CHAP. I.

IN the month of September 1789 a request was forwarded through Mr. Matra, the British consul general at TANGIER, to his excellency General O'Hara at Gibraltar, from Muley Ab­sulem, the late emperor of Morocco's favourite son, the purport of which was, to intreat his ex­cellency to [...]end a medical gentleman from the garrison to attend the prince, whose health was at that time in a dangerous and declining state.

As the term MULEY will frequently occur in the succeeding pages, it may not be improper to state in this place, that it is a title of honour, which is confined to the royal family of Morocco, and is equivalent to that of lord, or rather prince, in our language.

[Page 2]The promises of Muley Absulem to the con­sul were splendid and encouraging. The person who was to be sent on this expedition [...]s to be protected from every indignity, and to b [...]treated with the utmost respect. He was to receive a liberal reward for his professional exertion [...]; his expences during his journey, and while he staid in the country were to be punctually defrayed; and he was to be sent back without delay, when­ever his presence should be required at the gar­rison. But the most flattering circumstance which attended this requisition of the Moorish prince was, the release of certain Christian captives who were at that period detained in slavery. These unfortunate persons consisted of the master of an English vessel trading to Africa, and nine seamen, who had been wrecked upon that part of the coast which is inhabited by the wild Arabs, and were carried into slavery by that savage and merciless people.

How far these brilliant assurances were fulfilled, will appear in the course of the following narra­tive. It is sufficient for the present to observe, that, influenced by the faith which the inhabitants of Europe are accustomed to place in the professions of persons of rank and dignity, and still more im­pelled by that impetuous curiosity which is natural to youth, I was easily persuaded to embrace the opportunity of visiting a region so little known to European travellers, and to undertake this singu­lar, and (as it was generally regarded) extremely hazardous service.

However disappointed I may have been in my hopes of pecuniary advantage and emolument, still [Page 3] I cannot at this moment regret my rashness, as it was considered by many. In the course of my visit L [...]ad opportunities which no European had ever [...]oyed of becoming acquainted with the man­ners, policy, customs, and character of this singu­lar people. The sanctity of the royal harem itself was laid open to my inspection. Even the dangers which I encountered, and the anxious apprehen­sions which I occasionally experienced, I can now reflect upon with a degree of emotion which is not unpleasant. The notes which I made upon the spot I had the pleasure to find proved interesting and entertaining to a number of my friends. By their persuasions I have been encouraged to lay them be­fore the public; and my only and earnest wish is, that the reader may not find his curiosity disap­pointed, his attention wearied, or his judgment disgusted, by the adventures and observations, which, with the most perfect consciousness of my own inability as a writer, I submit to his inspec­tion.

The necessary preliminaries being settled, and the baggage of a soldier requiring no great pre­paration, I embarked at Gibraltar the 14th Septem­ber 1789, on board a small vessel, and in six hours arrived at Tangier, where I immediately waited on Mr. Matra, whose polite reception and kind offices during the six months that I spent in Bar­bary, claim, and ever will command, my warmest acknowledgements.

I soon learned that my intended patient was, by his father's command, at the time of my arrival, at the head of an army in the mountains between Morocco and Tarudant, which obliged me to re­main [Page 4] at Tangier, till we received certain intel­ligence of the prince's return to Tarudant, his usual place of residence.

It would be difficult to determine whether sur­prize o [...] regret was most predominant in my mind upon my [...] in this country. The distance is so trifling, and the transition so sudden, that I at first could scarcely persuade myself that I was out of Europe, till I was convinced to the contrary by the wonderful difference of people and manners which immediately presented itself on my entering Tangier. Civilization in most other countries owes its origin to a commercial intercourse with foreign nations; and there are few parts of the world, however distant or uninformed, whose inhabitants have not, in some way or other fallen into the manners of those foreigners by whom they are visited. But here this circumstance seems to have had not the smallest effect; for though situated only eight leagues from Europe, in the habit of a constant communication with its inhabitants, and enjoying the advantage of a number of foreigners residing in the place, yet [...]e people of Tangier still retain the same uncultivated manners, the same aversion to every kind of mental improvement by which the Moors have for ages past been so justly characterized.

It is well known that the the town and fortress of TANGIER formerly constituted a part of the foreign dominions of Great Britain. While in the possession of the English it was a place of consider­able strength, but when it was evacuated by the orders of Charles II. the fortifications were de­molished, and only the vestiges of them are now [Page 5] visible. There is at present only a small fort in tolerable repair, which is situated at the northern extremity of the town, and a battery of a fe [...] guns which fronts the bay. From these circumstances it is evident that it could make only a very weak resistance against any powerful attack.

The town, which occupies a very small space of ground, and affords nothing remarkable, is built upon an eminence which appears to rise out of the sea, and is surrounded with a wall. The land for a small distance round it is laid out into vineyards, orchards, and corn-fields, beyond which are tracts of sand, with lofty and barren hills. The situa­tion is therefore far from beautiful or agreeable. The houses are in general mean and ill furnished, the roofs are quite flat, and both these and the walls are entirely whitened over; the apartments are all on the ground floor, as there is no second story.

Contrary to the usual custom in Barbary, the Moors and Jews live intermixed at TANGIER, and maintain a more friendly intercourse than elsewhere in this quarter of the globe. The Jews also, instead of going bare-footed by compulsion, as at Morocco, Tarudant, and many other places, are only required to do it when passing a street where there is a mosque or a sanctuary.

The foreign consuls (except the French who has a house at Sallee) reside at Tangier. Be­fore the reign of the late emperor Sidi Mahomet, they were allowed to live at Tetuan, a town greatly preferable to Tangier, as well on account of the inhabitants being more civiziled, as of the beauty of the adjacent country. A singular cir­cumstance [Page 6] occasioned the expulsion of the Chri­stians from that pleasant retreat:—An European gentleman was amusing himself with shooting at some birds in the vicinity of the town, and acci­dentally wounded an old Moorish woman, who unfortunately happened to be within reach of the shot. Upon this accident the late emperor swore by his beard that no Christian should ever again enter the town of Tetuan. It may be necessary to inform the reader that this oath (by the beard) is held by the Moors in such solemn estimation, that they are rarely observed to violate it, nor was the late emperor ever known to disregard it in a single instance.

The situation of consuls, indeed, in this distant and uncivilized country, is by no means to be en­vied; and the recompence which should induce men of liberal education to sacrifice their native comforts and advantages to such a system of life as is required here, ought not to be trifling. They can form no society but among themselves; and even the universally allowed law of nations is frequent-insufficient to protect their persons from insult. Subject to the caprice of an emperor whose conduct is regulated by no law, and whose mind is govern­ed by no fixed principle, they are often ordered up to court, and after experiencing a very tedious, fatiguing and expensive journey, they are frequent­ly sent back again without having effected the smallest point to the advantage of their own coun­try, sometimes indeed without even being informed of the purpose of their journey.

As an alleviation to so unsociable a life, the English, Swedish, and Danish consuls have erected [Page 7] country houses at a small distance from Tangier, where they occasionally retire, and enjoy those amusements which the country affords. These are chiefly gardening, fishing, and hunting. From the plenty of game of every kind with which the country abounds, and and a total freedom from any restriction with respect to it (for there are no game laws in this empire) they give a full scope to the pleasures of the field, and endeavour by those means to procure a substitute for the want of friend­ly and cheerful society.

On the northern side of Tangier is the castle, which though very extensive, lies half in ruins. It has a royal treasury, and is the residence of the governor. Near the water-side are storehouses for the refitting of vessels, and at this port many of the emperor's row-gallies are built. A number of them also are generally laid up here, when not engaged in actual service. Indeed, from its con­venient situation with respect to the Straits, this is the best sea-port that he has for employing to ad­vantage these small vessels.

The bay is sufficiently spacious, but it is dange­rous for shipping in a strong easterly wind. The most secure place for anchorage is on the eastern part of the bay, about half a mile from shore, in a line with the round tower and the Spanish consul's house, which makes a very conspicuous ap­pearance from the bay.

On the southern side of the bay is the river, where, before it was choaked up with sand-banks, the emperor used to winter his large ships, which he is now obliged to send to Larache. Most of the rivers in the emperor's dominions, which were [Page 8] formerly navigable, and well calculated for the the fitting out of vessels, and for the laying of them up in safety, have now their mouths so con­tinually filling with sand, that in a course of years small fishing boats only will be able to enter them. It has often occurred to me, that an enquiry into the state of the emperor's navy, and in particular into the inconvenience of his harbours, might be an object of some consequence to the different Eu­ropean powers, who now condescend to pay a most disgraceful tribute to this shadow of imperial dig­nity.

Over the river of Tangier are the ruins of an ancient bridge, supposed to have been erected by the Romans. The centre of it only is destroyed, and that does not seem to be the effect of time. It more probably was pulled down by the Moors, for the purpose of permitting their vessels to enter the river. The remainder of it is entire, and by its thickness and solidity it evinces the excellence of the ancient architects, and shews that strength, as well as beauty, made a considerable part of their study.

As I propose in a future part of this Narrative to describe very particularly the architecture, houses, furniture, &c. in this country, I shall conclude my account of Tangier by observing, that in time of peace it carries on a small trade with Gibraltar and the neighbouring coast of Spain, by supplying those places with provisions, and receiving in return European commodities of almost every kind.

In a fortnight after my arrival at Tangier the consul received a letter from the prince, infor­ming him of his return to Tarudant, and of his [Page 9] wish [...] the English surgeon might be dispatched to [...] [...]iately. Previous to my departure, how [...] I became necessary to consider what wa [...] [...] for the journey.

Two [...]orsemen of the Black or Negro cavalry, armed with long muskets and sabres, were dis­patched by the prince to escort me, and had been waiting for that purpose for some time. The go­vernor of the town had orders to supply me with a tent, mules, and an interpreter. But it was not without much difficulty that a person could be found in Tangier who could speak the English and Arabic languages sufficiently well to perform that office; and it was owing to an accident that I at length was enabled to obtain one.

After searching the whole town in vain, the go­vernor ordered, during the Jewish hour of prayer, that enquiries should be made among all the syna­gogues for a person who understood both lan­guages. An unfortunate Jew, whose occupation was that of selling fruit about the streets at Gib­raltar, and who had come to Tangier merely to spend a few days with his wife and family during a Jewish festival, being unacquainted with the in­tent of the enquiry, unguardedly answered in the affirmative. Without further ceremony the poor man was dragged away from his friends and home, and constrained by force to accompany me.

Of the mode in this despotic government of seizing persons at the arbitrary pleasure of a go­vernor, an Englishman can scarcely form an idea. Three or four lusty Moors, with large clubs in their hands, grasp the wretched and defenceless [Page 10] victim with as much energy as if [...] in Hercules, from whom they [...]ected [...] [...]or­midable resistance, and [...] him [...]eath before they deliver him [...].—Such was exactly the [...] of [...] [...]nfor­tunate interpreter.

From the sudden and abrupt manner in which he was hurried away, in the midst of his devotions, the women immediately took the alarm, flew in a body to the house of the consul, and with shrieks and lamentations endeavoured to prevail on him to get the man excused from his journey. The immense distance, and the ill treatment which they knew was offered to Jews by the Moors, when not under some civilized controul, were certainly sufficient motives for this alarm on the part of the women. Upon the consul's assuring them, how­ever, that the wife should be taken care of, and the husband sent back without any expence to him on our arrival at Mogodore, where I was to be furnished with another interpreter, and upon my promising to protect the Jew from insult, and, if he behaved well, to reward him for his trouble, the women immediately dispersed, and returned home apparently satisfied.

When this business was completed, the consul furnished me with a proper quantity of liquors, two days provisions, a beadstead formed by three folding stools, for the conveniency of packing it on the mules, with proper cooking utensils, and an oil-skin case to carry my bedding. The whole of my equipage, therefore, consisted of two Negro soldiers, a Jewish interpreter, one saddle-mule [Page 11] [...] and another for him, two baggage­ [...] [...] a Moorish muleteer on foot to take care of [...].

[...] [...]he 30th of September, at three in the after [...]on we set out on our journey; and at six the same evening arrived at a small village about eight miles from Tangier, named Hyn Dalia, where we slept that night. The country through which we passed, after quitting the neighbourhood of Tangier, was barren and mountainous, with scarcely any inhabitants; and it countinued so the whole way to Larache, only a few miserable hamlets presenting themselves occasionally to our view. The villages throughout this empire con­sist of huts rudely constructed of stones, earth, and canes, covered with thatch, and enclosed with thick and high hedges. This description exactly applies to that which received us on the first even­ing of our expedition.

So careful had the governor of Tangier been in executing his commission, and so attentive to the accommodation of the person who was to restore health to his royal master's favourite son, that upon examining my tent, it was found so full of holes, and in every respect so out of order, that I was obliged to place my bed under a hedge, and make use of my tattered tent as a side cover­ing.

After spending the night in this singular situa­tion, we proceeded on our journey at half past seven in the morning, and in an hour after crossed the river Marha, which was nearly dry; though I was informed that after the heavy rains it is deep and dangerous to be forded. In a wet season, [Page 12] the rivers are swelled, travellers are frequently detained for several days upon their banks. There are in fact but very few bridges in this country, so that, except at the sea-ports, where they have boats, there is no method of passing streams which are too deep to be forded, except by swimming, or by the use of rafts.

At ten we entered a thick and extensive forest, named Rabe a Clow. From its situation on a high mountain, from the rocky and difficult ascent, and from the distant view of the ocean through the openings of the trees, this forest [...]refe [...]ed [...]o us an uncommonly wild, romantic, and, I may with truth say, a sublime appearance. From this prospect, however, our attention was in a great measure diverted by the miserable road over which we now found we were to pass, extending for the most part over steep mountains and craggy rocks. On this account we were obliged to ride very slow, and with the greatest caution.

At eleven we crossed another river, called Ma­chira la chef, running at the bottom of this ele­vated forest, which, though the season was dry, was rather deep. Here the eye was agreeably refreshed, by a fine champaigne country, and a good road before us. On this we continued until we arrived at a rivulet with some trees growing at a small distance from its margin. At noon I fixed upon the most shady spot I could find, and, agreeably to the Moorish fashion, sat down cross-legged on the grass and dined.

As the dressing of victuals would have retarded us too much on our journey, I al [...] made a point of having something prep [...]ed [...]ight be­fore [Page 13] to eat cold the following day. Such repasts in fresco were agreeable enough, when wholesome and palatable water could be procured; but very frequently that was far from being the case. In many places it was so muddy and offensive, that, though extremely thirsty, I could not drink it un­less corrected with wine.

Except in the large towns, no provisions could be procured but fowls and eggs; with these, which I had been before accustomed to esteem as delicacies, I now began to be satiated and dis­gusted. My usual supper upon my rout was a cup of strong coffee and a toast, which I found much more refreshing than animal food. Every morn­ing I breakfasted upon the same, and experienced the invigorating effects of this beverage, by its enabling me to support the fatigues of the day.

After pursuing our course for about two hours, we arrived at the river Lorifa, where we were detained an hour by the height of the tide. The uncertainty and unevenness of the bottom, and the number of large stones which lie in the channel of this river, render it at all times unsafe to be passed. This circumstance we very sensibly ex­perienced; for when the tide permitted us to make the attempt, though we had men on foot for the purpose of guiding our beasts, still by their striking against the stones, and by their sudden plunges into deep holes, we were continually thrown for­ward upon their necks.

Hardiness and dexterity are, perhaps, the first among the few advantages which uncivilized na­tions enjoy. It was amusing in this place to ob­serve a number of Moors, who were travelling [Page 14] on foot, pull off their cloaths, place them com­modiously on their heads, and immediately swim across the stream.

In the evening we reached Arzilla, where, in consequence of the service in which I was engaged, application was made by the soldiers to the Al­caide, or governor of the town, to procure me a lodging. Arzilla is eleven hours journey, or about thirty miles distant from Tangier: for the Moors compute distances by hours; and as the pace of their mules is at the rate of three miles an hour, the length of [...] journey is generally calcu­lated in this way with sufficient accuracy.

The apartment assigned me was a miserable room in the castle, without any windows, and re­ceiving light from a door-way (for there was no door) and from three holes in the wall about six inches square. This castle covers a large space of ground; and though it is now in a very ruinous condition, appears to have been a building erect­ed formerly in a superior stile of Moorish gran­deur.

The town is a small sea-port upon the Atlantic ocean. It was once in the possession of the Por­tugueze, and was at that time a place of strength; but through the indolence and caprice of the Moorish princes its fortifications have been since neglected, and its walls are rapidly decaying in almost every part. The houses have a miserable appearance, and the inhabitants, who consist of a few Moors and Jews, live in a state of the most perfect poverty.

The reader may form some idea of the manners of this country, by imagining me and my interpre­ter [Page 15] at one end of the room, as above described, drinking coffee; and at the other, the muleteer and the soldiers enjoying themselves over a large bowl of Cuscasou, which they were devouring with all the fervour of an excellent appetite, and in the primitive fashion, that is with their fingers. This species of food is very common among the Moors, who have a tradition that it was invented by their prophet Mahomet, at a time when he could ob­tain neither sleep nor subsistence. It is their prin­cipal treat to all foreign ministers, and travellers of distinction who visit the country. It consists of bits of paste about the size of rice, crumbled in­to an earthen colander, and cooked by the steam of boiled meat and vegetables. The whole is then put into an earthen dish, and butter and spices added to it. The dish is served up in a wooden tray, with a cover of palmetto leaves plaited to­gether.

About an hour after my arrival the governor, and several of the principal Moors, paid me a visit, and brought me, in compliment to my royal patient, a present of fruit, eggs, and fowls. After a con­versation of about half an hour, during which many compliments passed on both sides, my visitors took their leave, and we all retired to rest.

As the report was rapidly and extensively cir­culated that a Christian surgeon was arrived in the town, I found myself visited very early in the morning by a number of patients, whose cases were in general truly deplorable. Many of these objects were afflicted with total blindness, white swellings, inveterate chronical rheumatisms, and [Page 16] dropsies. It was in vain to assure these unfortu­nate and ignorant people that their complaints were beyond the reach of medicine. All I could allege gained not the smallest credit; a Christian doctor, they asserted, could cure every malady, and repeatedly offered me their hands to feel their pulse; for diseases of every kind in this country, it seems, are to be discovered merely by an applica­tion to the pulse.

From the urgent importunities of my patients, who all wished to be attended to at the same time, I was at first at a loss how to proceed; however, I found myself under the necessity of ordering my guards to keep off the crowd, and permit one only to consult me at a time. It was truly distressing to observe so many objects of real misery before me, without having it in my power to administer that relief for which they appeared so anxious, and which they were so confident of obtaining. Though most of their complaints appeared to be incurable, yet had my time permitted I should have expe­rienced the most heart-felt pleasure in exerting every means in my power to alleviate their suffer­ings. Circumstanced as I was, I could only re­commend them medicines which could have but a temporary effect, and which served rather to send them away satisfied than to afford a perma­nent relief.

In the mean time the governor had been paying attention to the bad condition of my tent, and by ordering the worst parts to be cut out, and the rest to be patched, had reduced it so much in size that he had scarcely left room for myself and interpreter with difficulty to creep into it.

[Page 17]At eight o'clock the same morning, October 2d, we began our route for the city of Larache, about twenty-two miles from Arzilla, and ar­rived there the same day about four in the after­noon. Our journey thither was principally on the beach, so that but little occurred which was worthy of observation. Before we could enter the town, we were ferried over the river Luccos, which in this part is about half a mile in breadth, and after many beautiful meanders falls into the ocean at Larache.

CHAP. II.

IMMEDIATELY on my arrival at Larache I was introduced to the Alcaide or governor, whom I found to be a very handsome black. He shewed me great attention, and placed me in a very decent apartment in the castle, which is in a state totally different from that of Arzilla.

Larache formerly belonged to the Spaniards; it has tolerably neat buildings, and is of a mode­rate extent. This city is situated at the mouth of the river Luccos, upon an easy descent to the sea. The agreeable windings of the river, the clusters of date and various other trees irregularly disposed, and the gentle risings of the ground, have a most picturesque effect; which, aided by the reflection that your are contemplating the pure works of nature, unassisted or undeformed by art, cannot fail to inspire the most pleasing sensations.

The town, though not regularly fortified, pos­sesses one fort and two batteries in good repair. The streets are paved, and there is a decent market­place with stone piazzas. This city indeed on the whole exhibits a much cleaner and neater appear­ance [Page 19] than any town which I visited in Barbary, Mogodore excepted.

At the port vessels are refitted and supplied with stores, though there are no docks nor con­veniencies for building large ships. From the depth and security of the river the emperor is in­duced to lay up his large vessels at Larache during the winter season. It indeed is the only port which he possesses that can answer that purpose. It is however probable, that this river in process of time will be subject to the same inconvenience as that of Tangier, owing to the accumulation of sand, which already has produced a bar at its en­trance, of which the annual increase is very per­ceptible.

As one of my mules had fallen lame, I con­tinued the whole of the following day at LARACHE, with a view of exchanging him; but to my great mortification was not able to succeed in the at­tempt. During a great part of the day my room was so filled with patients that it might with great propriety be compared to an infirmary, and that not one of the least considerable.

The diseases that I observed to be most prevalent, were the hydrocele; violent inflammmations in the eyes, very frequently terminating in blind­ness; the itch, combined with inveterate leprous affections; dropsies, and white swellings. I also observed a few intermittent and billious fevers, and frequently complaints of the stomach, arising from indigestion. Though this country has in a few instances been visited by the plague, yet that disease by no means is so prevalent here as in the Eastern parts of Barbary, which are more con­tiguous [Page 20] to Turkey, whence it is supposed usually to proceed.

The cause of the hydrocele so frequently occur­ring in this country seems to be in a great measure the loose dress of the Moors, and the great relaxa­tion which is induced by the warmth of the cli­mate. ^* The ophthalmy, or inflammation of the eyes, is evidently occasioned by their being exposed to the reflection of the sun from the houses, which are universally whitened over. To this inconveni­ence the Moors are more particularly subject, from their dress not being calculated to keep off the rays of the sun, and from no person being allowed the use of an umbrella except the emperor.

The leprous affection appears to be hereditary, for I was informed that it has been frequently traced back from one family to another for several generations, and it has all the appearance of being the true leprosy of the antients. It breaks out in great blotches over the whole body, in some few forming one continual sore, which frequently heals up, and at stated times breaks out afresh, but is never thoroughly cured. During my residence at Morocco, I had frequent opportunities of trying a variety of remedies for this complaint, but I never succeeded further than a temporary cure, for upon discontinuing the medicines the disease was certain to return. The white swellings and dropsies probably arise from poor living; three [Page 21] parts of the people seldom having any other kind of provision than coarse bread, fruit, and vegeta­bles.

With respect to the state of medical and chirur­gical knowledge in this country, it is very limited indeed. They have, however, their practitioners in physic, both Moors and Jews, who have gone through the form of fitting themselves for the pro­fession, which chiefly consists in selecting from the antient Arabic manuscripts that remain in the coun­try some simple remedies, which they afterwards apply, as well as they are able, to various distem­pers.

Their methods of treating disorders are, bleed­ing, cupping, scarifying, fomentations, and giving internally decoctions of herbs. Some are bold enough in the hydrocele to let out the water with a lancet; and there are those who even couch for the cataract. I never had an opportunity of seeing the operation of couching performed in Barbary, but I was introduced to a Moor at the city of Mo­rocco, who told me that he had performed it, and shewed me the instrument which he used for the purpose. This was a piece of thick brass wire, terminating gradually at one end in a point not very sharp.

The Moors chiefly depend upon topical reme­dies, and seldom make use of internal medicines. Being strangers to the manner in which they are to operate, they seem to entertain no favourable opinion of their efficacy. It is indeed almost im­possible to persuade them that a medicine received into the stomach can relieve complaints in the head or extremities. It is but justice, however, to add, [Page 22] that I never knew them object to any thing that I administered, provided I clearly explained to them the manner in which they were to be benefited by it. From these observations, and from the frequent recourse which the Mahometans have to charms and amulets, it appears that, notwith­standing their belief in predestination, they are not averse to the use of means for the removal of disorders.

Of the number who applied to me for relief at Larache, none appeared to exhibit the least sense of gratitude except one; the rest behaved as if they thought they did me a greater favour by asking my advice, than I conferred on them by giving it. The person to whom I allude, as being so different in his conduct from the rest, was an old Moor of some distinction in the place, who desired me to come to his house and visit a sick friend, with which request I immediately complied. The ma [...] for this trifling attention was so uncommonly gra [...] ­ful, that reflecting on the place where I was, and on the treatment I had already experienced, I was astonished and gratified beyound expression. After sending to my apartment a large supply of poultry and fruit, the usual present of the country, he waited on me himself, and assured me, that while he lived he should never forget the favour which I had done him; at the same time insisting upon my making use of his house as my own upon my return. As this was the principal instance of this very singular virtue among the Moors, which I expe­rienced during my whole tour in Barbary, I have thought it my duty to be particular in mentioning the circumstance.

[Page 23]On the 4th of October, at six in the morning, we left Larache, and at ten passed the river Clough, a small stream. At four in the afternoon we came to the ruins of a large castle, said to have been built some hundred years ago, by a Moor of distinction, named Dar Coresy, who was put to death by the then reigning emperor, and his castle destroyed. Most of the castles and other public buildings in­deed, which I saw in this empire, afforded strong marks of having suffered more from the hands of the tyrant, than from the injuries of time.

I have already mentioned the beautiful prospects in the country adjacent to Larache: those in the road from that city to Mamora were not less de­lightful. We travelled among trees of various kinds, so agreeably arranged that the place had more the appearance of a park than of an unculti­vated country. We crossed over plains which, without the aid of the husbandman, were rich in verdure; and we had a view of lakes which ex­tended many miles in length, the sides of which were lined with Arab encampments, and their sur­faces covered with innumerable water-fowl. The fineness of the day greatly added to the pleasure I received from these variegated scenes, which are not unworthy the pencil of the ablest artist.

At half past four in the aftenoon we arrived at the first of these lakes, and pitched our tent in the centre of one of the encampments.

These encampments are generally at a very con­siderable distance from the cities and towns; the villages, on the other hand, are commonly quite in the vicinity of some town. The encampment consists of broad tents, constructed either of the [Page 24] leaves of the palmetto, or of camels hair. Some of them are supported by canes, and others are fixed by pegs. The form of an Arab tent is in some degree similar to a tomb, or the keel of a ship reversed. They are dyed black, are broad, and very low. The tent of the Shaik or governor is considerably larger than any of the others, and is placed in a conspicuous part of the camp. These camps are named by the Arabs Douhars, and the number of tents in them vary according to the pro­portion of people in the tribe or family. Some of the Douhars contain only four or five, while others consist of near a hundred. The camp forms either a complete circle or an oblong square, but the first is more common. The cattle, which are left to graze at large in the day, are carefully secured within the boundaries at night.

In all the camps the tents are closed on the North side, and are quite open on the South, by which means they escape the cold Northerly winds, so prevalent in this country during the winter season.

The Arabs who inhabit these encampments are in many respects a very different race of people from the Moors who inhabit the towns. The latter, from being in general more affluent, from their intercourse with Europeans, and from their different education, have introduced luxuries, and imbibed ideas, of which the others are entirely ignorant. From their strong family attachments indeed, as well as from their inveterate prejudices in favour of antient customs, these tribes of Arabs appear to be at a vast distance from a state of civi­lization. As this singular people associate con­tinually [Page 25] in tribes, their marriages are confined to their own family; and so strict are they in the ob­servance of this attachment, that they will not per­mit a person who is not is some degree related to them to inhabit the same camp with themselves.

The husband, wife, and children all sleep in the same tent, commonly on a pallet of sheep-skins, but sometimes on the bare ground. The children remain with their parents till they marry, when the friends of each party are obliged to provide them with a tent, a stone hand-mill to grind their corn, a basket, a wooden bowl, and two earthen dishes, which constitute the whole of their furni­ture. Besides these they have, however, a mar­riage portion, which consists of a certain number of camels, horses, cows, sheep, and goats, with a proportionable quantity of wheat and barley: and by grazing and cultivating the neighbouring ground they gradually increase their stock. The Arabs have seldom more than one wife. Their women, who are in general the very opposite to every idea of beauty, do not, like those who in­habit the towns, conceal their faces in the pre­sence of strangers.

Each camp is under the direction of a SHAIK, to whom the rest apply for redress whenever they feel themselves aggrieved. This governor is in­vested with the power of inflicting any punish­ment which he may think proper, short of death. He is appointed by the emperor, and is in general the Arab who possesses the greatest property.

As they are generally at a distance from any mosque where they can exercise their religion, an empty tent is allotted for the purposes of worship, [Page 26] which is placed in the centre of the camp, and which at the same time serves for the nightly a­bode of any traveller who may pass tnat way; and those who take shelter in it are provided with a good supper, at the expence of the whole associa­tion. Within this tent all the children assemble every morning an hour before day-break, before a large wood fire, which is made on the outside, and learn their prayers, which are written in Ara­bic characters on boards, and are always hanging up in the tent. The learning to read the few pray­ers which are on these boards, and to commit them to memory, is the only education to which the Arabs in general ever attain.

The unsettled turn of these people has con­ferred upon them the appellation of wandering Arabs. As soon as the land which surrounds them becomes less productive, and their cattle have de­voured all the pasture, they strike their tents, and move on to some more fertile spot, till necessity again compels them to retire. I met one of these tribes upon their march, and observed that not only their camels, horses, and mules, but also their bulls and cows, were laden with their tents, im­plements o [...] agriculture, wives and children, &c.

In the empire of Morocco all landed property, except what is immediately connected with towns, belongs to the emperor. The Arabs, therefore, when they wish to change their situation, are obli­ged to procure a licence from him, or at least from the bashaw of the province, allowing them to take possession of any particular spot of ground; and in consideration of this indulgence they pay the emperor a proportion of its produce.

[Page 27]The treatment which I experienced from these people was kind and hospitable, betraying no signs of that inclination to impose upon strangers, which so strongly mark the character of the inhabitants of the towns. As soon as my tent was pitched, numbers flocked round it, but apparently more from curiosity than from any intention of offend­ing. On the contrary, they appeared exceedingly desirous to do every thing in their power for my accommodation.

The dress of the men consists of a long coarse frock, made of undyed wool, which is girt about the waist, and is called a Cashove. In addition to this they wear the Haick, which is a piece of stuff several yards in length, made either of wool, or wool and cotton. This, when they go abroad, they use as a cloak, throwing it over the whole of the under-dress in a careless manner, the up­per part serving to cover their head. They wear their hair cut quite close, use no turban, cap, nor stockings, and seldom even wear slippers.

The dress of the women is nearly the same, dif­fering only in the mode of putting [...] the Cas­hove, which is so contrived as to form a bag on their backs, for the purpose of carrying their chil­dren; and this they are able to do, and perform all the drudgery of the family at the same time. Their hair, which is black, is worn in different plaits, and is covered with a handkerchief tied close to their head. They are very fond of gold and silver trinkets when they can obtain them, and none of them are without a number of bead necklaces. Their children go quite naked till the [Page 28] age of nine or ten, when they are initiated in the drudgery of their parents.

The mode of living amongst these people is much the same as that of the Moors in towns, cuscosou being their principal diet. Besides this, however, they eat camels and foxes flesh, and sometimes even cats have fallen victims to their voracity. They use barley bread, which is pre­pared without yeast or leaven, and baken in an earthen dish in the shape of a cake.

The complexion of the Arabs is a dark brown, or rather olive-colour. Their features, from their mere active life, have stronger expression and few­er marks of effeminacy than those of the Moors in towns. Their eyes are black, and their teeth in general white and regular.

The ill effects of strong family prejudices, and of that narrow and exclusive disposition which ac­companies them, is strongly marked in these little societies. Every camp beholds its neighbour with detestation or contempt. Perpetual feuds arise be­tween the inhabitants of each, and too commonly are productive of bloodshed, and the most extra­vagant outrages. When one of these unfortunate contests proceeds to open acts of violence, it sel­dom terminates till the emperor has taken a share in the dispute. Whoever is the author, [...]e at least generally derives advantage from these dis­sensions; for, independent of the corporal punish­ment which he inflicts, he also imposes heavy fines upon the contending tribes, which proves the most effectual mode of pacifying the combatants.

Besides what the emperor gains in this way, which is frequently considerable, he likewise re­ceives [Page 29] annually the tenth of every article of con­sumption which is the produce of the country; he also sometimes exacts an extraordinary impost, an­swering in value to about the fortieth part of eve­ry article they possess, which is levied for the pur­pose of supporting his troops. Besides these levies, these unfortunate people are liable to any other ex­action which his caprice may direct him to impose upon them, from a plea of pretended or real ne­cessity. The first tax (the tenth) is paid either in corn and cattle, or in money. The other is al­ways paid in corn and cattle.

The mode practised by the emperor for extort­ing money from his subjects is very simple and ex­peditions. He sends orders to the bashaw or go­vernor of the province to pay him the sum he wants within a limited time. The bashaw immediately collects it, and sometimes double the sum, as a re­ward to his own industry, from the Alcaides of the towns and Shaiks of the encampments in the province which he commands. The example of the bashaw is not lost upon these officers, who take care to compensate their own trouble with equal liberality from the pockets of the subjects; so that by means of this chain of despotism, which descends from the emperor to the meanest officer, the wretched people generally pay about four times the taxes which the emperor receives—so little gainers are arbitrary monarchs by the oppres­sion of the public! The exactions indeed have been sometimes so severe, that the Arabs have positively refused to satisfy the emperor's demands, and have obliged him to send a party of soldiers to enforce them. Whenever he is forced to this extremity, [Page 30] the soldiers never fail to give full scope to their love of plunder.

When a stranger sleeps in one of these camps, he rests in the most perfect safety; for if he loses the least article, or is in any respect injured, all the Arabs of the camp become answerable for it. So that a foreigner travels with much greater securi­ty under the protection of government in this em­pire, than among the nations of Europe which are more civilized.

The lakes in this part of the world furnish great plenty of water-fowl and eels. The manner of catching the latter being in some degree curi­ous, I shall trespass upon the reader's patience while I endeavour to give some account of it.

A sort of skiff, about six feet long and two broad, is formed of bundles of reeds and rushes, rudely joined together, leaving only sufficient room to contain one man. The skiff gradually narrows off towards the head, where it terminates in a point, which is bent upwards in a manner similar to the turn of a scate. It is guided and managed entirely by one long pole, and from its lightness is capable of very quick motion. For the imme­diate purpose of taking the eels, a number of strong canes are fixed together, with a barbed iron in each, and with this instrument, as soon as the eels are observed in the water, the man im­mediately strikes at them with great dexterity, and generally with success.

Almost the whole employment of the Arabs con­sists in the tillage of the ground adjacent to their camps, and in the grazing of their cattle. The grounds at a distance from the lakes, by the burn­ing [Page 31] of the stubble in the autumn, and a slight turn­ing up of the earth with a wooden plough-share, produce good crops of barley and wheat; and by these means the Arabs procure not only sufficient for their consumption, but are even enabled to bring a part for sale to the neighbouring markets. Near the marshes and lakes their flocks and herds find a very rich pasture, which from the number of every species which I observed, added in no small degree to the beauty of the romantic scene.

With respect to their markets, they have spots of ground fixed upon for that purpose within a few hours ride of their habitations, where once a week all the neighbouring Arabs transport their cattle, poultry, fruit, and corn, to be disposed of, and sometimes meet with a good sale from the Moorish merchants, who come from the town to purchase cattle and grain.

Were the emperor to allow a free exportation of corn, with moderate duties, and to permit the people to enjoy what they earn, exacting only the tax allowed him by the Koran, of a tenth on each article, his subjects would soon become very rich, and his own revenue would be trebly increased. The soil is so fertile, that every grain is computed to produce an hundred fold; but, owing to the want of a greater demand for this article, the Arabs sow little more than is necessary for their own use.

The only guards of these rude habitations, both against thieves and wild beasts, are dogs of a very large and fierce species. If these animals perceive a stranger approach the camp, they furiously issue in a body against him, and probably would tear him to [Page 32] pieces, were they not restrained, and called off by their owners. Through the whole of the night they keep up an incessant and melancholy barking and howling, which, though doubtless very use­ful, in keeping their masters upon the watch, and frightening away wild beasts, yet, when united to the lowing of the herds and neighing of the horses which occupy the vacant spaces of the camp, cer­tainly tends to depress the spirits, and impede that rest which the fatigue attending those journeys naturally requires.

On the 5th of October, between five and six in the morning, we quitted the habitations of th [...]se hospitable Arabs, and travelled on to Mamora, where we arrived about six the same evening. The greater part of this day's journey afforded us a continuation of nearly the same appearances with that of the preceding day.

