Indiana lies within the territory here described. It contains about three millions and an half of acres, and was granted to Samuel Wharton, William Trent, and [Page 181] George Morgan, Esquires, and a few other persons, in the year 1768.

"Fort-Pitt stands at the confluence of the Alleg­heny and Monongahela rivers; in latitude 40° 31′ 44″, and about five degrees westward of Philadel­phia. In the year 1760, a small town, called Pitts­burgh, was built near Fort-Pitt, and about two hundred families resided in it; but upon the Indian war breaking out (in the month of May, 1763) they abandoned their houses, and retired into the fort.

"In the year 1765 the present town of Pittsburgh was laid out. It is built on the eastern bank of the river Monongahela, about two hundred yards from Fort-Pitt.

"The junction of the Allegheny and Mononga­hela rivers forms the river Ohio, and this discharges itself into the Mississippi, (in latitude 36° 43′) about one thousand one hundred and eighty-eight com­puted miles from Fort-Pitt. The Ohio, in its pas­sage to the Mississippi, glides through a pleasant, fruitful, and healthy country, and carries a great uniformity of breadth, from four hundred to six hundred yards, except at its confluence with the Mississippi, and for one hundred miles above it, where it is one thousand yards wide. The Ohio, for the greater part of the way to the Mississippi, has many meanders, or windings, and rising grounds upon both sides of it.

"The reaches in the Ohio are in some parts from two to four miles in length, and one of them, above the Muskingum river, called the Long Reach, is sixteen miles and an half long. The Ohio, about 100 miles above, or northerly of the Rapids, (for­merly called the Falls) is in many places 700 yards wide; and as it approaches them, the high grounds on its borders gradually diminish, and the country becomes more level. Some of the banks, or heights [Page 182] of this river, are at times overflowed by great freshes; yet there is scarce a place between Fort-Pitt and the Rapids, (a distance of 705 computed miles) where a good road may not be made; and horses employ­ed in drawing up large barges (as is done on the mar­gin of the river Thames in England, and the Seine in France) against a stream remarkably gentle, ex­cept in high freshes. The heights of the banks of the Ohio admit them every where to be settled, as they are not liable to crumble away.

"To these remarks it may be proper to add the following observations of the ingenious Mr. Lewis Evans. He says, that 'the Ohio river, as the win­ter snows are thawed by the warmth or rains in the spring, rises in vast floods, in some places exceeding twenty feet in height, but scarce any where over­flowing its high and upright banks. These floods,' Mr. Evans adds, 'continue of some height for at least a month or two, according to the late or early breaking up of the winter. Vessels from 100 to 200 tons burthen, by taking the advantage of these floods, may go from Pittsburgh to the sea with safety, as then the falls, rifts, and shoals, are covered to an e­quality with the rest of the rivers;'—and though the distance is upwards of 2000 miles from Fort-Pitt to the sea, yet as there are no obstructions to prevent vessels from proceeding both day and night, I am persuaded that this extraordinary inland voyage may be performed, during the season of the floods, by rowing, in sixteen or seventeen days.

"The navigation of the Ohio in a dry season, is rather troublesome from Fort-Pitt to the Mingo town (about 75 miles) but from thence to the Mis­sissippi there is always a sufficient depth of water for barges, carrying from 100 to 200 tons burthen, built in the manner as those are which are used on the ri­ver Thames, between London and Oxford;—to wit, from 100 to 120 feet in the keel, sixteen to eighteen [Page 183] feet in breadth, and four feet in depth, and when loaded, drawing about three feet water.

"The Rapids, in a dry season, are difficult to de­scend with loaded boats or barges.

[But instead of the carrying place now used, it is intended to substitute a canal on the contrary side of the river.]

"Most of the hills on both sides of the Ohio are filled with excellent coal, and a coal mine was in the year 1760, opened opposite to Fort-Pitt, on the river Monongahela, for the use of that garrison. Salt springs, as well as iron ore, and rich lead mines, are found bordering upon the river Ohio. One of the latter is opened on a branch of the Scioto river, and there the Indian natives supply themselves with a considerable part of the lead which they use in their wars and hunting.

"About 584 miles below Fort-Pitt, and on the eastern side of the Ohio river, about three miles from it, at the head of a small creek or run, where are se­veral large and miry salt springs, are found numbers of large bones, teeth, and tusks, commonly supposed to be those of elephants:—but the celebrated Doctor Hunter of London, in his ingenious and curious observations on these bones, &c. has supposed them to belong to some carnivorous animal, larger than an ordinary elephant.

"On the north-western side of Ohio, about eleven miles below the Cherokee-river, on a high bank, are the remains of Fort-Massac, built by the French, and intended as a check to the southern Indians. It was destroyed by them in the year 1763. This is a high, healthy, and delightful situation. A great va­riety of game, buffaloe, bear, deer, &c. as well as ducks, geese, swans, turkies, pheasants, patridges, &c. abounds in every part of this country.

"The Ohio, and the rivers emptying into it, af­ford green and other turtle, and fish of various [Page 184] sorts; particularly carp, sturgeon, perch, and cats; the two latter of an uncommon size, viz. perch from eight to twelve pounds weight, and cats from fifty to one hundred pounds weight.

"The lands upon the Ohio, and its branches, are differently timbered according to their quality and situation. The high and dry lands are covered with red, white and black oak, hickory, walnut, red and white mulberry and ash trees, grape-vines, &c. the low and meadow lands are filled with sycamore, poplar, red and white mulberry, cherry, beach, elm, aspen, maple, or sugar trees, grape-vines, &c. and below, or southwardly of the Rapids, are several large cedar and cypress swamps, where the cedar and cypress trees grow to a remarkable size, and where also is a great abundance of canes, such as grow in South-Carolina. The country on both sides of the Ohio, extending south-easterly, and south-westerly from Fort-Pitt to the Mississippi, and water­ed by the Ohio river, and its branches, contains at least a million of square miles, and it may, with truth, be affirmed, that no part of the globe is blessed with a more healthful air, or climate; watered with more navigable rivers and branches communicating with the Atlantic Ocean, by the rivers Potowmack, James, Rappahannock, Mississippi, and St. Law­rence, or capable of producing, with less labour and expence, wheat, Indian corn, buck-wheat, rye, oats, barley, flax, hemp, tobacco, rice, silk, pot-ash, &c. than the country under consideration. And although there are considerable quantities of high lands for about 250 miles (on both sides of the river Ohio) southwardly from Fort-Pitt, yet even the summits of most of the hills are covered with a deep rich soil, fit for the culture of flax and hemp; and it may also be added, that no soil can possibly yield larger crops of red and white clover, and other useful grass, than this does.

[Page 185]"On the north-west and south-east sides of the Ohio, below the great Kanhawa river, at a little dis­tance from it, are extensive natural meadows, or sa­vannahs. These meadows are from 20 to 50 miles in circuit. They have many beautiful groves of trees interspersed, as if by art, in them, and which serve as a shelter for the innumerable herds of buffa­loe, deer, &c. with which they abound.

"I am obliged to a worthy friend and country­man for the following just and judicious observa­tions. They were addressed to the Earl of Hillsbo­rough, in the year 1770, when secretary of state for the North-American department; and were written by Mr. Samuel Wharton of Philadelphia, who at that time resided in London, having some business there with Mr. Strahan, Mr. Almon, &c.

"No part of North-America," he says, "will re­quire less encouragement for the production of na­val stores, and raw materials for manufactories in Europe, and for supplying the West-India islands with lumber, provisions, &c. than the country of the Ohio;—and for the following reasons:—

"First, The lands are excellent, the climate tem­perate, the native grapes, silk worms, and mulberry trees, abound every where: hemp, hops, and rye, grow spontaneously in the vallies and low lands; lead and iron ore are plenty in the hills; salt springs are innumerable; and no soil is better adapted to the cul­ture of tobacco, flax, and cotton, than that of the Ohio.

"Second, The country is well watered by several navigable rivers, communicating with each other; by which, and a short land carriage, the produce of the lands of the Ohio can, even now (in the year 1772) be sent cheaper to the sea-port town of Alexandria, on the river Potowmack in Virginia (where General Brad­dock's transports landed his troops,) than any kind of merchandize is sent from Northampton to London.

[Page 186]"Third, The river Ohio is, at all seasons of the year, navigable with large boats, like the west coun­try barges, rowed only by four or five men; and from the month of February to April large ships may be built on the Ohio, and sent to sea laden with hemp, iron, flax, silk, tobacco, cotton, pot-ash, &c.

"Fourth, Flour, corn, beef, ship-plank, and other useful articles, can be sent down the stream of the Ohio to West-Florida, and from thence to the West-India islands, much cheaper, and in better order, than from New-York or Philadelphia to these islands.

"Fifth, Hemp, tobacco, iron, and such bulky ar­ticles, may also be sent down the stream of the Ohio to the sea, and at least 50 per cent. cheaper than these articles were ever carried by land carriage, of only 60 miles, in Pennsylvania: where waggonage is cheaper than in any other part of North-America.