As we approached the town, we observed on each side of the lakes several sanctuaries of Moor­ish saints. These sanctuaries are stone buildings of about ten yards square, whitened over, with a cupola at the top, containing in them the body of the saint.

A veneration for persons of eminent sanctity has pervaded all nations and all religions of the world. The Mahometan religion appears as little favour­able to this species of superstition as most with which we are acquainted, as it so tenaciously in­sists on the unity of God, and so strictly inhibits all creatures whatever from participating in the honours which are due only to the Deity. Some degree of idolatry, however, will prevail in every rude nation. When, therefore, a Mahometan [Page 33] saint dies, he is buried with the utmost solemnity, and a chapel is erected over his grave, which place afterwards becomes more sacred than even the mosques themselves.

If the most atrocious criminal takes refuge in one of these chapels, or sanctuaries, his person is secure. The emperor himself, who rarely scruples to employ any means whatever that may serve to accomplish his purpose, seldom violates the privi­lege of these places. When a Moor is oppressed by any mental or bodily affliction, he applies to the nearest sanctuary, and afterwards returns home with his mind calm and comforted, expecting to derive some considerable benefit from the prayers which he has offered there: and in all desperate cases the sanctuary is the last resort.

Saints in Barbary are of two kinds. The first are those who by frequent ablutions, prayers, and other acts of devotion, have acquired an extraor­dinary reputation for piety. Too many of these are artful hypocrites, who under the mask of religion practise the most flagrant immoralities. There are, however, instances of some among them, whose practices accord in general with their profession, and who make it their business to attend upon the sick, and assist the necessitous and un­happy. From such as these the severe spirit of philosophy itself will scarcely withhold respect and veneration.

Idiots and madmen form the second class of saints. In every state of society, indeed, an opi­nion has been prevalent, that persons afflicted with these mental complaints were under the in­fluence of superior powers. The oracles and pro­phets [Page 34] of the heathen world derived their celebrity from this circumstance; and even among the lower classes in our own country we frequently have to encounter a similar prejudice. In conformity, therefore, with th [...]se notions, so natural to uncu­ltivated man, the Moors consider these unhappy persons as being under the special protection of Heaven, and divinely inspired. Superstition here, as perhaps in some other instances, becomes ad­mirably subservient to humanity and charity. In consequence of this prejudice, the most friendless and unprotected race of mortals find friends and protectors in the populace themselves. They are fed and cloathed gratis wherever they wander, and are sometimes loaded with presents. A Moor might with as much safety offer an insult to the emperor himself, as attempt by any severity to restrain even the irregularities of these reputed prophets.

It must not, however, be dissembled, that opi­nions which have not their basis in reason and philosophy are seldom found to operate uniformly for the advantage of society. Independent of the wide scope which these superstitious notions afford to hypocrisy, numberless are the evils with which they are attended, since whatever mischief these supposed ministers of heaven may perpetrate, their persons are always sacred. It is not long since there was a saint at Morocco, whose constant amuse­ment was to wound and kill whatever persons un­fortunately fell his in way; yet, in spite of the many fatal consequences from his insanity, he was still suffered to go at large. Such was the malig­nity of his disposition, that while he was in the [Page 35] very act of prayer he would watch for an oppor­tunity to throw his rosary round the neck of some person within his reach, with an intent to strangle him. While I resided at Morocco, I sensibly ex­perienced the inconvenience of coming within the vicinity of these saints, as they seemed to take a particular pleasure in insulting and annoying Chris­tians.

Besides these, I may mention under the head of saints or prophets, the Marabouts, a class of im­postors who pretend to [...]kill in magic, and are highly esteemed by the natives. They lead an in­dolent life, are the venders of spells and charms, and live by the credulity of the populace.

There is also among these people a set of itiner­ant mountaineers, who pretend to be the favourites of the prophet Mahomet, and that no kind of ve­nomous creatures can hurt them. But the most singular of this class are the Sidi Nasir, or snake-eaters, who exhibit in public upon market-days, and entertain the crowd by eating live snakes, and per­forming juggling deceptions. I was once present at this strange species of amusement, and saw a man, in the course of two hours, eat a living ser­pent of four feet in length. He danced to the sound of wild music, vocal and instrumental, with a variety of odd gestures and contortions, several times round the circle formed by the spectators. He then began his attack upon the tail, after he had recited a short prayer, in which he was joined by the multitude. This ceremony was repeated at intervals, till he had entirely devoured the snake.

[Page 36]Thus far by way of digression; I now return to the course of my narrative. Early in the even­ing of the fifth, we arrived at Mamora, which is distant about sixty-four miles from Larache. It is situated upon a hill near the mouth of the river Saboe, the waters of which, gradually widening in their course, fall into the Atlantic at this place, and form a harbour for small vessels.

Mamora, like the generality of the Moorish towns through which I passed, contains little worthy of observation. While it was in the pos­session of the Portugueze it was encompassed by a double wall, which still remains; it had also other fortifications which are destroyed. At present, it possesses only a small fort on the sea-side.

The fertile pastures, the extensive waters and plantations, which we passed on our way hither, have already been remarked. The vicinity of Mamora is equally enchanting. What a delight­ful residence would it be, if the country had not the misfortune to groan under an arbitrary go­vernment!

In the morning, between eight and nine, we mounted our mules, leaving Mamora, and direct­ing our course towards Sallee; where we arrived between one and two at noon, after having tra­velled over a space of about fifteen miles. The road between Mamora and Sallee, is in excellent order, and tolerably pleasant. It extends along a vale, towards which the hills gently slope on each side.

Within a quarter of a mile of Sallee, we ar­rived at an aqueduct, which the natives assert to [Page 37] have been built many years ago by the Moors; but from its style, and striking marks of antiquity, it bears more the resemblance of a piece of Roman architecture. Its walls, which are remarkably thick and high, extend in length for about half a mile, and have three stupendous arch-ways opening to the road, through one of which we passed on our way to Sallee. Although time has laid its destructive hand in some degree on this ancient piece of architecture, yet it still serves the purpose of supplying the town of Sallee with ex­cellent water.

CHAP. III.

THE name of Sallee is famous in history, and has decorated many a well-told tale. Those piratical vessels which were fitted out from this port, and which were known by the name of Sal­lee-rovers; were long the terror of the mercantile world. Equally dreaded for their valour and their cruelty, the adventurers who navigated these swift and formidable vessels, depopulated the ocean, and even dared sometimes to extend their devasta­tions to the Christian coasts. As plunder was their sole aim, in the acquisition of it nothing im­peded their career. Human life was of no value in their estimation, or if it was sometimes spared, it was not through any sentiment of justice or compas­sion, but only that it might be protracted in the most wretched of situations, as the hopeless slave to the luxury and caprice of a fellow mortal. The town of Sallee in its present state, though large, pre­sents nothing worthy the observation of the tra­veller, except a battery of twenty-four pieces of cannon fronting the sea, and a redoubt at the en­trance [Page 39] of the river, which is about a quarter of a mile broad, and penetrates several miles into the interior country.

On the side opposite to Sallee is situated the town of Rabat, which formerly partook equally with Sallee in its piratical depredations, and was generally confounded with it. While Sa [...] [...] Rabat [...] were thus formidable, they [...] might be termed independent states, pay [...] [...] a very small tribute to the emperor, and [...] acknowledging him for their sovereign. This state of independence undoubtedly gave uncom­mon vigour to their piratical exertions. Few will take much pains, or encounter great risks for the acquisition of wealth, without the certainty of enjoying it unmolested. Sidi Mahomet, how­ever, when prince, subdued these towns, and an­nexed them to the empire. This was ^* a mortal blow to their piracies; for when those desperate mariners felt the uncertainty of possessing any length of time their captures, they no longer be­came solicitous to acquire them; and at length, when the man who had deprived them of their privileges became emperor, he put a total stop to their depredations, by declaring himself at peace with all Europe. Since that period the entrance of the river has been so gradually filling up with sand washed in by the sea, that was it possible for these people to recover their independence, it would incapacitate them for carrying on their piracies to their former extent.

[Page 40]Having a letter of recommendation to Mr. De Rocher, the French consul-general, I was ferried over the river to Rabat, where he resides, and met with a very polite reception. Upon landing my [Page 41] baggage a very warm dispute arose between the muleteer and my interpreter, concerning the method of packing it on the mules again, for the purpose of carrying it to the consul's house. [Page 42] Both parties appeared so very strenuous in their cause, that neither of them paid any attention to my interference; and it was at length carried to such excess, that the muleteer struck my interpre­ter. Upon seeing this, I could no longer remain a silent spectator, and I have reason to fear my warmth was almost as intemperate as that of the disputants. The blow was given in so brutal a manner, that I could with difficulty restrain myself from immediately returning it. It was fortunate, however, that I still possessed sufficient coolness to reflect on the impropriety of such a proceeding, and I directed one of my Moorish soldiers to punish the muleteer. By means of long leather straps which he always carried about him, my Negro deputy performed his part so well on the back of the delinquent, that he was soon glad to fall on his knees, and intreat a pardon both from myself and the interpreter. I was more desirous of punishing the insult for the sake of establishing my authority and consequence with the soldiers, than [Page 43] from an intention of revenging the cause of the Jew, for I could not find out which of the dispu­tants was in the wrong; but as my attendants had on two or three former occasions shewn a disposition to be troublesome, and as so glaring an indignity was offered to the person who looked up to me for protection, I was determined to avail myself of this opportunity of convincing them that it was their duty to pay me every attention.

Mr. De Rocher, who resides in an excellent house built at the expence of his court, and who is the only European in the place, has happily blended original English hospitality with that easy politeness which characterizes his own nation. He gave me so pressing an invitation to spend an­other day with him, that though anxious to make an end of my journey, I could not resist his urg­ent solicitations.

The town of Rabat, whose walls enclose a large space of ground, is defended on the sea-side by three forts tolerably well finished, which were erected some little time ago by an English rene­gado, and furnished with guns from Gibraltar. The houses in general are good, and many of the inhabitants are wealthy. The Jews, who are very numerous in this place, are generally in better circumstances than those of Larache or Tangier, and their women are by far more beautiful than at any other town which I saw in this empire. I was introduced to one family in particular, where, out of eight sisters, nature had been so lavish to them all, that I felt myself at a loss to determine which was the handsomest. A combination of regular features, clearness of complexion, and expressive [Page 44] black eyes, gave them a distinguished pre-eminence over their nation in general; and their persons, though not improved by the advantages which the European ladies derive from dress, were still replete with grace and elegance.

The castle, which is very extensive, contains a strong building, formerly used by the late empe­ror as his principal treasury, and a noble terrace, which commands an extensive prospect of the town of Sallee, the ocean, and all the neighbour­ing country. There are also the ruins of another castle, which is said to have been built by Jacob Almonzor, one of their former emperors, and of which at present very little remains but its walls, containing within them some very strong maga­zines for powder and naval stores. On the out­side of these walls is a very high and square tower, handsomely built [...] [...]ut stone, and called the tower of Hassen. From the workmanship of this tower, contrasted with the other buildings, a very accu­rate idea may be formed how greatly the Moors have degenerated from their former splendour and taste for architecture.

In the evening the consul introduced me to Sidi Mahomet Effendi, the emperor's prime minister, who was at Rabat, on his way to Tangier. I found him a well-bred man, and he received me very graciously. After some conversation on the purpose of my journey, he desired I would feel his pulse, and acquaint him whether or not he was in health. Upon assuring him that he was perfectly well, he expressed in strong terms the obligation I had conferred on him by such agree­able information; and having wished me success [Page 45] in my journey and enterprize, we mutually took our leave.

I availed myself of my delay at Rabat to get the lame mule changed, and directed my Negro soldiers to arrange our affairs in such a manner that we might leave the place early the next morn­ing. Mr De Rocher, in addition to the kindness I had already experienced, ordered a quantity of bread, which at this place is remarkably good, to be packed up for my use, as well as a proportion­able share of cold meat, and as much wine as we could conveniently carry with us. This season­able supply lasted me three days, and gave me time to recover in some degree my former relish for fowls and eggs.

Though I must acknowledge that the attention and comforts which I experienced during my short stay at Rabat proved a great relief, after the in­conveniences I had undergone in travelling thither, yet on the whole, I perhaps suffered more from the idea of having similar inconveniences to those I had already experienced still to encounter, with­out a prospect of a similar alleviation, than if I had continued the whole journey in an uninter­rupted state. The consideration that I was to pass day after day through a country where there is little to amuse the eye; that I had no companion with whom I could converse, or to whom I could communicate my sentiments, and that I was to travel the whole day at the tedious pace of three miles an hour, and at a season of the year when the coldness of the mornings and evenings were a very indifferent preparation for the heats which succeeded in the middle of the day, altogether [Page 46] pressed so strongly upon my mind, that I must confess I could not help experiencing a considera­ble dejection of spirits at the idea of leaving Ra­bat. ^*.

[Page 47]In consequence of the indolence of my attend­ants, my baggage was not completely packed up on the 8th till between ten and eleven in the morn­ing, when I left the hospitable roof of Mr De Rocher, and proceeded on my journey for Dar Beyda, the next town which offered itself on my way to Mogodore.

With all the inconveniences which I had hither­to experienced, I had reason to think myself very fortunate in having such fine weather; for this was the season when the heavy rains usually come on, and when a shower of half an hour's continu­ance would wet more than the rain of a whole day in England. Dry weather had accompanied us the whole of the road from Tangier to Rabat, and the heat from the hours of eleven to three was violent; but, as I have just before observed, previous to, and after those hours, the air was un­commonly cool. As an alleviation to the great heat, we found the water-melons and pomegra­nates between Rabat and Mogodore of a most de­licious flavour, and of particular use in allaying the excessive thirst, and removing the fatigue we experienced from the journey. These fruits grow common in the open ground, and we only paid two blanquils, or three-pence English a-piece, for wa­ter-melons, which were sufficiently large to serve [Page 48] half a dozen people. I could not help observing how provident nature has been, in granting in such plenty, fruits so well calculated for the na­tives of warm climates. Indeed, many of the poor in this country have scarcely any other pro­visions than fruit and bread.

At the time of our departure the appearance in the atmosphere promised us a continuance of the same fine weather we had hitherto experienced; and it continued so till we had passed three small streams which the Moors name the Hitcumb, Sher­rat, and Bornica. These, after the heavy rains have fallen, swell out into deep and rapid rivers, and are frequently rendered totally impassable, ex­cept in boats or on rafts. About five in the eve­ning, however, very heavy and black clouds be­gan to assemble, and very shortly after followed a most severe storm. It was a dreadful union of wind, hail, rain, thunder, and lightning. From darkness approaching fast upon us, we be­came very anxious to find out a place of safety where we might pitch our tent, and for that pur­pose spurred our beasts; but no excitement from the spur or whip could induce them to face the storm, and we were obliged to wait a full hour in a state of inactivity, till its violence was over. We then pushed on till we arrived at a couple of Arab tents, pitched in an open country: bad as this situation was, we however rejoiced in be­ing able to fix our tent for the night, even in this unsociable spot.

On the 9th of October, it having rained the whole night, we were detained till between ten and eleven in the morning in drying the tent, [Page 49] which from its being quite wet, was become too heavy for the mules to carry with the other bag­gage; we then pursued our journey, and at twelve, arrived at the ruins of Mensooria. There was formerly a castle on this spot, which from the ex­tent of its walls, and a square tower which form the whole of the ruins, appears to have been a very large building. My soldiers informed me, that it had been the residence of a prince who was in opposition to his sovereign; and who was obli­ged to desert it. The building was destroyed by the then reigning emperor, and the intermediate ground is now inhabited by a few Negroes, living in small huts, who were banished thither for having on some occasion incurred the displeasure of the emperor. In an arbitrary country, where the possession of the throne depends more on the will of the soldiers than on the rights of succes­sion, the despot considers that castles may prove rather places of security for his opponents, than of any great utility to himself; he therefore either suffers them to decay, or destroys them entirely, according to the dictates of his caprice. Indeed every town through which I passed in the empire affords striking marks of the truth of this asser­tion.

Soon after our leaving Mensooria we came up to Fadala, having forded in our way the river In­fesic. Fadala whilst its ruins exist, will be a last­ing monument of Sidi Mahomet's caprice. It consists of the shell of a town, began by him in the early part of his reign, but never finished. It is enclosed within a square wall, and is furnished with a mosque (the only building that was com­pleated) [Page 50] for the use of the inhabitants, who, like those of Mensooria, live in huts in the intermedi­ate ground. To the right of Fadala we observed a small but apparently neat palace, which my at­tendants informed me was built by the late em­peror for his occasional use, when business led him to travel that way.

The remainder of our journey to Dar Beyda, where we arrived about six in the evening, af­forded nothing remarkable, excepting that we passed over a double bridge, which is the only piece of architecture of the [...]ind that I saw in the country. It is the work of Sidi Mahomet, and is built of stone. The country between Rabat and Dar Beyda, a distance of about forty-four miles, is one continuation of barrenness and rock.

Dar Beyda is a small sea-port of very little im­portance; it possesses, however, a bay which ad­mits vessels of pretty considerable burthen to anchor in it with tolerable safety, except when the wind blows hard at north-west, and then they are liable to be driven on shore. Upon my arri­val, I was immediately introduced to the gover­nor, who was then in the audience-chamber, at­tending to the complaints of the inhabitants. Af­ter offering me his services, and begging my acceptance of a few fowls, he soon left us in the possession of the room where we slept that night.

On the 10th of October we departed for Aza­more, about fifty-six miles distant, between seven and eight in the morning; and after a journey of two days came up to the Morbeya, at the mouth and southern side of which is situated Azamore. [Page 51] The river is so wide and deep here, that it is ne­cessary to be ferried over, and a large boat is con­tinually employed for that purpose.

We had no sooner got all our baggage, our mules, and ourselves into the boat, and were ready to row off, than a most violent dispute arose between my Negro soldiers and the ferry­men. As it was no new circumstance to me to be a witness to these altercations, I remained very quietly in the boat till I observed that one of the ferry-men was putting every thing on shore again, whilst another was collaring one of the soldiers. In fact, matters were proceeding to such extre­mities, that I thought it was full time to interfere.

Upon inquiry, I was informed that the propri­etor of the ferry farmed the river from the empe­ror, and that in consequence of it he was allowed all the perquisites of the ferry; that my soldiers insisted that as I was in the emperor's service, it was the duty of the people to ferry me, my bag­gage, &c. without receiving any reward for their trouble. Which of the two were in the right I could not pretend to determine; but I was very glad to end the dispute, by paying the usual de­mand. After a few curses on both sides, the bag­gage and mules were replaced in the boat, and we were ferried over to Azamore.

In a country where arts and sciences are totally neglected, and where the hand of despotism has destroyed public spirit, and depressed all private exertion, it is obvious, that considerable tracts must occur which are productive of nothing de­serving of notice. This was precisely the case in my journey from Dar Beyda to Azamore, which [Page 52] presented to our view one continued chain of rocks and barrenness, unpleasant and fatiguing roads, without any one object to vary the scene, or to interest curiosity.

Azamore is a sea-port town on the Atlantic ocean, situated at the mouth of the Morbeya; and though a large place, is neither ornamented with public buildings, nor has any thing remark­able in its history or situation.

In compliance with the particular request of one of my soldiers whose near relations reside at Aza­more, I continued here the remainder of the day, and was lodged in a room of a Moorish house, which was secluded from the family. Soon after my arrival I was visited by a Jew in an European dress, who had formerly lived with one of the English consuls, and who spoke the English lan­guage with tolerable fluency. He took me to his house, and there received me with great hospi­tality, insisting on my dining with him, and mak­ing use of his house as my own. After dinner he shewed me the different parts of the town; and in the course of our conversation requested me to be particularly cautious how I conducted myself with the prince whom I was going to attend; observing, that the Moors were extremely fickle, and their conduct governed merely by the caprice of the moment. To enforce this caution, he related to me a story, from which I learned that an Euro­pean surgeon had at some former period, attended a prince of Morocco, who, neglecting his advice when under his care, had increased his malady; that this circumstance so alarmed the prince that he sent for the surgeon, and upon his appearance [Page 53] produced a pistol. The unfortunate man, alarmed and distressed by such unworthy treatment, hastily withdraw, and in a short time put an end to his existence.

On the 13th of October, having taken leave of my Jewish acquaintance, and my soldiers of their friends, we set off at eight in the morning for the town of Saffi, where we arrived on the evening of the 15th, after a journey of about fifty-seven miles. The country we passed through was rocky and barren, producing scarcely a tree, or indeed any verdure whatever.

Soon after leaving Azamore, the town of Maza­gan presented itself to our view to our right. This place was taken a few years since by Sidi Mahomet from the Portugueze; a conquest of which his Moorish majesty made a very pompous boast, though it is well known that the Portu­gueze, from the great inconvenience and expence of keeping up the garrison, without deriving any material advantage from it, had come to a reso­lution to evacuate it before the emperor's attack, and for that purpose had actually begun to em­bark their goods and property. As, however, the emperor was determined to exhibit some spe­cimen of his military prowess and address, this circumstance did not deter him from commencing a regular siege. A magazine for military stores (which may be seen from the road) was raised with the utmost expedition, and the attack was carried on with all the vigour and ability which his Moorish majesty was capable of exerting. The Portugueze defended the town no longer than was necessary to allow time to carry away [Page 54] their effects and valuables; it was then sur­rendered, or more properly, abandoned, to the Moors.

On the day of our arrival at Sa [...] we passed by the ruins of a town, which was [...] large and considerable. It was built by a former emperor, named Muley Ocom Monsor, and is now called by the name of Dyn Medina Rabaea. Its only remains at present are remarkably thick and ex­tensive walls, which inclose [...]rdens and huts, inhabited by disbanded Negro [...]oldiers.

Saffi is a sea-port town, situated at the bottom of a steep and high mountain. It is a small place, and is only remarkable for a neat palace, which is the occasional residence of the emperor's sons, and a small fort at a little distance to the north of the town. Its vicinity is a mixture of moun­tains and woods, which gives it a wild and truly romantic appearance. Saffi carried on a consider­able commerce with Europe, before Sidi Mahomet obliged the European merchants to reside at Mogodore. It affords a safe road for shipping, except when the wind blows hard at West, and then they are subject to be driven on shore.

During my residence in this town, I took up my quarters at a Jewish house, and was visited by two Moors who had been in London, and could speak a little of the English language. Among other marks of attention, they contrived to procure, unknown to me, a chair and a small table; articles which I had not seen since I left Tangier, except at the French consul's house, as the Moors never make use of either.

[Page 55]At eight in the morning of the sixteenth, we set off for Mogodore, a journey of about sixty miles, which we performed in two days.

Soon after leaving Saffi we passed over a very high and dangerous mountain. The rocky, steep, and rugged path, which was only broad enough to allow one mule to pass at a time, and the per­pendicular precipice which hung over the sea, filled our minds with a sense of terror and awe, which no pen can describe. Our mules, however, accus­tomed to this mode of travelling, carried us with the most perfect safety, over parts where, with European horses, we should probably have been dashed to pieces.

From this mountain we in a short time entered a forest of dwarf oaks, which is about six miles in length, and the southern extremity of which reaches to the river Tansif. This is a very broad river, which after the heavy rains have fallen, or when swelled by the tide, is always passed upon rafts. Those difficulties not presenting themselves to us now, we forded the river with great ease, and on approaching its southern side, observed in the midst of a thick forest a large square castle, which my soldies informed me was built by Muley Ishmael, who is immortalized by the pen of Mr. Addison, in one of the numbers of the Free­holder. Sidi Mahomet neglected it, and it is now falling to ruin. The breadth and windings of the Tansif, its high and woody banks, and the castle just discoverable through the trees, afforded al­together a scene, which though somewhat gloomy, yet was truly romantic and picturesque.

[Page 56]The directions which I had received from Mr. Matra were, to continue at Mogodore, till the return of a messenger, who was to be dispatched thence to Tarudant, informing the prince of my arrival.

The very hospitable treatment I experienced from Mr. Hutchison, British vice-consul at Mogo­dore, during my stay at his house, with the sym­pathising letters and friendly advice with which he afterwards favoured me, whilst under the many embarrassments and inconveniencies which I under­went at Morocco, have made the most forcible impression on my memory; and I should feel utter­ly dissatisfied with myself if I omitted thus public­ly to acknowledge my gratitude to that gentleman.

Before I proceed to describe Mogodore it may not be improper to take a short review of the gene­ral appearance of the country through which I passed in my journey from Tangier.

The first part of the journey, as far as Larache, presented to us, as I before observed, a rocky, mountainous, and barren country, and, if we ex­cept the forest of Rabe a Clow, but few trees or shrubs. From Larache to Sallee the eye was a­greeably relieved by the variety of objects which offered themselves to its view. The evenness of the ground, the numerous lakes, and the verdure which surrounded them, indicated fully the ferti­lity of the soil; and these, joined to the intersected clumps of trees, would lead the contemplative mind to conceive that nature had intended this spot for the residence of a more civilized people than its present inhabitants. From Sallee to Mo­godore, and thence to Santa Cruz, we again meet [Page 57] with the same barren, mountainous, and rocky country, which presented itself at the first part of the journey.

Though I occasionally met with forests of small treeks, such as the arga, the dwarf oak, the palm­tree, &c. yet the country produces no useful tim­ber whatever. The Moors are therefore obliged to import that article from Europe; and it may be on this account that the emperor possesses so few vessels, and is obliged to send those to be repaired in foreign ports. As vegetation does not take place in this climate till some time after the heavy rains have fallen, I had not an oportunity of observing in this journey what plants were peculiar to the cli­mate. The variety which distinguishes the more im­proved countries of Europe, and particularlar Eng­land, probably arises as much from the land being distributed into inclosures, as from local situation. This advantage the emperor of Morocco does not enjoy; since, excepting in the immediate vicinity of towns, no divisions of land are to be observed; the Arabs indiscriminately chusing pieces of ground, without fences, for the purposes of agri­culture, which, as I before noticed, they change as occasion requires. The sameness of scene which arises from this circumstance, is in some degree lessened by the numerous sanctuaries which are diffused over the whole country; but otherways these chapels prove troublesome to an European traveller, since the Moors, upon passing them, always stop a considerable time to pay their devo­tions to the remains of the saints who are buried there. There is likewise a custom in this country, which is also prevalent in Portugal, of consecrating [Page 58] the spot on which any person has been murdered, by heaping a large proportion of stones on the place, where it is usual for those who pass that way to add another stone to the number, and to recite a short prayer, adapted to the occasion.

All the towns through which I passed in my way hither, were surrounded with high walls of Tabby, flanked with square forts, generally with­out any artillery, and having castles, which seemed to be in a very ruinous state, situated upon the most eminent spot, for their defence or attack. The houses, from having no windows and but very few doors, had more the appearance of dead walls than inhabited places; and their streets were universally narrow, filthy to a degree, irregular, and badly paved. With all these inconveniencies, the inhabitatants enjoy an advantage of which many of the more civilized capitals of Europe can­not boast, I mean that of good police. The streets are so well watched at night, that robberies or even housebreaking are but seldom heard of; and the general quietness which reigns through their towns after the gates are shut, is a convincing proof of the attention of their patroles to their duty. Their detection, and speedy bringing to justice the criminals, likewise deserves our attention. From having no publick houses or other places to har­bour thieves, and from no person being permitted to quit the country without leave, it is utterly im­possible for a culprit to escape the hand of justice, except by taking refuge in a sanctuary, by which he banishes himself for ever from society. On the other hand, the vigilance of the governors and other officers of justice is so great, and conducted [Page 59] with so much address, that unless the means of safety which his religion points out are quickly adopted, the criminal in a very short time is de­tected, and as quickly punished.

According to the opinion of some travellers, much danger is to be apprehended in traversing this country, from the attacks of wild beasts; but it is only justice to observe, that during the whole of my progress to Mogodore, and indeed I may add afterwards in passing over the Atlas, I met with no obstruction or molestation whatever from these animals; and I was also informed, that a cir­cumstance of the kind was very rarely known to have happened. The fact is, the wild animals confine themselves principally to the interior parts of the country, and to those retreats in the moun­tains which are beyond the track of men.

Mogodore, so named by Europeans, and Suera by the Moors, is a large, uniform, and well-built town, situated about three hundred and fifty miles from Tangier, on the Atlantic ocean, and sur­rounded on the land side by deep and heavy sands. It was raised under the auspices of Sidi Mahomet, who upon his accession to the throne ordered all the European merchants who were settled in his dominions to reside at Mogodore, where, by lower­ing the duties, he promised to afford every en­couragement to commerce. The Europeans, thus obliged to desert their former establishments, con­sidering this first step of the emperor to be a mark of his attachment to trade and commerce, and having resided long in the country without any better views at home, universally settled at Mogo­dore, where they erected houses, and other con­veniencies [Page 60] for the purposes of trade. The hopes, however, with which they had changed their situa­tion, were considerably frustrated by the perfidy of the emperor, who indeed fulfilled his promise, till he observed the merchants so fixed as not to be likely to remove; but he then began to increase the duties, and by that means to damp the spirit of commerce which he had promised to promote. His caprice, however, or, what had still more influence, valuable presents, induced him at times to relax these severities. In consequence of this circumstance the duties have been so frequently varied, that it is utterly impossible for me to state, with any degree of certainty, the usual burthens laid upon articles of commerce in this port.

The factory at Mogodore consists of about a dozen mercantile houses of different nations, whose owners, from the protection granted them by the emperor, live in full security from the Moors, whom indeed they keep at a rigid distance. They export to America, mules. To Europe, Morocco leather, hides, gum arabic, gum sandarac, ostrich feathers, copper, wax, wool, elephants' teeth, fine mats, beautiful carpeting, dates, figs, raisms, olives, almonds, oil, &c. In return they import timber, artillery of all kinds, gunpowder, woollen cloths, linens, lead, iron in bars, all kinds of hardware and trinkets, such as looking-glasses, snuff-boxes, watches, small knives, &c. tea, sugar, spices, and most of the useful articles which are not otherwise to be procured in this empire.

Besides the commerce carried on between this empire and Europe, the Moors have also a trade with Guinea, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, Grand [Page 61] Cairo, and Mecca, by means of their caravans, of which I soon shall have occasion to speak more particularly.

Mogodore is regularly fortified on the sea side; and on the land, batteries are so placed as to pre­vent any incursions from the Southern Arabs, who are of a turbulent disposition, and who, from the great wealth which is known to be always in Mogodore, would gladly avail them­selves of any opportunity that offered to pil­lage the town. The entrance, both by sea and land, consists of elegant stone arch-ways, with double gates. The market-place is handsomely built, with piazzas of the same materials, and at the water port there is a custom-house and pow­der magazine, both of which are neat stone build­ings. Beside these public edifices, the emperor has a small but handsome palace for his occasional residence. The streets of the town, though very narrow, are all in strait lines, and the houses, contrary to what we meet with in the other towns of the empire, are lofty and regular. The bay, which is little better than a road, and is very much exposed when the wind is at North-West, is formed by a curve in the land, and a small island about a quarter of a mile from the shore. Its en­trance is defended by a fort well mounted with guns.

CHAP. IV.

AS I had a better opportunity of being inform­ed of the state of the country, and its pro­ductions, from the European merchants at Mogo­dore, than occurred at any subsequent period during my [...]our, I shall now avail myself of that information, and to this I feel myself induced by a further motive, namely, that it will enable the reader to peruse with more satisfaction and advan­tage the succeeding pages of this Narrative.

The empire of Morocco is situated between the 29th and 36th degree of North latitude. It is about five hundred and fifty miles in length from North to South, and about two hundred in breadth. It is bounded to the North by the [...] of Gibral­tar and the Mediterranean sea; to the [...]st, by the kingdoms of Tremecen and S [...]gu [...] ▪ to the South, by the river Suz, and the co [...]ry to the South of Tafile [...]; and to the West, by the Atlantic ocean. The empire is formed of several provinces and nominal kingdoms, which, as in [...] coun­tries, before their union were distinct and petty sovereignties.

[Page 63]The climate, though in the Southern pro­vinces very hot in the months of June, July, and August, yet is in general friendly to the constitu­tions of its inhabitants, as well as to those of Europeans. To the North the climate is nearly the same as that of Spain and Portugal, with the autumnal and vernal rains peculiar to to those countries; but to the Southward, the rains are less general and certain, and of course the heat is more excessive.

Most of the towns which Europeans are allowed to enter, being sea-ports, have the advantage of being frequently refreshed with sea breezes; and Mogodore, though so far to the Southward, from being subject in the summer season to have the wind regularly at North West, is quite as cool as the more temperate climates of Europe. Morocco and Tarudant are [...]nland, and therefore, though nearly in the same degree of Latitude as Mogodore, are much hotter; their great heats, however, are considerably lessened by their vicinity to the Atlas, the higher parts of which are the whole year covered with snow, and often favour them with cool and refreshing breezes.

The soil of the empire of Morocco is naturally very fertile, and with proper cultivation and at­tention is capable of producing all the luxuries of the Eastern and Western worlds. It must, how­ever, be confessed, that on some parts of the sea­coast, particularly where it is mountainous, like every other country under similar circumstances, the soil is sandy and barren; but wherever there is the least appearance of a plain, such as that between Larache and Mamora, and in the neigh­bourhood [Page 64] of Morocco and Tarudant, the soil is black and rich. Indeed I am informed from the best authority, that at Tasilet, and throughout most of the interior parts of the empire, its fer­tility is beyond imagination.

From the slight cultivation it at present receives, which is merely the burning of the stabble before the autumnal rains come on, and ploughing it about six inches deep, the earth produces, at a very early season, excellent wheat and barley (though no oats) Indian corn, alderoy, beans, pease, hemp, and flax; oranges, lemons, citrons, pomegranates, melons, water-melons, olives, figs, almonds, grapes, da [...]es, apples, pears, cherries, plumbs, and in fact all the fruits to be found in the South­ern provinces of Spain and Portugal. The people here preserve their grain in Matamores, holes made in the earth, lined and covered with straw, on which earth is placed in a pyramidal form, to pre­vent the rain from soaking in. In these stores corn has been kept five or six years, without under­going any very material change.

As little encouragement, however, is extended to industry in this country, many of their fruits which require attention, particularly their grapes, apples, pears, plumbs, &c. do not arrive at that perfection to which they are brought in Europe. Could, indeed, a proper spirit for agriculture and foreign commerce be introduced in the country, or, in other words, could the sovereign be per­suaded, that by suffering his subjects to be enriched he would improve his own treasury, this empire, from its convenient situation with respect to Eu­rope, and from the natural luxuriance and fertility [Page 65] of its soil, might become of the highest political and commercial importance. The only material impediment to commerce is the inconvenience and insecurity of the ports. I am well informed, how­ever, that at Valedia there is a bason formed by nature, capable of containing with safety any number of shipping; and the other ports might most probably be improved.

It is melancholy, in traversing the immense tract of so fine a country, to observe so much land lying waste and uncultivated, which by a very little attention would be capable of producing an inexhaustible treasure to its inhabitants. From this representation it would scarcely be supposed credible, that Spain, which is also a fine country, and a civilized nation should be obliged to remit to the emperor, very large presents of money, to induce him to allow his subjects to export corn, as well as most other kinds of provisions and fruits, from Tangier and Tetuan. Indeed the Southern provinces of Spain can hardly exist without this supply. To what are we to attribute this circumstance? Is it that Morocco is so much more fertile than Spain, that it producees a re­dundance with scarcely any cultivation; or is the indolence of the Spaniards superior to that of the Moors themselves?

The Jews in most of the towns of the empire make wine; but, either owing to the grapes not being in such perfection as those of Europe, or to an improper mode of preparing it, its flavour proves but very indifferent. They also distil a species; of brandy from figs and raisins, well known in that country by the name of aquadent. [Page 66] This liquor has a disagreeable taste, but in point of strength is little inferior to spirits of wine. It is drank without dilution very freely by the Jews on all their feasts or days of rejoicing, and there are very few of the Moors who are disposed to forego any private opportunity of taking their share of it also.

The Moors cultivate tobacco; there is a species of it near Mequinez, which affords snuff, the flavour of which is very little inferior to Maccaba. In my progress through the country I have no­ticed forests of oak trees of a dwarf kind, which bear acorns of a remarkable size and sweet taste. To the Southward we meet with the palm or date tree, the arga, bearing a nut of the almond species, with the olive, from both of which the inhabitants extract great quantities of oil, which constitutes a considerable part of their exports to foreign countries. There is also an infinite variety of shrubs and plants, such as the prickly pear, the aloe, &c. all in short that are to be found in Spain and Portugal. Cotton, wax, honey, salt, tran­sparent gum, and gum sandarac, are all pro­ductions of this empire.