"Sixth, The expence of transporting European manufactories from the sea to the Ohio, will not be so much as is now paid, and must ever be paid, to a great part of the counties of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Maryland. Whenever the farmers or merchants of Ohio shall properly understand the business of transportation, they will build schooners, sloops, &c. on the Ohio, suitable for the West-India, or Euro­pean markets; or, by having black-walnut, cherry-tree, oak, &c. properly sawed for foreign markets, and formed into rafts, in the manner that is now done by the settlers near the upper parts of Dela­ware river in Pennsylvania, and thereon stow their hemp, iron, tobacco, &c. and proceed with them to New-Orleans.

"It may not, perhaps, be amiss, to observe, that large quantities of flour are made in the distant (wes­tern) counties of Pennsylvania, and sent by an ex­pensive land carriage to the city of Philadelphia, and from thence shipped to South-Carolina and to East and West Florida, there being little or no wheat [Page 187] raised in th [...]se provinces. The river Ohio seems kindly designed by nature as the channel through which the two Floridas may be supplied with flour, not only for their own consumption, but also for the carrying on an extensive commerce with Jamaica and the Spanish settlements in the Bay of Mexico. Millstones in abundance are to be obtained in the hills near the Ohio, and the country is every where well watered with large and constant springs and streams, for grist and other mills.

"The passage from Philadelphia to Pensacola is seldom made in less than a month, and sixty shil­lings sterling per ton freight (consisting of sixteen bar­rels) is usually paid for flour, &c. thither. Boats carrying 800 or 1000 barrels of flour, may go in about the same time from the Ohio (even from Pitts­burgh) as from Philadelphia to Pensacola; and for half the above freight the Ohio merchants would be able to deliver flour, &c. there in much better order than from Philadelphia, and without incurring the damage and delay of the sea, and charges of insur­ance, &c. as from thence to Pensacola.

"This is not mere speculation; for it is a fact, that about the year 1746, there was a great scarcity of provisions at New-Orleans, and the French set­tlements, at the Illinois, small as they then were, sent thither in one winter, upwards of eight hundred thou­sand weight of flour."

"I shall now proceed to give a brief account of the several rivers and creeks which fall into the river Ohio.

"Canawagy, when raised by freshes, is passable with small batteaux, to a little lake at its head;—from thence there is a portage of twenty miles to lake Erie, at the mouth of Jadághque. The portage is seldom used, because Canawagy has scarcely any wa­ter in it in a dry season.

[Page 188]"Bughaloons is not navigable, but is remarkable for extensive meadows bordering upon it.

"French Creek affords the nearest passage to lake Erie. It is navigable with small boats to Le Beuf, by a very crooked channel; the portage thence to Presquile, from an adjoining peninsula, is 15 miles. This is the usual route from Quebec to Ohio.

"Licking and Lacomic Creeks do not afford any navigation; but there is plenty of coals and stones for building in the hills which adjoin them.

"Toby's Creek is deep enough for batteaux for a considerable way up, thence by a short portage to the west branch of Susquehannah, a good communica­tion is carried on between Ohio and the eastern parts of Pennsylvania.

"Moghulbughkitum is passable also by flat bot­tom boats in the same manner as Toby's Creek is to Susquehannah, and from thence to all the settlements. in Northumberland county, &c. in Pennsylvania.

"Kishkeminetas is navigable in like manner as the preceding creeks, for between 40 and 50 miles, and good portages are found between Kishkeminetas, Ju­niat [...]a, and Potowmack rivers.—Coal and salt are discovered in the neighbourhood of these rivers.

"Monongahela is a large river, and at its junc­tion with the Allegheny river, stands Fort-Pitt. It is deep, and gentle, and navigable with batteaux and barges, beyond Red-Stone creek, and still farther with lighter craft. At sixteen miles from its mouth is Youghiogeny; this river is navigable with batteaux or barges, to the foot of Laurel-hill.

"Beaver Creek has water sufficient for flat bot­tom boats. At Kishkuskes, (about 16 miles up) are two branches of this creek, which spread opposite ways; one interlocks with French Creek and Che­râge,—the other with Muskingum and Cayahoga; on this branch, about thirty-five miles above the [Page 189] forks, are many salt-springs.—Cayahoga is practi­cable with canoes about twenty miles farther.

"Muskingum is a fine gentle river, confined by high banks, which prevent its floods from overflow­ing the surrounding land. It is 250 yards wide at its confluence with the Ohio, and navigable, with­out any obstructions, by large batteaux or barges, to the Three Legs, and by small ones to a little lake at its head.

"From thence to Cayahoga (the creek that leads to lake Erie) the Muskingum is muddy, and not very swift, but no where obstructed with falls or rifts. Here are fine uplands, extensive meadows, oak and mulberry trees fit for ship-building, and walnut, ches­nut, and poplar trees, suitable for domestic services. —Cayahoga furnishes the best portage between Ohio and lake Erie; at its mouth it is wide and deep enough to receive large sloops from the lake. It will hereafter be a place of great importance.

"Muskingum, in all its wide-extended branches, is surrounded by most excellent land, and abounds in springs, and conveniencies particularly adapted to settlements remote from sea navigations;—such as salt springs, coal, clay, and free stone. In 1784 a coal mine opposite to Lamenshicola mouth took fire, and continued burning about twelve months, but great quantities of coal still remain in it. Near the same place are excellent whetstones, and about eight miles higher up the river, is plenty of white and blue clay for glass works and pottery.

"Hockhocking is navigable with large flat bot­tom boats between seventy and eighty miles; it has fine meadows with high banks, which seldom over­flow, and rich uplands on its borders. Coal and quarries of free-stone are found about 15 miles up this creek.

"Big Kanhawa falls into the Ohio upon its south-eastern side, and is so considerable a branch of this [Page 190] river, that it may be mistaken for the Ohio itself by persons ascending it. It is slow for ten miles, to lit­tle broken hills,—the low land is very rich, and of about the same breadth, (from the pipe hills to the falls) as upon the Ohio. After going ten miles up Kanhawa, the land is hilly, and the water a little rapid for 50 or 60 miles further to the falls, yet bat­teaux or barges m [...]y be easily rowed thither. These falls were formerly thought impassable; but late dis­coveries have proved, that a waggon road may be made through the mountain, which occasions the falls, and that by a portage of a few miles only, a communication may be had between the waters of Great Kanhawa and Ohio, and those of James river in Virginia.

"Tottery lies upon the south-eastern side of the Ohio, and is navigable with batteaux to the Ouasioto mountains. It is a long river, has few branches, and interlocks with Red Creek, or Clinche's River (a branch of the Cuttawa;) and has below the moun­tains, especially for 15 miles from its mouth, very good land. Here is a perceptible difference of cli­mate between the upper and this part of Ohio. Here the large reed, or Carolina cane, grows in plenty, even upon the upland, and the winter is so moderate as not to destroy it. The same moderation of cli­mate continues down Ohio, especially on the south-east side, to the rapids, and thence on both sides of that river to the Mississippi.

"Great Salt Lick Creek is remarkable for fine land, plenty of buffaloes, salt springs, white clay, and lime-stone. Small boats may go to the crossing of the war-path without any impediment. The salt springs render the waters unfit for drinking, but the plenty of fresh springs in their vicinity makes suf­ficient amends for this inconvenience.

"Kentucky is larger than the preceding creek▪ it is surrounded with high clay banks, fertile lands, [Page 191] and large salt springs. Its navigation is interrupted by shoals, but passable with small boats to the gap, where the war-path goes through the Ouasioto mountains.

"Scioto is a large gentle river, bordered with rich flats, or meadows. It overflows in the spring, and then spreads about half a mile, though when confined within its banks, it is scarce a furlong wide.

"If it floods early, it seldom retires within its banks in less than a month, and is not fordable fre­quently in less than two months.

"The Scioto, besides having a great extent of most excellent land on both sides of the river, is furnished with salt, on an eastern branch, and red bole on Necunsia Skeintat. The stream of Scioto is gentle and passable, with large batteaux or barges, for a considerable way, and with smaller boats near 200 miles, to a portage of only four miles to San­dusky.

"Sandusky is a considerable river abounding in level land; its stream gentle all the way to the mouth, where it is large enough to receive sloops. The northern Indians cross Lake Erie here from island to island, land at Sandusky, and go by a direct path to the Lower Shawanoe town, and thence to the gap of the Ouasioto mountain, in their way to the Cutta­wa country.

"Little Mineami river is too small to navigate with batteaux. It has much fine land and several salt springs; its high banks and gentle current pre­vent its much overflowing the surrounding lands in freshes.

"Great Mineami, Assereniet or Rocky river, has a very stony channel; a swift stream, but no falls. It has several large branches, passable with boats a great way; one extending westward towards the Quiaghtena river, another towards a branch of Mi­neami river (which runs into Lake Erie,) to which [Page 192] there is a portage, and a third has a portage to the west branch of Sandusky, besides Mad Creek, where the French formerly established themselves. Rising ground, here and there a little stony, begins in the northern part of the peninsula, between the lakes Erie, Huron, and Michigan, and extends across little Mineami river below the Forks, and southwardly along the Rocky river, to Ohio.

"Buffaloe river falls into the Ohio on the eastern side of it, at the distance of 925 computed miles from Fort-Pitt. It is a very considerable branch of the Ohio; is 200 yards wide, navigable upwards of 150 miles for batteaux or barges, of 30 feet long, five feet broad, and three feet deep, carrying about seven tons, and can be navigated much farther with large ca­noes. The stream is moderate. The lands on both sides of the river are of a most luxuriant quality, for the production of hemp, flax, wheat, tobacco, &c. They are covered with a great variety of lofty and useful timber; as oak, hickory, mulberry, elm, &c. Several persons who have ascended this river say, that salt springs, coal, lime, and free-stone, &c. are to be found in a variety of places.

"The Wabash is a beautiful river, with high and upright banks, less subject to overflow than any other river, (the Ohio excepted) in this pa [...]t of Ame­rica. It discharges itself into the Ohio, one thou­sand and twenty-two miles below Fort-Pitt, in lati­tude 37° 41′.—At its mouth it is 270 yards wide; is navigable to Ouiatanon (412 miles) in the spring, summer, and autumn, with batteaux or barges, drawing about three feet water. From thence, on account of a rocky bottom, and shoal water, large canoes are chiefly employed, except when the river is swelled with rains, at which time it may be as­cended with boats, such as I have just described, (197 miles further) to the Miami carrying place, which is nine miles from the Miami village, and [Page 193] this is situated on a river of the same name, that runs into the south-south-west part of Lake Erie.— The stream of the Wabash is generally gentle to Fort-Ouiatanon, and no where obstructed with falls, but is by several rapids, both above and below that fort, some of which are pretty considerable. There is also a part of the river, for about three miles, and 30 miles from the carrying place, where the channel is so narrow, that it is necessary to make use of set­ting poles instead of oars. The land on this river is remarkably fertile, and several parts of it are na­tural meadows, of great extent, covered with fine long grass. The timber is large and high, and in such variety, that almost all the different kinds grow­ing upon the Ohio and its branches (but with a greater proportion of black and white mulberry-trees) may be found here.—A silver mine has been discovered about 28 miles above Ouiatanon, [...] northern side of the Wabash, and probably others may be found hereafter. The Wabash abounds with salt springs, and any quantity of salt may be made from them, in the manner now done at the Saline in the Illinois country:—the hills are reple­nished with the best coal, and there is plenty of lime and free stone, blue, yellow and white clay, for glass works and pottery. Two French settlements are established on the Wabash, called Post Vincient and Ouiatanon; the first is 150 miles, and the other 262 miles from its mouth. The former is on the eastern side of the river, and consists of 60 settlers and their families. They raise Indian corn, wheat, and tobacco of an extraordinary good quality, su­perior, it is said, to that produced in Virginia. They have a fine breed of horses (brought originally by the Indians from the Spanish settlements on the western side of the river Mississippi), and large stocks of swine and black cattle. The settlers deal with the natives for furs and deer skins, to the amount of [Page 194] about 5000l. annually. Hemp of a good texture grows spontaneously in the low lands of the Wabash, as do grapes in the greatest abundance, having a black, thin skin, and of which the inhabitants in the autumn make a sufficient quantity (for their own consumption) of well-tasted red-wine. Hops, large and good are found in many places, and the lands are particularly adapted to the culture of rice. All European fruits;—apples, peaches, pears, cherries, currants, goosberries, melons, &c. thrive well, both here and in the country bordering on the river Ohio.

"Ouiatanon is a small stockaded fort on the west­ern side of the Wabash, in which about a dozen fa­milies reside. The neighbouring Indians are the Kickapoos, Musquitons, Pyankishaws, and a princi­pal part of the Ouiatanons. The whole of these tribes consist, it is supposed, of about one thousand war­riors. The fertility of soil, and diversity of timber in this country, are the same as in the vicinity of Post Vincient. The annual amount of skins and furs obtained at Ouiatanon is aboat 8000l. By the river Wabash, the inhabitants of Detroit move to the southern parts of Ohio and the Illinois country. Their rout is by the Miami river to a carrying place, which, as before stated, is nine miles to the Wabash, when this river is raised with freshes; but at other seasons, the distance is from 18 to 30 miles, including the portage. The whole of the latter is through a level country. Carts are usually employed in transport­ing boats and merchandize from the Miami to the Wabash river.

"The Shawanoe river empties itself on the eastern side of Ohio, about 95 miles southwardly of the Wabash river. It is 250 yards wide at its mouth, ha [...] been navigated 180 miles in batteaux of the con­struction of those mentioned in the preceding article, and from the depth of water, at that distance from [Page 195] its mouth, it is presumed, it may be navigated much further. The soil and timber of the lands upon this river are exactly the same as those upon Buf­faloe river.

"The Cherokee river discharges itself into the Ohio on the same side that the Shawanoe river does, that is, 13 miles below or southerly of it, and 11 miles above, or northerly of the place where Fort-Massac formerly stood, and 57 miles from the con­fluence of the Ohio with the river Mississippi. The Cherokee river has been navigated 900 miles from its mouth. At the distance of 220 miles from thence, it widens from 400 yards, (its general width) to be­tween two and three miles, and continues this breadth for near thirty miles farther. The whole of this dis­tance is called the Muscle Shoals. Here the chan­nel is obstructed with a number of islands, formed by trees and drifted wood, brought hither, at differ­ent seasons of the year, in freshes and floods. In passing these islands, the middle of the widest inter­mediate water is to be navigated, as there it is deepest. From the mouth of the Cherokee river to Muscle Shoals the current is moderate, and both the high and low lands are rich, and abundantly covered with oaks, walnut, sugar-trees, hickory, &c. About 200 miles above these shoals is, what is called, the Whirl, or Suck, occasioned, I imagine, by the high moun­tain, which there confines the river (supposed to be the Laurel mountain.) The Whirl, or Suck, con­tinues rapid for about three miles. Its width about fifty yards. Ascending the Cherokee river, and at about 100 miles from the Suck, and upon the south-eastern side of that river, is Highwasce river. Vast tracts of level and rich land border on this river; but at a small distance from it, the country is much bro­ken, and some parts of it produce only pine trees. Forty miles higher up the Cherokee river, on the north-western side, is Clin [...]he's river. It is 150 yards [Page 196] wide, and about fifty miles up it several families are settled. From Clinche's to Tenesee river is one hundred miles. It comes in on the eastern side, and is 250 yards wide. About ten miles up this ri­ver is a Cherokee town, called Chota, and further up this branch are several other Indian towns, pos­sessed by Indians, called, the Overhill Cherokees. The navigation of this branch is much interrupted by rocks, as is also the river called French Broad, which comes into the Cherokee river fifty miles above the Tenesee, and on the same side. One hun­dred and fifty miles above French Broad is Long-Island, (three miles in length) and from thence to the source of the Cherokee river is sixty miles, and the whole distance is so rocky as to be scarcely navi­gable with a canoe.

"By the Cherokee river, the emigrants from the frontier counties of Virginia and North-Carolina, pass to the settlements in West-Florida, upon the river Mississippi. They embark at Long-Island.

"I will now proceed to give a description of that part called the Illinois country, lying between the Mississippi westerly, the Illinois river northerly, the Wabash easterly, and the Ohio southerly.

"The land at the confluence, or fork of the rivers Mississippi and Ohio, is above twenty feet higher than the common surface of these rivers; yet so con­siderable are the spring floods, that it is generally overflowed for about a week, as are the lands for several miles back in the country.—The soil at the fork is composed of mud, earth, and sand, accumu­lated from the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. It is ex­ceedingly fertile, and in its natural state yields hemp, pea-vines, grass, &c. and a great variety of trees, and in particular the aspen tree, of an unusual height and thickness.

"For 25 miles up the Mississippi (from the Ohio) the country is rich, level, and well timbered; and [Page 197] then several gentle rising grounds appear, which gradually diminish at the distance of between four and five miles eastward from the river. From thence to the Kaskaskias river is 65 miles. The country is a mixture of hills and vallies; some of the former are rocky and steep; but they, as well as the vallies, are shaded with fine oaks, hickory, walnut, ash, and mulberry trees, &c. Some of the high grounds af­ford most pleasant situations for settlements. Their elevated and airy positions, together with the great luxuriance of the soil, every where yielding plenty of grass, and useful plants, promise health, and ample returns to industrious settlers.

"Many quarries of lime, free-stone, and marble, have been discovered in this part of the country.

"Several creeks and rivers fall into the Mississippi, in the above distance (of 65 miles), but no remark­able ones, except the rivers à'Vase and Kaskaskias: the former is navigable for batteaux about 60, and the latter for about 130 miles. Both these rivers run through a rich country, abounding in extensive, na­tural meadows, and numberless herds of buffaloe, deer, &c.

"The high grounds, just mentioned, continue along the eastern side of the Kaskaskias river, at a small distance from it, for the space of five miles and a half, to the Kaskaskias village; then they incline more towards that river, and run nearly parallel with the eastern bank of the Mississippi, at the distance of about three miles in some parts, and four miles in other parts from it. These are principally com­posed of lime and free-stone, and from 100 to 130 feet high, divided in several places by deep cavities, through which many small rivulets pass before they fall into the Mississippi. The sides of these hills, fronting this river, are in many places perpendicu­lar, and appear like solid pieces of stone masonry, of various colours, figures, and sizes.