In the mountains of Atlas there are numerous iron mines; but as the Moors do not understand the mode of working iron, those mines prove of no use to them, and they are therefore obliged to procure that article from Europe. The neigh­bourhood of Tarudant produces mines of copper; and the Moors assert, that in the Atlas there are al­so some of gold and silver, which the emperor will not allow to be touched. But I am inclined to imagine that if the assertion had any foundation in [Page 67] truth, the Brebes, who inhabit these mountains, and who are mere nominal subjects, and pay but little respect to the government of Morocco, would long before this time have discovered them. It is, however, probable that this vast chain of mountains may contain productions which might be converted to very valuable purposes; but, owing to a want of emulation on the part of the inhabitants, and Europeans not being al­lowed to attempt any new discoveries, a know­ledge of them is not to be attained.

The domestic animals of Morocco are much the same as those of Europe, excepting the camel, which is the most useful animal in this quarter of the globe, both on account of the great fatigue which it is capable of undergoing, and the little subsistance it requires. Camels are employed here for all the purposes of agriculture and commerce, and are very numerous. It has been asserted that dromedaries are indigenous to this country; but in the course of my whole tour I could hear of none, except those which are in the possession of the emperor; and he, as I discovered, procures them from the coast of Guinea. These are the fleetest animals for travelling that are known, and are only used by the emperor on urgent occasions. I was informed that their pace is sometimes so ex­ceedingly swift, that their riders are obliged to tie a sash round their waists to preserve the power of respiration, and cover the whole of the face ex­cept the eyes, to prevent their suffering from the strong current of air occasioned by the rapid motion of the animal. It is computed that, in an [Page 68] ordinary way, a dromedary will perform a jour­ney of five hundred miles in four days.

The oxen and sheep of this country are small; but their flesh is well [...]. The hides of the former, and the wool of the latter, are [...]oth articles of exportation. The [...] with large tails, distinguished in England by [...] name of Barbary sheep, are here very scarce, and are more indigenous to the Eastern parts of Barbary. The horses, for want of attention in keeping up the breed, are much less valuable than they formerly were; there are still however some few that are good in the country, and those are generally strong, and have great spirit. The mules are numerous and useful, though I do not think them equal to those of Spain, either in size or beauty.

Fowls and pigeons are remarkably plentiful and good in the empire of Morocco; but ducks are scarce, and geese and turkies I never saw there. The country abounds with the red-legged partridge. In the proper season the frankolin, a bird of the partridge species, of a delicious flavour, and beautiful pumage, is found here; also a few woodcocks, snipes in great numbers, all kinds of water-fowl, and a variety of small singing-birds. Storks are are very plentiful, and as they are never molested by the Moors, who are taught to believe it sinful to destroy them, they become quite domestic and tame. They are generally to be seen feeding among ruinous walls and castles, where they pick up insects and snakes. Hares, rabbits, antelopes, porcupines, apes, foxes, wild cats, &c. are all natives of this empire.

[Page 69]Among the ferocious animals may be enumer­ated wolves and wild boars, which are spread over the whole empire; and in the southern pro­vinces, there are lions, tygers, and monstrous serpents.

During my residence in the country, I had frequent opportunities of examining that most singular of the animal productions, the cameleon. Though it is hardly necessary to adduce any proof to the philosophers of the present day against the vulgar error that it feeds only upon air, yet it may afford some satisfaction to my readers to be told that I had an opportunity of seeing a com­plete refutation of this opinion at Mogodore. A gentleman of my acquaintance there had in his possession, a cameleon, the dexterity of which in procuring its food I had ample means of observ­ing. The fact is, its principal support is flies, which it catches by darting at them an exceed­ingly long tongue covered with a matter so very glutinous, that if it but touches an insect it is impossible for it to escape. The most singular part of its conformation however, (if, perhaps, we except the power of varying its colours) is the eye, the muscles of which are so constructed that it can move the ball quite round; and I believe it exists the only known instance in all animated nature of a creature which is able to direct its vision to two different objects at the same time, however those objects may be situated. Except in the act of darting out its tongue to pro­cure subsistence, its motions are remarkably slow.

Although it must be allowed that the climate of Morocco is delightful to a degree, yet it is [Page 70] occasionally subject to great droughts, which na­turally produce immense swarms of locusts, the most destructive enemy to vegetation that exists. In the year 1778 these insects came in such num­bers from the South, that they perfectly darkened the air, and, by destroying all the corn, produced a general famine. This calamity was increased to such a degree in the year 1780, that several unfortunate persons actually died in the streets for want of food; many were driven to the necessity of digging in the earth for roots to supply the ur­gent calls of nature; while others were happy to find some undigested corn in the dung of animals, which they most eagerly devoured. Upon this occasion of public distress the emperor generously opened his store of corn, and distributed it, as well as money, among his subjects; and every person who was known to possess stores was obliged to follow his example. Thse melancholy facts are so recent in the memory of the people, that they still repeat them to the Europeans who visit the country.

The manufactures of the empire are the haick, which, as was before observed, is a long garment composed of white wool and cotton, or cotton and silk woven together, and is used by the Moors for the purpose of covering their under dress when they go abroad, which they do by totally wrapping themselves in it in a careless but easy manner; silk handkerchiefs of a particular kind, prepared only at Fez; silks checquered with cot­ton; carpeting little inferior to that of Turkey; beautiful matting, made of the palmetto or wild palm tree; paper of a coarse kind; Cordovan, [Page 71] commonly called Morocco leather, gun-powder of an inferior nature; and long [...] mus­quets, made of Biscay iron. The Moors are un­acquainted with the mode of casting cannon, and therefore those few which are now in the country are presents from Europeans. The manufacture of glass is likewise unknown to them; as indeed they make great use of earthen ware, and have few or no windows to their houses, this commo­dity may be of less importance to them than many others. They make butter, by putting the milk into a goat-skin with its outward coat turned in­wards, and shaking it till the butter collects on the sides, when it is taken out for use. From this operation it proves always full of hairs, and has an insipid flavour. Their cheese consists merely of curds hardened and dried, and has uniformly a disagreeable taste. The bread in some of the principal towns particularly at Tangier and Sallee, is remarkably good, but in many other places, it is coarse, black, and heavy.

Their markets are under more strict regulations than might be expected from a people who are so deficient in most other instances. A proper of­ficer, entitled Almotason, or Mayor, is appointed to inspect all kinds of provisions and corn, and, according to their plenty or scarcity, to fix the price on each article: it is also the duty of this officer to attend constantly the markets, and to see that no person is guilty of overcharging what he sells, for which, upon detection, the offender is punished, by having his hands tied behind him, and being publicly slogged through all the streets, the executioner occasionally exclaiming, "Thus [Page 72] do we treat th [...]se who impose upon the poor." Provisions both of the animal and vegetable kind are sold by the Rtab, or large pound, consisting of the weight of twenty hard dollars, or Spanish ounces; corn, by the Almood, four of which are equal to a Faneg Spanish, or sack; and articles of merchandize, by the small pound of sixteen Spanish ounces, when sold by weight; and by the Code, which is about two thirds of an En­glish yard, when by measurement.

The Moors, agreeably to the Jewish custom, cut the throats of all the animals they eat, at the same time turning their heads towards Mecca, in adoration of their prophet. After suffering them to bleed freely, they carefully wash all the remain­ing blood away, and divide the meat into small pieces of about one or two pounds in weight. As they are unacquainted with the invention of pumps, and have but few springs, it affords em­ployment to a number of indigent people, who would probably be idle otherwise, to carry water in skins from the nearest river or rese [...]ir, and sell it to the inhabitants. From their being obliged to tar the skins to prevent them from leaking, the water is frequently rendered very unpleasant.

Their looms, forges, ploughs, carpenter's tools, &c. are much upon the same construction with the unimproved instruments of the same kind which are used at this time in some parts of Europe, only still more clumsily finished. In their work they attend more to strength than neat­ness or convenience, and, like all other ignorant people they have no idea that what they do is capable of improvement. It is probable, indeed, [Page 73] that the Moors have undergone no very material change since the revolution in their arts and sci­ences which took place soon after their expulsion from Spain. Previous to that period it is well known they were an enlightened people, at a time when the greater part of Europe was involved in ignorance and barbarism; but owing to the weak­ness and tyranny of their princes, they gradually sunk into the very opposite extreme, and may now be considered as but a few degrees removed from a savage state.

They use no kind of wheel-carriage, and there­fore all their articles of burden are transported from one place to another on camels, mules, or asses. Their buildings though by no means con­structed on any fixed principle of architecture, have at least the merit of being very strong and durable. The manner of preparing tabby, of which all their best edifices are formed, is, I be­lieve, the only remains of their ancient knowledge at present existing. It consists of a mixture of mortar and very small stones, beaten tight in a wooden case, and then suffered to dry, when it forms a cement equal to the solid rock. There are always unaccountable discrepancies and incon­sistencies in the arts of uncivilized nations. The apartments are if possible even more inconvenient than those of their neighbours the Spaniards; but the carved wood-work with which many of them are ornamented is really equal to any I have ever seen in Europe.

The Moors have no idea of making high roads, or repairing those which have been formed by the ancient possessors of the country, or perhaps by [Page 74] the mere resort of passengers, but are content to leave them in the same state in which they found them. Indeed, they are even incapable of com­prehending the simple fact—that by improving the roads travelling would become more expedi­tious, and less expensive.

If we look for any of the elegant appendages of luxury and refinement in this country, we shall be grievously disappointed. Their gardens are mere tracts of inclosed ground, over-run with weeds, interspersed with vines, figs, oranges, and lemons, without taste or disposition, and having perhaps one strait walk through the whole. They sometimes sow corn in the intermediate ground; but their gardens are rarely productive of escu­lent vegetables, and seldom or never ornamented with flowers.

As there are few or no bridges in the country. I am inclined to believe the Moors are not tho­roughly acquainted with the mode of constructing large arches; and it is only at their sea-ports where they even use boats. These circumstances, united to the bad roads, render this part of Bar­bary very inconvenient and dangerous to be tra­velled through.

The country throughout is ill-watered. Most of the rivers, which, however, are very few in proportion to the extent of ground, except just at their sea-ports, deserve only the name of rivu­lets, and in the summer season are many of them dried up. From all these circumstances it may be conjectured that the population is not extraordi­nary. When on my return, in my journey from Morocco to Sallee, which required seven days to [Page 75] accomplish, I met with no habitations but a few Arab tents scattered in different parts; and I had reason to believe that a great part of the interior country is nearly in a similar situation. The towns are very few in proportion to the extent of coun­try, and those are but thinly inhabited, Indeed Morocco, which is a metropolis, has many of [...] houses in ruins and uninhabited.

The want of population in the empire of Morocco, at this period may have been occasioned, in some degree by the enormous cruelties exer­cised by its former sovereigns, who have been known, not unfrequently, through a slight dis­gust to abandon a whole town or province to the sword. In the character of Muley Ishmael, grand­father to Sidi Mahomet, we find the most singu­lar inconsistencies; for it is certain, that although a tyrant of the class which I have been describing, yet in other respects, as if to repair the mischief which he committed, he left nothing undone for the encouragement of population. He introduced large colonies of Negroes from Guinea, built towns for them, many of which are still remain­ing, assigned them portions of land, and encou­raged their encrease by every possible means. He soon initiated them in the Mahometan faith, and, had his plan been followed, the country by this time would have been populous, and probably flourishing. As the Negroes are of a more lively, active, and enterprizing disposition than the Moors, they might soon have been taught the arts of agriculture, and their singular inge­nuity might have been directed to other useful purposes.

[Page 76]It is true Muley Ishmael, when he adopted this plan, had more objects in view than that of mere­ly peopling his dominions: he saw plainly that his own subjects were of too capricious a dispo­sition to form soldiers calculated for his tyranni­cal purposes. They had uniformly manifested an inclination to change their sovereigns, though more from the love of variety than to reform the government, or restrain the abuses of tyran­ny. In short, whatever revolutions took place in the country consisted merely in a change of one tyrant for another. Muley Ishmael had discernment enough to see, therefore, that by forming an army of slaves whose sole depend­ence should rest upon their master, he could easily train them in such a manner as to act in the strictest conformity to his wishes. He soon learnt that the great object with the Ne­groes was plenty of money, and liberty of plun­der; in these he liberally indulged them, and the plan fully answered his expectations.

Though, however, Muley Ishmael had no great merit in introducing subjects for the purposes of tyranny, yet the good effects of this new coloniza­tion were very generally experienced. By inter­marrying among themselves, and intermixing among the Moors (for the Moors will keep Ne­gro women as concubines, though they seldom marry them) a new race of people started up, who became as useful subjects as the native inhabitants, and brought the empire into a much more flourish­ing state than it had ever been in since their great revolution.

[Page 77]Sidi Mahomet had different views, and was actuated by different motives. From his inordinate avarice, he ceased to act towards his black troops in the generous manner which had distinguished his predecessor Muley Ishmael; and they soon shewed themselves discontented with his conduct. They frequently threatened to revolt, and support those of his sons who were in opposition, and who promised them the most liberal rewards. They offered to place his eldest son Muley Ali, who is since dead, on the throne; but this prince, not unmindful of the duty which he owed his father and sovereign, declined their offer. They next applied to Muley Yazid, the late emperor, who at first accepted of the assistance they tendered, but in a short time relinquished the plan.

Sidi Mahomet, disgusted with this conduct of the Negroes, determined to curb their growing power, by disbanding a considerable part of these troops, and banishing them to distant parts of the empire. This important mode of population has therefore been of late years neglected, while no better system has been substituted in its room; for though the late emperor indulged in cruelty much less frequently than his predecessors, yet popula­tion has, perhaps, been more completely impeded by the general poverty which he has introduced into the country by his severe exactions, than if he had made a liberal use of the sword or of the bow-string. To acquaint Sidi Mahomet that any of his subjects were rich, was equivalent to telling him that he had so many ambitious opponents, who by their wealth would support his sons in rebellion, which it was necessary to prevent, by depriving them of those riches.

[Page 78]The only maxim of government therefore a­dopted by this monarch was to keep his subjects as nearly as possible upon a level; that is, in a state of poverty. This he most effectually accomplish­ed. No man who had property one day could with certainty call it his own the next. The most devoted misers, with their utmost ingenuity, were unable to evade the discovery of their treasure. If the victim of tyranny manifested any reluctance to reveal to his inquisitors the sacred depository of his hoarded wealth, the emperor seldom hesita­ted about the means of compulsion. The forti­tude of several enabled them to resist every tor­ture short of death; but the love of life was al­ways found to prevail over even avarice itself.

But this perhaps was not the worst; the heavy taxes and duties imposed by this impolitic monarch impeded commerce, and discouraged manufac­tures; and on the whole I am inclined to believe that the country was never in a greater state of poverty than during his reign.

Power and weakness, rank and meanness, opu­lence and indigence, are here equally dependent, equally uncertain. There are instances of the sul­tan elevating at once a common soldier to the rank of a bashaw, or making him a confidential friend; the following day he would perhaps imprison him, or reduce him again to the station of a private soldier. It is surprising that men under these cir­cumstances should be ambitious of rank, or desi­rous of riches and power. Yet such is the dis­position of these people, that they have an un­bounded thirst for rank and power with all their uncertainties; and, what is more extraordinary, when they have obtained a high station they sel­dom [Page 79] fail to afford their sovereign a plea for ill-treating them, by abusing, in some way or other, their trust.

The only independent people in the country, if it be at all lawful to make use of the expression when speaking of Morocco, are to be found among the merchants who reside in towns at some distance from the seat of government. The neatness of their houses and gardens, the furniture of their apartments, their rich display of china and glass, and their liberal treatment of strangers, their bet­ter education, and more enlightened ideas, all serve to point them out [...] class of beings diffe­rent from the rest.

I wish this description would apply generally to all the people in trade; but I am sorry to add it does not: it is confined to a particular class of merchants, who transact business upon a very large scale. Even these, however, though distant from the seat of government, besides, rigorously paying their quota of every severe tax which the emperor chuses to impose upon them, are not always exempt from plunder. If the bashaw or Alcaide of the town can discover a plea for imprisoning them, which he sometimes does without much regard to justice, he seldom fails to turn it to his own advantage; and not unfrequently disgraces his master's royal name, by using it as a pretext for seizing their property.—Thus the empire of Morocco, in all its parts, presents a striking picture of the wretched policy and miserable consequences of despotic government.

CHAP. V.

I Had not rested from the fatigues of my journey above six days at Mogodore, before a new scene was opened, by the return of the messenger from Tarudant, with orders for my immediate attendance on my royal patient. In addition to my former party, I was allowed by the governor three Negro foot-soldiers, armed with muskets and sabres, an elegant tent, and a Jewish inter­preter, who was perfect master of both Arabic and English, and from whom in the end I derived the most useful services. The Jew who had been pressed in so singular a manner into my service at Tangier was immediately, and doubtless much to his own satisfaction, sent home.

We performed a journey of seventy-six miles, from Mogodore to Santa Cruz, in about thre [...] [Page 81] days, which from the former part of this Narrative the reader will perceive is not remarkably slow travelling, in Morocco, however singular such a progress would appear on the level turnpikes of England. Our journey, which was on the sea­coast, presented to our view one continued expanse of wild, mountainous, and rocky country, and we had consequently very bad roads. Our pro­gress indeed could be compared to nothing but the continual ascending and descending of a series of rough and uneven stone steps. At one place in particular the descent was so steep, and the road so choaked up with [...]arge pieces of stone, that we were all obliged to dismount, and walk a full mile and a half with the utmost caution and difficulty, before we could mount again.

Santa Cruz is a sea-port, situated on the decli­vity of a high and steep mountain, forming the Western termination of that chain of mountains, which nearly divides the emperor's dominions into two parts, so well known by the name of the Atlas. It formerly belonged to the Portugueze, and till the accession of Sidi Mahomet was the prin­cipal place whence Europeans were allowed to trade. It is at present a deserted town, with only a few houses, wich are almost hourly mouldering to decay. The port appears to be much more secure than that of Mogodore; and from the vicinity of Santa Cruz to the Southern provinces, it appears to me to be the part of the empire which is best adapted to all the purposes of commerce ^*.

[Page 82]On the 26th of October we departed for Taru­dant, which is distant forty-four miles from San­ta Cruz, where in two days we arrived. Our journey to this place was immediately inland, be­ing [Page 83] in the direction, and within half a day's ride to the South of the Atlas. We enjoyed the whole way from Santa Cruz a fine level road, through a woody and uncultivated country.

[Page 84]Upon my arrival at Tarudant, without being allowed time to dismount, I was immediately car­ried to the residence of the prince, which is situa­ted about half a mile to the South of the town. [Page 85] At a short distance, the house [...] and was built by the Prince, has a great [...] of neatness; but that want of taste and convenience which is universally the characteristic of the Moor­ish buildings, is presently d [...]rnable when it is narrowly inspected. It is composed of tabby, and is surrounded with a high square wall, which also encloses two tolerably neat gardens, planned [Page 86] by an European, and now under the care of a Spanish renegado. The apartments, which are all on the ground-floor, are square and lofty, opening into a court, in the centre of which is a fountain. The entrance is through a small arched door-way, which leads into a court-yard, where on one side are a few out-houses; on the other, the space allotted for the horses of the prince. As the climate is open and fine, there are few or no stables in this country, but the horses are kept out in an open yard, and held by pins fixed in the ground.

There is not much of magnificence, it must be confessed, in this introduction, nor did any thing occur to counteract the unfavourable impression, previous to our entering the apartment of the prince. The chamber into which I was conducted, I found a small room with seats in the walls; and there it is customany for all persons to wait till their names are announced. I observed a number of singular looking persons attending here; and as I was not much disposed to make one of their company, instead of sitting, I amused myself, as Europeans do, with walking about the room. In this exercise, however, I was a solitary perfor­mer; for the Moors, whatever be their object, whether business, coversation, or amusement, are generally seated; and indeed so novel to them was my deportment in this respect, that they concluded I was either distracted in my intellect, or saying my prayers.

After being detained in this disagreeable situa­tion for about an hour, orders were brought from the prince for my immediate introduction with my [Page 87] interpreter. From the chamber where we had been waiting, we passed through a long and dark entry, which at its termination introduced us to a square court-yard, floored with checquered tiling, into which the prince's room opened, by means of large folding-doors. These were curi­ously painted with various colours, in the form of checquers. The immediate entrance to the room was neat; it was a very large arched door­way, curiously ornamented with checquered tile­ing, and forming a small porch, or antichamber. The room was lofty, square, and floored with checquered tiling; the walls stuccoed, and the cieling painted of various colours. Much of the beauty of the room was lost for want of win­dows, which is a defect observable in most Moorish houses.

I found the prince sitting cross-legged, on a matrass covered with fine white linen, and placed on the floor; this, with a narrow and long piece of carpeting that fronted him on which were seated his Moorish friends, was the only furniture in the room. Upon my first entrance, and delivering the consul's letter of introduction, which acccording to the custom of the country, was presented in a silk handkercief, I was ad­dressed by the prince with the salutation Bono [...]ibib, bono Anglaise; which is a mixture of Arabic and Spanish, meaning, "You are a good doctor, the English are good;" and was ordered with my interpreter to sit down on the floor, between the prince and his visitors; when I was immediately interrogated by every one present, each having a [Page 88] question to put to me, and that of the most in­significant kind.

The prince expressed great pleasure at my arri­val, wished to know whether I came voluntarily or not, and whether the English physicians were in high repute. To the first question I replied, that I was sent by order of the governor of Gib­raltar: to the second, I felt it a duty which I owed to truth and to my country, to answer in the affirmative. He then desired me immediately to feel his pulse and to examine his eyes, one of which was darkened by a cataract, and the other affected with a paralytic complaint; and requested me to inform him, whether I would undertake to cure him, and how soon? My answer was, that I wished to consider his case maturely before I gave my opinion; and in a day or two I should be a better judge.

One of his particular friends observed to him, from seeing me without a beard, for I had shaved in the morning, I was too young to be an able physician. Another remarked, that I had put powder in my hair on purpose to disguise my age; and a third insisted, that it was not my own hair. But what seemed to produce the greatest astonish­ment among them, was my dress, which from its closeness, the Moorish dress being quite loose, they were certain must occasion pain, and be dis­agreeably warm.

The reader may be assured, that a part of this conversation was not very entertaining to me; and indeed after the great fatigue which I had undergone, I could well have dispensed with most [Page 89] of their interrogatories; but instead of the dis­mission and repose which I wished and expected, my patience was exhausted by the absurd curi­osity of the whole court, who one after another intreated me to favour them with my opinion, and inform them of the state of their health, merely by feeling the pulse. Having acquitted myself to the best of my ability in this curious en­quiry, the prince informed me, he had prepared for my reception a good house, whither he desired me to retire, and visit him the following morning early, when I was to examine his case more particularly.

The good house promised me by the prince, proved to be a miserable room in the Jew­dry, that is, the part of the suburb inhabited by the Jews, situated about a quarter of a mile from the town. It was however, the habitation of the prince's principal Jew, and the best in the place. This apartment which was on the ground floor, was narrow and dirty, having no windows, to it, but opening by means of large folding-doors into a court, where three Jewish families, who lived all in the same house, threw the whole of their rubbish and dirt. I suppose my feelings might be rendered more acute by the di [...]appoint­ment, for on being introduced into this [...] hovel, I was so struck with horror and disgust that I was on the point of mounting my horse, for the purpose of asking the prince for another agree­ment; but upon being told it was the best in the town, and reflecting that I had voluntarily enter [...] upon these difficulties, I determined to strugg [...] through them as well as I could, and consente [...] for the present to acquiesce in this indifferent fare.

[Page 90]I took, however, the first opportunity of repre­senting my disagreeable situation to be prince, who gave orders for apartments to be fitted up for me in his garden; but from the slowness of the ma­sons, they were not finished in time for me to oc­cupy them before I left Tarudant. The prince's Jew had directions to supply me with every thing that was necessary; and while at Tarudant I had no reason whatever to complain of any inattention on the part of the prince.

As soon as my baggage was unpacked, the first object that occurred to me was to endeavour, un­der those circumstances, to make my situation as comfortable as the nature of it would admit. At one end of my room I placed my three folding stools, which I had used as a bed on the road, and screened it off as well as I could with mats, which I fixed a [...]ross the apartment as a partition. One of my boxes were substituted for a table, and another for a chair, not being able to procure either of those articles in Tarudant. At the other end of the room my interpreter placed his bed­ding on the floor, where he slept during the whole of our stay.

Having furnished our room, our next object was to consider in what manner our cookery was to be performed. The whole of our kitchen fur­niture consisted of one small iron sauce-pan, one pewter dish, two pewter plates, a horn to drink out of, and two knives and forks. As the Moors are many of them accustomed to the use of tea, breakfasting articles we were not at a loss for. On the road the iron sauce-pan had served very well to boil our eggs and fowls, which, as I be­fore [Page 91] observed, were the only food we could pro­cure. But at Tarudant we found ourselves in a a land of plenty, without having it in our power to avail ourselves of such an advantage. After a few days inconvenience on this account, I found out a Jew, who contrived to dress me a few hashes and stews something in the Spanish stile, with which fare I was obliged to be satisfied du­ring my residence at Tarudant.

Two hours before my arrival, the whole of the English people who had been shipwrecked, except the captain and a Negro, passed through the town in their way to the Metropolis. They had been re­deemed from the wild Arabs, by Muley Absulem, with an intent, I presume, of complying with his promise, but by the emperor's orders were sent up to Morocco.

Upon my visiting the prince the following day, and examining into the nature of his complaint, I found it to be of the most desperate kind; but as I had travelled near five hundred miles to see him, I could not be satisfied to return back with­out attempting something; I therefore gave a formal opinion to the prince in writing, stating, that I could by no means absolutely undertake to cure him; that I could not even flatter him with very great hopes of success; but that if he chose to give my plan of treatment a trial for a couple or months, we could them judge whether the dis­ease was likely to be removed. This plan was approved of, and he immediately began his course of medicines.

I have already intimated, that the prince had totally lost the use of one eye by a cataract; and [Page 92] I may add, that he had nearly lost that of the other by a paralytic affection, which threatened to end in a [...]tta serena ^*, and which had drawn the eye so much towards the nose, as sometimes entirely to exclude the appearance of the pupil. The only remains of sight left, were merely suf­ficient to enable him to see large bodies without distinguishing any of them particularly. The spasm was the disease which I was ordered to cure.

But these were by no means the limits of the prince's complaints. For in truth, his whole frame was so enervated by a course of debauchery, that I found it necessary to put him under a strict regimen; to enforce the observance of which, I committed from time to time my directions to writing. They were translated into Arabic, and one copy delivered to the prince, and the other to his confidential friend, who undertook, at my request, to see them carried into execution.

As I administered internal as well as topical remedies, I made a point of giving them to my patient with my own hand. The prince made no difficulty of swallowing the medicine, however nauseous; but it was a long time before I could make him comprehend, how a medicine intro­duced into the stomach could afford any relief to the [...] must, however, do him the justice to [...]ay, that I found him a more apt disciple than any of his attendants. Many of them could not be made at all to understand the action of medicines, [Page 93] and of consequence were full of prejudices against my mode of treatment.

In a few days after my first attendance on the prince, one of his prejudiced friends persuaded his highness, that I had administered medicines to him intended to produce a certain effect upon his constitution, of which I had never entertained so much as an idea before it was mentioned to me. What this effect was I cannot with decency ex­plain. Suffice it to say that these malignant insi­nuations had too powerful an effect on the mind of my patient, and he expressed himself to me upon the subject in terms which I could not hear without the most poignant indignation and un­easiness.

I vindicated my conduct as well as I was able, under the disadvantages of an interpretation by explaining to him how impossible for the medi­dicines to have the effect he suspected; and how much more to my credit, as well as advantage, it would be to e-establish his health than to do him a prejudice; that a professional man had a cha­racter; which when once lost was irrecoverable; and that therefore I trusted he would reflect on my situation, and consider me in a more favour­able light than his resentment at first had led him to suggest. The prince began now to retract his calumny, by saying that he believed the medicines had produced an effect different from what I in­tended, but that it was the duty of the patient to inform his physician of every circumstance which related to his health. In short, after a variety of explanations, I at last brought him to consent to give my plan a few days longer trial, and if then [Page 94] there appeared any objections to the pursuing of it, I would willingly consent to give it up en­tirely. Those days being elapsed, and none of the suspected effects appearing, the prince pro­ceeded regularly in the course agreeably to my directions.

The intermediate time between my attendance on the prince whom I visited twice a-day, was employed in reading a few books which I brought with me from Mogodore, making little excur­sions into the country, and visiting patients at Tarudant.

Among the latter was the Cadi, or judge of the town. This I found to be a venerable old man, of about seventy years of age, whose beard was become perfectly white, and whose coun­tenance, though doubtless altered by time, yet still retained a great expression of vivacity and sense, mixed with more apparent goodness of heart than any I had seen in the country. He received me with the greatest respect, and ex­pressed his gratitude for my visit in a manner that appeared strongly marked with sincerity. He seemed fully aware that his complaint was merely a decay of nature, and only wished me to admi­nister something to him which might palliate his most urgent symptoms. With a great share of feeling he expatiated on the inconveniences I must undergo, from being at so great a distance from my friends, and in a part of the world where the manners of the people were so different from what I had been accustomed to, expressing his wish at the same time to render me every service that a person in his situation could offer. Such [Page 95] an uncommon share of sensibility and reflection, from one whose countrymen are in general in a very small degree removed from the savage state, excited in me a warm desire of rendering my pa­tient a service; among the many questions he put to me, he asked what was customary for our judges in England to receive as a reward for their services. Upon my informing him, the Cadi was in perfect astonishment: "Good God!" he ex­claimed, ‘the emperor allows me only fifty ducats (about twelve pounds sterling) a year!’

I wish I could have it in my power to give as favourable an account of my other patients at Tarudant, as of this respectable old man. The generality of them proved insolent, ungrateful, and many, who visited my habitation, notorious thieves. From my apartment being in the house of a Jew, none of whom dare venture to prevent a Moor from entering, I was from morning to night pestered with Arabs, mountaineers and the worst description of towns-people, who were sel­dom satisfied with my advice, but insisted on my either giving them money, or something else equal in value. Many I turned out of my room by force, while with difficulty they restrained their resentment at my conduct, and every moment threatened to draw their knives upon me; to others, who behaved a little better, I gave some­thing to get rid of them; and to a third who, were real objects of distress, I with pleasure ex­tended my utmost assistance. On the whole, my situation was such as to oblige me to complain of it to the prince, who afterwards allowed me a sol­dier to mount guard constantly at my door, who [Page 96] had directions to permit no person to enter my room without my particular permission.

It was with the greatest pleasure that in about a fortnight after my first attendance on the prince, I observed an amendment in his complaint. His eye now evinced a disposition to recover its for­mer position; at first he was able only to discern light from darkness, but he could now distinguish an apple at about ten yards distance.

These flattering appearances entirely removed every prejudice which at first arose in the minds of the prince's attendants; and his highness him­self acknowledged that he had been too hasty in forming his opinion of me. The confidence which this success occasioned, induced the prince to ad­mit me into his Harem, where there were several ladies who had occasion for my services.

Though this afforded me an opportunity of seeing the Harem, I shall wave a particular de­scription of it, as it only differed from that of the the emperor (which I shall hereafter very particu­larly describe) by being on a smaller scale.

Upon receiving the prince's orders to attend his ladies, one of his friends was immediately dispatched with me to the gate of the Harem; with directions to the Alcaide ^* of the eunuchs to admit myself and interpreter whenever I thought it necessary.

The eunuchs, who have the entire charge of the women, and who in fact live always among them, are the children of Negro slaves. They are generally either very short and fat; or else [Page 97] tall, deformed, and lame. Their voices have that particular tone which is observable in youths who are just arriving at manhood; and their persons al­together afford a disgusting image of weakness and effeminacy. From the trust reposed in them by their masters, and the consequence which it gives them, the eunuchs exceed in insolence and pride every other class of people in the country. They displayed indeed so much of it towards me, that I was obliged, in my own defence, to com­plain of them once or twice, and to have them punished.

Attended by one of these people, after passing the gate of the Harem, which is always locked, and under the care of a guard of eunuchs, we entered a narrow and dark passage, which soon brought us to the court, into which the wo­men's chambers open. We here saw numbers of both black and white women and children; some concubines, some slaves, and others hired do­mestics.

Upon their observing the unusual figure of an European, the whole multitude in a body sur­rounded me, and expressed the utmost astonish­ment at my dress and appearance. Some stood motionless with their hands lifted up, their eyes fixed, and their mouths open, in the usual atti­tude of wonder and surprize. Some burst into immoderate fits of laughter; while others again came up, and, with uncommon attention, eyed me from head to foot. The parts of my dress which seemed most to attract their notice were my buckles, buttons, and stockings; for neither men nor women in this country wear any thing of the [Page 98] kind. With respect to the club of my hair, they seemed utterly at a loss in what view to consider it; but the powder which I wore they conceived to be employed for the purpose of destroying ver­min. Most of the children when they saw me, ran away in the most perfect consternation; and on the whole I appeared as singular an animal, and I dare say had the honour of exciting as much curiosity and attention, as a lion, or a man-tiger just imported from abroad, and introduced into a country town in England on a market-day. Every time I visited the Harem I was surrounded and laughed at by this curious mob, who, on my entering the gate, followed me close to the very chamber to which I was proceeding, and on my return universally escorted me out.

The greatest part of the women were uncom­monly fat and unwieldy; had black and full eyes, round faces, with small noses. They were of different complexions; some very fair, some sallow, and others again perfect Negroes.

One of my new patients being ready to re­ceive me, I was desired to walk into her room; where, to my great surprise, I saw nothing but a curtain drawn quite across the apartment, similar to that of a theatre which separates the stage from the audience. A female domestic brought a very low stool, placed it near the cur­tain, and told me I was to sit down there, and feel her mistres [...]'s pulse.

The lady, who had by this time summoned up [...]age to speak, introduced her hand from the [...]ottom of the curtain, and desired me to inform her of all her complaints, which she conceived I [Page 99] might perfectly perceive by merely feeling the pulse. It was in vain to ask her where her pain was seated, whether in her stomach, head, or back; the only answer I could procure was a re­quest to feel the pulse of the other hand, and then point out the seat of the disease, and the nature of the pain.

Having neither satisfied my curiosity by exhibit­ing her face, nor made me acquainted with the nature of her complaint, I was under the necessi­ty of informing her in positive terms, that to un­derstand the disease it was absolutely necessary to see the tongue, as well as to feel the pulse; and that without it I could do nothing for her. My eloquence, or rather that of my Jewish interpreter, was, however, for a long time exerted in vain; and I am persuaded she would have dismissed me without any further enquiry, had not her invention supplied her with a happy expedient to remove her embarrassment. She contrived at last to cut a hole through the curtain, through which she extruded her tongue, and thus complied with my injunction as far as it was necessary in a medical view, but most effectually disappointed my cu­riosity.

I was afterwards ordered to look at another of the prince's wives, who was affected with a scro­phulus swelling in her neck. This lady was, in the same manner as the other, at first excluded from my sight; but as she was obliged to shew me her complaint, I had an opportunity of seeing her face, and observed it to be very handsome. I was informed that she had been at one period the favourite of the prince, but owing to this defect [Page 100] he had in a great measure deserted her; and this circumstance accounts for the extreme anxiety which she seemed to express to get rid of this dis­agreeable disease.

As soon as I had examined her neck, she took off from her dress the whole of her gold trinkets, which were very numerous, and of considerable value, put them into my hand, and desired me to cure her; promising a still greater reward if I succeeded. Conscious of the uncertainty of render­ing her any material service, I immediately re­turned the present, and assured her that she might depend on my giving all proper remedies a fair trial, but that I could not be answerable for their success. There is nothing more unpleasant than the inability of giving reasonable ground for hope, when it promises to be productive of so much hap­piness to a fellow-creature. It was with pain I observed that this poor lady, though somewhat cheered, was yet dissatisfied with my reply; she could not refrain from showing evident marks of disappointment, and even displeasure, at my hesita­tion, by saying, she always understood that a Christian physician could cure every disease.

During the course of my attendance in the Ha­rem, I had an opportunity of seeing most of the prince's women, who, exclusive of the four wives allowed him by his religion, were about twenty in number, and who did not, like his wives, dis­cover that invincible reluctance to the display of their beauty. They at first proved very trouble­some patients; for upon my not telling them all their complaints immediately upon feeling the pulse, they considered me as an ignorant empiric, [Page 101] who knew nothing of my profession. Besides this, I found that each of them flattered themselves with almost an instantaneous cure. In short, after many fruitless efforts to teach those to reason who had hitherto never made the smallest use of their understandings, I was at last obliged to adapt my deportment to the capacities of my patients, and soon acquired among them as much undeserved commendation as I had incurred unmerited re­proach.