[Page 198]"The low land between the hills and the Mis­sissippi begins on the north side of the Kaskaskias river, and continues for three miles above the river Misouri, where a high ridge terminates it, and forms the eastern bank of the Mississippi. This interval land is level, has few trees, and is of a very rich soil, yielding shrubs and most fragrant flowers, which, added to the number and extent of meadows and ponds dispersed through this charming valley, ren­der it exceedingly beautiful and agreeable.

"In this vale stand the following villages, viz. Kaskaskias, which, as already mentioned, is five miles and a half up a river of the same name, running northerly and southerly. This village contains 80 houses, many of them well built—several of stone, with gardens and large lots adjoining. It consists of about 500 white inhabitants, and between four and five hundred negroes. The former have large stocks of black cattle, swine, &c.

"Three miles northerly of Kaskaskias, is a village of Illinois Indians (of the Kaskaskias tribe) contain­ing about 210 persons and 60 warriors. They were formerly brave and warlike, but are degenerated into a drunken and debauched tribe, and so indolent, as scarcely to procure a sufficiency of skins and furs to barter for clothing.

"Nine miles further northward than the last men­tioned village, is another, called La Prairie du Ro­cher, or the Rock Meadows. It consists of one hun­dred white inhabitants, and eighty negroes.

"Three miles northerly of this place, on the banks of the Mississippi, stood Fort-Chartres. It was abandoned in the year 1772, as it was rendered untenable by the constant washings of the River Mississippi in high floods.—The village of Fort-Chartres, a little southward of the fort, contained so few inhabitants as not to deserve my notice.

"One mile higher up the Mississippi than Fort-Chartres, [Page 199] is a village settled by 170 warriors of the Piorias and Mitchigamias (two other tribes of the Illinois Indians). They are as idle and debauched as the tribe of Kaskaskias which I have just de­scribed.

"Four miles higher than the preceding village, is St. Philip's. It was formerly inhabited by about a dozen families, but at present is possessed only by two or three. The others have retired to the west­ern side of the Mississippi.

"Forty-five miles further northwards than St. Philip's (and one mile up a small river on the south­ern side of it) stands the village of Cahokia. It has 50 houses, many of them well built, and 300 inha­bitants, possessing 80 negroes, and large stocks of black cattle, swine, &c.

"Four miles above Cahokia, on the western or Spanish side of the Mississippi, stands the village of St. Louis, on a high piece of ground. It is the most healthy and pleasurable situation of any known in this part of the country. Here the Spanish com­mandant and the principal Indian traders reside; who, by conciliating the affections of the natives, have drawn all the Indian trade of the Misouri, part of that of the Mississippi (northwards) and of the tribes of Indians residing near the Ouisconsing and Illinois rivers, to this village. In St. Louis are 120 houses, mostly built of stone. They are large and commodious. This village has 800 inhabitants, chiefly French;—some of them have had a liberal education, are polite, and hospitable. They have about 150 negroes, and large stocks of black cat­tle, &c.

"Twelve miles below, or southerly of Fort-Char­tres, on the western bank of the Mississippi, and nearly opposite to the village of Kaskaskias, is the village of St. Genevieve, or Missire. It contains up­wards of 100 houses, and 460 inhabitants, besides [Page 200] negroes. This and St. Louis are all the villages that are upon the western or Spanish side of the Mis­sissippi.

"Four miles below St. Genevieve, (on the west­ern bank of the Mississippi,) at the mouth of a creek, is a hamlet, called the Saline. Here all the salt is made which is used in the Illinois country, from a salt spring that is at this place.

"In the several villages on the Mississippi, which I have just described, there were, so long ago as the year 1771, twelve hundred and seventy-three sen­cible men.

"The ridge which forms the eastern bank of the Mississippi, above the Misouri river, continues north­erly to the Illinois river, and then directs its course along the eastern side of that river for about 220 miles, when it declines in gentle slopes, and ends in extensive rich savannahs. On the top of this ridge, at the mouth of the Illinois river, is an agreeable and commanding situation for a fort, and though the ridge is high and steep (about 130 feet high), and rather difficult to ascend, yet when ascended, it affords a most delightful prospect.—The Mississippi is distinctly seen from its summit for more than twenty miles, as are the beautiful meanderings of the Illinois river for many leagues;—next a level, fruitful meadow presents itself, of at least one hun­dred miles in circuit on the western side of the Mis­sissippi, watered by several lakes, and shaded by small groves or copses of trees, scattered in different parts of it, and then the eye with rapture surveys, as well the high lands bordering upon the river Mi­souri, as those at a greater distance up the Mississippi. In fine, this charming ridge is covered with excel­lent grass, large oak, walnut-trees, &c. and at the distance of about nine miles from the Mississippi, up the Illinois river, are seen many large savannahs, or meadows, abounding in buffaloe, deer, &c.

[Page 201]"In ascending the Mississippi, Cape au Gres par­ticularly attracted my attention. It is about eight leagues above the Illinois river, on the eastern side of the Mississippi, and continues above five leagues on that river. There is a gradual descent back to delighted meadows, and to beautiful and fertile up­lands, watered by several rivulets, which fall into the Illinois river, between thirty and forty miles from its entrance into the Mississippi, and into the latter at Cape au Gres. The distance from the Mississippi to the River Illinois across the country, is lessened or increased, according to the windings of the former river;—the smallest distance is at Cape au Gres, and there it is between four and five miles. The lands in this intermediate space between the above two rivers are rich, almost beyond parallel, covered with large oaks, walnut, &c. and not a stone is to be seen except upon the sides of the river. It is even ac­knowledged by the French inhabitants, that if set­tlements were only begun at Cape au Gres, those upon the Spanish side of the Mississippi would be abandoned, as the former would excite a constant succession of settlers, and intercept all the trade of the upper Mississippi.

"The Illinois river furnishes a communication with Lake Michigan, by the Chicago river, and by two portages between the latter and the Illinois river; the longest of which does not exceed four miles.

"The Illinois country is in general of a superior soil to any other part of North America that I have seen. It produces fine oak, hickory, cedar, mul­berry-trees, &c. some dying roots and medicinal plants;—hops and excellent wild grapes, and in the year 1769, one hundred and ten hogsheads of well-tasted and strong wine were made by the French settlers from these grapes,—a large quantity of sugar is also annually made from the juice of the maple-tree; and as the mulberry-trees are long and nume­rous, [Page 202] I presume the making of silk will employ the attention and industry of the settlers, when the country is more fully inhabited than it is at present, and especially as the winters are much more mode­rate, and favourable for the breed of silk worms, than they are in many of the sea-coast provinces.— Indigo may likewise be successfully cultivated (but not more than two cuttings in a year); wheat, peas, and Indian corn thrive well, as does every sort of grain and pulse, that is produced in any of the old colonies. Great quantities of tobacco are also yearly raised by the inhabitants of the Illinois, both for their own consumption, and that of the Indians; but little has hitherto been exported to Europe. Hemp grows spontaneously, and is of a good tex­ture; its common height is 10 feet, and its thickness three inches (the latter reckoned within about a foot of the root), and with little labour any quantity may be cultivated. Flax seed has hitherto been only raised in small quantities. There has however been enough produced to shew that it may be sown to the greatest advantage. Apples, pears, peaches, and all other European fruits, succeed admirably. Iron, copper, and lead mines, as also salt springs, have been discovered in different parts of this territory. The two latter are worked on the Spanish side of the Mississippi, with considerable advantage to their owners. There is plenty of fish in the rivers, par­ticularly cat, carp, and perch, of an uncommon size.—Savannahs, or natural meadows, are both numerous and extensive; yielding excellent grass, and feeding great herds of buffaloe, deer, &c.—Ducks, teal, geese, swans, cranes, pelicans, turkeys, phea­sants, partridges, &c. such as are seen in the sea-coast colonies, are in the greatest variety and abun­dance.—In short, every thing that a reasonable mind can desire is to be found, or may, with little pains, be produced here.

[Page 203]"Niagara fort is a most important post. It se­cures a greater [...]mber of communications through a larger coun [...] [...] probably any other pass in in­terior Ameri [...] [...] stands at the entrance of a strait, by which lake [...]ntario is joined to lake Erie, and the latter is connected with the three great lakes, Huron, Michegan, and Superior. About nine miles above Fort Niagara the carrying place begins. It is occasioned by the stupendous cataract of that name. The quantity of water which tumbles over this fall is unparalleled in America; its heighth is not less than 137 feet. This fall would interrupt the communi­cation between the lakes Ontario and Erie, if a road was not made up the hilly country that borders upon the strait. This road extends to a small post eigh­teen miles from Fort Niagara. Here the traveller embarks in a batteau or canoe, and proceeds eigh­teen miles to a small fort at Lake Erie. It may be proper also to add, that at the end of the first two miles, in the last-mentioned distance of 18 miles, the stream of the river is divided by a large island, above nine miles in length; and at the upper end of it, about a mile from Lake Erie, are three or four islands, not far from each other;—these islands, by interrupting and confining the waters discharged from the lake, greatly increase the rapidity of the stream; which indeed is so violent, that the stiffest gale is scarcely sufficient to enable a large vessel to stem it; but it is successfully resisted in small batteaux or canoes, that are rowed near the shore.

"Lake Erie is about 225 miles in length, and upon a medium about 40 miles in breadth. It af­fords a good navigation for shipping of any burthen. The coast, on both sides of the lake, is generally fa­vourable for the passage of batteaux and canoes. Its banks in many places have a flat sandy shore, parti­cularly to the eastward of the peninsula called Long-Point, which extends into the lake, in a south-east­ern [Page 204] direction, for upwards of 18 miles, and is more than five miles wide in the broadest part; but the isthumus, by which it joins the ca [...] [...], is scarcely two hundred yards wide. The [...] [...]la is com­posed of sand, and is very convenient to haul boats out of the surf upon (as is almost every other part of the shore) when the lake is too rough for rowing or sailing; yet there are some places where, in boister­ous weather, (on account of their great perpendicu­lar height,) it would be dangerous to approach, and impossible to land. Most of these places are marked in my map with the letter X.

"Lake Erie has a great variety of fine fish, such a [...] sturgeon, eel, white fish, trout, perch, &c.

"The country, northward of this lake, is in many parts swelled with moderate hills, but no high moun­tains. The climate is temperate, and the air health­ful. The lands are well timbered (but not generally so rich as those upon the southern side of the lake), and for a considerable distance from it, and for se­veral miles eastward of Cayahoga river, they appear quite level and extremely fertile; and except where extensive savannahs, or natural meadows intervene, are covered with large oaks, walnut, ash, hickory, mulberry, sassafras, &c. &c. and produce a great va­riety of shrubs and medicinal roots.—Here also is great plenty of buffaloe, deer, turkies, partridges, &c.

"Fort Detroit is of an oblong figure, built with stockades, and advantageously situated, with one entire side commanding the river, called Detroit. This fort is near a mile in circumference, and en­closes about one hundred houses, built in a regular manner, with parallel streets, crossing each other at right angles. Its situation is delightful, and in the centre of a pleasant, fruitful country.

"The strait St. Clair (commonly called the De­troit river) is at its entrance more than three miles wide, but in ascending it, its width perceptibly di­minishes, [Page 205] so that opposite to the fort (which is 18 miles from Lake Erie) it does not exceed half a mile in width. From thence to Lake St. Clair it widens to more than a mile. The channel of the strait is gentle and wide, and deep enough for shipping of great burden, although it is incommoded by several islands, one of which is more than seven miles in length. These islands are of a fertile soil, and from their situa­tion afford a very agreeable appearance. For eight miles below, and the same distance above Fort De­troit, on both sides of the river, the country is divided into regular and well-cultivated plantations, and from the contiguity of the farmers' houses to each other, they appear as two long extended villages. The in­habitants, who are mostly French, are about 2000 in number, 500 of whom are as good marksmen, and as [...]ell accustomed to the woods, as the Indian na­tives themselves. They raise large stocks of black cattle, and great quantities of corn, which they grind by wind-mills and manufacture into excellent flour. The chief trade of Detroit consists in a barter of coarse European goods with the natives for furs, deer skins, tallow, &c. &c.

"The rout from Lake St. Clair to Lake Huron is up a strait or river, about 400 yards wide. This river derives itself from Lake Huron, and at the distance of 33 miles loses itself in Lake St. Clair. It is in general rapid, but particularly so near its source: its channel, and also that of Lake St. Clair, are sufficiently deep for shipping of a very considerable burthen. This strait has several mouths, and the lands lying between them are fine meadows. The country on both sides of it, for 15 miles, has a very level appearance, but from thence to Lake Huron it is in many places broken, and covered with white pines, oaks, maple, birch, and beech."

[Page 206]

Thoughts on the Duration of the American Commonwealth.

THERE is a greater probability that the duration of the American commonwealth will be longer than any empire that has hitherto existed. For it is a truth, universally admitted, that all the advantages which ever attended any of the monarchies in the old world, all center in the new, together with many others which they never enjoy. The four great empires, and the dominions of Charlemaign and the Turks, all rose by conquests—none by the arts of peace. On the contrary, the territory of the United States has been planted and reared by a union of liberty, good conduct, and all the comforts of domestic virtue.

All the greater monarchies were formed by the conquest of kingdoms, different in arts, manners, language, temper, or religion, from the conquerors; so that the union, though in some cases very strong, was never the real and intimate connection of the same people; and this circumstance principally acce­lerated their ruin, and was absolutely the cause of it in some. This will be very different in the Ameri­cans. They will, in their greatest extent and popu­lation, be one and the same people—the same in lan­guage, religion, laws, manners, tempers and pursuits; for the small variation in some districts, owing to the settlement of Germans, is an exception so very slight, that in a few ages it will be unknown.

The Assyrian and Roman empires were of very slow growth, and therefore lasted the longest; but still their increase was by conquest, and the union of dis­sonant parts. The Persian and Macedonian monar­chies were soon founded and presently overturned; the former not lasting so long as the Assyrian, nor a sixth of the duration of the Roman; and as to the Macedonian, it lasted but six years. This advant [...]ge [Page 207] of a slow growth is strong in favour of the Ameri­cans; the wonderful increase of their numbers is the natural effect of plenty of land, a good climate, and a mild and beneficent government, in which cor­ruption and tyranny are wholly unknown. Some centuries are already past since their first settlement, and many more will pass before their power appears in its full splendour; but the quickness of a growth that is entirely natural will carry with it no marks of decay, being entirely different from monarchies found­ed by force of arms. The Roman empire perished by the hands of northern barbarians, whom the mas­ters of the world disdained to conquer: it will not be so with the Americans; they spread gradually over the whole continent, insomuch that two hundred years hence there probably will be nobody but them­selves in the whole northern continent: from whence therefore should their Goths and Vandals come? Nor can they ever have any thing to fear from the south; first, because that country will never be populous, owing to the possession of mines: secondly, there are several nations and languages planted and re­maining in it: thirdly, the most considerable part of it lies in the torrid zone; a region that never yet sent forth nations of conquerors.

In extent the habitable parts of North-America exceed that of any of the four empires, and conse­quently can feed and maintain a people much more numerous than the Assyrians or the Romans. The situation of the region is so advantageous that it leaves nothing to be wished for; it can have no neighbours from whom there is a possibility of attack or molestation; it will possess all the solid advantages of the Chinese empire, without the fatal neighbour­hood of the Tartars.

It will have further the singular felicity of all the advantages of an island, that is, a freedom from the attacks of others, and too many difficulties, with [Page 208] too great a distance, to engage in enterprises that heretofore proved the ruin of other monarchies.

The soil, the climate, production, and face of the continent, are formed by nature for a great, indepen­dent, and permanent government: fill it with people who will of themselves, of course, possess all sorts of manufactures, and you will find it yielding every necessary and convenience of life. Such a vast tract of country, possessing such singular advantages, be­coming inhabited by one people, speaking the same language, professing the same religion, and having the same manners; attaining a population equal to that of the greatest empire; sprung from an active and industrious nation, who have transfused into them their own industry and spirit, and seen them worthy of their original; inhabiting a soil not dan­gerously fertile, nor a clime generally conducive to effeminacy; accustomed to commerce: such a peo­ple must found a commonwealth as indissoluble as humanity will allow. Suffice it for England, that she will have been the origin of a commonwealth, greater and more durable than any former monarchy; that her language and her manners will flourish among a people who will one day become a splendid spec­tacle in the vast eye of the universe. This flattering idea of immortality no other nation can hope to at­tain.

And here let me make an observation that should animate the authors in the English language with an ardour that cannot be infused into those of any other nation; it is the pleasing idea of living among so great a people, through almost a perpetuity of same, and under almost an impossibility of becoming, like the Greek and Latin tongues, dead; known only by the learned.—Increasing time will bring increasing readers, until their names become repeated with pleasure by above an hundred millions of people!

[Page 209]

A state of the Commercial Intercourse between the United States of America and Foreign Nations. Written in the Month of June, 1792. By Thomas Jefferson, Esq Secretary of State to the said United States.

The countries with which the United States have had their chief commercial intercourse, are Spain, Portugal, France, Great-Britain, the United Ne­therlands, Denmark, and Sweden, and their Ame­rican possessions; and the articles of export which constitute the basis of that commerce, with their re­ [...]pective amounts, are—

Bread stuff, that is to say, bread-grains, meals, and bread, to the annual a­mount of
7,649,887 Dols.
Tobacco
4,349,567 Dols.
Rice
1,753,796 Dols.
Wood
1,263,534 Dols.
Salted fish
941,696 Dols.
Pot and pearl ash
839,093 Dols.
Salted meats
599,130 Dols.
Indigo
537,379 Dols.
Horses and mules
339,753 Dols.
Whale oil
252,591 Dols.
Flax seed
236,072 Dols.
Tar, pitch, and turpentine
217,177 Dols.
Live provisions
137,743 Dols.
Ships Foreign goods
620,274 Dols.

To descend to articles of smaller value than these, would lead into a minuteness of detail neither ne­cessary nor useful to the present object.