Most of the women in the Harem were under thirty years of age, of a corpulent habit, and of a very aukward gait. Their knowledge of course, from having led a life of total seclusion from the world, was entirely confined to the occurrences in their Harem; where, as they were allowed a free access to each other, they conversed upon such subjects as their uninformed understandings served to furnish them with. They are never suffered to go out, but by an express order from the prince; and then only when removing from one place of residence to another. I in general found them extremely ignorant, proud, and vain of their persons, even to a degree which bordered up­on childishness. Among many ridiculous ques­tions, they asked my interpreter if I could read and write; upon being answered in the affirmative, they expressed the utmost surprise and admiration at the abilities of the Christians. There was not one among them who could do either; these rudi­ments of learning are indeed only the lot of a few of their men, who on that account are named Talbs, or explainers of the Mahometan law.

[Page 102]Among the concubines of the prince there were six female slaves of the age of fifteen, who were presented to him by a Moor of distinction. One of these was descended from an English renegado, another from a Spanish, and the other four were of Moorish extraction.

Where the more solid and useful accomplish­ments are least cultivated, a taste is often found to prevail for those which are purely ornamental and frivolous. These devoted victims of libidnous pleasure received a daily lesson of music, by order of the prince, from a Moor who had passed some little time in London and Italy, where he had ac­quired a slight knowledge of that science. I had an opportunity of being present at one of these per­formances, but cannot say I received much amuse­ment, in a musical view, from my visit. It was a concert vocal and instrumental: the instruments used upon this occasion were the mandoline, a kind of violin with only two strings, and the tabor. The principal object in their performance seemed to be noise; it was without the least attention to melody, variety, or taste, and was merely draw­ing out a wild and melancholy strain.

Conversation, however, forms the principal en­tertainment in these gloomy retirements. When I visited the Harem, I never found the women en­ [...]ed in any other employment than that of con­versing on the ground in circles. In fact, as all their [...]eedle-work is performed by Jewesses, and their cookery, and the management of their cham­bers, by their slaves and domestics, of which they have a proportionable number, according to the favour they are in with the prince, it is not easy [Page 103] for them to find means of occupying their time, and particularly since none of them are able to read or write. It is impossible, indeed, to reflect on the situation of these unfortunate women without the most lively sentiments of compassion. Excluded from the enjoyment of fresh air and exercise, so necessary for the support of health and life; de­prived of all society but that of their fellow-suf­ferers, a society to which most of them would pre­fer solitude itself; they are only to be considered as the most abject of slaves—slaves to the vices and caprice of a licentious tyrant, who exacts even from his wives themselves a degree of submission and respect which borders upon idolatry, and which God and nature never meant should be paid to a mortal.

After the lapse of a third week, there was a considerable amendment in the prince's complaint. He began to distinguish very large writing; and he assured me that he had written with his own hand a letter to the emperor, wherein he informed him of the relief my attendance had afforded him; assuring me, that his father would reward me very handsomely if I effected a cure.

Our intercourse was at this time improved into intimacy. He used to see me without reserve, and often at a time when he had his women with him, which, I was informed, was a mark of con­fidence with which no other man had ever before been honoured. He made me feel their pulses, and obliged one of them, who was remarkably fat and unwieldy, to be held on the floor by two of the others, while I dropped into her eye some of the same medicine which I had occasion to ap­ply [Page 104] to his. The violent but temporary pain brought on by this application produced an im­moderate sit of [...] in the prince, as well as in the other ladies; and the object of it, though in most violent pain, to evince her respect to his royal highness, declared it to be a very pleasant sensation.

Upon other occasions he would detain me for two, and sometimes three hours, enquiring con­cerning European customs, and particularly those of the English, their religion, laws, and govern­ment. He made some comments upon [...]hat I told him, manifested an earnest desire of informa­tion, and appeared greatly interested in the con­versation. At other times, when he had been put out of humour, after I had felt his p [...]se, and administered to him the medicines, he would dis­miss me without asking me to sit down or even allowing me to ask any further questions.—But the curiosity of the reader is probably by this time excited respecting the person and character of this prince; and perhaps it cannot be gratified at a more convenient part of the Narrative.

Muley Absulem is of the middle size, of rather a corpulent habit, and about thirty-five years of age. His features are very much disfigured by the great defect in his eyes; the cataract having entirely obscured one of them, and the other being drawn quite on one side by the violence of the paralytic affection. These circumstances, joined to the great natural size and prominency of both eyes, a bad set of teeth, and a sallow complexion, will not allow me to say that the prince has the smallest pretensions to the character of handsome. [Page 105] His dress was the same as that of other Moors, which I shall hereafter describe, except a silk tassel to his turban, which is in this country a distinctive mark of royalty. When I first saw him, he was covered with a loose surtout, made of red woollen cloth, and edged with fur-skin, which the Moors term a Caftan. Indeed the only distinction of dress in this country is in the good or bad qualities of the materials. I have seen instances of private Moors, whose dress was much richer than that of any of the princes, or even of the emperor him­self. The attendants of the prince consisted prin­cipally of soldiers, of which he has an unlimited number, pages, who are generally about his per­son, black eunuchs, and a few black slaves.

The character of Muley Absulem is marked with less of severity and cruelty than that of the greater part of the Moorish princes; it possesses however, at the same time, less of that sagacity, acuteness, and activity, which is so necessary for the government of so uncivilized a people as the Moors. To be explicit, this prince is naturally of a mild and indolent disposition; immoderately indulgent to his passions, when he can enjoy them without much trouble; and very little ambitious of fame.

Till very lately he had accustomed himself to drink, to a very great excess, strong brandy; that he has now entirely relinquished, and his principal passion since has been the love of women, which engrosses the whole of his attention and time. I observed, however, that he allowed his ladies much more indulgence than is in general customary among the Moors; and I found that even in his [Page 106] presence they conversed among each other with as much freedom as if they had been by them­selves.

From the sketch which I have given of the prince's character, it will be no difficult matter to discover the reasons why his father's wishes for appointing him his successor were disappointed. He was rich, it is true, but a great part of his wealth was squandered on sensual gratifications; and the total want of energy in his character prevented his securing friends in a country, where cruelty and great activity are considered as the only characteristics of sovereignty.

The advantages of hereditary succession can only be seen by contemplating the state of those monarchs where it does not exist. In Morocco, where there is no regular fixed order of suc­cession, though the emperor is indulged in the formality of nominating his successor, yet the sword supplies the place of right; and that prince who can acquire the greatest number of friends, and consequently the strongest army, succeeds to the throne. This circumstance is often at­tended with the most fatal effects, and has given rise to those bloody revolutions which from one period to another have shaken and depopulated the empire of Morocco. The emperor Sidi Ma­homet, from having no competitors, enjoyed a much more peaceful reign than any of his pre­decessors. How far his successor, who has several brothers, each feeling an equal claim to the throne, will be equally successful, time only must deter­mine.

CHAP. VI.

AS it is quite unfashionable in this country to go even to the next street on foot, and as any situation was at some distance from that of the prince, his highness made me a present of an horse, which, however, I could not say was one of the best in the country. But as I had once engaged in his service, I conceived it my interest to make the best of every situation. In the hours, therefore, when my personal attendance oh my patient was not demanded, I frequently made use of my Rosinante, both for the purpose of exercise, and for the gratification of my curiosity in visiting every thing which appeared worthy of inspection. The following are the principal observations which I was able to collect in the course of my excur­sions; and I flatter myself they will serve at least to give a general idea of the city where I resided, and its environs.

Tarudant, now the capital of the province of Suz, was formerly, while the empire was divi­ded into petty states, the metropolis of a kingdom. It lies in a fine but uncultivated plain, about twenty miles to the South of the Atlas, and may be con­sidered [Page 108] as the frontier town of that part of the emperor's dominions. The emperor, it is true, claims the sovereignty of the desert of Zahara, and the territory of Vled de Non. But his autho­rity over that part of the country is almost nominal; as it entirely depends on the caprice and inclination of the Arabs who inhabit it; and who, from their distant situation from the seat of government, are more properly under the dominion of their own chiefs. They acknowledge the emperor to be their sovereign, and the head of their church, and occasionally pay him tribute as such; but they pay no attention whatever to his particular orders, and over their interior government he has not the least controul.

These people consist of different tribes of Arabs, who live in tents without any fixed places of re­sidence. They wander over the country in search of plunder, and are supposed, on some occasions, to extend their depredations as far as Nigritia, whence they carry off Negroes. They profess the Mahometan religion, though they intermix it with a great portion of idolatry; and in the deserts, where no water can be procured for the purpose of ablution, they substitute sand. Their manner of treating those unfortunate mariners who have the misfortune to be shipwrecked on their coast, I shall hereafter have occasion to repre­sent.

The walls of Tarudant, now half in ruins, are very extensive, and enclose a much larger space of ground than is occupied by the buildings. The houses, which are composed of earth and mud, beaten very tight in a wooden case, and [Page 109] left to be dried by the sun, have only appartments on the ground floor; and as each house is sur­rounded by a garden and wall, the place alto­gether bears a greater resemblance to a well-peo­pled spot of country, or a collection of hamlets, than a town. This idea is much increased by the number of lofty palm, or date trees, which are intermixed with, and overlook the houses, af­fording altogether a very rural appearance. The apartments are in general mean and inconvenient, and principally inhabited by the lower class of mechanics, as there are very few Moors of dis­tinction residing at Tarudant. It is true, when the prince is there, he brings with him all his attendants and friends, but they generally live in the castle, and are by no means to be considered as the inhabitants of the town.

From the irregular and straggling manner in which the town is built, it is impossible to form a conjecture concerning the number of houses and inhabitants it contains. As its extent, however, is considerable, it may be accounted an important and populous city, when compared with most of the others in the emperor's dominions.

The principal manufactures at Tarudant are making of fine Haicks, and the working of cop­per, which is procured in great plenty from a neighbouring mine. They have a regular market twice a week, where all kinds of cattle and pro­visions are brought to be disposed of. For the sale of horses and mules, the proprietor of the mar­ket employs men on purpose to ride, and exhibit the beasts to the best advantage, and afterwards to put them up to public auction. In these sales, [Page 110] if the highest bidder does not offer a price agree­able to the owners, they are at liberty to refuse selling them. This custom prevents many of those impositions in the sale of cattle, which too fre­quently prevail in European fairs and markets. By this putting the cattle up to public auction, those persons who have really good ones will in general get their full price for them; and those buyers, who from their ignorance might be liable to be imposed upon, can without much difficulty form a tolerable idea of the real value of the animal by the price which others bid.

The Jewdry is a miserable place, situated about a quarter of a mile from the town. The inhabitants are in the most abject state of poverty and sub­jection, and when they enter the Moorish town are obliged to go barefooted. The castle, which is very extensive, and situated halfway between the town and Dar Beyda, the residence of the prince, is inclosed in a tolerably neat garden, which was planned by a Frenchman. It is di­vided into three parts; one for the prince, which he occasionally uses, the other for his women, named the Harem ^*, and the third for all those who are in the service of the prince.

As the prince's recovery became daily observ­able, I thought I might venture to try him with a large watch which I had with me, to see whe­ther he could point out the time of the day. In this he succeeded very well, and had discern­ment [Page 111] enough to observe, that it was an old watch, and in part broken. He therefore begged my acceptance of a very elegant gold one, re­questing of me to wear it instead of the other. The handsome manner in which his highness made this present gave me a much more flattering idea of his character than his conduct afterwards warranted. But we are to recollect, that he was then in the act of receiving a benefit from me; that the journey which he was afterwards obliged to undertake, put it out of my power to render him any further service; and therefore, to an illi­beral and uncultivated mind, the motive for con­tinuing any acts of generosity or kindness no longer existed.

In the course of my visits to the prince, I occa­sionally met with two Moors, one of whom had been in Italy for some time, and the other in England, who could speak a little of the English language. I mention these men not only from motives of gratitude, but also to evince, that it is by improving the mind and conversing with re­fined and civilized people only, that we are able to conquer illiberal prejudices. From an impulse of benevolence, for it could proceed from no other motive, since they had not received the smallest favour from me, they in a short time con­tracted so warm a friendship for me, that had I been their nearest relation, they could not have shewn it in a stronger manner than I experienced.

They not only expressed their distress at seeing me in a country where I must be continually sub­ject to insult, and where the manner of living must be so very different from that to which they knew by their own experience I had been accus­tomed, [Page 112] but they also took me to their houses, in­troduced me to their wives, and desired them to take the same care of me as of their own fa­mily.

This was not all; they urged me to allow one of them to go into some other apartments, which they could obtain from the prince, and almost insisted upon my accepting of theirs. To this friendly proposal, however, I could not ac [...]e [...]. Indeed I was in daily expectation of taking pos­session of the apartments promised me by the prince; and had it been otherwise I could never have intruded so much upon their friendship as to have consented to this request. They continually, however, obliged me to accept of [...] and sugar, and many other articles, which from their scar­city at Tarudant were very valuable. Of money they knew I was not in want, as I drew upon Mr. Hutchison's agent for that article; but of those little rarities which they frequently sent to the prince, I was always kindly compelled to take my share. Had these two estimable persons received all the advantages of a liberal education, what an ornament would they have proved to society, and of what extensive utility to their nation!

On returning home from one of my visits to the prince, and having passed the gate-way, which is very lofty, and leads to the town, I was sur­prized at hearing a number of voices, from above calling out very loudly, "Tibib, Tibib!" (Doctor, doctor!)—On looking back I observed Muley Omar, one of Sidi Mahomet's sons, and half-brother to Muley Absulem, sitting in great state on the centre of the wall over the gate-way, with a number of his attendants on each side of [Page 113] him. I immediately rode up to the prince, and found him a tolerably good looking young man, of about two-and-twenty. He was rather of a dark complexion, and his features were strongly marked with good-nature. After the usual salu­tation, and having answered his question, whe­ther I approved of the horse his brother had given me, I took my leave; but could not possibly conceive the reason why a person of his conse­quence should be seated in so strange a place. I had not ridden far before I observed about an hundred Moors on horseback, who were upon the full gallop, and firing at each other in a strange and irregular manner. I was now in­formed that this was a sham fight, performed for the amusement of the prince, who had chosen the top of the gate-way for his place of obser­vation.

As I found it an easier matter to keep my mind employed in the day-time than in the evening, I accustomed myself to go to bed, as well as to rise, very early. One evening I had not retired to rest more than three hours, when I was alarmed by a noise which I at first imagined was occa­sioned by thieves getting into the house. There had been lately a great number of robberies at Tarudant committed by the Arabs, who, as the houses in general were constructed of nothing but mud, had a custom of making a hole in the wall large enough to admit themselves through, with­out occasioning the least alarm to any of the fa­mily. This I conceived to be the case, and sup­posed that the noise I heard arose from the acci­dental falling down of part of the wall.

[Page 114]I immediately got up and flew to the door, which was already opened by my interpreter, who had risen before me, and there I observed the whole of my neighbours with lights in their hands, and in their shirts and shifts, in a perfect state of consternation. They were standing as if totally unconscious where they were, and without the power of speech. Indeed the alarm had oc­casioned the same apprehensions in them that it had in me, and they had just advanced as far as the spot where I first saw them, without having the resolution to examine any further into the cause of the noise.

My interpreter, though but little better than the others, had summoned up courage enough to approach the spot whence the noise arose; he there found that one fourth of the house, which was built in a square, with a court in the centre, had entirely fallen down, and buried in its ruins two Jews, who were sleeping in the fallen apart­ment. I immediately assisted, and we soon brought the two men into my room, where I examined them very particularly, and found them speech­less—but speechless only from fright. I must confess this accident, which had occasioned a crack in my apartment increased my anxiety to change it, as it was impossible to say how soon I might be in the same predicament with the two Jews whom I and my interpreter had extricated from the ruins; but notwithstanding all my im­portunities, I could not persuade the prince's ma­sons to work fast enough to prove of any utility.

Among the many inconveniences which I ex­perienced at Tarudant, were the frequent insults I [Page 115] received in the streets, for which I could certainly have received redress, but the number of new faces which were daily appearing, made applica­tions for it entirely useless. One day in my way to the prince, I was insulted by an ill-looking Moor, who, under the sanction of a Sharif ^*, thought himself justified in so doing; and there­fore in a very rude manner, ran his mule directly upon me, with an intention of either giving me a severe blow, or of frighting my horse. I imme­diately expostulated with him upon the impro­priety of such brutal behaviour; upon which he told me I might go to the devil, for he was a Sharif. Upon this I found it necessary to explain to him that I was surgeon to his prince, who from being governor of the province, and having me under his immediate protection, would pay very little attention to his being a Sharif, but would punish him as his conduct merited; that I was then going to his highness, and as I was well ac­quainted with his name, should make my com­plaint of him. With a meanness proportioned to his pride, this haughty Sharif turned back his mule, and offered any atonement I could point out, even that of going down upon his knees, if I would forgive this offence, for he dreaded the idea of his insolence being made known to the prince. I immediately consented to accept his sub­mission, but admonished him, though a Sharif, to be cautious in future how he committed such a breach of hospitality as to insult a stranger.

[Page 116]At the end of the fourth week, the prince in­formed me that he had received orders from the emperor to prepare himself to proceed on a pil­grimage to Mecca, but that it was his intention to take me up to Morocco, where he would intro­duce me to his father, whence I was to accom­pany him to Fez, and Mecquinez, where he would give me detachment of soldiers which should conduct me to Tangier. "By these means," ad­ded his highness, ‘you will have an opportunity of telling your brother Christians what a num­ber of fine places you have seen in this coun­try.’ His departure from Tarudant, however, was not to take place for some weeks, so that it would not interfere with the plan of cure which I was at present pursuing.

In the course of our conversation, during the different times I visited the prince, I repeatedly urged him to redeem out of his captivity Captain Irving, the master of the shipwrecked Guinea­man, agreeably to his promise, and always re­ceived the strongest assurances that my requests would be comp [...]ed with; but hitherto nothing had been done. I therefore proceeded upon an­other plan, which as it operated to the interest of the prince, I flattered myself would be attended with more success. I told him that Captain Irving was a physician, whom I knew to be a man of great abilities (for he really was brought up to the profession) and that his advice was highly necessary in order to promote and facilitate my plan of cure, and therefore I wished him to be sent for immediately. The prince, though satisfied with my conduct, was highly pleased [Page 117] with the idea of novelty, and soon obtained the emperor's permission to send for him up to Ta­rudant.

Having no European with whom I could con­verse, and residing among the very worst part of the Moors, who harrassed me at one time with their solicitations for relief, and at another with their insolence, it will easily be conceived that my time was not spent in the most agreeable manner possible at Tarudant. My attendance however on on the prince, and the apparently great amend­ment in his health, served in some measure to keep up my spirits, amuse me, and enable me to bear my situation with patience.

At the expiration of five weeks, during which time the prince expressed the most perfect satis­faction at the relief which I afforded him, an or­der came down from the emperor, commanding my immediate presence at Morocco. It may well be conceived that I could not receive this order without strong emotions of chagrin and surprise. From the well-known disposition of these people, I was aware that had any accident happened to the prince during my attendance on him, such an order would probably have been the consequence; but to remove me from my patient, at a time when his highness was continually informing his father of his amendment, was a mystery which I could not unfold. I repeatedly urged the prince to explain the reason of this extraordinary con­duct in the court; but he was either unable or unwilling to afford me any information.

Conscious how useless and absurd the attempt would be to withstand a positive order of the em­peror [Page 118] in a government so uncommonly despotic, and reflecting upon the favourable state of the prince's health, after revolving the question again and again within my own mind, I in the end (so ready are our imaginations to flatter us on every occasion) brought myself to hope that the journey might prove rather to my advantage than other­wise. How egregiously deceived I was in th [...]se hopes the sequel will sufficiently prove. A gold watch, an indifferent horse, and a few ha [...]d dol­lars forced into my hand contrary to my inclina­tion, were the princely and magnificent rewards which I received for taking a journey of five hun­dred miles, and an assiduous attendance on an ungrateful despot!

CHAP. VII.

ON the 30th of November, between seven and eight in the morning, I took my leave of the prince, having previously intreated him to conti­nue his course of medicines, and left Tarudant, under the charge of an Alcaide, and two soldiers of the Negro cavalry, who carried up the annual present from the prince to the emperor, of six horses and three boxes of money. These, with my interpreter, a Jew, who served both as cook and groom, and a muleteer, who had the charge of my baggage, were my party for the journey.

Between twelve and one at noon we arrived at the foot of Mount Atlas, about twenty miles from Tarudant, where we pitched a very elegant tent, which the prince had procured for me, adjoining to some Moorish huts. We found the country in our way hither a woody and uncultivated plain.

On the following day at six in the morning we struck the tent, and immediately began to ascend Mount Atlas. For near four hours we had one continued, difficult, and fatiguing ascent, owing to the road being narrow, rocky, and steep. From its abrupt and angular turnings the Moors distinguish it by an Arabic name, which signifies the camel's neck.

[Page 120]In many places and particularly on the higher parts of the mountain, besides the inconvenience of a rocky road which was only broad enough to allow one mule with difficulty to pass, we had a tremendous perpendicular precipice on one side, and even in some places, where the mountain consisted only of a narrow ridge of rock, on both. It was astonishing to observe with what ease and safety our mules ascended and descend­ed the rough and uneven paths over the moun­tains without putting us to the necessity of dis­mounting. By two in the afternoon we began to descend, and arrived at a small village, in the centre of which we pitched the tent.

On the following morning, at a little before six, we proceeded on our journey, and at five in the evening arrived at the termination of the mountains, where we slept that night. The first part of this day's journey was a descent on a most dreadfully steep and rocky road, which at last brought us into a beautiful vale, between two very high mountains, which immediately opens into the plains of Morocco, in a manner that is truly picturesque and sublime.

I confess it would have gratified me to have prolonged my stay for a little while in these moun­tains, so fertile in objects interesting to curiosity. The few observations which I was able to collect in my passage over them I shall, however, present to my readers, without any further apology.

The Atlas are a chain of high mountains, in­tersected with deep vallies, which extend from the Eastern to the Western parts of Barbary, di­viding it into two parts or sections. Those to the [Page 121] Westward, from their height, are named the Greater Atlas, and those to the Eastward the Lesser. So immense is the height of these moun­tains, and particularly of those in the neighbour­hood of Morocco, that though so far to the Southward, their summits are perpetually covered with snow. When Muley Absulem, the follow­ing January, passed over the same track which I had passed in December, it snowed the whole way; and from Morocco we at that time could not discover any part of the mountains which was not completely white.

The atmosphere near their summits is intensely cold, to a degree indeed which is frequently found to be destructive to animal life. I was well in­formed that some Brebes, who had attempted to ascend the highest part of the mountain, died im­mediately on the spot, while others who were engaged in the same attempt were obliged to re­turn with the utmost precipitancy.

As December was not the most favourable sea­son for botanical researches, I saw little vegeta­tion on the mountains, except the agra-tree, on which I have already made some remarks when speaking of the natural productions of the coun­try in general; but I am informed from the best authority, that in the spring these mountains abound with an innumerable variety of curious plants. Indeed I have great reason to believe the natural philosopher would find a nobler scope in this country for his enquiries than in almost any part of the globe; and that the knowledge of medicine, as well as of botany, would be im­proved by a philosophical tour over the Atlas.

[Page 122]In the interior parts of the mountans there are, as I have before observed, numerous iron-mines, and the Moors have an opinion that there are gold ones also; but the truth of this has not been as­certained. I was informed of several volcanoes which existed in different parts, but as I did not see them, I only give this as a mere report; though from the nature of things I cannot help repeating, that I think it highly probable many curious and valuable articles are concealed in the bowels of these unknown mountains, which indolence and want of emulation, so strongly interwoven in the disposition and character of the Moors, will not suffer them to explore.

With respect to animal productions, Mount Atlas abounds with lions, tigers, wolves, wild boars, and monstrous serpents. But except when the necessity produced by an extremely severe winter drives the animals into these vales or tracks of men, they generally confine themselves to the most inaccessible parts of the mountains. This remark, however, is not to be understood without exceptions; for when I was at Tarudant a ti [...] was killed quite close to the town; and there have been many instances of their ranging far beyond limits of the Mountains. The means made use of by the inhabitants to secure themselves from their attacks at night are, by making large and numerous wood-fires, which the wild beasts sel­dom venture to approach. When I passed over the mountains, I met with no animals of prey, except some remarkably large eagles.

On the upper parts, in some places, there was nothing to be seen but an huge mass of barren [Page 123] and rugged rocks, whose perpendicular and im­ [...] [...]ights formed precipices, which, upon loo [...] down, [...]illed the mind with inexpressible her [...] others, we passed through thick and [...], of the arga-tree, which, though [...] an agreeable variety, being the only [...] mountains, very little lessened the [...] [...]earance of barrenness.

[...] however, presented us with a very different scene. Here we observed numerous vil­lages, gardens, and inclosures, which, though in December, were beautifully covered with verdure, and filed with fruit-trees of every description. Corn grew at this season in the greatest abundance, intermixed with plantations of olives and oranges, and served as the resort of a variety of singing birds of every description. In some places small cascades of water issued from the rocks and moun­tains above, uniting and forming one continued stream, which plentifully watered the plain. In fact, this scene afforded the most pleasing relief to the mind, after the fatigues and dangers we had experienced in the higher parts of the mountains.

The villages consisted of huts, rudely con­structed of earth and mud, and walled in. They are very numerous, and are inhabited by a set of people who are named Brebes. These people dif­fer entirely from the Arabs and Moors. They are the original inhabitants of the country, who at the time of the conquest by the Arabs fled into these mountains, where they have ever since con­tinued, and in a great measure maintained their independence. Each village is under the direction of a Shaik, who, contrary to to the practice in the [Page 124] encampments of the Arabs, is an officer of their own choice.

The Brebes are a very athletic and strong-fea­tured people, patient, and accustomed to hard­ships and fatigue, and seldom remove far from the spot where they reside. They shave the fore part of the head, but suffer their hair to grow from the crown as far behind as the neck. They wear no shirt or drawers; they are only covered by one woollen garment without sleeves, and belted round the middle, though I have seen some few cover it with the haick. Their principal amuse­ment is in the use of their muskets; they are in­deed excellent marksmen, and are very dexterous in twirling their muskets round, throwing them very high in the air, and afterwards catching them. So attached are they to these instruments, that they frequently go to the expence of sixty or even eighty ducats, to ornament them with silver and ivory.

Their employment consists principally in cul­tivating the vallies, looking after their cattle, and hunting wild beasts, the skins of which become a very valuable article for sale. Like the Arabs they have their regular markets for the disposal of cattle, &c. where they either receive money or some other article in exchange. They have fallen, in a great measure, into the customs and religion of the Moors, but they still retain their original language; and a Moor is frequently obliged to use an interpreter to enable him to converse with them.

Besides those who [...]side in h [...]s in the vallies, which are [...] there are also others who [Page 125] live in caves in the upper parts of the mountains; so that the number of the whole must be very con­siderable.

From their secure situation, the Brebes, although inhabiting a considerable tract within the bounds of the empire, have frequently proved very trouble­some to the Moorish monarchs, sometimes paying them tribute, and at others refusing it, according to the dictates of their inclination. It is not long since a general revolt took place among the Brebes, which obliged the emperor to send a large army to subdue them; but he [...]eeded no farther than to oblige them to disperse, with­out either conquering them, or gaining the point at which he aimed, which was to compel them to the payment of the tribute he demanded. The situation indeed of these mountains does not admit of the operations of a large army; for the moun­taineers, accustomed to climb up into the almost inaccessible recesses, soon get beyond the reach of enemies who never before had made the at­tempt.

Beside the Brebes, many Jews reside in the vallies, and possess separate habitations or villages. These people are employed in the trifling mecha­nical occupations which the Brebes require. In­deed I believe, there is no part of the world where the Jews are so completely diffused over the face of the country, or where they are so severely op­pressed, as in Barbary.

In one of the places where I slept in these val­lies, soon after I got under my tent, I was amused with the sound of an instrument very much re­sembling the bagpipe, and producing a wild and [Page 126] melancholy strain. Curious to know the nature of the instrument, I sent for the person who was playing upon it, and immediately purchased it. It proved to be made of a common cane, about eight inches in length, perfectly hollow, without any cork or stop to it, with six holes before, and one behind for the thumb, between which was a narrow brass plate by way of ornament; it had a common cord fixed to it, for the purpose of hanging it round the neck. It in fact altogether so well corresponded with the description of the pipe which was used by the antient shepherds, that I have little doubt of this description reviving a few classical and romantic ideas in the minds of some readers.

It is by no means a very easy matter to describe the different sensations which are experienced in passing over these wonderful mountains. Their immense height, the dangerous precipices, the vales, which form their depth appeared like so many aby [...]es, inspired altogether an emotion of awe and terror, which may be better conceived than expressed. On the other hand, the unlimited and great variety of prospects discoverable from their summ [...]ts, the numerous herd of goats and sheep which were scrambling over the almost per­pendicular [...], and the universal barrenness of the mountain, contrasted with the beautiful ver­dure of the vallies immediately below, formed on the whole a scene sufficiently beautiful and pic­turesque, to counterbalance the inconveniences we otherwise suffered.

CHAP. VIII.

ON the 3d of December, between five and six in the morning, we proceeded on our jour­ney, and soon reached a fine plain, on which we continued the whole way to Morocco, where we arrived on the following day about noon, having performed altogether a journey of about one hun­dred and twenty-five miles.

My first object on my arrival was to secure my­self a convenient place of residence in the Jewdry; and having accomplished that to my satisfaction, I immediately took possession of it, expecting anxi­ously every hour to be summoned before the em­peror. Though, however, his Moorish majesty was, repeatedly informed of my arrival, yet to my great astonishment I continued a whole month in a state of uncertainty and expectation, without having it in my power to obtain an audience, or to be informed of the cause which removed me from Tarudant.

The number of anecdotes in circulation through the town to my prejudice, excited in me continual uneasiness, which even increased in proportion to [Page 128] the length of time that had elapsed since my ar­rival. By one of the emperors confidential friends it was insinuated to me, that his imperial majesty had heard I was young; that I was administering internal medicines for diseases of the eye, which was a practice totally new and unaccountable to them; that European medicines were always pow­ [...]ul and violent, and that if I had been suffered to attend the prince much longer, his constitution would have been ruined for ever. Another even went so far as to say, that the emperor suspected me of having been employed by my countrymen with a view to poison his son.

After much perplexing investigation into the truth of these assertions, I now discovered that my journey to Tarudant was a private affair, settled between the consul and the prince; that the em­peror, who at that time was not upon the best terms with the English court, and who had already stopped all communication between his dominions and the garrison of Gibraltar, was highly displeased that an Englishman should be introduced, unknown to him, for the purpose of attending his son in a medical capacity; that his Moorish physician, out of pique, had persuaded the emperor, that Eu­ropean medicines were too potent for the prince's constitution, and that in reality his son was in ex­treme danger while under my care;—that in fine, all these arguments weighed so powerfully with the emperor, that he not only determined on im­mediately removing me from the prince, but at the same time ordered some of my medicines to be privately sent up to Morocco, where they were to undergo a strict examination by his phy­sician. [Page 129] The cause of my not being honoured with an audience, I found to arise from a desire in the emperor, to be thoroughly informed of the state of the prince's health before he saw me, that ac­cording to circumstances he might give me a favourable or a cool reception.

As some alleviation to the uneasiness occasion­ed by this state of suspense, I was now much more comfortably situated than I had been before at Tarudant. The apartment which I had pro­cured was one story high, in the house of a very respectable family, and was spacious, clean, and retired. From a Genoese gentleman in the ser­vice of the emperor, I was enabled to procure a table, two chairs, two dishes, a few plates, some knives and forks, and a couple of tumblers. In addition to this, a Jew offered his services as cook, who had lived some time with an European, and who proved an adroit and useful person. Provisions of every kind were remarkably plentiful, good, and cheap. For beef and mutton I paid only about two pence English a pound, for fine fowls about six pence each, and pigeons were frequently sold at the rate of three halfpence a pair. Had I, in addition to all these comforts, been able to have procured a little agreeable society, my situation would have been very supportable; but in that particular I scarcely possessed more advantages than I had during my residence at Tarudant.

The Genoese gentleman, from whose house I had borrowed a part of my furniture, was at Mogodore, and the only Europeans who were at that time at Morocco, if we except a few [Page 130] Spanish artificers in the emperor's service, were part of the English seamen who had been ship­wrecked, a French officer, with some French sea­men, who were also captives from a similar ac­cident, and three Spanish friars. Out of these I could only chuse for my society the French officer and the friars.

With the first, as I was acquainted with the French language, I could converse pretty fluently, and I really found him a most agreeable companion: he had taken this passage on board a vessel bound for the French settlements on the coast of Guinea, whether he was proceeding to join his regiment, and was shipwrecked on that part of the coast of Africa which lies in the direction of the Canary Islands. This misfortune, united to the hardships which followed it on his being carried into slavery by the wild Arabs, and the little prospect which then appeared of his redemption, had made a deep impression upon his spirits, and subjected him to occasional attacks of hypochondria. The em­peror, it is true, could not be accused of ill treating any of the captives; on the contrary, he allowed them daily a small sum of money, and permitted them to walk about at liberty. His detention of them, however, in the country, without any im­mediate prospect of returning home, was a sufficient reason for them still to consider themselves in no other light than that of slaves.

The Spanish friars, who have a small convent in the Jewdry, and who were originally placed there for the purpose of redeeming captives, as they distributed medicines to the poor gratis, con­sidered themselves as being engaged in the same [Page 131] profession with myself, and received me very hos­pitably; but as, from my not understanding their language, I was obliged to converse with them by means of my interpreter, who spoke Spanish, the society enjoyed with them was very limited in­deed. I cannot avoid expressing my concern for the fate of these worthy men, who are distined to spend the whole of their lives on a spot destitute of all civilized society, where they are continually subjected to the caprice and insolence of the em­peror, as well as of the worst part of his subjects. They appeared to me to be men who had received much information from reading, as well as from observation, and they very properly employed their times in the duties of their profession, in the offices of devotion, and administering medicines to the poor, in study, and in such innocent re­creations as the limited society of Morocco af­fords.

To divert my thoughts from the great uneasiness which my situation naturally inspired, during so long a state of suspence, I made daily excursions through different parts of Morocco; though, from the continual insults which I experienced when in the streets, even this amusement was attended with considerable inconvenience.

The city of Morocco; which lies about one hundred and twenty miles to the North of Taru­dant, ninety to the east of Mogodore, and three hundred and fifty to the South of Tangier, is situated in a beautiful valley, formed by a chain of mountains on the Northern side, and those of the Atlas, from which it is distant about twenty miles, on the South and East. The country which [Page 132] immediately surrounds it is a fertile plain, beauti­fully diversified with clumps of palm trees and shrubs, and watered by small and numerous streams, which descend from Mount Atlas. The emperor's out-gardens, which are situated at the distance of about five miles to the South of the city, and are large plantations of olives walled in, add considerably to the beauty of the scene.

Morocco, though one of the capitals of the empire—for there are three, Morocco, Mequinez, and Fez—has nothing to recommend it but its great extent, and the royal palace. It is inclosed by remarkably strong walls, built of tabby, the circumference of which is about eight miles. On these walls there are no guns mounted, but they are flanked with square towers, and sur­rounded by a wide and deep ditch. The city has a number of entrances, consisting of large double porches of tabby, in the Gothic style, the gates of which are regularly shut every night at certain hours. As polygamy is allowed by the Maho­metan religion, and is supposed in some degree to affect population, it would be difficult to form any computation near the truth with respect to the number of inhabitants which this city may contain.

The mosques, which are the only public build­ings except the palace, worth noticing at Moroc­co, are more numerous than magnificent; one of them is ornamented with a very high and square tower, built of cut stone, which is visible at a con­siderable distance from the city.

The streets are very narrow, dirty, and irregu­lar, and many of the houses are uninhabited, and [Page 133] falling to ruin. Those which are decent and respectable in their appearance are built of tabby, and enclosed in gardens. That of the Effendi, or prime minister, was among the best which I visited in Morocco. This house, which consisted of two stories, had elegant apartments both above and below, furnished in a stile far superior to any thing I ever saw in that country. The court, into which the lower apartments opened, was very neatly paved with glazed blue and white tiling, and had in its centre a beautiful fountain. The upper apartments were connected together. by a broad gallery, the ballustres of which were painted of different colours. The hot and cold baths were very large, and had every convenience which art could afford. Into the garden, which was laid out in a tolerably neat stile, opened a room adjoining to the house, which had a broad arched entrance, but no door, beautifully orna­mented with checquered tiling; and at both ends of the apartment the walls were entirely covered with looking-glass. The flooring of all the rooms was covered with beautiful carpeting, the walls ornamented with large and valuable looking-glasses, intermixed with watches and clocks in glass cases. The ceiling was carved wood-work, painted of different colours, and the whole was in a superior stile of Moorish grandeur. This and a few others are the only decent habitations in Morocco. The generality of them serve only to impress the traveller with the idea of a miser­able and deserted city.