The proportions of our exports, which go to the nations before mentioned, and to their dominions, respectively, are as follows:

To Spain and its dominions
2,005,907 Dols.
Portugal and its dominions
1,283,462 Dols.
France and its dominions
4,698,735 Dols.
Great-Britain and its dominions
9,363,416 Dols.
The U. Netherlands and their dominions
1,963,880 Dols.
Denmark and its dominions
224,415 Dols.
Sweden and its dominions
47,240 Dols.

Our Imports from the same countries are—

Spain and its dominions
335,110 Dols.
Portugal and its dominions
595,763 Dols.
France and its dominions
2,068,348 Dols.
Great-Britain and its dominions
15,285,428 Dols.
United Netherlands and their dominions
1,172,692 Dols.
Denmark and its dominions
351,394 Dols.
Sweden and its dominions
14,325 Dols.

These imports consist mostly of articles on which industry has been exhausted.

Our navigation, depending on the same com­merce, will appear by the following statement of the tonnage of our own vessels, entering into our ports, from those several nations and their pos­sessions, in one year, that is to say, from October, 1789, to September, 1790, inclusive, as follows:

Spain
19,695 Tons.
Portugal
23,576 Tons.
France
116,410 Tons.
Great-Britain
43,580 Tons.
United Netherlands
58,858 Tons.
Denmark
14,655 Tons.
Sweden
750 Tons.

Of our commercial objects, Spain receives fa­vourably our bread stuff, salte [...] fish, wood, ships, tar, pitch, and turpentine. On our meals, how­ever, as well as on those of other foreign countries, when re-exported to their colonies, they have lately [Page 211] imposed duties of from half a dollar to two dollars the barrel, the duties being so proportioned to the current price of their own flour, as that both toge­ther are to make the constant sum of nine dollars per barrel.

They do not discourage our rice, pot and pearl ash, salted provisions, or whale oil: but these articles being in small demand at their markets, are carried thither but in a small degree. Their demand for rice, however, is increasing. Neither tobacco nor indigo are received there. Our commerce is per­mitted with their Canary Islands, under the same conditions.

Themselves and their colonies are the actual con­sumers of what they receive from us.

Our navigation is free with the kingdom of Spain; foreign goods being received there in our ships, on the same conditions as if carried in their own, or in the vessels of the country of which such goods are the manufacture or produce.

Portugal receives favourably our grain and bread, salted fish and other salted provisions, wood, tar, pitch, and turpentine.

For flax-seed, pot and pearl ash, though not dis­couraged, there is little demand.

Our ships pay 20 per cent. on being sold to their subjects, and are then free bottoms.

Foreign goods, (except those of the East-Indies) are received on the same footing in our vessels as in their own, or any others; that is to say, on general duties of from twenty to twenty-eight per cent. and consequently our navigation unobstructed by them. Tobacco, rice, and meals, are prohibited.

Themselves and their colonies consume what they receive from us.

These regulations extend to the Azores, Madeira, and the Cape de Verd Islands, except that in these meals and rice are received freely.

[Page 212]France receives favourably our bread stuff, rice, wood, pot and pearl ashes.

A duty of five sous the kental, or nearly four and a half cents, is paid on our tar, pitch, and tur­pentine. Our whale oil pays six livres the kental, and are the only foreign whale oils admitted. Our indigo pays five livres on the kental; their own, two and an half: but a difference of quality, still more than a difference of duty, prevents its seeking that market.

Salted beef is received freely for re-exportation, but if for home consumption, it pays five livres the kental. Other salted provisions pay that duty in all cases, and salted fish is made lately to pay the prohi­bitory one of twenty livres in the kental.

Our ships are free to carry thither all foreign goods which may be carried in their own or any other vessels, except tobaccoes not of our own growth; and they participate with their's the exclusive car­riage of our whale oils and tobaccoes.

During their former government, our tobacco was under a monopoly, but paid no duties; and our ships were freely sold in their ports, and converted into national bottoms. The first National Assembly took from our ships this privilege: they emancipated tobacco from its monopoly, but subjected it to du­ties of eighteen livres fifteen sous the kental, carried in their own vessels, and twenty-five livres carried in ours, a difference more than equal to the freight of the article.

They and their colonies consume what they re­ceive from us.

Great-Britain receives our pot and pearl ashes free, while those of other nations pay a duty of two shillings and three pence the kental. There is an equal distinction in favour of our bar iron, of which article, however, we do not produce enough for our own use. Woods are free from us, whilst they pay [Page 213] some small duty from other countries. Our tar and pitch pay 11d. sterling the barrel; from other alien countries they pay about a penny and a third more.

Our tobacco, for their own consumption, pays 1s. 3d. sterling the pound, custom and excise, be­sides heavy expences of collection. And rice, in the same case, pays 7s. 4d. sterling the hundred weight; which rendering it too dear as an article of common food, it is consequently used in very small quantity.

Our salted fish, and other salted provisions, ex­cept bacon, are prohibited. Bacon and whale oil are under prohibitory duties; so are our grains, meals, and bread, as to internal consumption, unless in times of such scarcity as may raise the price of wheat to 50s. sterling the quarter, and other grains and meals in proportion.

Our ships, though purchased and navigated by their own subjects, are not permitted to be used, even in their trade with us.

While the vessels of other nations are secured by standing laws, which cannot be altered but by the concurrent will of the three branches of the British legislature, in carrying thither any produce or ma­nufacture of the country to which they belong, which may be lawfully carried in any vessels, ours, with the same prohibition of what is foreign, are further prohibited by a standing law (12 Car. II.28. § 3) from carrying thither all and any of our own domestic productions and manufactures. A subse­quent act, indeed, authorised their executive to per­mit the carriage of our own productions in our own bottoms, at its sole discretion; and the permission has been given from year to year by proclamation, but subject every moment to be withdrawn on that single will, in which event our vessels having any thing on board, stand interdicted from the entry of all British ports. The disadvantage of a tenure which may be so suddenly discontinued was e [...]peri­enced [Page 214] by our merchants on a late occasion, when an official notification that this law would be strictly enforced, gave them just apprehensions for the fate of their vessels and cargoes dispatched or distined to the ports of Great-Britain. The minister of that court, indeed, frankly expressed his personal con­viction that the words of the order went farther than was intended, and so he afterwards officially inform­ed us; but the embarrassments of the moment were real and great, and the possibility of their renewal lays our commerce to that country under the same species of discouragement as to other countries where it is regulated by a single legislator; and the distinc­tion is too remarkable not to be noticed, that our navigation is excluded from the security of fixed laws, while that security is given to the navigation of others.

Our vessels pay their ports 1s. 9d. sterling per ton, light and trinity dues, more than is paid by British ships, except in the port of London, where they pay the same as British.

The greater part of what they receive from us is re-exported to other countries, under the useless charges of an intermediate deposit and double voy­age. From tables published in England, and com­posed, as is said, from the books of their custom-houses, it appears that of the indigo imported there in the years 1773—4—5, one third was re-exported; and from a document of authority, we learn that of the rice and tobacco imported there before the war, four-fifths were re-exported. We are assured, in­deed, that the quantities sent thither for re-exporta­tion since the war, are considerably diminished, yet less so than reason and national interest would dic­tate. The whole of our grain is re-exported when wheat is below 50s. the quarter, and other grains in proportion.

The United Netherlands prohibit our pickled beef [Page 215] and pork, meals and bread of all sorts, and lay a prohibitory duty on spirits distilled from grain.

All other of our productions are received on va­ried duties, which may be reckoned on a medium at about three per cent.

They consume but a small proportion of what they receive; the residue is partly forwarded for con­sumption in the inland parts of Europe, and partly re-shipped to other maritime countries. On the latter proportion they intercept between us and the consumer so much of the value as is absorbed by the charges attending an intermediate deposit.

Foreign goods, except some East-India articles, are received in vessels of any nation.

Our ships may be sold and naturalized there with exceptions of one or two privileges, which some­what lessen their value.

Denmark lays considerable duties on our tobacco and rice carried in their own vessels, and half as much more if carried in ours; but the exact amount of these duties is not perfectly known here. They lay such as amount to prohibitions on our indigo and corn.

Sweden receives favourably our grains and meals, salted provisions, indigo, and whale oil.

They subject our rice to duties of sixteen mills the pound weight carried in their own vessels, and of forty per cent. additional on that, or 22,4 [...]0 mills, carried in ours or any others. Being thus rendered too dear as an article of common food, little of it is consumed with them. They consume more of our tobaccoes, which they take circuitously through Great-Britain, levying heavy duties on them also; their duties of entry, town duties, and excise, being 4 dols. 34 cents. the hundred weight, if carried in their own vessels, and of 40 per cent. on that addi­tional, if carried in our own or any other vessels.

They prohibit altogether our bread, fish, pot and [Page 216] pearl ashes, flax-seed, tar, pitch and turpentine, wood (except oak timber and masts), and all foreign manufactures.

Under so many restrictions and prohibitions, our navigation with them is reduced almost to nothing.

With our neighbours, an order of things much harder presents itself.

Spain and Portugal refuse to those parts of Ame­rica which they govern, all direct intercourse with any people but themselves. The commodities in mutual demand between them and their neighbours must be carried to be exchanged in some port of the dominant country, and the transportation between that and the subject state must be in a domestic bottom.

France, by a standing law, permits her West-India possessions to receive directly our vegetables, live provisions, horses, wood, tar, pitch and turpen­tine, rice and maize, and prohibits our other bread stuff; but a suspension of this prohibition having been left to the colonial legislatures in times of scar­city, it was formerly suspended occasionally, but latterly without interruption.

Our fresh and salted provisions (except pork) are received in their islands under a duty of three colonial livres the kental, and our vessels are as free as their own to carry our commodities thither, and to bring away rum and molasses.

Great-Britain admits in her islands our vegetables, live provisions, horses, wood, tar, pitch and turpen­tine, rice and bread stuff, by a proclamation of her executive, limited always to the term of a year. She prohibits our salted provisions: she does not permit our vessels to carry thither our own produce. Her vessels alone may take it from us, and bring in exchange, rum, molasses, sugar, coffee▪ cocoa nuts, ginger, and pimento. There are, indeed, some freedoms in the island of Dominica, but under such [Page 217] circumstances as to be little used by us. In the British continental colonies, and in Newfoundland, all our productions are prohibited, and our vessels forbidden to enter their ports; their governors how­ever, in times of distress, have power to permit a temporary importation of certain articles in their own bottoms, but not in ours.

Our citizens cannot reside as merchants or factors within any of the British plantations, this being ex­pressly prohibited by the same statute of 12 Car. II. C. 18. commonly called the Navigation Act.

In the Danish American possessions, a duty of five per cent. is levied on our corn, corn-meal, rice, tobacco, wood, salted fish, indigo, horses, mules, and live stock; and of ten per cent. on our flour, salted pork and beef, tar, pitch, and turpentine.

In the American islands of the United Nether­lands and Sweden, our vessels and produce are re­ceived, subject to duties, not so heavy as to have been complained of; but they are heavier in the Dutch possessions on the continent.

To sum up these restrictions, so far as they are important:

1st. In Europe—

Our bread stuff is at most times under prohibitory duties in England, and considerably dutied on ex­portation from Spain to her colonies.

Our toba [...]coes are heavily dutied in England, Sweden, an [...] France, and prohibited in Spain and Portugal.

Our rice is heavily dutied in England and Sweden, and prohibited in Portugal.

Our fish and salted provisions are prohibited in England, and under prohibitory duties in France.

Our whale-oils are prohibited in England and Por­tugal.

And our vessel [...] are denied naturalization in Eng­land, and of late in Fr [...]nce.

[Page 218]

2d. In the West-Indies.

All intercourse is prohibited with the possessions of Spain and Portugal.

Our salted provisions and fish are prohibited by England.

Our salted pork, and bread stuff (except maize,) are received under temporary laws only, in the do­minions of France, and our salted fish pays there a weighty duty.

3d. In the Article of Navigation.

Our own carriage of our own tobacco is heavily dutied in Sweden, and lately in France.

We can carry no article, not of our own produc­tion, to the British ports in Europe.

Nor even our own produce to her American possessions.

Such being the restrictions on the commerce and navigation of the United States, the question is, in what way they may best be removed, modified, or counteracted?

As to the commerce, two methods occur. 1. By friendly arrangements with the several nations with whom these restrictions exist: or, 2d. By the sepa­rate act of our own legislatures for countervailing their effects.

There can be no doubt, but that of these two, friendly arrangement is the most eligible. Instead of embarrassing commerce under piles of regulating laws, duties, and prohibitions, could it be relieved from all its shackles in all parts of the world—could every country be employed in producing that which nature has best fitted it to produce, and each be free to exchange with others mutual surplusses for mutual wants, the greatest mass possible would then be pro­duced of those things which contribute to human life and human happiness▪ the numbers of mankind would be increased, and their condition bettered.

[Page 219]Would even a single nation begin with the United States this system of free commerce, it would be advisable to begin it with that nation; since it is by one only that it can be extended to all. Where the circumstances of either party render it expedient to levy a revenue, by way of impost, on commerce, its freedom might be modified, in that particular, by mutual and equivalent measures, preserving it entire in all others.

Some nations, not yet ripe for free commerce, in all its extent, might still be willing to mollify its re­strictions and regulations for us in proportion to the advantages which an intercourse with us might offer. Particularly they may concur with us in re­ciprocating the duties to be levied on each side, or in compensating any excess of duty, by equivalent advantages of another nature. Our commerce is certainly of a character to entitle it to favour in most countries. The commodities we offer are either necessaries of life, or materials for manufacture, or convenient subjects of revenue; and we take in ex­change, either manufactures, when they have re­ceived the last finish of art and industry, or m [...]re luxuries. Such customers may reasonably expect welcome, and friendly treatment at every market; customers too, whose demands, increasing with their wealth and population, must very shortly give full employment to the whole industry of any nation whatever, in any line of supply they may get into the habit of calling for from it.

But should any nation, contrary to our wishes, suppose it may better find its advantages by continu­ing its system of prohibitions, duties, and regula­tions, it behoves us to protect our citizens, their commerce, and navigation, by counter-prohibitions, duties, and regulations also. Free commerce and navigation are not to be given in exchange for re­strictions and vexations; nor are they likely to pro­duce a relaxation of them.

[Page 220]Our navigation involves still higher considera­tions. As a branch of industry, it is valuable; but as a resource, essential.

Its value, as a branch of industry, is enhanced by the dependence of so many other branches on it. In times of general peace it multiplies competitors for employment in transportation, and so keeps that at its proper level; and in times of war, that is to say, when those nations who may be our principal car­riers, shall be at war with each other, if we have not within ourselves the means of transportation, our produce must be exported in belligerent vessels at the increased expence of warfreight and insurance, and the articles which will not bear that, must perish on our hands.

But it is a resource for defence that our navigation will admit neither neglect nor forbearance. The position and circumstances of the United States leave them nothing to fear on their land-board, and nothing to desire beyond their present rights. But on their sea-board, they are open to injury, and they have there, too, a commerce which must be protected. This can only be done by possessing a respectable body of citizen-seamen, and of artists and establish­ments in readiness for ship-building.

Were the ocean, which is the common property of all, open to the industry of all, so that every per­son and vessel should be free to take employment wherever it could be found, the United States would certainly not set the example of appropriating to themselves, exclusively, any portion of the common stock of occupation. They would rely on the en­terprise and activity of their citizens for a due parti­cipation of the benefits of the seafaring business, and for keeping the marine class of citizens equal to their object. But if particular nations grasp at undue shares▪ and more especially if they seize on the means of the United States to convert them into aliment for their own strength▪ and wit [...]draw them entirely from [Page 221] the support of those to whom they belong, defensive and protecting measures become necessary on the part of the nation whose marine resources are thus invaded, or it will be disarmed of its defence; its productions will lie at the mercy of the nation which has possessed itself exclusively of the means of carrying them, and its politics may be influenced by those who command its commerce. The carri­age of our own commodities, if once established in another channel, cannot be resumed in the moment we may desire. If we lose the seamen and artists whom it now occupies, we lose the present means of marine defence, and time will be requisite to raise up others, when disgrace or losses shall bring home to our feelings the error of having abandoned them. The materials for maintaining our due share of na­vigation are ours in abundance; and as to the mode of using them, we have only to adopt the principles of those who thus put us on the defensive, or others equivalent and better fitted to our circumstances.

The following principles being founded in reci­procity, appear perfectly just, and to offer no cause of complaint to any nation.

1st. Where a nation imposes high duties on our productions, or prohibits them altogether, it may be proper for us to do the same by theirs, first burthen­ing or excluding those productions which they bring here in competition with our own of the same kind; selecting next such manufactures as we take from them in greatest quantity, and which at the same time we could the soonest furnish to ourselves, or obtain from other countries; imposing on them du­ties lighter at first, but heavier and heavier afterwards, as other channels of supply open. Such duties hav­ing the effect of indirect encouragement to domestic manufactures of the same kind, may induce the manufacturer to come himself into those states; where cheaper subsistence, equal laws, and a ve [...] of his wares, free of duty, may insure him the [Page 222] highest profits from his skill and industry. And here it would be in the power of the state govern­ments to co-operate essentially, by opening the re­sources of encouragement which are under their controul, extending them liberally to artists in those particular branches of manufacture, for which their soil, climate, population, and other circumstances have matured them, and fostering the precious efforts and progress of household manufacture, by some pa­tronage suited to the nature of its objects, guided by the local informations they possess, and guarded against abuse by their presence and attentions. The oppressions on our agriculture in foreign ports would thus be made the occasion of relieving it from a dependence on the councils and conduct of others, and of promoting arts, manufactures, and popula­tion, at home.

2d. Where a nation refuses permission to our merchants and factors to reside within certain parts of their dominions, we may, if it should be thought expedient, refuse residence to theirs in any and every part of ours, or modify their transactions.

3. Where a nation refuses to receive in our vessels any productions but our own, we may refuse to re­ceive, in theirs, any but their own productions. The first and second clauses of the bill reported by the committee are well formed to effect this object.

4th. Where a nation refuses to consider any vessel as ours which has not been built within our territo­ries, we should refuse to consider as theirs any ves­sel not built within their territories.