The Elcaisseria is a particular part of the town where stuffs and other valuable articles are ex­posed [Page 134] to sale. It consists of a number of small shops, formed in the walls of the houses, about a yard from the ground, of such a height within as just to admit a man to sit in one of them cross-legged. The goods and drawers are so arranged round him, that when he serves his customers, who are standing all the time out in the street, he can reach down any article he wants, without being under the necessity of moving. These shops, which are found in all the other towns of the empire, are sufficient to afford a striking example of the indolence of the Moors.

There are three daily markets in different parts of the town at Morocco, where provisions are sold, and two weekly fairs or markets for the dis­posal of cattle, where the same custom is observed as at Tarudant.

The city is supplied with water by means of wooden pipes connected with the neighbouring streams, which empty themselves into reservoirs placed for the purpose in the suburbs, and some few in the centre of the town.

The castle is a large and ruinous building, the outer walls of which enclose a space of ground about three miles in circumference. It has a mosque built by Muley Abdallah, father to Sidi Mahomet, on the top of which are three large balls; these, the Moors allege, are formed of solid gold, but as no person is permitted to ascend to them, we must trust to their word for the truth of this assertion. The castle is almost a town of itself; it contains a number of inhabitants, who in some department or other are in the service of the emperor, and all under the direction of a par­ticular [Page 135] Alcaide, who is quite independent of the governor of the town.

On the outside of the castle, between the Moorish town and the Jewdry, are several small, distinct pavilions, enclosed in gardens of orange-trees, which are intended as occasional places of residence for such of the emperor's sons or bro­thers as happen to be at Morocco. As they are covered with coloured tiling, they have at a small distance rather a neat appearance, but upon ap­proaching or entering them, that effect in a great measure ceases.

It is a singular circumstance, that in the imme­diate vicinity of Morocco, for some distance round the city, the ground is totally occupied by a great number of rats, of a larger species than any I had ever before seen, which burrow under ground, and like rabbits, allow strangers to approach very near before they retire to their holes. They indeed gave me every idea of a rabbit-warren in miniature.

The Jews, who are at this place pretty numer­ous, have a separate town to themselves, walled in, and under the charge of an Alcaide, appointed by the emperor. It has two large gates, which are regularly shut every evening about nine o'clock, after which time no person whatever is permitted to enter or go out of the Jewdry, till they are opened again the following morning. The Jews have a market of their own, and, as at Tarudant, when they enter the Moorish town, castle, or palace, they are always compelled to be bare­footed.

[Page 136]The Jews in general are obliged to pay to the emperor a certain annual income, in proportion to their numbers, which is a considerable income, in­dependent of his arbitrary exactions. Those of Mo­rocco were exempted by Sidi Mahomet from this tax, and in its room he compelled them to take goods of him, of which they were to dispose in the best manner they could, and pay him five times their value; by which means they were far greater sufferers than if they paid the annual tax.

Every part of the empire more or lest abounds with Jews, who orignally were expelled from Spain and Portugal and who fled into Barbary as a place of refuge. These people are not confined to towns but are spread over the whole face of the country, Mount Atlas itself, as was before mentioned, not excepted.

In every country where they reside, these un­fortunate people are treated as another class of beings; but in no part of the world are they so severely and undeservedly oppressed as in Barbary, where the whole country depends upon their in­dustry and ingenuity, and could scarcely subsist as a nation without their assistance. They are the only mechanics in this part of the world, and have the whole management of all pecuniary and commercial matters, except the collecting of the customs. They are, however, intrusted in the coinage of money, as I myself have witnessed ^*.

[Page 137]The Moors display more humanity to their beasts than to the Jews. I have seen frequent instances where individuals of this unhappy people were beaten so severely, as to be left almost life­less on the ground, and that without being able to obtain the least redress whatever, as the ma­gistrates always act with the most culpable par­tiality when a Moor and a Jew are the parties in a suit. What they lose by oppression, however, they in a great measure make up by their superior address and sagacity, which frequently enables them to over-reach the Moors—as I cannot com­pliment the Jews of Barbary in general upon their probity and principle.

Jacob Attal, the emperor's Jewish and favour­ite secretary, had more influence with his royal master, and did more mischief by his intrigues and address, than all the other ministers put to­gether. This young man who was a native of Tunis, and who was tolerably well acquainted with the English, Spanish, Italian, French, and Arabic languages, was of an active and enterpriz­ing mind, and had so well informed himself of the natural disposition of the Moors, and particu­larly of that of Sidi Mahomet, that he had gained an entire ascendency over the emperor. As he knew that an unbounded love of money was the ruling passion of his royal master, he not only [Page 138] surrendered to him half of his own gains, but also furnished the emperor with the earliest and best information concerning those who were in possession of wealth, as well as with a project for extracting it from them. By thus attacking the emperor on the weakest side, he secured his friendship; but he secured it by means which ex­posed him to the resentment and revenge of thou­sands as soon as the emperor died, which has been since too fatally proved. I must, however, do this young man the justice to add, that throughout the whole of his administration, though in some instances perhaps, contrary to his own interest he shewed an exclusive preference to the English; and of this the Moors in general were so sensible, that they gave him the appellation of the English ambassador.

The Jews in most parts of this empire live en-entirely separate from the Moors; and though in other respects oppressed, are allowed the free exercise of their religion. Many of them, how­ever, to avoid the arbitrary treatment which they constantly experience, have become converts to the Mahometan faith; upon which they are ad­mitted to all the privileges of Moors, though they lose their real estimation in the opinion of both sects.

In most of the sea-port towns, and particularly at Tetuan and Tangier, the Jews have a tolerable smattering of Spanish; but at Morocco, Taru­dant, and all the inland towns, they can only speak Arabic and a little Hebrew. They nearly follow the customs of the Moors, except in their religious ceremonies; and in that particular they [Page 139] are by far more superstitious than the European Jews.

The Jews of Barbary shave their heads close, and wear their beards long; their dress indeed, altogether, differs very little from that of the Moors (which I shall hereafter describe) except in their being obliged to appear externally in black. For which purpose they wear a black cap, black slippers, and instead of the haick worn by the Moors, substitute the Alberoce, a cloak made of black wool, which covers the whole of the under dress. The Jews are not permitted to go out of the country, but by an express order from the emperor; nor are they allowed to wear a sword, or ride a horse, though they are indulged in the use of mules. This arises from an opinion pre­valent among the Moors, that the horse is too noble an animal to be employed in the service of such infidels as Jews.

The dress of the Jewish women consists of a fine linen shirt with large and loose sleeves, which hang almost to the ground; over the shirt is worn a caftan, a loose dress made of woollen cloth, or velvet, of any colour reaching as low as the hips, and covering the whole of the body, except the neck and breast which are left open, and the edges of the Caftan as worn by the Jewesses of Morocco, are embroidered with gold. In addition to these is the Geraldito, or petticoats, made of fine green woollen cloth, the edges and corners of which are sometimes embroidered with gold. They are fastened by a broad sash of silk and gold, which surrounds the waist, and the ends of it are suffered to hang down behind, in an easy manner. [Page 140] This is the dress they wear in the house, but when they go abroad, they throw over it the haick. The unmarried women wear their hair plaited in different folds, and hanging down be­hind. They have a very graceful and becoming method of putting a wreath of wrought silk round the head, and tying it behind in a bow. This dress sets off their features to great advan­tage, and distinguishes them from the married women, who cover their heads with a red silk handkerchief, which they tie behind, and over it put a silk sash leaving the ends to hang loose on their backs. None of the Jewish women use stockings, but wear red slippers, curiously em­broidered with gold. They wear very large gold ear-rings, at the lower part of their ears, and at the upper three small ones set with pearls or pre­cious stones. Their necks are loaded with beads, and their fingers with small gold or silver rings. Round each wrist and ankle they wear large solid silver bracelets; and the rich have gold and silver chairs suspended from the sash behind.

Their marriages are celebrated with much fes­tivity for some time previous to the ceremony, and the intended bride with all her female relations, go through the form of having their faces painted red and white, and their hands and feet stained yellow, with an herb named henna. A variety of figures are marked out on them with a needle, and then this herb, which is powdered and mixed with water into a paste, is worked into the holes made by the needle, and these marks continue on the hands and feet for a long space of time. Upon the death of a Jew (before and after burial) all [Page 141] the female relations, with other women hired for the purpose, assemble in the room of the deceased, and for several days lament his loss by most dreadful shrieks and howlings, and tearing their cheeks and hair.

The Jewesses of this empire in general are very beautiful and remarkably fair.—They marry very young, and when married, though they are not obliged to hide their faces in the street, yet at home they are frequently treated with the same severity as the Moorish women. Like the Moors, the Jewish men and women at Morocco eat sepa­rate; and the unmarried women are not permitted to go out except on particular occasions, and then always with their faces covered.

A disposition for intrigue in the female sex is always found to accompany tyrannical conduct and undue restraint on the part of ours; and this disposition is again made the excuse for the con­tinuance of these restraints. Thus the effect be­comes a cause, and when the women cease to be the guardians of their, own honour, they derive no credit from the preservation of it, and incur in their own estimation but little disgrace by its loss. The Jews allege, in extenuation of their se­verity, the licentious inclinations and artful dispo­sitions of their women, and that a single act of criminality in a daughter would be an effectual bar to her ever forming a legal connection. The same objection not being so applicable to their married women, they are permitted to go out without restraint. Indeed many of their husbands, from interested motives, are too apt to connive at a conduct, which, in other countries would in­fallibly [Page 142] bring down upon them well-merited con­tempt.

The palace of Morocco is an ancient building, surrounded by a square wall, the height [...] nearly excludes from the view of [...] the other buildings. Its, princi [...] [...] [...]structed with Gothic arches; composed of cut stone, which conduct to several open and spacious courts; through these it is necessary to pass be­fore we reach any of the buildings. The [...]e open courts were used by Sidi Mahomet for the pur­poses of transacting public business and exercising his troops.

The habitable part of the palace consists of se­veral irregular square pavilions, built of tabby, and whitened over; some of which communicate with each other, others are distinct and most of them receive their names from the different towns of the empire. The principal pavilion is named by the Moors the Douhar, and is more properly the palace or seraglio than any of the others. It consists of the emperor's place of residence, and the Harem, forming altogether a building of con­siderable extent. The other pavilions are merely for the purposes of pleasure or business, and are quite distinct from the Douhar.

The Mogodore pavilion, so named from the emperor's partiality to that town, has by far the fairest claim to grandeur and magnificence. This apartment was the work of Sidi Mahomet, and is lofty and square. It is built of cut stone, hand­somely ornamented with windows, and covered with varnished tiles of various colours; and its elegance and neatness, contrasted altogether with the [Page 143] simplicity and irregularity of the other buildings, produce a most striking effect. In [...]he inside, be­sides several other apartment [...] find in the pa­vilion a spacious room, [...] blue and white checquered tiling, [...] with curiously carved and painted [...], and its stuc­coed walls variously one [...] with looking-glasses and watches, regularly disposed in glass cases. To this pavilion Sidi Mahomet manifested an exclusive preference, frequently retiring to it both for the purposes of business, and of re­creation.

The apartments of the emperor have in general a much smaller complement of furniture than those of the Moors in the inferior walks of life. Handsome carpetting, a matrass on the ground, covered with fine linen, a couch, and a couple of European bedsteads, are the principal articles they contain. The gardens within the walls of the palace, of which he has several, are very neat; they contain orange and olive trees, various [...]y dis­posed and arranged, and intersected with streams of water, fountains and reservoirs. Those on the outside are nothing more than large tracts of ground, irregularly planted with olives; having four square walks, and surrounded by walls.

In introducing the description of the palace in this place, I have rather deviated from the chro­nological series of my narrative, as the events which brought me acquainted with this sacred residence of the Moorish princes were posterior to my visiting all the other quarters of the metro­polis.

CHAP. IX.

AFTER the lapse of a month without a pros­pect of obtaining an audience, my anxiety was increased to a degree which in the end proved extremely injurious to my health. From the at­tention which I had paid to most of the emperor's [...]ai [...]isters, who all of them in their turn had oc­casion for [...]ay services, I thought I had a right to expect some little return. With all that deceit which has characterized the inhabitants of Bar­bary ^* from the earliest periods, they professed the warmest friendship for me, and assured me that they would exert their influence upon the empe­ror to persuade him to see me. Among the num­ber was a Moor named Sidi Brahim, to whom [Page 145] the prince had given me strong letters of recommen­dation, and who, during a tedious sickness which had prevailed in his family, had received from me the most constant attention. This Moor had directions from the prince to introduce me im­mediately upon my arrival to the emperor, and to shew me every civility that was due to such recommendation. All these circumstances I con­ceived gave me a sufficient right to expect that Sidi Brahim, both from motives of duty to his prince, and gratitude to me, would have exerted himself in a manner correspondent to such obliga­tions. But that was far from being the case. When his family was under my care, he certainly did receive me with attention, and treated me with kindness; but when my advice became no longer necessary, his friendship cooled in propor­tion; and latterly, when we happened to meet, he scarcely seemed to recollect me. Upon reflec­tion, what was I to expect from a man, who for his notorious crimes, though at that time in great favour, had been punished by his sovereign, having had the greatest part of his beard pulled up by the roots?

Unsuccessful nd disappointed through this chan­nel, I had recourse to some others of the emperor's attendants, on whom I had conferred favours, and who had perhaps still greater influence with the emperor than even Sidi Brahim. Among this number were the prime minister, and one of the emperor's principal talbs. From these officers I experienced, however, much the same treatment as from Sidi Brahim; and had I not accidentally been called in to attend the wife of one of the em­peror's [Page 146] principal Jews, it is probable I might have continued in the same same state of anxious un­certainty for some weeks longer. As a return for my attendance, the husband of this patient, agreeably to my request, had address and influence enough to persuade the emperor to appoint an audience for me the very day after the ap­plication.

On the day appointed for my reception at court, about twelve at noon, three negro soldiers, with large clubs in their hands, came to my apart­ments to escort me to the palace; telling me, that they had directions to return with me instan­taneously, and that they must answer it with their heads, if they delayed a moment in the exe­cution of their orders. Not suspecting that my Jewish friend, for such I must certainly denomi­nate him, could have effected my wishes so im­mediately, I was by no means prepared for the audience; and I requested them to wait a few moments, till I could enable myself to appear in a decent dress before the emperor. Far, however, from acceding to my request, the soldiers became impatient, and acquainted me, that I must either proceed with them immediately, or they would return and inform the sultan, that I had refused to comply with his orders. I now found myself under the necessity of setting off, and we all ac­tually ran together to the palace with the utmost expedition. When we arrived there, I was intro­duced to one of the masters of the audience, who desired me to wait on the outside of the palace till I was called for.

[Page 147]From the abrupt and sudden manner in which I was forced away by the soldiers, I expected to be ushered immediately into the imperial presence; but so far was I still from the consummation of this expectation, that I remained on the spot where they first placed me, from twelve o'clock at noon till five in the evening, revolving in my mind, what kind of a person I should find the emperor, what reception I should meet with, and the answers which I ought to make to any questions he might propose. Situated as I was with respect to the prince whom I had been attending, and considering the malicious reports respecting my conduct which had been circulated about Morocco, the reader may well suppose that I was led to form a variety of conjectures, concerning what was likely to be the result of the audience. I however placed my whole confidence in the prince's re­covery, which was a circumstance, when clearly known to the emperor, that must undoubtedly operate in my favour. This idea at last entirely removed a number of uneasy and anxious reflec­tions, which had occured to me when I first en­tered the palace; and by the time the messenger came to introduce me to the emperor I had brought myself to be as calm and recollected as if my mind had been perfectly at ease, and had no reason to be otherwise.

From the court-yard into which I was first in­troduced, I was hurried with the greatest precipi­tancy through two or three others, till I arrived at the gate which opened to the court where the emperor was waiting to receive me. I was there [Page 148] detained for some time by the master of the au­dience, owing to my refusal of the present which Europeans are accustomed to make to the em­peror upon being honoured with an audience. I had been previously acquainted that no person was ever permitted to appear in his majesty's presence, unless accompanied by a handsome pre­sent; but I conceived my situation to be in every respect so totally different from that of other strangers who visited the court, that I told the master of the ceremonies, if he persisted in refusing me entrance, I would immediately return home again.

The Moor, finding that I was determined not comply with his request, and knowing that the emperor was purposely waiting to see me, was afraid to defer my introduction any longer; I was therefore ushered into his majesty's presence very expeditiously, and directed to place myself and my interpreter in such a situation as to be seen with­out approaching too near his person.

The Moor who introduced me, upon appearing in sight of the emperor, prostrated himself on the earth, kissed it, and in a very humble manner exclaimed in Arabic, "May God preserve the king!" The emperor then ordered him to ap­proach, and deliver what he had to say. He inform­ed his majesty, that in compliance with his order, he had brought before him the English doctor; after which, having made a very low bow, he retired, and the emperor immediately desired me and my interpreter to advance towards him; but as soon as we had got within ten yards of the emperor, [Page 149] two soldiers came up, pulled us by the coat, and acquainted us that we must not presume to ap­proach any further.

I found the sovereign seated in an European post-chaise, placed in one of his open courts, and drawn by one mule in shafts, having a man on each side to guide it. Behind the carriage were foot soldiers, some Negroes and others Moors, in two divisions, forming together a half-moon. Some of these soldiers were only armed with large clubs, while others had muskets which they held close to their bodies, and pointed perpendicularly.

The emperor, after surveying me minutely and with the greatest attention, accompanied with no small share of hauteur, demanded from my in­terpreter, in a very stern manner, if I was the Christian doctor who had been attending Muley Absulem? I desired him to answer, that I was.— ‘How came you into the country; and were you sent by order of your own king, or by whom?’ To render my visit of more importance, I answered, "By order of government."— ‘Where did you learn your profession, and what is the name of the person who taught it you?’ I in­formed his majesty.— ‘What is the reason that the French surgeons are better than the English; and which do you think are best?" I answered, The French surgeons are very good, but it must certainly be allowed that the English are in general superior, being more scientifically educated.’—The emperor then observed, that a French surgeon had come into the country, and in the course of his practice had killed several persons.

[Page 150]His majesty next asked, in a very austere man­ner, "What was the reason I had forbidden Muley Absulem the use of tea?" My reply was, "Mu­ley Absulem has very weak nerves, and tea is injurious to the nervous system."—"If tea is so unwholesome," replied his majesty, "why do the English drink so much?" I answered, "It is true, they drink it twice a day; but then they do not make it so strong as the Moors, and they generally use milk with it, which lessens its pernicious effects. But the Moors, when once they begin to use it, make it very strong, drink a great deal, and very frequently with­out milk."—"You are right," said the emperor; and I know it sometimes makes their hands shake." After this conversation, about a dozen distilled waters, prepared from different herbs, were frought for me to taste, and inform the em­peror what they were; which were hot, and which were cold, &c.

His majesty now condescended to become more familiar and easy in his remarks, and desired me to observe the snow on Mount Atlas, which his carriage immediately fronted, wishing to know if we had the same in my country. I answered, that we frequently had a great deal in the winter season, and that England was a much colder climate than Morocco. The emperor observed, that if any person attempted to go to the top of the mountain, he would die from excess of cold. He then in­formed me, that on the other side of the mountain was a very fine, plain, and fertile country, which was named Tafilet.

[Page 151]Observing that the emperor was now in a good humour, I embraced the oportunity of mention­ing to him, how much my feelings had been hurt by the malicious reports which had been for some time past circulating to my prejudice; that they were of such a nature as to make me very desirous of having my character cleared up, by a proper examination into the present state of the prince's health, as well as into the nature of the medicines which I had been administering to him. The emperor in reply said, that he had already ordered his Moorish physician to examine very particularly my medicines; who had declared that he could find nothing improper in them. It is very clear, however, that some suspicion must have taken place in the breast of the emperor, to have induced him to send privately for these medicines, for the purpose of having them so nicely examined; from which circumstance I could not help feeling it as a very fortunate event for myself, that the prince's health was in so favourable a state.

After a conversation of some length, the heads of which I have endeavoured briefly to state, the evening being far advanced, the emperor com­manded one of his attendants to conduct me home to his Jew, and desire him to take great care of me; adding, that I was a good man, I was Muley Absulem's physician, and that he would send me home to my entire satisfaction. He then ordered his carriage to drive on.

Considering myself as now acquitted of the charges which had been insinuated against me, and elevated by the emperor's promises at the audience, I must confess that I returned home with a much [Page 152] lighter heart than I could boast of when I went. I now only waited for the arrival of the prince at Morocco, which I conceived would confirm the emperor's good wishes towards me, and make my situation as agreeable as I could expect. Such are the sanguine hopes with which we are apt to flatter ourselves, after having encountered dif­ficulties, when the smallest prospect opens of relief.

In the evening my room was filled with a num­ber of the attendants of the emperor, who came to congratulate me on the honour I had received by a sight of their royal master; at the same time to demand presents, which on such occasions, they alleged was a custom to which all Europeans sub­mitted. As therefore I saw there were no other means of relieving myself from their impertinent importunities, I was obliged in some degree to, comply with their demands.

I found the emperor Sidi Mahomet to be a tall thin old man, of near eighty years of age, and of a sallow complexion. From a visage naturally long, and a distortion of one eye, united with an acquired habit of austerity, his appearance at first was rather disgusting to strangers; but that im­pression was soon worn off by the affability of his conversation, which he generally confined to those subjects he thought most adapted to the person with whom he conversed. At the same time he displayed a great desire to acquire information, as well as to discover the abilities of others. Some years ago he so far lost the use of his feet as to disable him from walking. This disagreeable effect was probably owing to want of use, and to his [Page 153] accustoming himself constantly to be either in his carriage or on horseback. When I saw him, his beard and eye-brows, though before, as I was informed, very dark, had acquired a perfect white­ness, and his voice was much impaired. His dress was exactly similar to that of other Moors, differ­ing only in the fineness of the materials, and he was only distinguished from his subjects by a lar­ger retinue, riding in a carriage, or when on horseback having an umbrella carried before him.

From the general tenour of his conduct through­out his reign, and from his conversation, Sidi Mahomet appears to have possessed strong natural talents, to which had a good education been united, he might have proved a great monarch. But the want of education, and the illiberality and su­perstition of his religion, betrayed him frequently into cruelty; and the possession of arbitrary power tinged his character with that intolerable caprice which has ever distinguished and disgraced the Moorish princes.

Avaricious from his youth, he gave his whole attention to the accumulation of wealth; and it was from that motive only that he appeared to give more encouragement to European merchants than any of his predecessors. It is at the same time well known, that he occasionally oppressed them with such heavy duties, that they have been obliged to send home their vessels empty. In hopes of adding still more to his treasures, Sidi Mahomet became himself a merchant, took up goods from Europeans, and obliged the Jews to pay him five times their value for them; so that there was not [Page 154] a single resource for becoming rich of which he did not avail himself. Avaricious to this excess, and naturally of a very timid disposition, his great object has been peace: well aware that war could neither enrich him, nor contribute to his enjoy­ments in any respect.

His reign, it is true, has been distinguished by fewer instances of cruelty than that of any of his predecessors, but he has certainly exceeded them all in the licentiousness of his attacks upon private property. He was always surrounded by people, who, for the sake of rising into favour, were at all times ready [...] give him information concern­ing any of his subjects who were rich. It was then his usual course of proceeding, to invent some plea for confining them in prison; and if that did not succeed, he put them in irons, chain­ed them down, and proceeded in a course of severity and cruelty, till at last, wearied out with punishments and disgraces, the unfortunate vic­tims surrendered the whole of their possessions; which alone procured them the enjoyment of liberty, an oportunity of again obtaining susistence, or perhaps of once more becoming the prey of the rapacious monarch. Such of his sons as were in friendship with him, were continually making him presents, as if apprehensive of the same fate; and since I left the country it has been strongly reported that my patient Muley Absu­lem, who was the only son for whom the empe­ror professed much affection, was plundered by his father of the greatest part of his riches; which indeed were reputed to be very consider­able.

[Page 155]Vices are never solitary; and those which are most naturally connected with an avaricious and timid disposition, are jealousy and suspicion. Con­scious how little he deserved the affection of his people, and latterly sensible of having totally lost it, Sidi Mahomet was in constant fear of assassina­tion and poison. In this state he dragged on a miserable existence; an example to arbitrary kings, and a living proof that the picture exhibited of the Roman tyrant, by the sarcastic historian, was not overcharged. He seldom stirred out of his palace, unless accompanied by a numerous band of soldiers, and even of these he had always his suspicions. At night he had constantly six blood­hounds in his chamber, and relying more on the fidelity of the irrational creation than on man, he thought these a more certain guard than his soldiers. His victuals were dressed and tasted in his presence; and at dinner, though no person was per [...]itted to eat immediately with him, yet he always had some of his sons and ministers in the same apartment, who were helped out of his dish. To complete the misery of this unfortunate old man, he lived under the continual apprehension of being conquered by his eldest son Muley Yazid, the late emperor, who, in consequence of some ill treatment received from his father, retired secretly from court, and took refuge in a sanctuary near Tetuan.

This prince, whose grandmother was an English woman, had acquired the universal esteem of the whole country by his generous conduct and his great abilities; and though at that time in a state of poverty, and with only four attendants about [Page 156] him, such was his influence that he had only to step forward, and say he wanted money and troops, and he would shortly have been at the head of an army, that must at any time have entirely overwhelmed the late government of Morocco. From motives of duty, and perhaps of policy, this however was a step he did not wish to take, conscious that his father could not long survive, and that upon his death he was certain of the succession. The emperor, notwith­standing, was still unable to subdue his appre­hensions; and when I was at Morocco sent an army of five thousand blacks, with an order to violate the sanctuary, and carry off the prince. This order was not obeyed, for the chief could not place sufficient confidence in his troops; and the prince continued quiet in the sactuary till his father's decease.

To evince the policy, as well as the sagacity of Muley Yazid, I must beg leave to relate an anecdote, which occurred a short time previous to that period. The people who have the care of the sanctuary received positive orders from the emperor to expel the prince by force; which, if they failed in doing, he assured them he would send and put every man, woman, and child in the neighbourhood of the sanctuary to the sword. The people, though well disposed to the prince, intimidated by these orders, related faithfully to him the emperor's intentions, and informed him that, as their lives were at stake, they expected him to remove, at the same time recommending him to another sanctuary at no great distance, where he could equally take refuge. The prince, [Page 157] who is one of the best horsemen in the country, and who had a horse of which he had the en­tire command, immediately promised them to depart, and mounted his horse for the purpose. But what was their surprise, when they found the horse would not stir from the spot, notwith­standing the apparently free use of whip and spur? Upon this the prince exclaimed, ‘You see plain­ly that it is God's will I should continue here, and therefore no other power shall ever drive me out.’ This had such an effect upon the superstitious multitude, that they preferred risking the resentment of the emperor, to the violation of what, in their estimation, was so apparently the will of God.

With respect to the other features of the em­peror's character, his principal vices appear to have resulted from that great corrupter of the human heart, arbitrary power: for he was the most arbitrary of monarchs, having at his absolute disposal the lives and properties of all his subjects. In such circumstances, what man can be trusted, nay, who would trust himself? In such circum­stances, can we wonder, when we observe the occasional indulgence of intemperate revenge? Among these we are to account his treatment of an unfortunate Jew who had imprudently written something to his prejudice, and for this slight of­fence was quartered alive, cut to pieces, and his flesh afterwards given to the dogs.

Upon another occasion, a similar disposition was manifested by Sidi Mahomet. A Moor of some consequence, and very opulent, gave a grand entertainment on the marriage of one of his sons. [Page 158] The emperor, who happened to be in the neigh­bourhood, and who well knew that magnificence was a striking proof of wealth, was determined to be present at the festival, in order that he might more fully inform himself of the circum­stances of the Moor. For this purpose he dis­guised himself in a common dress, and entered the house in the midst of all the jollity, and perhaps the licentiousness of the entertainment. The master of the ceremonies observing a person of mean ap­pearance intrude himself into the room so abrupt­ly, ordered him out; and upon the refusal of the stranger, he gave him a kick, and pushed him by violence out of the house. For a short space of time after this occurrence the whole affair passed with­out notice, and probably had escaped the memory of most; and it was a matter of the utmost surprize to the master of the house, to receive an order com­manding him immediately to repair to Morocco. Upon being introduced to the emperor, he was asked if he recollected the circumstances which have just been related, to which he replied in the affirmative. "Know then," says the emperor, ‘I was that Moor whom you treated thus con­tumeliously; and to convince you that I have not forgot it, that foot and that hand which insulted me shall perish.’—I have seen this un­fortunate victim of tyranny walking about the streets with one leg and an arm.

The emperor was as ready to revenge the ima­ginary or the real injuries of his subjects. To elucidate this assertion; an English and French gentleman were amusing themselves by the diver­sion of coursing, in the vicinity of Mogodore, [Page 159] when one of their dogs unfortunately attacked the calf of a Moor. This accident soon brought out the villagers, who immediately shot the dog, and entered into a very serious quarrel with the Christians, which terminated in a general contest. The women of the village now thought it a pro­per occasion for their interference; and among their number was one, who from old age had lost all her teeth except two, and these were so loose that they could be with difficulty retained; and another, who had upon a former occasion frac­tured her arm, the bone of which had never been reduced or united. In the course of the dispute, these two women were unintentionally thrown down, and by this accident the old lady lost both her teeth, while the other insisted that the Chris­tians had been the occasion of fracturing her arm. To be brief, the Christians were overpowered by numbers, and were obliged to retire to Mogodore, where they immediately made a complaint to the governor of the insults they had received from the Moors, who in their turn also appeared before him with a complaint against the Christians. The whole being referred to the emperor, both parties were ordered up to court, with the view of giving the matter an impartial hearing, and of adminis­tering justice accordingly. It is hardly necessary to intimate, that in this uncivilized country, and with a man of Sidi Mahomet's prejudices, the Moorish evidence would be certain of a favour­able hearing. The circumstances indeed of one woman losing her teeth, and another having her arm fractured, appeared in the eyes of the empe­ror so plausible, that upon their being made known [Page 160] to him, without hesitation he ordered the Chris­tians to be put in irons, and confined till he should determine upon the punishment which such appa­rent crimes merited. For this purpose, the Mufti, or high priest was desired to refer the matter to the Koran, with a view of punishing the delin­quents according to its dictates. The priest soon found out a passage, where it species an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth. The English gen­tleman, whom the old lady fixed upon for the person who had been the occasion of her misfor­tune, was therefore directed to lose two of his teeth, which punishment was immediately put in execution in the presence of the emperor; while his French companion, as they could not find out a punishment in the Koran for breaking an arm, received the bastinado in a manner which dis­graced humanity and the law of nations; the pri­soners were then set at liberty.

This circumstance brings to my mind how nar­rowly I escaped falling into a similar predicament in the course of my detention at Morocco. One day, within the walls of the palace, I was grossly insulted by a Moor, at a time when, from the great anxiety I was under, my temper was much disturbed, and which so far had put me off my guard as to induce me to give the offender a blow on the face. Upon this a Moorish soldier, who, unobserved by myself, was sitting behind me in a corner of the wall, exclaimed in Arabic in a very austere tone, "Christian, how dare you strike that Moor?" A full consciousness of having acted imprudently, and a recollection of the emperor's former treatment of Christians under similar cir­cumstances, [Page 161] now pressed upon my mind with such force, that at first I was at a loss what part I should take to extricate myself from this difficul­ty. To walk away, would be an acknowledg­ment of guilt, and would afford the Moor a greater plea for making a complaint; I therefore determined upon returning back and expostulating with the man, by telling him that I had been grossly insulted, and must therefore be under the necessity of making immediate application to the governor of the town to have the offender severely punished for attacking one, who, from the nature of his employment, was in the emperor's service, and consequently under his particular protection. In reply, the Moor said, that had I kicked him, horsewhipped him, or punished him in any other way but that of slapping his face, he should have over-looked it; but a blow on the face was in their law a crime of so serious a nature, that he thought it his duty to acquaint the emperor of it, who had hitherto never pardoned any person convicted of so heinous an offence, but had always cut off that hand of the Moor which had offered the in­sult; what then could a Christian expect from him? From the knowledge I had already learn­ed of the Moorish character, I still thought it necessary to continue in the same strain, by in­forming the Moor, that he might act as he thought proper, but that I should still fulfil my resolution, and had no doubt but it would have its proper effect. The man now began to soften, and said, that as I was in the emperor's service, he would for this time look over the offence, but cautioned me to be careful how I acted in future. [Page 162] Upon considering every circumstance I thought it most prudent to let the matter drop here; and I acknowledge that this affair proved a sufficient lesson to me to avoid in future entering into simi­lar contests with the Moors.

Sidi Mahomet was sufficiently conscious of his own power and dignity, and kept every person at the most abject distance; no person daring to approach or speak to him without his permission. Sensible also of the excesses into which he might be betrayed by ungoverned passion, if at any time he found his temper discomposed, he indiscrimi­nately ordered every person out of his sight. It may easily be conceived that the monarch had no difficulty in securing obedience to this mandate, since all were sensible that to have continued in his presence would have been highly dangerous, if not fatal.

The only persons who possessed any consider­able influence over the emperor were his women; and it was through that channel that the most successful business was transacted with him.

Thus far for the vices of arbitrary power. But deceit, hypocrisy and falsehood were qualities which could not be immediately ascribed to that source, unless we consider them as the necessary effects of an education in a despotic court. As a cloak to actions which he knew must excite disap­probation and disgust, Sidi Mahomet attempted to persuade his subjects that they proceeded from motives of religion and justice; and to give them a greater sanction he enrolled himself in the frater­nity of saints, and paid a strict attention to all the superstitions and form [...] peculiar to his religion. [Page 163] This conduct answered well with the ignorant part of the community, but the more enlightened could not but observe that he attended more to the ceremonial of his religion than to its principles, which he made no scruple of violating whenever it suited his convenience. What he promised one day he would refuse the next, so that no depen­dance was ever placed upon his word. Ad­ded to these, he possessed a large portion of that low cunning which is common to persons whose minds and sentiments have not been elevated or refined by literature or science. He perhaps, in­deed, found this quality not without its uses in governing such a people as the Moors; and no man understood their character and disposition better than he did. He was aware that respect is frequently destroyed by unseasonable familiari­ties, and therefore kept at a most stately distance from his subjects, and but seldom appeared among them. By these means his consequence was preserved, and his conduct, and his talents were involved in that impenetrable and awful mist that surrounds the seraglios of Eastern mo­narchs.

The few rebellions which occurred during his long reign, proved decisively that he knew how to govern his subjects. Whenever a disposition for revolt prevailed in any of the provinces, a body of troops was immediately dispatched to plunder the whole of the discontented province, and to seize the insurgents, who were immediate­ly conducted to court, and punished according to the magnitude of their respective offences. Some were put to death, others were deprived [Page 164] of their hands and legs; and for lesser crimes the discontented parties underwent the bastinado. This monarch employed persons in different dis­tricts to watch the motions of his subjects, and to inform him of every symptom of revolt; and thus, by a well-timed interference, he was enabled to crush rebellion in the bud.

In his conduct towards foreign powers, Sidi Mahomet discovered the same disregard to truth and justice, the same adroitness and cunning. He readily promised to grant every demand, provided he was to be well paid for the concession. But it must have been valuable presents indeed which would induce him to perform his promise. He protracted negociations in order that he and his ministers might be enriched by them; but al­ways as much as possible avoided bringing them to a final deternination, by either granting or re­fusing a favour.

If foreign powers omitted to pay him the tri­bute he demanded, he immediately threatened in the severest manner to commence hostilities; yet in this he was never in earnest, for he was more afraid of his enemies than they had reason to be of him. When he found they were not dis­posed to contend the matter with him, he increased his demands accordingly.

In order to enhance his consequence, he en­deavoured to persuade his subjects that he was remarkably skilled in matters of which they were entirely ignorant. To preserve an appearance of ability, when he was visited by Europeans, if the stranger was a merchant, the subject of conver­sation was on manufactures, foreign commerce, [Page 165] &c. If he was a military officer, fortifications, attacks, &c. were the topics; and if a seafaring person, he would then scratch on a piece of paper a plan of his coasts and harbours. Though he rarely advanced any thing to the purpose on these subjects; yet as foreigners who visited the court generally appeared there with a view of obtaining some favour, and as it was never customary for any person to contradict the emperor, they al­ways coincided with his opinions, and pretended at least to admire his extensive abilities. This fully answered the intention of the emperor; it induced his subjects to form a good opinion of his understanding, and he often collected some real information from the answers which his visitors returned to his questions.

Sidi Mahomet paid more attention to military affairs than to his navy, though if any power re­fused to repair a frigate, it was a sufficient induce­ment for him to threaten a war. He thought himself perfectly acquainted with the art of for­tification, but his knowledge of it extended no farther than a few loose hints which he had re­ceived upon the subject from those Europeans who had visited the court.

In his court and personal appearance, Sidi Ma­homet affected great simplicity of manners, not allowing even his own sons to appear in his pre­sence except in a plain Moorish dress. They then were obliged to uncover their cap or turban (for a Moor never pulls off either except when going to bed) and to wear instead of the Haick the Sulam, which is a cloak made of white or blue woollen cloth, the front parts of which they were obliged to throw over their shoulders, and as obliged [Page 166] soon as they saw the emperor, to prostrate their heads to the ground, and kiss it, exclaiming, ‘God save the king!’ [...] then ordered them to ap­proach, and speak to him.

Though in general of a stately demeanour, he was sometimes known to unbend, and occasion­ally took pleasure in conversing with his courtiers on various subjects; but they were permitted to advance no opinion of their own, but merely to approve of what he said. He frequently talked upon the subject of religion, and considered him­self as well informed in that particular. He sometimes endeavoured to explain to them dif­ferent parts of the Koran, pointing out its beau­ties, and impressing on the minds of his auditors the most intolerant prejudices against Christians.

The mixture of good and evil so incident to all human characters, was also to be found in Sidi Mahomet. Notwithstanding what has been remarked of his avarice, his duplicity, and absurd pretensions to religion, there are some circum­stances which serve to lessen our indignation, and these it is only consistent with justice and candour to state. It is generally allowed, that though he must necessarily suffer in a comparison with the princes of free and civilized nations, yet when compared with his despotic predecessors, his cha­racter greatly rises in the scale of humanity. He was seldom or never wontonly cruel. He was certainly sometimes too hasty in pronouncing sen­tence on criminals, for which he has been often known to express the strongest sentiments of re­morse; and his desire to prevent any ill effects from his passions has been already remarked.

[Page 167]In his administration of justice he generally acted very impartially, except indeed when his own interest was immediately concerned, and then every other feeling gave way. It must, however, be acknowledged, that though him­self a most notorious violator of the laws, he so far respected them that he never would permit others to follow his example. Though so ex­tremely avaricious, it has been already stated that in some severe instances of public distress, he gene­rously dispensed his treasures to administer relief to the sufferers; and the number of poor peo­ple who were daily fed at his palace, of which I was an eye-witness, plainly evinced that he was not destitute of charity. Europeans met with greater encouragement, and the wheels of com­merce were less clogged, during the reign of Sidi Mahomet than at any preceding period.

Thus was this monarch a singular compound of liberality and intolerance, of avarice and benevo­lence, of cruelty and compassion. It is perhaps only a state of despotism that we behold this con­fusion of character. The legal restraints of civi­lized life, form themselves into habits; and the eccentricities and caprices to which circumstances, situation, the state of the health, or perhaps the variations of the climate, dispose the human mind, are no longer found to exist in European countries, or to exist in an inferior degree. Happy it is, when any restraints are imposed upon us, to prevent us from doing evil. Man is a creature not formed for arbitrary power. So limited are his views, so variable his disposition, so violent [Page 168] and tyrannical his passions, that the wisest of men would certainly not wish for absolute authority, and the best, if entrusted with it, would pro­bably abuse it.

The conduct of the emperor towards foreign courts has already been noticed. His means of extracting money from them by threatining a war, which perhaps in reality he dreaded, has been likewise stated. It will probably not be unseason­able in this place to introduce a few remarks on their conduct towards him.

The observation that [...]st and most naturally presents itself upon this occasion is—that nothing but gross neglect or inexcusable ignorance could induce the European princes in general to remain in a kind of tributary state to a prince, who had neither an army nor a fleet which deserved the name, and a a people whose disposition is less suited to enterprize than perhaps any other.

What had they to fear from him? His whole fleet consisted only of a few small frigates and row­boats, ill managed and worse manned, the whole of which might have been destroyed in one day by two or three well-appointed European frigates. The entrances of those ports where he laid up his shipping, if we except Tangier and Larache, are, as I before observed, so continually choaking up with sand, that in a short time they will only admit fishing-boats, or the very smallest craft. The towns are none of them regularly fortified, except Mogodore, and that hardly produces half a dozen men who understand the least of working the guns. And yet this contemptible power gives [Page 169] laws to all the coasts of Portugal and Spain, and may be said in some measure to command the en­trance of the Mediterranean!

It may be said, he was too trifling a power to notice; if so, why lavish immense presents for the purpose of keeping him in temper? Those who imagined they secured his friendship by these means were much mistaken; on the contrary, they only added fuel to that flame of avarice which was not to be extinguished, if he was one day presented with a frigate, he asked for two the next; and the more his requests were indul­ged, the more his inordinate desires were in­creased.

It is well known to those who have been con­versant with the Moors, that to secure their friendship you must first assert your own superiori­ty, and then if you make them a trifling present, its value is trebled in their estimation. The same disposition would have been found in Sidi Ma­homet, as in the common Moor. So far from courting an alliance, it would rather have been good policy at once to quarrel with him; the loss of a few towns and particularly Mogodore, to which he was much attached, from its being raised under his own auspices, would soon have reduced him to good humour and submission.

The emperor's title is, ‘Emperor of Africa; Emperor of Morocco; king of Fez, Suz, and Gago; lord of Dara and Guinea; and great Sharif of Mahomet.’

The principal amusement of the emperor was latterly observing his soldiers fire with musquets at targets, and rewarding those who were suc­cessful with small pieces of money. He also occa­sionally [Page 170] entertained himself with falcons; but in general he spent the greater part of his time with his women.

The emperor received foreigners, and transacted all public business, either in his carriage or on horseback, in some of the open spaces within the palace. Formerly, indeed, on such occasions, it was sometimes customary to admit strangers in­to one of the rooms; and then he obliged them to conform to the custom of the country, by pulling off their shoes when in his presence: but some spirited Europeans a few years ago having refused to pay that homage, he ever afterwards gave them audience in one of his court-yards. The Spanish friars at Morocco only were an exception to this rule, for upon their informing him that they never pulled off their shoes to any power under God, he always permitted them to enter his room with them on.

Previous to a stranger, whether an European or Moor, obtaining and audience of his Moorish Majesty, a present was always made to one of his ministers, as an inducement to him to acquaint his sovereign that a stranger solicited that honour. The first present, unless it was something very handsome, did not always succeed; and it was frequently necessary to apply to two or three mini­sters to procure a speedy audience, or even to send in a present to one of the Sultanas, none of whom entertained any very uneasy sensations about ac­cepting the compliment. The latter was indeed the most certain mode of succeeding.

After having so far accomplished his wishes, the stranger was next liable to be detained a longer or a shorter time before the capricious monarch [Page 171] would fix on a day for receiving him. Even after this he would frequently send for him in a violent hurry to the palace, and when there keep him stand­ing in one of the open courts several hours; he would then send an excuse for not admitting him on that day; and this agreeable process was in many instances repeated three or four times. The tar­diness, insolence, and irregularity, of the court of Morocco, is indeed beyond conception; and those who have business there, ought to be pos­sessed of all the philosophy and patience of a Stoic, if they would avoid the deprivation of their senses.

No person whatever, whether Moor or Chris­tian, was admitted into the presence of the sove­reign, but when accompanied with a handsome present, more or less valuable, in proportion to the favour to be requested. Even the emperor's own sons were not exempted from this custom, upon paying their first visit after a previous ab­sence. The generosity of the suitor must not even stop here; for when the audience is over, the master of the ceremonies with his servants, and the porters of all the gates of the palace, which are rather numerous, have a claim for their per­quisites, and are not to be got rid of till they ob­tain something. Indeed, as they receive no pay from their royal master, these perquisites were the only means they had of obtaining a subsist­ence ^*.

[Page 172]After having completed the business at court, the obtaining of the final dispatches was common­ly attended with the same difficulties as the ob­taining of an audience. The emperor was not [Page 173] only naturally very forgetful, but sometimes, from political motives, intentionally so. He was very well aware that the longer strangers were detained at Morocco, the more his ministers would be en­riched by them; and as the money came at last, though by a circuitous course, into his own pocket, he used frequently to forget that strangers were waiting for their dispatches. The ministers, on the other hand, unless stimulated by substantial presents, were generally extremely dilatory in re­minding him of them; and there have been many instances of foreigners being detained at Morocco five or six weeks, entirely owing to this circum­stance.

With respect to the court of Morocco, it lat­terly hardly deserved that appellation. When the emperor was young, his faculties clear, and his abilities in their prime, he entrusted to his mi­nisters a considerable share of the public business; but within the few last years of his life, when his strength of body as well as of mind were worn out by hard services and old age, either from suspicion or dotage, he took the reins of govern­ment entirely into his own hands. The ministers and secretaries not daring to notice the mistakes of the sovereign, were obliged to write out letters and send orders, which were contradicted almost every hour, and which occasioned the utmost con­fusion. The court of Morocco, indeed, under the most advantageous circumstances, was always notorious for its irregularity and contradiction; but a short time previous to the emperor's death, the government could scarcely be said to exist at all.

[Page 174]As an account of the officers employed about the court of the emperor has never been particu­larly detailed to the public, a short statement of them will probably not be uninteresting: I shall therefore, in as few words as possible, point out their respective employments.

The emperor's court consisted of,

• 1. A prime minister, named the Effendi, or friend; who was the responsible man, and during that period when the government was carried on in a more regular manner, all letters and orders were signed by him before they were dispatch­ed.
• 2. A principal secretary to the treasury, united with the office of Effendi; who had the disburse­ment at large of the emperor's payments, with six Moorish and seven Jewish under-secretaries.
• 3. A master of the horse, with one hundred and twenty assistants.
• 4. A grand chamberlain, a place commonly united with that of prime minister, with seventeen assistants; nine of whom were sons of Spanish renegadoes, three sons of negroes, and the others Moors.
• 5. A grand falconer, which is an hereditary place, and perhaps the only one in the country, with twenty assistants.
• 6. A keeper of the great seal.
• 7. Two grand stewards, with eight assistants.
• 8. Five inspectors general of all the emperor's affairs, the principal of whom was the Effendi.
• 9. Three masters of ceremonies for public au­diences, with forty assistants.
• [Page 175]10. An interpreter general for the German, Dutch, English, French, Spanish, and Latin lan­guages; this man was a German renegado.
• 11. A secretary for the Spanish and Italian lan­guages, who was a Genoese.
• 12. Two grand keepers of the jewels and plate.
• 13. A grand master of the baths.
• 14. Two grand keepers of the arsenal.
• 15. Two keepers of the emperor's goods and warehouses.
• 16. Three inspectors of mosques, &c.
• 17. Five keepers of the provisions.
• 18. Two keepers of the library.
• 19. Two astrologers.
• 20. Four masters of the carriages with two assistants.
• 21. Twelve sons of renegadoes, who have never had beards, employed in drawing the small carriages.
• 22. Three principal assistants for prayers, with seventeen deputies, sons of the great people of the empire.
• 23. Three bearers of the umbrella, with nine assistants.
• 24. One bearer of the sabre.
• 25. Two bearers of the bason.
• 26. Two bearers or the lance.
• 27. One bearer of the watch.
• 28. Five bearers of the emperor's own fire-locks, who are all Alcaides, with fifteen inferior assistants.
• 29. A bearer of the colours and standard.
• 30. A physician and a surgeon, with several tradesmen, too numerous to mention.

[Page 176]Upon taking a retrospective view of the em­ployments under the emperor of Morocco, we shall not find that they differ so much from those of other states, as might have been imagined, from the ignorance of the European customs observable in this people in other respects. The places of Ef­fendi and principal secretary to the treasury being united in one person, bears considerable analogy to the union of the office of prime minister with those of chancellor of the exchequer and first lord of the treasury. The appointments of secretary of state, master of the horse, grand chamberlain, keeper of the great seal, and grand fal [...]oner, are all places which are well known in European courts; and many others have nearly the same correspondence.

The principal difference between the court of Morocco and those of Europe is, that the possessors of these appointments in European courts enjoy very lucrative incomes from their respective states, while those of Morocco receive none at all from the court. They depend solely on the perquisites which are paid them by those who have business to transact with the court▪ Even this, however, sometimes forms a very inconsi­derable income, though always subject to defal­ [...]tion from the rapacious hand of their sovereign, who seizes upon every thing with which he comes in contact.

The Effendi to the emperor had a degree of address, and an elegance of manners which would have done honour to an European courtier. He received a stranger with a pleasing smile and a respectful bow; shook him warmly by the hand, [Page 177] enquired after his health, invited him to his house, and offered him his services. As he was rich, he was always extremely timid in the presence of the emperor, notwithstanding he annually made him a large present to keep him in temper. Some of the princes, and many others, followed his ex­ample in this respect, judiciously preferring the enjoyment of a little with a certainty, to the run­ning a risk of the whole.

The emperor of late had no regular court days, but fixed upon them as inclination or convenience dictated. On those days all the princes who were at Morocco, and every person in the imm­ediate service of the emperor, were obliged to at­tend at the Machoire, an open part of the palace so named, where they, with the soldiers, were arranged in the form of a crescent; the ministers and strangers in front, and the sovereign, either on horseback or in his carriage, in the centre. Upon these occasions the public business in general was transacted, foreigners were received, grievances were stated, complaints heard (every person being at liberty to apply to the emperor for redress) and malefactors were punished in the presence of the sovereign, and the whole court.

The revenues of the emperor of Morocco con­sist of a tenth on every article of consumption, being the natural production of the country, as allowed him by the Koran; an annual tax upon the Jews; his custom house and excise duties; and the tributes which he exacts from his sub­jects, foreign states, and European merchants, in the form of presents. From the most articles he derives the most considerable part of his income.

[Page 178]The want of system, and the caprice of Sidi Mahomet, was such that it was utterly impossible to say what was the annual amount of all these branches of revenue. The duties were frequently changed three or four times in the course of a year, and the tributes were subject to an equal degree of uncertainty. After all it has been a matter of great doubt and speculation whether Sidi Mahomet was wealthy. From the greater encou­ragement to commerce during his reign, the trifling expence of his court, every person engaged about it, receiving little or no pay from the emperor, the uncommonly severe exactions he enforced, and the numerous voluntary presents he received, the na­tural conclusion was, that he must have been very rich. On the other hand, however, his expences at the sieges of Melilla and Mazagan are known to have been very considerable; and these, united to the valuable presents he annually transmitted to the grand Seignior, and to the Sharifs ^* of Mecca, are to be placed in the opposite scale; and when this is done, it will perhaps appear that his wealth was far from considerable.

The land forces of the emperor of Morocco, consist principally of black troops, the descendants of those Negroes which Muley Ishmael imported from Guinea, and some few white, amounting al­together to an army of about thirty-fix thou­sand men upon the establishment, two thirds of which are cavalry. This establishment, however, upon occasion admits of a considerable in­crease, as every man is supposed to be a soldier, [Page 179] and when called upon, is obliged to act in that capacity. About six thousand of the standing forces form the emperor's body guard, and are always kept near his person; the remainder are quartered in the different towns of the empire, and are under the charge of the bashaws of the provinces. They are all clothed by the emperor, and receive a trifling pay; but their chief depend­ance is on plunder, which they have frequent op­portunities of acquiring.

The soldiers have no distinction in dress from the other Moors, and are only marked by their accoutrements, which consist of a sabre, a very long musquet, a small red leather box to hold their balls, which is fixed in front by means of a belt, and a powder-horn slung over their shoulders.

The army is under the direction of a com­mander in chief, four principal Bashaws, and Al­caides who command distinct divisions. With respect to the Alcaides it is proper to remark, that there are three descriptions of persons who bear this appellation: but those to whom I at present allude are military officers, who command soldiers from a thousand to five hundred, twenty-five, or even four men in a division.

The black troops which I have been describing are naturally of a very fiery disposition, capable of enduring great fatigue, hunger, thirst, and every difficulty to which a military life is ex­posed. They appear well calculated for skirmish­ing parties, or for the purpose of harrassing an enemy; but were they obliged to undergo a re­gular attack, from their total want of discipline, they would soon be routed. In all their man­oeuvres, [Page 180] they have no notion whatever of order and regularity, but have altogether more the ap­pearance of a rabble than of an army.

Though these troops are supposed to be the strongest support of despotism, yet from their avarice and love of variety, they frequently prove the most dangerous enemies to their monarchs; they are often known to excite sedition and rebel­lion; and their insolence has sometimes proceeded to such excesses, as nearly to overturn the go­vernment. Their conduct is governed only by their passions. Those who pay them best, and treat them with the greatest attention, they will always be the most ready to support. This cir­cumstance, independent of every other, makes it the interest of the monarch to keep his subjects in as complete a state of poverty as possible. The Moors are, indeed, remarkable for insincerity in their attachments, and for their love of variety; a military force, in this kingdom especially, is there­fore the only means which a despotic monarch can employ for securing himself in the possession of the throne. Ignorant of every principle of rational liberty, whatever contests this devoted people may engage in with their tyrants, are merely con­tests for the succession; and the sole object for which they spend their lives and their pro­perty, is to exchange one merciless despot for an­other.

The emperor's navy consists of about fifteen small frigates, a few xebecks, and between twenty and thirty row-gallies. The whole is commanded▪ by one admiral; but as these vessels are princi­pally used for the purposes of piracy, they seldom [Page 181] unite in a fleet. The number of seaman in the service, are computed at six thousand.

I hare already noted the bad state of the ports of Morocco, and the probability of their becoming still worse; it is therefore evident, that very little is to be apprehended from the emperor as a naval power; and indeed I am apt to believe, that though a considerable part of his dominions is apparently maritime, he will in the course of some years be destitute both of fleets and harbours.

When describing the emperor's character, I ob­served, that there cannot exist a more absolute go­vernment than that of Morocco; the lives and properties of the subjects depending entirely on the will or caprice of the monarch. The forms of order and justice are, however, still preserved, though but very little of the substance remains.

An officer is appointed by the emperor for the government of every province, who, as I have already stated, is named a Bashaw; he is gener­ally a Moor of some distinction, and frequently one of the emperor's sons. This officer, who is appointed or removed at the will of the sovereign, has almost an unlimited power throughout the province which he commands; he can inflict every punishment but death; can levy taxes, im­pose fines, and in short can plunder any individual he pleases; and indeed, if the reader will not smile at the abuse of words, the plundering of the public and of individuals may be considered as a part of his office. When by every species of ra­pacity he has amassed a large property, then it be­comes the business of the emperor to divert this treasure into his own coffers. Some frivolous [Page 182] plea is therefore invented for the imprisoning of the bashaw, which is immediately put into execu­tion. The emperor then seizes upon all his pro­perty, and afterwards reinstates him in his govern­ment, in order that the same game may be played over again. So perfectly acquainted with man­kind in every state and situation, was our inimit­able Shakespeare:

Take you me for a spunge, my lord?

Aye, Sir; that soaks up the king's countenance, his rewards, his authorities. But such officers do the king best service in the end; he keeps them, like an ape, in the corner of his jaw; first mouthed, to be at last swallowed. When he needs what you have gleaned, it is but squeezing you, and spunge, you shall be dry again.

Subordinate to the bashaw, the emperor ap­points governors to each town, named Alcaides, and officers with a similar authority in every Dou­har or encampment, who are called Shaiks; these officers have the same power invested in them over their several districts as the bashaws have in their provinces. But in other respects their situa­tion is worse, as they are not only subject to the tyranny of the emperor, but also of the bashaw.

The Alcaide, or governor, is invested with both the military and civil authority in the town where he resides. As a military officer, he com­mands a number of soldiers, whom he employs for the public defence and tranquility, and also for enforcing the payment of taxes, for the punishing of delinquents, and to convey his orders and mes­sages [Page 183] to court, or into the country. As a civil officer, he has the entire cognizance of all criminal matters, for which he di [...]cretionally inflicts any punishment short of death.

If we only reflect on the dangerous extent of this almost unlimited power, it is easy to anticipate the abuses of it in a country where so little atten­tion is paid to justice or honour. For the most trifling offences the Alcaide condemns the delin­quent not only to be bastinadoed very severely, and imprisoned, but also to pay him a sum of money, or present him with some other article equal in value, which probably the prisoner has been half his life in acquiring. It frequently happens, indeed, that false accusations are invented purposely against individuals to plunder them of their property. This is not the only inconvenience arising from an abuse of power;—for let a person commit the most notorious crime, if he can carry up a present to the governor of greater value than what was presented by his accuser, he is not only forgiven, but if he has the least ingenuity, he will find very little difficulty in throwing the whole of the crime upon his antagonist. Indeed, in this country, justice, or rather judgment, is most easily procured by purchasing it.

Under the Alcaide is an officer named Ell-hac­kum, or deputy governor, whose office bears some analogy to our principal bailiff or constable.

Besides these officers, there is in every town a Cadi, who is both a civil judge and the chief priest; for it is well known that the civil and re­ligious institutions are united in the Koran. When any dispute happens between individuals, respect­ing [Page 184] matters of right or property, debts, insults, &c. the person who supposes himself injured may apply for redress to the Cadi, who is to determine the matter agreeably to the principles of the Koran. In the absence of the Cadi, any of the Talbs, who are common priests, are equally authorised to act for him. If the parties chuse to employ lawyers, the pleadings must be carried on in writing, otherwise they plead orally their own causes. Upon these occasions the Cadi or Talbs cannot openly receive any payment, but it is well known that they are too frequently influenced by private presents.

The chief of the Cadis is the Mufti, who is al­so the supreme head of the church.

When any party in a suit conceives that he has reason to complain of the jurisdiction of these of­ficers, he has a right to appeal to the emperor, who gives public audiences for the purpose of administering justice. This custom would be a great alleviation to the evils of despotism, were the em­peror always to administer justice impartially; but valuable presents have sometimes too powerful an influence even over the sovereign himself. On this account, as well as on that of the great dis­tance of many of the provinces from the seat of government, the people seldom embrace this last resource in applying for justice.

The mode of punishing criminals in this country depends entirely upon the will of the sovereign. Trifling offences are usually punished by imprison­ment and the bastinado, which is inflicting a certain number of stripes on the back and legs by leather straps, and which is sometimes executed with [Page 185] great severity. For crimes of a more serious na­ture, in some cases the hands are cut off, parti­cularly for stealing, in others a leg and a hand. When I was at Morocco four men who had com­mitted murder had both their hands and legs cut off, and were afterwards shot. Other criminals are run through with swords, knocked down with clubs, or are beheaded. Another mode of punishment is tossing, which is so contrived that the victim falls immediately upon his head.—There were several persons about Sidi Mahomet, who from practice had acquired an habit of throwing persons up, so as at pleasure either to break the head, dislocate the neck, fracture an arm, leg, or both, or to let them fall without re­ceiving any material injury. When I was at Mo­rocco a man received the latter punishment in the morning, and in the afternoon the emperor made him a handsome present as a recompence for what he had suffered.

To sum up all in a few words, there is no mode of cruelty known which has not been practised at Morocco. I am well aware that in the present uncivilized state of the people, severe and exem­plary punishments may be necessary to keep them in any degree of subjection; but it must be at least allowed that such severities should never be in­flicted but when there is a full proof of guilt. The contrary of this I am afraid is too often the case at Morocco. The accused is seldom permitted to make his defence, but is sent out of the world very frequently without knowing for what he suffers.

[Page 186]These punishments were always inflicted in the presence of the emperor. The former monarchs of this country were their own executioners, and Sidi Mahomet acted in the same capacity when prince; but upon his accession to the throne he resigned this respectable office to his Negro sol­diers. I never was present at any of these exe­cutions, but was informed that legs and arms are taken off by a common knife and saw, and that the stump is afterwards dipped in boiling pitch, which is the only mode of stopping the haemor­rhage with which they are acquainted.

To evince in what a cool light all these things are considered by the Moors, one of the emperor's sons had undertaken to put a memorial from me into his father's hands, praying to be sent home. Upon my calling upon him to [...] if he had com­plied with my request, he informed me that when he last saw his father an opportunity had not offered, as he was then very [...] putting some persons to death.

CHAP. X.

ABOUT ten days after my interview with the emperor, Muley Absulem arrived from Taru­dant, in his way to Mecca. As this prince was so distinguished a favourite with the emperor, his public entrance into Morocco was conducted in a much more magnificent stile than any other part of the royal family would perhaps have ventured upon. As soon as intelligence arrived that the prince was approaching the city, two of his bro­thers, Muley Slemma and Muley Oussine, who happened to be at Morocco at the time, the Bashaw, and all the principal persons in the city, received orders to proceed on horseback to meet him, which they did in great form, and found him encamped at the distance of about four miles. As soon as he had dined, the cavalcade commenced, consisting first, of all the prince's Alcaides, about twelve in number, in front, flanked on each side by one standard-bearer, who carried each a red flag, and one lance-bearer, carrying a lance of an uncom­mon length. Behind them was Muley Absulem in the centre; on the right of him Muley Slemma, and on the left Muley Oussine. The next in order [Page 188] was the Bashaw, with the principal persons of the city; and the rear was brought up by a troop of one hundred cavalry, all abreast, partly Negroes and partly Moors, who had the butt end of their muskets resting on their saddles, with the muzzles pointed perpendicularly. In this manner the prince advanced till he approached the walls of the town, where he received orders to halt till the emperor came to him; an honour which had never been paid by Sidi Mahomet to any person before. The emperor shortly after advanced on horseback, with his suite, consisting of about fifty soldiers. Upon his approach Muley Absulem dismounted and kissed the earth; upon which the emperor commanded him to rise, and approach close to his person. He then blessed him, laying his hand on the prince's head, and afterwards embraced him with all the affection of a fond father. Having made many enquiries concerning his son's health, the emperor took his leave, and each retired to their respective places of residence. As soon as the prince had got within the walls of his garden, his troops fired three vollies of mus­quetry in an irregular manner, as is customary on these occasions, and there the ceremony con­cluded.

It may easily be imagined, that I lost no time in waiting on his highness, and I received from him as flattering a reception as I could possibly wish. The prince informed me that he had continued recovering his sight gradually, and that he found himself in every other respect in good health. I took this opportunity of representing to him how disagreeably I was situated with respect to the [Page 189] emperor, and trusted that he would now clear up every doubt that might have arisen on my account; and with this request he promised to comply. On paying my second visit, the prince informed me that he had obtained the emperor's permission to have again recourse to his medi­cines, and that he was certain he should have in­fluence sufficient with his father to persuade him to give me up the English captives, as a compli­ment for my services.

The prince had brought along with him to Mo­rocco the English captain, the only Englishman that had been left in slavery, the black having died some time before. My reader will easily con­ceive the pleasure I felt at seeing my unfortunate countryman, who had been left alone in the hands of savages, now out of immediate slavery, and with the chearful prospect, according to the pro­mises of the prince, of being immediately sent home to his friends and country. My sensations indeed on the occasion may be much more easily felt than described. But if this circumstance had such an effect upon me, what must it have had upon this unfortunate officer, who for some months past had been separated from his people, one of whom was a near relation, and without knowing whether they were dead or alive; who with the evils of slavery had experienced that of a severe fever, without having any person to con­sole him, or afford him that assistance which is so necessary upon such occasions? To be redeemed under such circumstances from his inhospitable situation, to recover from his illness, and to meet with all his companions at Morocco, well taken [Page 190] care of by [...], wa [...] a change which he had given [...] all expectation of ever behold­ing.

The captain was a well-informed young man, and an agreeable companion. He had been brought up, as I before intimated, to the profession of medicine and surgery, in both of which he had received a good education. His first essay in the world was as surgeon to a Guinea-man; after having made several voyages in this capacity, how­ever, finding it a disadvantageous employment, he obtained the command of a small vessel in the same trade, and this was his first voyage as com­mander.

Contrary to his inclination he was ordered by his owners to sail between the canaries and the coast of Africa, which is at all times considered as a dangerous navigation. As he approached towards the spot where his misfortune happened, which is inhabited by wild Arabs, he got into a strong current, which drives directly towards the shore, and a perfect calm succeeding, the vessel unavoidably ran aground. The crew immediately took to their boat, carried off all the money on board, which was about five hundred dollars, with a good share of provisions and water, and got safe to shore.

The part of the country were they were wreck­ed consisted of deep and heavy sands. As upon their first landing they saw nothing to molest them, it was their intention to proceed on foot, along the coast to the northward, till they could reach Santa Cruz or Mogodore, where they could make their situation known. For this purpose [Page 191] they set off with their money, provisions and water, and met with [...] disturbance till the end of two days. The [...] [...] observed a party of wild Arabs, armed [...] large clubs and knives, and rapidly advancing towards them: their first object was to bury their [...]oney in the sands. Over­powered by numbers, they saw no chance of making a successful defence, and therefore every moment expected instantaneous death. The sa­vages, however, had a different object in view. They knew very well that what property the un­fortunate people had about them was sufficiently secure, without being under the necessity of des­troying their lives in order to obtain it, and they were not ignorant of the value of their persons when offered for sale; their ultimate object there­fore was, to bring them to market as slaves.

As each of their conquerors conceived himself equally interested in the capture, they were some time before they could agree among them­selves how they should dispose of their prisoners; in the mean time some of the people were knocked down, others had their pockets cut out, and the buttons torn from off their coats. They were at last seized on by different persons, and carried away to different places of residence.

As I had an oportunity of seeing some of these savages at Morocco, and as they appeared to be in some respects different from those Arabs whom I had met with in my travels, I shall beg leave to describe them. Contrary to the custom of the Moors, they wear the hair long, which is a dark black, and starting from their heads like porcu­pine's quills. Their complexions are off a very [Page 192] dark brown, their noses very pointed, their eyes dark and staring, their beards long, and their features altogether suggest the idea of lunacy or raving madness. In their persons they are very strong and muscular; and many of them go quite naked; others wear only a small garment round their waists.—But to return to my narrative.

The English sailors were put into miserable huts or tents, where for several days they could procure no sustenance, but juniper- [...]rries, brakish water, and now and then a small quantity of milk.

From these people they were soon disposed of to others, who put them into the immediate em­ployments of slavery; these employments were the carrying of water in skins, and performing various other kinds of drudgery, which was at all times accompanied with stripes.

After continuing in this state between two and three months, they contrived to get a letter con­veyed to the English vice consul at Mogodore, expressive of their situation, who forwarded it to the consul general at Tangier, and at the same time wrote to Muley Absulem upon the subject. This prince, who commanded the province ad­joining to that where Captain Irving and his people were detained, at the expiration of eight months from the time this accident happened, obtained the emperor's permission to redeem them out of slavery, with orders to send them up to Moroc­co, where his Moorish majesty thought proper to keep them, till they were expressly sent for by our sovereign; or, in other words, till he received an handsome present.

[Page 193]About four days after the prince's arrival, the flattering assurances which he had at first given me respecting these unfortunate persons were ap­parently confirmed, by his informing me, that he had succeeded to his wishes with the emperor, in what he had promised relative to the English captives; that in two or three days he was to set off for Fez, in his way to Mecca, and that he was to take us all with him as far as Sallee, whence a party was to be dispatched to conduct us to Tangier.

Such agreeable intelligence, and from such authority, afforded me the most pleasing hopes that my journey would yet end to my satisfaction. I eagerly flew to the captain to acquaint him with it; but he seemed too much accustomed to dis­appointments, to entertain any very sanguine ex­pectations from my information. I think, how­ever, his spirits appeared somewhat revived upon the occasion.

The day before the prince's departure I was de­sired to state the number of mules which would be necessary to convey my baggage; at the same time I was told, that in two days we were all to set off. To my very great surprize, however, on the same evening, I was for the first time re­fused permission to see the prince; an excuse being made that he was then busy, and therefore wished me to call in the morning. At the same time I saw every preparation making for the journey, and was positively told that the prince was to de­part from Morocco the very next day.

As I could not help feeling uneasy and alarmed at this circumstance, I repaired early in the morn­ing [Page 194] to the prince's habitation, to know the truth of what I had heard the day before; little enquiry, however, was necessary, since the first object that presented itself was the baggage mules ready loaded; and, in addition to this circumstance, I was informed, that the prince was to set off in an hour's time.

It was in vain that I sent in repeated messages to the prince, requesting that he would permit me to see him. The only answer I could obtain was, that he was then engaged, and that I must wait a little. Wearied out at length by the urgency of my solicitations, a particular friend of his highness came out and told me, that the prince had sent me ten hard dollars, with order to leave [...]he garden immediately, as no person but the em­peror could send me home.

Enraged at this unworthy treatment, I desired the Moor to acquaint the prince, that it was not money I wanted; I wished him only to fulfil his engagement, and that till I had some prospect of that being accomplished, I would not stir from the garden, unless compelled by force. The re­sult of this message was, that the same man re­turned with two dollars more, and said that the prince had done all he could for me. If I chose to go to one of the emperors secretaries, whose name he mentioned, he would give me the em­peror's letter of dispatch, and then I might pro­ceed home in what manner I pleased, but that the prince had no further business with me Find­ing that messages were fruitless, I determined to watch the oportunity of the prince's coming out of his house, and as soon as he had mounted his [Page 195] horse, I placed myself directly before him. In this last resource, however, I found myself equally unsuccessful as before, and experienced the last extreme of rudeness and ingratitude; for before my interpreter could pronounce a single sentence, the prince pushed on, and rode hastily by me, leaving me in as disagreeable a situation as can well be conceived.

To whatever point I directed my view, there appeared nothing comfortable in the prospect. I had come purposely into the country to attend the prince, with his most positive assurances that I should be sent back again, when he had no further occasion for my services. How great then must be my mortification to find myself in a worse situa­tion than the crane in the fable? since instead of obtaining from him this negative favour, in return for all the fatigues and inconveniences which I had experienced on his account, I found myself deserted entirely, and left in the charge of a haugh­ty and perfidious emperor! Doubt after doubt took possession of my mind; and this, joined with the reflection of having so completely disappointed the hopes of the unfortunate seamen, as well as the favourable accounts I had written to the con­sul on the prince's recovery, pressed so forcibly on my feelings, that for the space of two or three hours I was in a state little better than that of in­sanity.

As soon as I found myself in some degree re­covered, I went to the person to whom I was di­rected for my letter of dispatch, and was inform­ed that he had set off early that morning for Fez, and had the further satisfaction of discovering that the prince had availed himself of this excuse, [Page 196] in order to avoid my importunity. As no stran­ger who is sent for by the emperor can stir from the court till he gets his dispatches, I now con­sidered myself in every respect a prisoner. Disap­pointed in every hope of emancipation, I returned home, and immediately dispatched expresses to the consuls at Tangier and Mogodore, informing them of my situation, and earnestly requesting their immediate interference. In the mean time I omit­ted no other means which occurred to procure my dispatches, but all without success. The most probable step which I could devise, or at least which I could carry into effect, was to convey to the emperor's hands the following memorial, by means of one of his sons.

[Page 197]I got the above letter translated into Arabic, worded in the usual compliments of the country, and having inclosed it in a silk handkerchief, the mode in which all letters are presented to royal personages in Barbary, and carried to Muley Omar, whom I had seen at Tarudant, with a pre­sent of Irish linen, in value about six dollars, wrapped up also in a silk handkerchief; and re­quested him to deliver it into his father's hands the first opportunity. The prince first received the present, and then told me, that as we were old friends, I needed not have troubled myself with bringing one; but that I might be assured he would settle the business to my entire satisfaction in a very short time. The result of this applica­tion was, a promise from the emperor of being sent home immediately; but this was attended with the same insincerity which I had usually ex­perienced.

My next effort was, by making presents to the principal ministers to bribe them over to my in­terest, as my delay might probably arise as much from the emperors want of memory as from any other cause; for his faculties were then so much impaired, that he was not able to recollect circum­stances from one hour to another. I was in hopes that by means of his ministers he would be con­tinually reminded of me; but, either because my presents were not sufficiently large, or because these rapacious ministers were in hopes I would repeat them, I effected nothing by this plan.

CHAP. XI.

IN a fortnight after the prince's departure all the English captives [...]re ordered to Mogodore, to remain under the care of a gentleman of that place till our court should think proper to send for them. Deprived by this circumstance of the society of the captain, whose good sense and agree­able conversation lessened in a great degree the uneasiness I experienced from the irksomeness of my situation, I must confess my spirits did not receive much benefit from the change. My only resource at present for society was the French of­ficer whom I formerly mentioned.