5th. Where a nation refuses to our vessels the carriage even of our own productions to certain countries under their domination, we might refuse to theirs, of every description, the carriage of the same productions to the same countries. But as justice and good neighbourhood would dictate, that those who have no part in imposing the restriction on us, should not be the victims of measures adopted to de­feat [Page 223] its effect, it may be proper to confine the re­striction of vessels owned or navigated by any sub­jects of the same dominant power, other than the in­habitants of the country to which the said produc­tions are to be carried.—And to prevent all incon­venience to the said inhabitants, and to our own, by too sudden a check on the means of transporta­tion, we may continue to admit the vessels marked for future exclusion, on an advanced tonnage, and for such length of time only, as may be supposed ne­cessary to provide against that inconvenience.

The establishment of some of these principles by Great-Britain alone has already lost us, in our com­merce with that country and its possessions, between eight and nine hundred vessels of near 40,000 tons burthen, according to statements from official mate­rials, in which they have confidence. This involves a proportional loss of seamen, shipwrights, and ship-building, and is too serious a loss to admit forbear­ance of some effectual remedy.

It is true we must expect some inconvenience in practice, from the establishment of discriminating duties. But in this, as in so many other cases, we are left to choose between two evils. These incon­veniences are nothing when weighed against the loss of wealth and loss of force, which will follow our perseverance in the plan of indiscrimination.— When once it shall be perceived that we are either in the system or the habit of giving equal advantages to those who extinguish our commerce and naviga­tion, by duties and prohibitions, as to those who treat both with liberality and justice, liberality and justice will be converted by all into duties and pro­hibitions. It is not to the moderation and justice of others we are to trust for fair and equal access to market with our productions, or for our due share in the transportation of them; but to our means of independence, and the firm will to use them. Nor do the inconveniencies of discrimination merit con­sideration. [Page 224] Not one of the nations before mention­ed, perhaps not a commercial nation on earth, is without them. In our case one distinction alone will suffice, that is to say, between nations who fa­vour our productions and navigation, and those who do not favour them. One set of moderate du­ties, say the present duties, for the first, and a fixed advance on these as to some articles, and prohibitions as to others, for the last.

Still it must be repeated, that friendly arrange­ments are preferable with all who will come into them; and that we should carry into such arrange­ments all the liberality and spirit of accommodation, which the nature of the case will admit.

France has, of her own accord, proposed nego­ciations for improving, by a new treaty, on fair and equal principles, the commercial relations of the two countries. But her internal disturbances have hi­therto prevented the prosecution of them to effect, though we have had repeated assurances of a conti­nuance of the disposition.

Proposals of friendly arrangement have been made on our part by the present government to that of Great-Britain, as the message states; but, being already on as good a footing in law, and a better in fact, than the most favoured nation, they have not as yet dis­covered any disposition to have it meddled with.

We have no reason to conclude that friendly ar­rangements would be declined by the other nations with whom we have such commercial intercourse as may render them important. In the mean while, it would rest with the wisdom of Congress to determine whether, as to those, nations, they will not surcease exparte regulations, on the reasonable presumption that they will concur in doing whatever justice and moderation dictate should be done.

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

P. S. Since writing the above, some alterations of the condition of our commerce with some sovereign [Page 225] nations have taken place. France has proposed to enter into a new treaty of commerce with us, on liberal principles; and has, in the mean time, relaxed some of the restraints mentioned in the Report. Spain has, by an ordinance of June last, established New Orleans, Pensacola, and St. Augustine, into free ports, for the vessels of friendly nations having treaties of commerce with her, provided they touch for a permit at Corcubion in Gallicia, or at Alicant; and our rice is by the same ordinance excluded from that country.

The following are some of the principal Articles of Ex­portation from the United States of America during the Year ending in September, 1792.

Three millions one hundred and forty thousand two hundred and fifty-five bushels of grain (princi­pally wheat).

One million four hundred and sixty-nine thousand seven hundred and twenty-three barrels of flour, meal, biscuit, and rice (reducing casks of various sizes to the proportion of flour barrels).

Sixty million six hundred and forty-six thousand eight hundred and sixty-one feet of boards, plank, and scantling (inch board measure).

Thirty-one million seven hundred and sixty thou­sand seven hundred and two slaves and hoops.

Seventy-one million six hundred and ninety-three thousand eight hundred and sixty-tree shingles.

Nineteen thousand three hundred and ninety-one and a half tons of timber.

Eighteen thousand three hundred and seventy-four pieces of timber.

One thousand and eighty cedar and oak ship knees.

One hundred and ninety-one frames of houses.

Seventy-three thousand three hundred and eigh­teen oars, rafters for oars, and handspikes.

Forty-eight thousand eight hundred and sixty shook or knock down casks.

[Page 226]One hundred and forty-six thousand nine hundred and nine barrels of tar, pitch, turpentine and rosin.

Nine hundred and forty-eight thousand one hun­dred and fifteen gallons of spirits, distilled in the United States.

One hundred and sixteen thousand eight hundred and three barrels of beef, pork, bacon, mutton, oys­ters, &c. (reducing casks of various sizes to the pro­portion of beef and pork barrels.)

Two hundred and thirty-one thousand seven hun­dred and seventy-six barrels of dried and pickled fish.

Seven thousand eight hundred and twenty-three tons twelve [...] and 4lb. of pot ashes and pearl ashes.

One hundred and twelve thousand four hundred and twenty-eight hogsheads of tobacco.

Fifty-two thousand three hundred and eighty-one hogsheads of flax-seed.

Forty-four thousand seven hundred and fifty-two horses, [...]orned cattle, mules, and sheep.

The preceding extract from the copy of an authen­tic [...] return of all the exports from the United States of America, within the year, ending in Sep­tember [...]ast, conveys an idea of the wealth, import­ance, and progressive prosperity of that country, far surpassing what has been heretofore entertained on the subject.

P. S. From the 1st of January, 1793, to the 1st of January, 1794, there were exported from the port of Philadelphia, 4 [...]2▪ [...]75 barrels of flour.

Of the Civil List, and Revenue of the United States.

Abstract of an Estimate of the Expenditures of the civil list of the United States, for the year 1793, re­ported by A. Hamilton▪ Secretary of the Treasury to the House of Representatives.

Pres [...]dent's Salary
25,000 Dollars.
Vice President's ditto
5,000 Dollars.
Chief Justice
4,000 Dollars.
Five Associate Justices
17,500 Dollars.
[Page 227]All the district Judges
21,700 Dollars.
Congress
143,591 Dollars.
Treasury Department
55,050 Dollars.
Department of State
6,300 Dollars.
Department of War
11,250 Dollars.
Commissioners of old accounts
13,300 Dollars.
Loan Offices
13,250 Dollars.
Western Territory
11,000 Dollars.
Amount of Pensions
5,267 Dollars.
Contingencies
20,264 Dollars.
Total
352,466 Dollars. or
In British Money
£. 79,304 17 osterl.

The Revenues.

The American revenue, for 1793, is stated to be 4,400,000 dollars, exclusive of what may arise from the sale of lands in the Western Territory; there is likewise upwards of the value of 5,000,000 dollars in bullion, lying in the Bank of the United States.

Estimate of Expence for the Year 1794.

  Dols. Cents.
The whole Civil List for 1794, is 397,201 6
— Extraordinaries for Pub­lic Works, Benevolences, &c. 147,693 43
— Estimate of the War Ex­pences for 1794 1,457,936 1
Total 2,002,830 50

The Dollar is 4s. 6d. sterling, and the Cent is the hundredth part of a Dollar.

The celebrated Mr. Thomas Paine, in his letter to Mr. Secretary Dundas, published in London in the month of June, 179 [...], and who on this subject, (without offending any party) may be entitled to credit, gives a statement of the expences of the Ame­rican government in the following words:

The expences of all the several departments of the General Representative Government of the United States of America, extending over a space of country [Page 228] nearly ten times larger than England, is two hun­dred and ninety-four thousand five hundred and fifty-eight dollars, which at 4s. 6d. per dollar, is 66,275l. 11s. sterling, and is thus apportioned:

Expences of the Executive Department.

  £. s.
The Office of the Presidency, at which the President receives nothing for himself 5,625 0
Vice President 1,125 0
Chief Justice 900 0
Five associate Justices 3,937 10
Nineteen Judges of Districts and Attorney General 6,873 15

Legislative Department.

Members of Congress at six dollars (1l. 7s.) per day, their Secretaries, Clerks, Chaplains, Messengers, Door-keepers, &c. 25,515 0

Treasury Department.

Secretary, Assistant, Comptroller, Audi­tor, Treasurer, Register, and Loan-Office-Keeper, in each state, together with all necessary Clerks, Office-Keepers, &c. 12,825 0

Department of State, including Foreign Affairs.

Secretary, Clerks, &c. &c. 1,406 5

Department of W [...]r.

Secretary, Clerks, Paymasters, Commis­sioner, &c. 1,462 10

Commissioners for settling Old Accounts.

The whole Board, Clerks, &c. 2,598 15

Incidental and Contingent Expences.

For Fire Wood, Stationary, Print­ing, &c. 4, [...]06 16
Total 66,275 11
FINIS.

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