Limited as our society was to that of each other, there existed a further impediment to amusement; for we could not leave the jewdry without being saluted with repeated showers of stones, oppro­brious names, and every insult that bigotry and brutality could devise. The ignorant of every nation are intolerant; and there can scarcely exist a more desperate or savage description of people than the Lazzaroni of Morocco: they are a mixed [Page 199] race, consisting of the basest of the citizens, with a number of ferocious mountaineers and wild Arabs, who have wandered thither in hopes of acquiring a subsistence either by labour or by theft.

The description indeed of a mingled race will still more extensively apply even to the more civi­lized inhabitants of this country. In the towns particularly, the descendants of the different tribes from which they are sprung may still be traced, viz. those of the native Moors, of their Turkish conquerors, and of the negroes who have been in­troduced in the manner already related.

The complexion of the two first is a sallow white, and from this circumstance, and from their intermarrying with each other, it is not possible always to determine the origin of each individual; I shall therefore class them both under the general appellation of Moors. But the negroes, though they form a large proportion of the emperor's sub­jects, are now by no means so numerous as in the reign of Muley Ishmael, who first introduced them into the country. They are better formed than the Moors, and as they are more lively, daring, and active, they are intrusted with an important share in the executive part of government. They con­stitute in fact the most considerable part of the emperor's army, and are generally appointed to the command of provinces and towns. This cir­cumstance naturally creates a jealousy between them and the Moors, the latter considering the negroes as usurpers of a power which they have no right to assume.

[Page 200]The negroes are blood-thirsty, capricious, and revengeful. As soldiers they manifest sufficient ardour when commanded by popular officers; but their attachment depend [...] on the generosity of their chief, and the energy, severity, and cruelty of his disposition: if he slackens in any of these particulars, they either desert him, or deliver him up to his enemy.

Besides the negroes which form the emperor's army, there are a great many others in the coun­try, who either are or have been slaves to private Moors: every Moor of consequence, indeed, has his proportion of them in his service. To the disgrace of Europe, the Moors treat their slaves with humanity, employing them in looking after their gardens, and in the domestic duties of their houses. They allow them to marry among them­selves, and after a certain number of years spon­taneously present them with the invaluable boon of liberty. They soon are initiated in the Maho­metan persuasion, though they sometimes intermix with it a few of their original superstitious cus­toms. In every other respect they copy the dress and manners of the Moors; of which I shall en­deavour to give the reader some general idea.

To think justly and with candour of the Moorish character we must take into our consideration the natural effects of a total want of education, a most rigidly arbitrary government, and a climate calculated, as far as climate has influence, to sti­mulate and excite the vicious passions, as well as by its debilitating and relaxing influence to wea­ken and depress the nobler energies of the mind. [Page 201] To these we may add the disadvantages arising from the want of a free intercourse with other nations, and the influence of an absurd and un­charitable religion.

In such a state of things the traveller is not to be surprised if he finds most of the vices of sa­vage nations grafted upon those of luxury and indolence; if he observes superstition, avarice, and lust the leading features of character, with their natural concomitants, deceit and jealousy; he is not to be surprized if he finds but little of the amiable attachments and propensities, little of friendship or social union with each other, since the nature of the government, and the habits of his private life, are calculated to inspire each man with a distrust and suspicion of his neighbour.

I will not assert, however, that this character will universally apply.—However the customs and government of a nation may militate against virtue and excellence, there are always splendid excep­tions to the prevalent vices of every society. There are certainly among the Moors many whose pri­vate virtues would do honour to any civilized na­tion; but I am sorry to add, that those characters are not numerous. Groaning under the severest oppressions of despotism, they lose all spirit for industry and improvements, and suffer indolence and ignorance to reign without controul. Sen­sible of the uncertainty of enjoying the fruits of labour and ingenuity, the great majority of the people remain content with the bare necessaries of life, or when in power endeavour to enrich themselves by the same means which had before kept them in a state of poverty.

[Page 202]Arts and sciences seem to be almost unknown here, or, if at all cultivated it is only by the Jews, who indeed are the only industrious and ingenious people in the country. The Moors in general may be considered as existing in the pastoral state, following only a few mechanical trades and leav­ing every thing that requires invention to the Jews, who have likewise the principal manage­ment of their commercial and pecuniary matters; and even those few of the Moors who are mer­chants are obliged to have Jew agents for the purpose of transacting their business.

Fearful of having it discovered that they are rich, sooner than part with money, which, under such circumstances, is of little or no use to them, they deprive themselves of the luxuries and even comforts of life; they hoard up and conceal their treasures, though seldom so artfully but they are at length detected, and consequently plundered by the bashaw, the prince, or the emperor. To conceal more effectually their riches, they are obliged to have recourse to every form of dissimu­lation and deceit; and being exercised in these qualities during the early part of life, at a more advanced period they become an established part of their character.

The Moors are naturally of a grave and pensive disposition, fervid in professions of friendship, but very insincere in their attachments. They have no curiosity, no ambition of knowledge; an indolent habit, united to the want of mental culti­vation, renders them perhaps even more callous than other unenlightened people to every delicate sensation, and they require more than ordinary [Page 203] excitement to render them sensible of pleasure or of pain. It is to this circumstance, and to their religion, which teaches them to impute every thing to a blind predestination, that we may attri­bute that passive obedience which the Moors dis­cover under all their misfortunes and oppressions. This langour of sentiment is, however, unaccom­panied with the smallest spark of courage or for­titude. When in adversity they manifest the most abject submission to their superiors, and in pros­perity their tyranny and pride is insupportable. They frequently smile, but are seldom heard to laugh loud. The most infallible mark of internal tran­quillity and enjoyment is when they amuse them­selves with stroking or playing with their bea [...]. When roused by resentment, their disputes rarely proceed farther than violently to abuse each other in the most opprobrious language. They never fight or box with their fists, like our peasantry, but when a quarrel proceeds to great extremities, they collar each other, and sometimes terminate a dispute by assassination.

It has been somewhere remarked, that whatever debases the human spirit, corrupts and at the same time depraves the heart. That abjectness of disposition, which a state of slavery induces, eradicates every noble, every generous sentiment. The Moors are dishonourable and unfair in all their dealings; nor are the greatest among them exempt from propensities which would disgrace the meanest of the civilized inhabitants of Europe. When the emperor's army was at Tangier, one of the consuls invited the Moorish general and his particular friend to tea. Soon after their depar­ture [Page 204] the consul missed one of his tea-spoons, and knowing the dispositions of the Moors, sent to the general for it; who immediately returned it, and simply apologized, by saying he had put it into his pocket by mistake.

When we treat of national genius and charac­ter, it were to be wished that language supplied us with some term which might serve to indicate that habit and custom is [...] framer of the characters of nations. Of this truth there can be [...]o stronger evidence than Morocco affords. Torpid and insensible as I have represented the Moors in general to be, this character is by no means appli­cable to them in early life. In the state of child­hood they possess an uncommon share of vivacity and acuteness, but they sink gradually into indo­lence and stupidity as they advance in life. It is evident, therefore, that to the want of education only this circumstance is to be attributed. While at school they are scarcely less remarkable for at­tention than ability; and as they commit their les­sons to memory, no small share of application is required. This course is, however, extremely limited, and continues for a very short period; it consists at most of being instructed in certain parts of the Koran, and perhaps learning to write. After this all attention to learning ceases; and though their parents never indulge them, yet they are rarely chastised, and are left to themselves in general almost in a state of nature.

A late eloquent writer has remarked, that ‘the antients did not like Archimedes, want a spot on which to fix their engines, but they wanted an engine to move the moral world. The press [Page 205] is that engine.’—and to the want of it may fairly be attributed the ignorance, the stupidity, the slavery of the African nations. The art of printing is entirely prohibited and unknown in Barbary; and, from some inexplicable cause, most of the manuscripts which were possessed by their Saracen ancestors are lost to the present genera­tion of Moors. A few indeed are still in being, which treat of astronomy, astrology, and physic; but those on astrology only are are at present studied.

If any thing could effect an important and be­neficial change in these people, it would be the example of some great and magnanimous mo­narch, who by some singular revolution might be raised to the throne of Morocco. In so despotic a government, where religion conspires with ha­bit in teaching the subject to consider his prince as something more than man, much more might be effected by example, than in a free country; where the sovereign is merely considered as an in­dividual placed on the throne for the public good, subject to all the imperfections and frailties inci­dent to human nature, and where the mind, by being allowed a free scope for reflection, disdains all authority but that of reason and truth.

The plan adopted, however, for the education of the princes of Morocco, so far from tending to the improvement of their minds, or the en­largement of their ideas, serves on the contrary, too frequently to render them still more remark­able for vice and bru [...]ity than even the worst of their subjects. As soon as they become of an age that renders it imprudent to trust them any longer [Page 206] within the walls of the harem, they are taken out, and put under the care of one of their father's confidential Negroes, with whom they soon form a close intimacy, from whom they imbibe all the bad qualities which are inseparable from a state of slavery, and by whom they are also initiated in vices of every kind, in debauchery, cruelty, and oppression. Their education extends no fur­ther than to read and write; and their knowledge of the world is confined to what they can ob­serve and learn in the course of a pilgrimage to Mecca. They are totally unacquainted with the political history of every foreign power; and their knowledge of their own government is confined principally to its worst parts. To acquaint them­selves with the resources of the country, and the improvements which from its situation it would ad­mit of, or to direct any part of their attention to those regulations in their government which might tend to the advantage and ease of their subjects, or to their own real aggrandizement, is as much out of the line of their education, as the Princi­pia of Newton. Thus they ascend the throne with all the prejudices of ignorance, with all the vices of barbarism, with a pride that teaches them to look upon their fellow creatures as inferior be­ings, and without any sentiments of tenderness, compassion, or true policy, to restrain the arm of despotism from its most cruel and fatal excesses. Thus ill-qualified in general are the sovereigns of Morocco for effecting a reformation in the man­ners and character of their people.

The ignorance of the Moors is, however, no bar to their loquacity. They speak very loud, [Page 207] and generally two or three at a time, as they are not very exact in waiting for a reply. Useless as the forms of politeness may appear in the eye of the philosopher, there are some of them which probably conduce in no trifling degree to even our intellectual excellence and improvement.

Personal cleanliness has been pointed out by modern philosophers as one of those circum­stances which serve to mark and determine the civilization of a people. It was in vain that Ma­homet enjoined the frequency of ablution as a re­ligious duty to the Moors. Their dress, which should be white, is but seldom washed, and their whole appearance evinces that they perform this branch of their religious ceremonies in but a slovenly manner. With this degree of negligence as to their persons, we may be justly surprised to find united a most scrupulous nicety in their habi­tations and apartments. They enter their cham­bers barefooted, and cannot bear the slightest de­gree of contamination near the place where they are seated. This delicacy again is much confined to the insides of their houses. The streets receive the whole of their rubbish and filth, and by these means the ground is so raised in most parts of the city of Morocco, that the new buildings always stand considerably higher than the old.

The persons of the Moorish men are so dis­guised by their dress, that it is impossible to ac­quire any good idea of their form or proportion. In height they are commonly above the middle size, and they are rather meagre than fat. Their complexions in general are sallow in the Northern parts of the empire, but are darker in proportion [Page 208] to their situation towards the South. Their fea­tures have universally a great sameness. Their eyes are black and full, they have an aquiline nose, and in general a good set of teeth.

The dress of the men ^* consists of a short linen shirt, with large and loose sleeves hanging half­way down to the ground. A pair of loose linen drawers, reaching almost to the ankle; over which they wear another loose pair, made of woollen cloth. Over the shirt they wear two or three woollen cloth waistcoats of different co­lours, and of European manufacture; these gar­ments are made full as loose as our great coats; they are connected before by very small buttons, and are fastened tight round the waist by a silk belt. Over these waistcoats they throw a velvet cord, which crosses the right shoulder, and sus­pends on the left side a curved dagger or knife, sheathed in a brass case. This is the dress the Moors wear when in their houses; but when they go abroad they cover it with the haick, a part of dress which has been already noticed. It is thrown over the whole of their other clothing in a care­less but easy manner, something similar to the Scotch plaid. When the weather is wet or cold, instead of the haick, the Moors substitute the sulam; which is a large hooded cloak, reaching to the heels, all of one piece, and made of blue or white woollen cloth of European manufacture, without seams, close before, and ornamented with [Page 209] silk fringes at the extremities, on the breast, and the ends of the hood, terminating with a silk tas­sel. The latter part of the dress is fixed on the head by means of a strong cord of camel's hair; and among the common people it often supplies the place of a cap or turban.

Those Moors who have performed a pilgrimage to Mecca are entitled to wear a turban, and are named El-hatch. They are always treated with peculiar respect. Even those beasts of burden indeed which have performed this journey are held in great veneration, and upon their return are exempted from labour. The other class of Moors wear only plain red caps. The Moors in general shave their heads close, leaving on the upper part a single lock, and wear their beards long. They use no stockings or shoes, but substitute in the place of the latter, yellow slippers. They are very fond of beads, of which the better order always carry a rosary in their hands; but they use them more as a matter of amusement than for any religi­ous purpose. Many also wear plain gold rings on their fingers and those whose circumstances will allow them to go to that expence, possess likewise watches, which, like the rosary they consider rather as an ornament than an article from which any great utility can be derived. Very few, in fact, are properly acquainted with their use.

This may serve to give some idea of the dress of the rich; but among the poorer class of peo­ple some wear the linen drawers, shirt, and one woollen waistcoat, and over it the haick; and others have merely a coarse woollen frock, belted round the waist, and covered with the haick.

[Page 210]The houses in most of the towns in this empire appear at a little distance like vaulted tombs in a church-yard; and the entrance into the best of them has but a mean appearance. They are of a square form, their apartments are seldom built higher than the ground floor, and their outer walls are universally white-washed, which, in the streets and particularly when the sun is out, pro­duce a very unpleasant sensation to the eyes. All these circumstances, united to the want of win­dows, the filthiness and irregularity of the streets, the dirty appearance and rude behaviour of the inhabitants, and their total ignorance of every art and science, leaves at first sight an unfavourable impression on the mind of the traveller, which perhaps while he continues in the country he can never do away. As the roofs of the houses are all terraces, they serve as verandos, where the Moorish woman commonly sit for the benefit of the air, and in some places it is possible to pass nearly over the whole town, without having oc­casion to descend into the street.

As the best apartments are all backwards, a stable, or perhaps something worse, is the place to which visitors are first introduced. Upon en­tering the house the stranger is either detained in this place, or in the street, till all the women are dispatched out of the way; he is then allowed to enter a square court, into which four narrow and long rooms open by means of large folding doors, which, as they have no windows, serve likewise to introduce light into the apartments. The court has generally in its cente a fountain, and if it is the house of a Moor of property, it is floored [Page 211] with blue and white checquered tiling. The doors are usually painted of various colours in a checquered form, and the upper parts of them are frequently ornamented with very curious car­ved work.—None of the chambers have fire­places, and their victuals are always dressed in the court-yard, in an earthen stove, heated with charcoal.

When the visitor enters the room where he is received by the master of the house, he finds him sitting cross-legged and barefooted on a mattress, covered with fine white linen, and placed on the floor, or else on a common mat. This, with a narrow piece of carpetting, is in general the only furniture he will meet with in Moorish houses; though they are not destitute of other ornaments. In some, for instance, he will find the walls deco­rated with looking-glasses of different sizes. In others, watches and clocks in glass cases; and in some the apartments are hung with the skins of lions or tigers▪ or adorned with a display of mus­kets and sabres. In the houses of those who live in the very first style, an European mahogany bed­stead, with one or two mattrrsses, covered with fine white linen, is sometimes placed at each end of the room. These, however, are only consi­dered as ornaments, as the Moors always sleep on a matress, or a mat placed upon the floor and covered only with their haick, or perhaps a quilt.

As the law of Mahomet strictly proscribes the use of pictures of every description, this delightful species of ornament finds no place in the houses of the Moors. I was however, acquainted with [Page 212] a Moor at Morocco, who used to exhibit a [...]aree-show to his friends and acquaintance, all of whom appeared to express infinite surprize and admiration at his exhibition. This, indeed, was not the only instance in which he was guilty of violating the Mahometan law. He scrupled not to drink very freely his bottle of port or claret, which, as it was manufactured by Christians, was from that circumstance an aggravated offence. He employed me to procure for him from Mogodore three dozen of claret, which appeared to administer to him infinite comfort and satisfaction. This affection indeed for the productions of Europe made him perhaps more than usually favourable to its natives. However this may be, he was the only man who showed me much attention during my residence at Morocco. He repeatedly took me to his house, and made me little presents of various kinds, which at that place proved very accept­able.

When a Moor receives his guests he never rises from his seat, but shakes hands, enquires after their health, and desires them to sit down, either on a carpet or a cushion placed on the floor for that purpose. Whatever be the time of day, tea is then brought in on a tea-board with short feet. This is the highest compliment that can be offered by a Moor; for tea is a very expensive and scarce article in Barbary, and is only drank by the rich and luxurious. Their manner of pre­paring it is by putting some green tea, a small quantity of tansey, the same portion of mint, and a large portion of sugar (for the Moors drink their tea very sweet) into the tea-pot at the same [Page 213] time, and filling it up with boiling water. When these articles are infused a proper time, the fluid is then poured into remarkably small cups of the best India china, the smaller the more genteel, without any milk, and, accompanied with some cakes or sweatmeats, it is handed round to the company. From the great esteem in which this beverage is held by the Moors, it is generally drank by very small and slow sips, that is flavour may be the longer enjoyed; and as they usually drink a con­siderable quantity whenever it is introduced, this entertainment is seldom finished in less time than two hours.

The other luxuries of the Moors are snuff, of which they are uncommonly fond, and smoaking tobacco, for which the greater part use wooden pipes about four feet in length, with an earthen bowl; but the princes or emperor generally have the bowls made of solid gold. Instead of the in­dulgence of opium, which, from the heavy duty imposed upon that article by the emperor, is too expensive to be used by the Moors, they substitute the Achicha, a species of flax. This they powder and infuse in water in small quantities. The Moors assert, that it produces agreeable ideas, but own that when it is taken to excess it most powerfully intoxicates. In order to produce this effect, they likewise mix with their tobacco an herb, named in this country Khaf, which by smoak­ing, occasions all the inebriating effects of the Achicha. The use of spirits as well as wine is strictly forbidden by the Koran; there are, how­ever, very few among the Moors who do not [Page 214] joyfully embrace every private opportunity of drinking both to excess.

With respect to the hours for eating, the peo­ple of this country are remarkably regular. Very soon after day-break they take their breakfast, which is generally a composition of flour and water boiled thin, together with an herb which gives it a yellow tinge. The male part of the family eat in one apartment and the female in another. The children are not permitted to eat with their parents, but take their meals afterwards with the servants; indeed in most other respects they are treated ex­actly as servants or slaves by their parents. The mess is put into an earthen bowl, and brought in upon a round wooden tray. It is placed in the centre of the guests, who sit cross-legged either on a mat or on the floor, and who form a circle for the purpose. Having previously washed them­selves, a ceremony always performed before and after meals, each person with his spoon attacks vigorously the bowl, while they diversify the en­tertainment by eating with it fruit or bread. At twelve o'clock they dine, performing the same ceremonies as at breakfast. For dinner, from the emperor down to the peasant, their dish is univer­sally Cuscosoo, the mode of preparing which has been already described. I believe I have intimated more than once that neither chairs, tables, knives or forks, are made use of in this country. The dish is therefore brought in upon a round tray and placed on the floor, round which the family sit as at breakfast, and with their fingers commit a violent assault on its contents; they are at the [Page 215] same time, however, attended by a slave or do­mestic, who presents them with water and a towel occasionally to wash their hands. From the want of the simple and convenient invention of knives and forks, it is not uncommon in this country to three or four people pulling to pieces the same piece of meat, and afterwards with their fingers stirring up the paste or Cuscosoo, of which the of­ten take a whole handful at once into their mouth. Their manner of eating indeed was to me so dis­gusting, that though Cuscosoo is in reality a very good dish, yet it required some time to get rid of my prejudice so far as to be induced to relish it. At sun-set they sup upon the same dish, and indeed supper is their principal meal.

Such is the general mode of living among the principal people in towns. There are consider­able multitudes, however, who do not fa [...]e so well, but are obliged to content themselves with a little bread and fruit instead of animal food, and to sleep in the open streets. This kind of existence seems ill calculated to endure even in an inactive state; far more severe must it therefore be to those who exercise the laborious employment of couriers in this country, who travel on foot a journey of three or four hundred miles, at the rate of between thirty and forty miles a day, without taking any other nourishment than a little bread, a few figs, and some water, and who have no better shelter at night than a tree. It is wonderful with what alacrity and perseverance these people perform the most fatiguing journies at all seasons of the year. There is a regular company of them in every town, who are ready to be dispatched at a mo­ment's [Page 216] warning to any part of the country their employers may have occasion to send them. They constitute in this empire the only mode of con­veyance for all public and private dispatches; and as they are well known in the place to which they belong, they are very punctual in delivering every thing that is put into their hands. From their steady pace in travelling, at the rate of about four miles an hour, and from their being able to pass over parts which from the mountainous state of the country, and from the want of good roads, persons on horseback would find inaccessible, they are indeed by far the most expeditious messengers that could be employed. As a proof of the a­mazing exertions of which they are capable, I need only mention, that there have been repeated instances of a courier proceeding from Morocco to Tangier, which is a journey of about three hundred and thirty miles, in six days.

As none but the very vulgar go on foot in this country; for the purpose of visiting, mules are considered as more genteel than horses; and the greatest pride of a Moor is to have such as walk remarkably fast, and keep his footmen, of which the number is proportionable to the rank and con­sequence of the master, on a continued run.

As the Moors are not fond of admitting men into their houses, except upon particular occasions, if the weather is fine they place a mat, and some­times a carpet, on the ground before their door, seat themselves upon it cross-legged, and receive their friends, who form a circle, sitting in the same manner, with their attendants on the out­side of the groupe. Upon these occasions they [Page 217] either drink tea, or smoke and converse. The streets are sometimes crowded with parties of this kind; some engaged at playing at an inferior kind of chess or drafts, at which they are very expert; but the majority in conversation. The people of this country, indeed, are so decidedly averse to standing up, or walking about, that if only two or three people meet, they squat themselves down in the first clean place they can find, if the con­versation is to hold but for a few minutes.

At Morocco, when I visited Muley Oussin [...], one of Sidi Mahomet's sons, I was always received in the mainner which I have now described. I found him sitting cross-legged on a common mat, in the same open place where his horses were kept, and his friends forming a semicircle round him. I was immediately desired to form one of the groupe, and was helped to tea upon the occasion. In the course of our conversation, the prince told me, that the Christians and Moors were brothers; that the English were very good men; but that he had a particular aversion to the friars, for they were a determined set of knaves, and were neither friends to Christians or Moors.

I found this prince a handsome young man, of about the age of six-and-twenty, of rather a dark complexion, but accompanied with an open and generous countenance. He had been a few years ago appointed to the government of Tafilet, where he so far gained the affections of the people under his government, that they proclaimed him king; and he for some time governed with all the independent authority of a sovereign. This cir­cumstance obliged the emperor to dispatch an army [Page 218] against him, upon the arrival of which he im­mediately surrendered, and was brought to Mo­rocco, where he was deprived of all his property, as well as his power; and when I was in the country, he lived in a very retired manner indeed. When at Tafilet, he had the character of acting very liberally towards every person with whom he was connected; at Morocco he manifested some proofs of the same disposition towards me: merely for a trifling attention which I shewed to his favourite black, he presented me with a horse, that proved as good as any of which I had posses­sion while in the country.

The only vice to which this young man was ad­dicted was that of drinking to a very great excess. In this respect, however, he was not more cul­pable than all the rest of his royal brothers. He told me, that if he did not daily take before dinner six tumblers of aquadent, a species of brandy something weaker than spirits of wine, he would not be able to hold up his head the remainder of the day. He wished to know if this custom was bad for his health; and if so, what I would advise him to do. I recommended to him the dis­use of spirits, and to supply their place with wine; which he might either procure from the European merchants at Mogodore, or he might use the wine which was made by the Jews. This advice, however, the prince observed he could not follow, since the Mahometan law more par­ticularly forbade the use of wine, than that of spirits. This, I replied, might be true, in the strict letter of the law; but when wine was used as a medicine, it became no longer wine. This [Page 219] idea I found satisfied the scruples of the prince, and he promised to follow my advice.

I was afterwards sent for to Muley Slemma, another of the emperor's sons, who with the late emperor Muley Yazid, were the offspring of a woman whose parents were English. This prince, who is about thirty-eight years of age, and of a tall and majestic appearance, with a very expres­sive and lively countenance, shewed me uncom­mon attention the whole time I was at Morocco. His pavillion, where he received strangers, and transacted business, was situated at the extremity of a long walk, in a garden of orange-trees. It consisted of one large room on the ground floor, fitted up in the same stile as that of Muley Absulem at Tarudant. The prince was sitting cross-legged on a large mattress, covered with fine white linen, and placed on the floor fronting the door-way, with his Moorish visitors on each side of him, forming a semicircle. Upon my first introduction he expressed uncommon pleasure at seeing me, exclaiming, Bono, Bono, Anglais [...]! and added, that the English were his brothers and best friends. I was then directed to feel his pulse, and to inform him whether or not he was in health; as soon as I assured him he was perfectly well, he desired me to be seated on a narrow carpet, which was placed on the floor for the purpose, and he then ordered one of his pages to bring in tea, though so late as twelve o'clock at noon. Out of compliment to me, for the Moors seldom use it, the prince sent for milk, and said, as he knew the English always drank it with their tea, he would present me with a milch cow, that I might enjoy the custom of [Page 220] my own country. This promise, however, en­tirely escaped his royal highnes [...]s memory, and the cow never made her appearance.

In the course of our conversation, the prince manifested many indications of good-nature and address; told me, that whilst he was on his travels in Turkey, he had been conducted from one port to another in the Mediterranean by an English frigate, the captain of which showed him so much attention, that he should always bear it in re­membrance. As soon as the ceremony of tea was concluded, the prince ordered out his horse, which was a very beautiful young animal, with a saddle ornamented with a rich velvet cover, and gold stir­rups. He then mounted him, and went through all the manoeuvers of managing a horse with which the moors are acquainted, such as putting him upon the full speed, and stopping him in­stantaneously, rising up on the saddle and firing a musket when the horse is on the full gallop, &c. in the performance of all which exercises he seem­ed very dexterous. The prince then asked me if we could do such things in England; and with­out waiting for a reply, ordered one of his at­tendants to catch a sheep out of his grounds, and take it home to my lodgings. He said, that as he always was fond of seeing his brothers the English, he wished I would visit him twice a day during my continuance at Morocco, and then gallopped off.—But to return to my observa­tions.

The manner of salutation among the Moors is, when two equals meet, by a quick motion they shake hands, and afterwards kiss each each [Page 221] other's hand. When an inferior meets a superior, such as an officer of rank, a judge, or a governor, he kisses that part of his Haick which covers the arm, and sometimes, as a higher mark of respect, he will kiss his feet. But the compliment due to the emperor, or any of the princes of the blood, is to take off the cap or turban, and to prostrate the head to the ground. When two particular friends or relations meet, they anxiously embrace and kiss each other's faces and beards for a few minutes, make a number of enquiries about the health of each party, as well as that of their families, but seldom allow time for a reply.

The common topics for conversation among these people, are the occurrences of the place, religion, their women, and their horses. As curiosity is a quality which naturally attaches to all indolent people, it may easily be conjectured that the Moors are not deficient in this respect. It is incredible with what avidity they lay hold of any trifling circumstance which may occur in the neighbourhood; what pleasure and what pride they seen to take in communicating it, nor are they deficient in the arts of magnifying or adorn­ing the tale with every addition which may serve to render it more palatable, or give it a greater appearance of plausibility.

Religion is also a favourite topic; but this subject is confined principally to those societies which are frequented by their Talbs, or men of letters. As these gentlemen, however, are not a litter proud of their acquirements in reading and writing, they do not fail to embrace every opportunity of manifesting their superiority over [Page 222] those who are not so happy as to be distinguished by those accomplishments.

Decency of manners and delicacy in conversa­tion are among the most certain marks of refine­ment and civilization, and the contrary vices are equally universal characteristics of ignorance and barbarism. The conversation of the Moors con­cerning their women is of the most trifling and disgusting description, and consists of absurd and vulgar observations, equally repugnant to decency and common sense.

The subject, however, on which, like our young men of fashion in England, they appear most calculated to shine, is their horses. It would indeed be truly disgraceful not to be accomplished upon this topic, since it appears to occupy, both day and night, by far the greatest portion of their attention. I have formerly intimated that these animals are seldom kept in stables in Morocco. They are watered and fed only once a day, the former at one o'clock at noon, and the latter at sun-set; and the only mode which they use to clean them, is by washing then all over in a river two or three times a week, and suffering them to dry themselves.

Notwithstanding the attachment which the Moors manifest to their horses, they most certain­ly use them with great cruelty. Their highest pleasure, and one of their first accomplishments, is, by means of long and sharp spurs to make the horse go full speed, and then to stop him instan­taneously; and in this they certainly manifest uncommon dexterity. The iron-work of their bridles is so constructed that by its pressure on the [Page 223] horse's tongue and lower jaw, with the least exer­tion of the rider it fills his mouth full of blood, and if not used with the utmost caution throws him inevitably on his back. The bridle has only a single rein, which is so very long that it serve [...] the purpose of both whip and bridle. The Moorish saddle is in some degree similar to the Spanish, but the pummel is still higher and more peaked. Their stirrups, in which they ride very short, are so formed as to cover the whole of the foot. They either plate or gild them, according to the dignity, opulence, or fancy of the pos­sessor. Their saddles, which are covered with red woollen cloth, or, if belonging to a person of consequence, with red satin or damask, are fastened with one strong girth round the body, in the European style, and another round the shoulders.

The Moors frequently amuse themselves by riding with the utmost apparent violence against a wall; and a stranger would conceive it impossible for them to avoid being dashed to pieces, when just as the horse's head touches the wall, they stop him with the utmost accuracy. To strangers on horseback or on foot it is also a common species of compliment to ride violently up to them, as if intending to trample them to pieces, and then to stop their horses short and fire a musquet in their faces. This compliment I have experienced, and could very well have dispensed with their polite­ness. Upon these occasions, they are very proud in discovering their dexterity in horsemanship, by making the animal rear up, so as almost to throw him on his back, putting him immediately [Page 224] after on the full speed for a few yards, then stop­ping him instantaneously, and all this is accom­panied by loud and hollow cries.

There is another favourite amusement, which displays perhaps superior agility:—A number of persons on horseback start at the same moment, and accompanied with loud shouts, gallop at full speed to an appointed spot, when they stand up straight in the stirrups, put the rein, which I have just observed is very long, in their mouths, level their pieces and fire them off; throw their fire-locks immediately over their right shoulders, and stop their horses nearly at the same instant. This I am told, is their manner of engaging in an action.

Though I am willing to allow the Moors the merit of sitting a horse well, and, as far as is ne­cessary for the above-mentioned exercise, of having a great command over him, yet their horses are ill-bred, and they entirely neglect to teach them those paces which in Europe are considered as the most agreeable for the common purposes of riding. As none of these animals in Morocco are geldings, and as the Moors are unacquainted with the use of the ring, they are obliged to break them [...] when very young, by taking them long and fatiguing journies, particularly over the moun­tainous and rocky part of the country, where they soon reduce their spirit; they then take the opportunity of teaching them to rear up, stand fire, gallop, and stop short in the manner already related; and having accomplished this they are satisfied without any farther qualification. For this reason a Barbary horse seldom can perform [Page 225] any other pace than a full gallop or a walk; and from being broken in and worked hard before they have acquired their full strength, these horses in a very few years become unfit for service. The Moors seldom ride the mares, but keep them in the country for breeding; and, contrary to the general opinion in Europe, they consider them so much more valuable than horses, that they are never permitted to be exported.

Like all barbarous nations, the Moors are pas­sionately fond of music, and some few have a taste for poetry. Their slow airs, for want of that va­riety which is introduced when the science has at­tained a degree of perfection, have a very melan­choly sameness; but some of their quick tunes are beautiful and simple, and partake in some degree of the characteristic melody of the Scotch airs. The poetry of their songs, the constant subject of which is love, though there are few nations per­haps who are less sensible of that passion, has cer­tainly less merit than the music.

Their instruments are a kind of hautboy which differs from ours only in having no keys; the mand [...]line, which they have learnt to play upon from their neighbours the Spaniards; another instrument bearing some resemblance to a violin, and played upon in a similar manner, but with only two strings; the large drum, the common pipe, and the tabor. These united and accompa­nied with a certain number of voices, upon many occasions form a band, though solo music is more common in this unsocial country.

Upon all days of rejoicing, this kind of music, repeated vollies of musquetry, either by men on horseback or on foot, and in the evening a grand [Page 226] attack upon the Cuscosoo, constitute the principal part of the public entertainments. Mountebanks and jugglers also of every description meet with great encouragement from the Moors.

There are no other places of reception for the accommodation of travellers in this country ex­cept in their Fondaks, which are only to be met with in large towns. These consist of a certain num­ber of dirty apartments, with no other accommoda­tion whatever, but the walls and roof, to protect the stranger from the inclemency of the weather; and he must furnish himself with every article of which he may be in want, both in respect to pro­visions and bedding. There is at the same time, an open court, where the horses of all travellers are intermixed.

In most of the towns there are regular schools, where those children whose parents have the means of doing it, and have sense enough to send them (which indeed are but few in proportion to the whole) are instructed by the Talbs in reading and writing, and sometimes in the first rules of arithmetic▪ The greater part of the people, how­ever, learn very little more than to read a few prayers selected from the Koran, which are in common use, and are written in Arabic characters▪ on paper which is pasted on a board.

To speak particularly on the religion of the Moors would require a volume, and such a vo­lume as would certainly be more extensive than entertaining. It is well known they profess the Mahometan faith, and I may add, that they attend very rigidly to all the bigotry and superstion which is peculiar to that religion.

[Page 227]Since every stranger who enters a mosque is either put to death, or is obliged to conform to their religion, a very exact account of their places of worship is not to be expected from an Euro­pean. The observations I made en passant, the doors which are very large, being in the day-time always open, I shall endeavour to relate.

The mosque is usually a large square building, composed of the same materials as the houses, consisting of broad and lofty piazzas, opening into a square court, in a manner in some degree similar to the Royal Exchange of London. In the centre of the court is a large fountain, and a small stream surrounds the piazzas, where the Moors perform the ceremony of ablution. The court and piazzas are floored with blue and white chec­quered tiling, and the latter are covered with matting, upon which the Moors kneel while re­peating their prayers. In the most conspicuous part of the mosque, fronting the East, stands a kind of pulpit, where the Talb or priest occa­sionally preaches. The Moors alway enter this place of worship barefooted, leaving their slippers at the door. On the top of the mosque is a square steeple with a flag-staff, whither at stated hours the Talb ascends, hoists a white flag (for they have no bells,) and calls the people to prayers, repeating in Arabic three times, and addressing him­self each time to a different part of the town, How great is God! Mahomet is his prophet! Come all ye faithful; Come to prayer. From this high situation the voice is heard at a considerable distance, and the Talbs have a monotonous mode of enuncia­tion, the voice sinking at the end of every short [Page 228] sentence, which in some measure resembles the sound of a bell.

The moment the flag is displayed every person forsakes his employment and goes to prayers. If they are near a mosque they perform their devo­tions within it, otherwise immediately on the spot where they happen to be, and always with their faces towards the East, in honour of the prophet Mahomet, who, it is well known was buried at Medina. The prayer which is generally repeated on these occasions is a chapter from the Koran, acknowledging the goodness of God and Maho­met, and it is accompanied with various gestures, such as lifting the hands above the head, bowing twice, performing two genuflexions, bowing again twice, and kissing the ground. The whole of this ceremony they repeat three times.

Their sabbath is on our Friday, and commences from six o'clock the preceding evening. On this day they use a blue flag instead of the white one. As it has been prophesied that they are to be con­quered by the Christians on the sabbath day, the gates of all the towns and of the emperor's palaces are shut when at divine service on that day, in order to avoid being surprised during that period. Their Talbs are not distinguished by any particu­lar dress.

The Moors have three solemn devotional periods in the course of the year. The first, which is named Ai [...] de Cabier, is held in commemoration of the birth of Mahomet. It continues seven days, during which period every person who can afford the expence, kills a sheep as a sacrifice, and divides it among his friends. The second is the [Page 229] Ramadam. This is a rigorous fast or lent, held at the [...]eason whe [...] Mahomet disappeared in his flight from Mecca to [...] and is conducted by the Moors with so much [...]tition, that for thirty days, from sun-rise to sun-set, they [...]ay aside all worldly acts, and denote their whole attention to exercises of piety; carefully abstaining form eating, drinking, smoaking, washing their mouths, or even swallowing their saliva; and they are in­dulged with their usual custom of bathing only, upon condition, that they avoid suffering the wa­ter to approach their heads, lest any of it should enter the mouth or ears. To make amends for this strict observance of their lent during the day, they appropriate the whole night to the indul­gence of every gratification, and at the expiration of the fast, a general festival takes place, named the B [...]yran which continues seven days. The third is named L [...]ashore, and is a day set apart by Maho­met for every person to compute the value of his property, in order for the payment of Zakat, that is, one tenth of their income to the poor, and other pious uses. Although this feast only lasts a single day, yet it is celebrated with far greater magni­ficence than either of the others.

There is also a superstitious custom among the Moors, when any thing of moment is to be undertaken, such as going on a dangerous journey or voyage, the disposal of their children in mar­riage, &c. for some grave person to make an har­rangue to the multitude, upon which his auditors call for the key of direction. By this is meant the performance of joining the hands, looking steadfastly on the palms during the admonition, [Page 230] then by a joint concurrence calling upon God and and the prophet, and concluding the ceremony by stroaking their faces with both hands, and joining in chorus, saying Salem, Salem, (peace be with you) with much devotion. The due performance of this ceremony, they conceive will ensure them certain success in all their undertakings.

The Moors compute time by lunar months, and count the days of the week by the first, second, third, &c. beginning from our Sunday. They use a common reed for writing, and begin their manuscripts from right to left.

The Moors marry very young, many of their females not being more than twelve years of age at their nuptials. As Mahometans, it is well known that their religion admits of polygamy to the extent of four wives, and as many concubines as they please; but if we except the very opulent, the people seldom avail themselves of this indul­gence, since it entails on them a vast additional expence in house-keeping and in providing for a large family. Whatever institution is contrary to truth and sound morality will in practice refute itself; nor is any further argument than this single observation wanting to answer all the absurdities which have been advanced in favour of a plurality of wives. In contracting marriage the parents of both parties are the only agents, and the intended bride and bridegroom never see each other till the ceremony is performed. The marriage settlements are made before the Cadi, and then the friends of the bride produce her portion, or if not, the hus­band agrees to settle a certain sum upon her, in in case he should die, or divorce her on account of [Page 231] barrenness, or any other cause. The children of the wives have all an equal claim to the effects of the father and mother, but those of the concubines can each only claim half a share.

When the marriage is finally agreed upon, the bride is kept at home eight days, to receive her female friends, who pay congratulatory visits every day. At the same time a Talb attends upon her, to converse with her relative to the solemn engage­ment on which she is about to enter; on these occasions he commonly accompanies his admoni­tions with singing a pious hymn, which is adapted to the solemnity. The bride also with her near relations go through the ceremony of being paint­ed afresh; the nature of which custom I shall describe when I speak of the harem.

During this process the bridegroom on the other hand receives visits from his male friends in the morning, and in the evening rides through the town accompanied by them, some playing on hautboys and drums, while others are employed in firing volleys of musquetry▪ In all their festi­vals the discharge of musquetry indeed forms a principal part of the entertainment. Contrary to the European mode, which particularly aims at firing with exactness, the Moors discharge their pieces as irregularly as possible, so as to have a continual succession of reports for a few minutes.

On the day of marriage, the bride in the evening is put into a square or octagonal cage, about twelve feet in circumference, which is covered with fine white linen, and sometimes with gauzes and silks of various colours. In this ve­hicle which is placed on a mule, she is paraded [Page 232] found the streets [...] relations and friends, som [...] [...] playing on hautboys, and [...] vollies of musquetry.

In this manner she is carried to the [...] her intended husband, who returns about the same time from performing similar ceremonies. On her arrival she is placed in an apartment by herself, and her husband is introduced to her alone for the first time, who finds her sitting on a silk or velvet cushion, supposing her to be a person of consequence, with a small table before her, upon which are two wax candles lighted. Her shift, or more properly shirt, hangs down like a train behind her, and over it is a silk or velvet robe with close sleeves, which at the breast and wrists is embroidered with gold; this dress reaches something lower than the calf of the leg. Round her head is tied a black silk scarf, which hangs behind as low as the ground. Thus attired, the bride sits with her hands over her eyes, when her husband appears and receives her as his wife, without any further ceremony ^*: for the agree­ment made by the friends before the Cadi is the only specific contract which is thought necessary.

If the husband should have any reason to suspect that his wife has not been strictly virtuous, he is at liberty to divorce her and take another. For some time after marriage the family and friends [Page 233] are engaged in much feasting and a variety of amusements, which last a longer or shorter time, according to the circumstances of the parties. It is usually customary for the man to remain at home eight days, and the woman eight months after they are first married; and the woman is at liberty to divorce herself from her husband if she can prove that he does not provide her with a proper subsistence. If he curses her, the law obliges him to pay her, for the first offence, eight ducats, for the second, a rich dress of still greater value; and the third time she may leave him entirely. He is then at liberty to marry again in two months.

At the birth of a child, it is customary for the parents to grieve eight days, at the expiration of which they sacrifice a goat or a sheep, and in­vite their friends and acquaintance to partake of the feast. Women suffer but little inconvenience in this country from child-bearing; they are fre­quently up the next day, and go through all the duties of the house with the infant on their backs. They do not adopt the method of teaching their children to walk which is customary in Europe, but when they are twelve months old they put them on the floor, where from first crawling they naturally in a short time acquire the habit of walk­ing, and as soon as they can be made in the least degree useful, they are put to the various kinds of labour adapted to their age and strength. Others, whose parents are in better circumstances, are, as I before observed, sometimes sent to school; and those who are intended for the church usual­ly continue their studies till they have nearly [Page 234] learnt the Koran by rote. In that case they are enrolled among the Talbs or learned men of the law; and upon leaving school are paraded round the streets on a horse, accompanied by music and a large concourse of people. The procession is conducted in the following manner. Upon the day appointed, one of the most shewy horses in the place is procured for the youth to ride on, who if he is a person of consequence, is drest in all the gaiety which silks and brocades can afford, wearing a turban richly ornamented with gold and jewels, and interspersed with flowers. Thus ar­rayed, he mounts his horse, which also is not with­out its decorations, carrying in his hand his pray­ers pasted on a board, on which he looks with stedfast attention; and he proceeds with all the sedateness and composed gravity of old age to the different places appointed for the purpose, ac­companied by music, and all his school-fellows on horseback, dressed according to their circum­stances. At last they meet at the house of the head boy of the school, where they are treated with a collection of sweatmeats. This custom, which is evidently adopted with a view of pro­moting an emulation in their youths, is one of the very few good institutions which are observable among these people.

In celebrating the rite of circumcision, the child is dressed very sumptuously and carried on a mule, or, if the parents are in poor circumstances, on an ass, accompanied with flags flying and musicians playing on hautboys and beating drums. In this manner they proceed to the mosque, where the ceremony is performed.

[Page 235]When any person dies, a certain number of women are hired for the purpose of lamentation (for the men are seldom observed to weep for the loss of a friend) in the performance of which no­thing can be more grating to the ear, or more unpleasant, than their frightful moans or rather howlings: at the same time these mercenary mourn­ers beat their heads and breasts, and tear their checks with their nails. The bodies are usually buried a few hours after death. Previous to in­terment the corpse is washed very clean, and sew­ed up in a shroud composed of seven pieces of fine linen united together, with the right hand under the head, which is pointed towards Mecca; it is carried on a bier supported upon men's shoulders to the burying-place, which is always, with great propriety, on the outside of the town, for they never bury their dead in the mosques or within the bounds of an inhabited place. The bier is accompanied by numbers of people, two a­breast, who walk very fast, calling upon God and Mahomet, and singing hymns adapted to the occasion. The grave is made very wide at the bottom, and narrow at the top, and the body is deposited without any other ceremony than singing and praying in the same manner as on their way to the grave.

They have no tombs in this country, but long and plain stones; and it is frequently customary for the female friends of the departed to weep over their graves for several days after the funeral. The Moors will not allow Christians or Jews to pass over their places of interment; as they have a superstitious idea, which is perhaps more pre­valent [Page 236] among the lower class of people, than those who are better informed, that the dead suffer pain from having their graves trodden upon by infidels; and I recollect when at Tangier, I re­ceceived a very severe rebuke from a Moor, for accidentally having passed through one of their burying grounds.

When a women loses her husband she mourns four months and eight days, during which period she is to wear no silver or gold; and if she hap­pens to be pregnant, she is to mourn till she is brought to bed. For the above time the relations of her late husband are obliged to support her. I could not learn that any mourning was due from the husband for the loss of his wife; but it is customary, particularly among the great people, for a son to mourn for his father by not shaving his head or any part of his beard, and by not cutting his nails for a certain period.

When a Jew or a Christian is converted to the Mahometan faith, he is immediately dressed in a Moorish habit, and paraded round the streets on horseback, accompanied with music and a great concourse of people. He then chuses himself a Moorish name, and fixes on a person who adopts him as a child, and is ever afterwards called his father. This adoption, however, is only nominal, for he is by no means bound to support him. The new convert is not allowed to marry any other woman than a negro, or the daughter of a renegado; and his descendants are not con­sidered as genuine Moors till the fourth genera­tion.

[Page 237]The renegadoes in the empire of Morocco are principally Spaniards, though there are some few of other nations in the country, who have deserted from Ceuta or Spain, to avoid the hand of justice for some capital crime or misdemeanor— [...]ommon­ly, indeed, murder, I met with many of these people at Morocco, who frankly acknowledged to me that murder had been the cause of their desertion. Though the emperor may for various reasons find it convenient to countenance rene­gadoes, yet the Moors in general so thoroughly detest them, that they cannot be induced upon any terms to allow them to form a part of their society.

I cannot better conclude this section than by submitting to the reader the following account of the caravans to Mecca and Guinea, which I re­ceived from a gentleman resident in Barbary, on whose veracity I could place the utmost con­fidence.

Seven Months before the feast Aid de Cabier, or the commemoration of the birth of Mahomet, pilgrims from every quarter assemble at Fez, in order to join the caravan which at that season proceeds for Mecca. They are composed of three classes of people.—First, The mountaineers, named Brebes: Secondly, The Moorish merchants: and, Thirdly, Persons in public employments, or who are engaged about the court of the emperor. Thus religion and interest conspire to draw together a large and motely groupe, and to induce them to undertake a journey which is as fatiguing and dangerous as it is expensive.

[Page 238]The first class are not required to ask permission to join the caravan. The second are obliged to present themselves to their respective governors, as well to avoid the inconveniences of debts on their own account, as on that of their families, who might be subject to be molested by credi­tors during their absence. If a merchant has the least connection with the court, it is expected that he will also present to the emperor, who, as he feels himself disposed, grants or refuses him permission to enter upon the journey. Those of the third class must have an express permission from the emperor, who never allows any to go whose circumstances will not sufficiently en­able them to defray the expences of the pilgri­mage.

As there are two modes of performing this pilgrimage, by sea and by land, those who prefer the former are subjected to an examination by the governor of the port whence they embark, to see that they pay the freight of the vessel, and to inform himself whether they have sufficient means to go and return from this sacred object of Mahometan devotion, without being under the necessity of borrowing, or being suspected of using any base and dishonourable means of obtaining a subsistence. Those who proceed by land are liable to be examined also, but not so rigorously as the others; the Sha [...]k of the caravan having the power to punish those who are guilty of any irregularities.

The place whence the caravan sets out by land, is from Teza, a town in the province of Tedla, some distance to the Last of the city of Fez, the [Page 239] latter being the first place of rendezvous. At Fez, the most commercial city in the whole empire, and abounding with provisions of every descrip­tion, each person furnishes himself in the best man­ner he is able, according to his rank and circum­stances, with a sufficient supply to last till he reaches Tripoli or Tunis at least.

This grand caravan is always accompanied by many others, of which one goes to Algiers, another to Tunis, and a third to grand Cairo, &c. Those persons who go to Algiers and Tunis are not under the necessity of asking permission, as they are persons who are accustomed to carry on a trade with those two places; whence they return with a quantity of their respective manufactures. The caps of Tunis are of great use in the empire of Morocco, and their silks also sell at a very good price, though upon the whole those of Al­giers are preferable for the girdles used by the Moors, curtains, women's dress, and furniture for beds and rooms. The manufactures indeed of both Algiers and Tunis are brought to a greater perfec­tion than those of Morocco. The merchants who go upon these expeditions carry with them ready money, Haicks and slippers, which are the manu­factures of Morocco, and dispose of the two last articles to the Arabs and inhabitants of the towns in the neighbourhood of Algiers and Tunis, who, though they do not wear the Haick as a part of their dress, yet make use of them for a variety of other purposes.

Some time within the first fifteen days of the month Jumeth Tenii, every proper preparation being previously made, the grand caravan sets off [Page 240] from Teza in the following order:—After having invoked the true and sole God and his prophet Mahomet, to give every benediction to this sacred journey, they al [...] meet near the tent of the chief conductor, who is named in Arabic Scheck Re­beck, and commence their devotions to the sound of clarinets, tabors, &c. The unloaded camels and mules are then first put in motion, attended by the cooks, watermen, &c. Next to this party follow those who travel on foot, either from devo­tion or necessity; to these is entrusted the care of the loaded mules and camels. And the rear is brought up by those who are mounted either on horses or mules. The caravan is put in motion at sun-rise, stops at twelve o'clock at noon to dine, and about four in the afternoon the people encamp in the same manner as they did at Teza.

The course which they take is through the in­terior parts of the country, leaving Tremecen, Algiers, and Tunis to their left. Some of them, indeed, make excusions to the two latter places, and afterwards join the caravan. By these means they are enabled both to obtain a fresh supply of provisions for themselves and beasts, and to sell to the Arabs Haicks, slippers, and old caps, for which they usually receive a very good price: and the profits enable them frequently to make advan­tageous purchases at Mecca, Alexandria, and Cairo.

Upon their arrival, after a journey of two months and a half, at that part of the sea-coast where the tower of Salines is situated, and which is about half a days ride from the city of Tripoli, they rest themselves ten days. At this place all [Page 241] the pilgrims supply themselves with forty or fifty days provisions, which is generally sufficient to support them to Alexandria or Grand Cairo; and on their return they purchase in the neighbour­hood of Tunis and Tripoli a large supply of mules, frequently giving only twenty-five hard dollars for what they afterwards sell in Morocco for eighty or an hundred.

From the tower of Salines they continue their route as far as Alexandria and Grand Cairo, where they furnish themselves in the same manner as at Tripoli, with sufficient provisions for the remainder of the journey, which requires al­together near seven months to accomplish. To those who undertake this journey for the purpose of trade, it generally answers extremely well. By purchasing goods at one place, and selling them at another, they contrive to make upon each sale a profit of ten per cent.

The Arabs from Fez as far as Alexandria and Grand Cairo, though a rude class of people, are very warmly attached to their religion, and on that account give the pilgrims a friendly reception, furnishing them with barley, butter, eggs, mutton, beef, &c. From that place, however, to Mecca the route is not so easy, as the Arabs, instead of the benefactors, frequently become the plunderers of these holy travellers. On these occasions they spare nothing, and leave them not so much as the necessaries of life; particularly if they refuse the contributions which they usually demand for per­mitting the caravan to pass peaceably through the country. Within the last seven or eight years this passage is become more dangerous than ever. The [Page 242] banditti now assemble in very considerable bodies in these deserts, and at certain passes the travel­lers may be assailed with great advantage. In passing the isthmus of Suez, for instance, above Alexandia, the caravan may be defeated by an hundred men. These robbers, therefore, generally endeavour to post themselves in such a manner as to attack it in this place.

Those people who carry on a petty trade en­deavour to convert their little stock into ready money upon their arrival at Mecca; where, with the remainder of the caravan, and other Maho­metan pilgrims, they commemorate by a feast the nativity of the great prophet Mahomet, when every person is obliged to sacrifice at least one sheep. It is computed that on this day, which is the tenth of the moon Dalaja, above two millions of sheep are slaughtered at Mecca.

After the performance of this solemn rite the majority of the travellers employ themselves in laying out their money to the best advantage. Some purchase muslins Levant silks, &c.; others essence of roses, amber, musk, Persian silks, &c. while another part of them save their money to lay it out at Grand Cairo, where they purchase a good stock of raw silk, cottons, and manufactured silks of different kinds. In this city, indeed, every article may be had at nearly the same price as at, Mt [...] whole, we may assert, at a mo­derate computation, that the value of the articles contained in one of these caravans, joined with the ready money, amounts to two millions of hard dollars.

[Page 243]Those persons who proceed by sea join the cara­van after disembarking at Alexandria, and paying the freight of the vessel in which they set sail. On their return also, considerable numbers embark at Alexandria, and land at Tetuan or Tangier, whence they depart for their respective homes, and sell the commodities they bring with them for perhaps a third more than their original price. Others con­tinue their journey by land, and add to the riches brought from the Levant, the merchandizes of Tunis and Algiers, which are held in great esteem throughout the empire of Morocco. By these means they double the capital they provided themselves with at first setting out.

It would be no very difficult matter for a Christian to join one of these caravans, provided he obtained the recommendation and express per­mission of his Moorish majesty, or the Shaik of the caravan, who would take him under his pro­tection. This obstacle would be still further re­moved, if the Christian would consent to wear the Turkish habit or dress himself in the manner they are obliged to adopt at Grand Cairo. By these means he would obviate every inconvenience to which the European dress subjects a traveller, both with respect to the wild Arabs, and to the weak and illiberal people of the caravan. As the caravan, however, does not go far into the inte­rior parts of the country, the object of discovery would hardly be sufficient to counterbalance the fatigues and dangers of the expedition.

There are no caravans which go directly into the interior parts of the country. It would, in fact, be as dangerous for a Mahometan as for a Christian to penetrate an hundred leagues beyond [Page 244] the inhabitants of these parts are savage, avaricious, and capable of committing any crime for a very trifling emolument. A fatal proof the cruelty of these Arabs occurred in 1786, when forty pil­grims on their return from Mecca, were massacred. These people demanded hospitality from the moun­taineers of Zamor near Mequinez, for only one night; but as they brought some valuable goods with them, it is supposed that it was owing to that circumstance, that they were all put to death.

The country beyond the mountains of Atlas, about six days journey to the East of Morocco, is not even known though it is probable it might be penetrated with safety, provided the same means were used as are employed by the caravans which go to the South; that is, a small proportion of force, and a small proportion of generosity.

There is no particular caravan so considerable for the South as that which goes to Mecca. As these indeed are intended merely for the purposes of commerce, they seldom consist of more than one hundred and fifty, or perhaps two, or at most three hundred persons, including the mule­teers, camel-drivers, and other servants. Some of these caravans set out from Morocco, while others go from Tarudant, Fez, and Tetuan. The first pass by way of Domnet, while the others meet at Tafilet, and thence pursue their journey towards the desert. These caravans go no further than Tombut, where there are some merchants of Morocco, established for the purpose of carrying on a trade with the inland parts of Guinea, where they traffick for slaves, ivory, gold dust, &c. The merchandizes which the caravans carry from [Page 245] Morocco, Tarudant, &c. consist of Haicks and blue cloths for which they find a good sale throughout the country of the Mohafres and at Thouat.

The city of Thouat is in the interior parts of the country, about thirty days journey from Ta­filet. From Thouat the caravans proceed directly to Tombut. There is much greater danger in passing the two deserts between Tafilet and Thouat, than between the latter place and Tombut. As the Arabs of the deserts are much addicted to rapine, the caravans are obliged to make them trifling presents, to enable them to travel without being molested. The other Arabs, who purchase merchandize, such as blue cloths, small daggers, looking-glasses, &c. pay generally in return ostrich-feathers; and this traffick is attended with very tolerable profits.

The articles which the caravans carry immedi­ately to Tombut are tobacco and salt. It is ne­cessary to pay attention to what camels may be wanted for the purposes of carrying water through the deserts, as in some parts they travel four, and in others nine days, without meeting with a drop of water. It is in a great measure on this account that the camel becomes so useful an animal in hot climates. Their stomachs, it is well known, are so constructed as to allow them to pass many days without food or drink. In the inner coats of their stomachs there are a number of little cells, in which they retain a large proportion of water for a length of time, nature having provided the [...] with a method of regurgitating it when thir [...] From the size of the stomach it also admits of a [Page 246] large portion of food to be taken in at a time, to which they have recourse by rumination when their appetite calls for a supply of nourishment. Their owners, therefore, have only to give them plenty of barley and water at the entrance of the deserts, and that proves sufficient to last them till a fresh supply can be conveniently procured.

These extraordinary animals are able to carry a very great weight in proportion to their size, and to perform very long journeys without much ap­parent fatigue. They are used both for the pur­poses of riding and carrying burdens. Their steps are very long and slow, and they are tract­able and easily managed. They are taught to kneel down when they are loaded; and when used for the saddle are entirely managed by a short and thick stick, which both serves the purposes of bridle and whip. It is not uncommon in Barbary to see three persons, with furniture in proportion, mounted upon one camel.

Upon the arrival of the caravans at Tombut, they exchange their tobacco and salt for slaves, gold dust, and ivory, which are brought thither from Guinea. Four thousand slaves are supposed to be annually carried from Tombut, great part of whom are sent to Mascar, Algiers, and Tunis.—It but seldom happens that any eunuchs are brought away, unless by a particular commission from the emperor or some of the princes, no other person in the country being permitted to keep them. It is indeed extremely difficult to procure them at all. The place whence they are usually brought is the kingdom of Bambara. In Muley Ishmael's reign the number of eunuch's in the em­pire [Page 247] of Morocco was supposed to amount to seven hundred; but they are now so reduced, that one hundred is the utmost that could be mustered in the whole empire.

Those persons who have been concerned in the trade to Tombut for the last twenty years, com­pute the value of the merchandizes transported annually thither from the empire of Morocco to amount to at least a million of hard dollars; and the commodities received in return, such as ostrich-feathers, ivory, gold dust, amber, and Guinea slaves, to ten millions; two thirds of which are carried to Algiers, Tunis, &c. The slaves are purchased near Tombut, at a very cheap rate, there having been instances of a fine Negro boy being bought for six pounds of salt.

As a proof that Christians may proceed along the shore by land from Guinea to Morocco, two French men, in the year 1781, came from Senegal to Morocco, and brought intelligence of some sorts having been taken from the English on that river. It is, however, proper to remark, that they were provided with escorts from one place to another.

CHAP. XII.

FROM the unsuccessful efforts which I had made for the purpose of procuring my dis­patches, I had begun to reconcile myself to the idea of remaining a prisoner at Morocco, when, to my great surprize, at the expiration of a month from the time of the prince's departure, his Moorish majesty sent to me in particular haste to repair to the palace.

Upon receiving this message my best hopes were excited. I naturally expected an immediate eman­cipation, as it is necessary that every stranger should see the emperor previous to his departure; and I flew to the palace with all the alacrity which such an expectation was certain to inspire. What then was my astonishment, when, upon my arrival at the palace, a messenger brought orders from the emperor, the purport of which was, that I should immediately examine one of his sultanas who was indisposed, and in the afternnoon return [Page 249] with proper medicines, and at the same time report my opinion of her case to his majesty.

It is difficult to say whether disappointment or surprize were the predominant emotion in my mind on receiving this order. After the prejudices which from his dislike to the English, and his ignorance of the effects of internal medicines, the emperor was known to have entertained against me, and after having detained me at Morocco for such a length of time, with no apparent view but that of manifesting his contempt of me as an En­glishman, it appeared unaccountable that he should give orders for my admission into the Harem, where in addition to the former objections, there were also some still stronger in the eyes of the Moors; as the admission of one of our sex into that sacred depository of female charms, was almost unprecedented, and I believe totally so with respect to the Harem of the emperor.

Whatever might be the motives with his impe­rial majesty for the violation of Moorish decorum in this instance, I did not conceive I had much reason to rejoice at the event. I had already expe­rienced too much ingratitude from the prince, as well as too much ungenerous treatment from the emperor, to encourage me to undertake any future engagement of the kind in this country; and the difficulties and prejudices which from experience I knew I had to encounter, when employed in my professional line by the Moors, united to the uncer­tainty of removing the lady's complaint, rendered it altogether not very safe to administer my advice under such disadvantageous circumstances; and even that curiosity which would naturally be ex­cited [Page 250] in most persons on such an occasion, was not sufficient to reconcile me to this new employment.

Unfortunately in this dilemma I had very little time allowed me to determine, since the messenger was waiting to conduct me to the gate of the Harem. My embarrassment, however, continued only for a short period; for I soon recollected that it was in vain to oppose the emperor's order. I therefore deferred giving a decisive answer till I had seen my patient, and made myself fully ac­quainted with the nature of her complaint.

The public and usual entrance to the Harem is through a very large arched door-way, guarded on the outside by ten body guards, which leads to a lofty hall, where the captain or Alcaide, with a guard of seventeen eunuchs, are posted. No person is admitted into this hall, but those who are known to have business in the Harem.

The emperor's order being delivered on the outside of the door to the Alcaide, I was imme­diately, with my interpreter, conducted into the Harem by one of the Negro eunuchs. Upon en­tering the court into which the women's apart­ments open, I discovered a motley group of con­cubines, domestics, and negro slaves, who were variously employed. Those of the first description had formed themselves into circles, seated on the ground in the open court, and were apparently engaged in convesation.—The domestics and slaves were partly employed in needle-work, and partly in preparing their cuscosoo. My appearance in the court, however, soon attracted their attention, and a considerable number of them upon observing me, unacquainted with the means by which I had [Page 251] been admitted into the Harem, retreated with the utmost precipitancy into their apartments; while others more courageous approached, and enquired of my black attendant who I was, and by whose orders he had brought me thither.

The moment it was known that I was of the medical profession, parties of them were detached to inform those who had fled, that I was sent in by order of the emperor to attend Lalla Zara, my intended patient's name, and requesting of them to come back and look at the Christian. Seranio Tibib! Christian Doctor! resounded from one end of the Harem to the other; and in the course of a few minutes I was so completely surrounded by women and children, that I was unable to move a single step.

Every one of them appeared solicitous to find out some complaint on which she might consult me, and those who had not ingenuity enough to invent one, obliged me to feel their pulse; and were highly displeased if I did not evince my ex­cellence in my profession by the discovery of some ailment or other. All of them seemed so urgent to be attended to at the same time, that while I was feeling the pulse of one, others were behind, pulling my coat and entreating me to examine their complaints, while a third party were upbraid­ing me for not paying them the same attention. Their ideas of delicacy did not at all correspond with those of our European ladies, for they exhi­bited the beauties of their limbs and form with a degree of freedom that in any other country would have been thought indecent; and their conversation was equally unrestrained.

[Page 252]This apparent laxity of conduct in the Moorish ladies does not proceed from a depravity in prin­ciple. As the female sex in this country are not entrusted with the guardianship of their own honour, there is no virtue in reserve. A depraved education even serves to corrupt instead of to restrain them. They are not regarded as rational or moral agents; they are only considered as be­ings created entirely to be subservient to the pleasure of man. To excite the passions, and to do and say every thing which may inflame a licentious ima­gination, become therefore necessary accomplish­ments in the female sex, and their manners and conduct naturally assume a cast totally different from those women in a more refined and more liberal state of society. In those instances to which I refer, they were not conscious of trespassing the limits of decency; and in others they manifested a singular attention to what they conceived to be decorum. When I requested to see the tongues of some patients who complained of feverish symp­toms, they refused to comply, considering it as inconsistent with their modesty and virtue; some of them indeed laughed at the singularity of the request, and attributed it either to an impertinent curiosity, or an inclination to impose on their un­derstandings.

As the number of my patients continued to in­crease rather than to diminish, there appeared but little prospect of an introduction to the sultana Lalla Zara, whom I was first directed to attend, in any reasonable time. The eunuch, however, wearied out with waiting, exerted all the vigour of authority which his natural effeminacy would [Page 253] admit of in obliging them to disperse, and which was so far effectual at least as to allow me room to pass, though this female croud still followed me till I had nearly reached the lady's apart­ment.

From the first court into which I had been in­troduced, I passed through two or three similar, till I at length arrived at the chamber of my intended patient. I was here detained a little time in the court, till my patient and her apartment were ready to receive me.—Upon my entrance I found the lady sitting cross-legged on a mattress placed upon the floor, and covered with fine linen, with twelve white and negro attendants, seated on the floor also, in different parts of the chamber. A round cushion was placed for me next to the lady, on which I was desired to be seated. I should have remarked, that, contrary to my expectations, I found that none of the emperor's women dis­guised their faces in the manner which I had ex­perienced in the prince's Harem, but I saw them all with the same familiarity as if I had been intro­duced into the house of an European.

Lalla Zara*, who was of Moorish parents, was about eight years ago remarkable for her beauty and accomplishments; on which account she was then in every respect the favourite wife of the emperor. So dangerous a pre-eminence could not be enjoyed, without exciting the jealousy of those females whose charms were less conspicuous; and who, besides the mortification of having a less ¹⁵ [Page 254] share of beauty, experienced also the disgrace of being deserted by the [...] [...].

Determined to effect her ruin, they contrived to mix some poison (most probably arsenic) in her food, and conducted the detestable plot with such art and address, that it was not perceived until the deleterious drug had began its baneful operations. She was seized with most violent spasms, and a continual vomiting; and had she not been possessed of an uncommonly strong constitution, she must immediately have fallen a victim to the machina­tions of her rivals. After a severe struggle, how­ever, between life and death, the effects of the poison in some degree abated; but it left the un­happy lady in a state of dreadful debility and ir­ritation, and particularly in the stomach, from which it was not perhaps in the power of medi­cine to extricate her. Her beauty too, the fatal cause of her misfortune, was completely destroyed, and her enemies, though disappointed in their aim of destroying her life, yet enjoyed the malignant triumph of seeing those charms which had excited their uneasiness, reduced below the standard of ordinary women.

When I saw her, she had such a weakness of digestion, that every species of food which she took, after remaining a few hours on her stomach, was returned perfectly crude and undigested. As she did not receive proper nourishment, her body had wasted away to a shadow, and her frame was in so a weak a state, as not to allow her to walk without assistance. Her complexion was entirely altered. Her skin, from being naturally clear and fair, as I was informed, was changed to a [Page 255] sickly brown, which, joined to a ruined set of teeth, and a ghastly countenance, had effaced every trace of that beauty, which she before might have possessed. Upon my first enter­ing her apartment, though from my profession accustomed to behold objects of distress and misery yet I was so forcibly struck with her unhappy situ­ation and wretched appearance, that I was obliged to exert all the fortitude of which I was master, to avoid the discovery of my feelings.

Lalla Zara was at this time about six-and-thirty years of age, and though in so weak a state, had two beautiful young children; the first was in its sixth year, and the youngest, which was then under the care of a wet-nurse, was very little more than a twelve-month old. I was quite asto­nished to observe such strong and apparently heal­thy children, the offspring of a mother whose con­stitution was so dreadfully impaired. It was cer­tainly, however, a very fortunate circumstance for Lalla Zara that she had these children; since by the Mahometan law a man cannot divorce his wife provided she bear him children; so that though the emperor took very little notice of this poor lady, yet he was, for the above reason, obliged to maintain both herself and her offspring.

From the wretched situation in which I have described this unfortunate female, it is easy to con­ceive that her spirits must revive at the most distant prospect of procuring relief in her disagreeable complaint. Such, indeed was the the case. She received me with all that satisfaction which hope, united with some degree of confidence, most natu­rally inspires.

[Page 256]Under these circumstances the predicament in which I felt myself was, I must confess, most truly embarrassing. It was one of those unpleasant situations, in which duty and interest are com­pletely in opposition to each other, or rather when the sympathetic feelings stand opposed to personal safety. Humanity pointed out to me that it was my duty to relieve her if possible; on the other hand, self-preservation no less strongly dic­tated, that it was absolutely necessary to my safety and happiness to embrace the first opportunity of leaving a country where I existed in the most cri­tical and most disagreeable situation. Both these sentiments for some time pressed equally on my mind, and left m [...] at a loss how to determine. I at length, however, fixed on a middle plan of conduct, which appeared likely to affect the safety of the lady, without endangering my own. This was, to give a proper course of medicines a fair trial for a fortnight; and then, if the least prospect of amendment should appear in consequence of them, I could leave her more, with such directions as might enable her to use them without medical attendance.

This plan I conceived it most prudent not to communicate immediately to my patient: I there­fore, without affording her any v [...]y flattering hopes of a cure, assured her, that I would use every means with which I was acquainted for the resto­ration of her constitution. Contrary to most other Moorish females, I found Lalla Zara in every respect affable and polite; though deprived of her health, she retained her natural vivacity, and with the ravages of her inveterate malady, she still re­mained a pleasing and an interesting character.

[Page 257]I was upon the point of taking my leave of Lalla Zara, when a female messenger appeared to re­quest my attendance upon Lalla Batoom, who, from the priority of her marriage, is called the first wife of the emperor, and is more properly en­titled to the denomination of sultana than any of the others.

As the emperor had given directions for my ad­mission to Lalla Zara only, and as I soon perceived that the eunuch regarded me with the most jealous eye, I must confess that, however my curiosity might be excited, yet when solicited to visit the other ladies, I could not help feeling some ap­prehensions of the danger which I incurred by transgressing the emperor's order. On the other hand, I reflected, that both the eunuch and the women would be equally involved in the conse­quences of a discovery; the first for conducting me, and the others for admitting me into their apartments; and therefore that it was as much their interest as mine to be cautious, as well in pre­venting the circumstance from reaching the empe­ror's ears, as in not receiving me in their apart­ments at a time when he was likely to enter the Harem. All these arguments, united to the desire which I felt to avail myself of so favourable an opportunity of seeing a place where no European had ever before been admitted, had so much weight, that my objections were speedily removed.

I found Lalla Batoom to be a perfect Moorish beauty; she was most immoderately fat, about forty years of age, with round and prominent cheeks, which were painted a deep red, small black eyes, and a visage completely guiltless of expression. [Page 258] She was sitting upon a mattrass on the floor, which, as usual, was covered with fine white linen, and she was surrounded with a large party of concubines, whom I was informed she had in­vited to be her visitors on the occasion. Her room bore a much greater appearance of grandeur than that of Lalla Zara, and she was indulged with a whole square to herself.

As soon as I entered her apartment, Lalla Batoom requested of me to be seated close by her side, and to feel her pulse. Her complaint was a slight cold, of which an unconquerable desire of seeing me had most probably been the occasion. As soon as I had felt her pulse, and pronounced my opinion, I was employed in going through the same ceremony with all the other ladies in the room, who desired I would acquaint them with all their complaints without any farther enquiries. From the great experience which I had acquired in this kind of practice while at Tarudant, and from the knowledge which I had attained of their complaints, which in general proceeded from too violent an attack upon the cuscosoo, I was enabled to make no despicable figure in this mysterious art, and was very successful in my opinions.

From the subject of their own health, the con­versation presently changed to criticisms upon my dress. There was not a single part of it which was not examined, and commented on with their usual loquacity. My interpreter was then asked if I was a married man, and if so, whether I had brought my wife with me, with a variety of equally important questions. In the midst of this conversation, tea was introduced, though at eleven [Page 259] o'clock in the morning. A small tea-board with four very short feet, supplied the place of a table, and held the tea equipage. The cups were about the size of large walnut-shells, of the very best Indian china, and of which a very considerable number was drank.

After I had concluded my visit to the queen of the Harem, I was next conducted to Lalla Douyaw, the favourite wife of the emperor, whom I found to be what would be termed in Europe a very fine and beautiful woman. She is a native of Genoa, and was, with her mother shipwrecked on the coast of Barbary, whence they became the em­peror's captives. At that period, though but eight years of age, her personal charms were so very promising and attractive, that they induced the emperor to order her to be taken forcibly from her mother, and placed in his Harem, where, though at so early a period of life every means were in vain employed to entice her to change her religion, till at length the emperor threatened to pull up every hair of her head by the roots, if she desisted any longer; and she then found herself obliged to submit to his inclinations.

After remaining some time in the character of a concubine, the emperor married her; and from her great great beauty, address, and superior men­tal accomplishments, she soon gained his best affec­tions, which she ever after possessed. She had, indeed, so much influence over him, that though he was naturally of a very stubborn disposition, she was never known to fail in any favour she solicited, provided she persevered in her request.

[Page 260]When I saw her she was about thirty years of age; in her person rather corpulent, and her face was distinguished by that expressive beauty which is almost peculiar to the Italian women. Her ad­dress was pleasing, and her behaviour polite and attentive. In the Harem, from her accomplish­ments in reading and writing well the Arabic lan­guage, she was considered by the other females as a superior being.

From the circumstance of being taken so young into the Harem, she had nearly forgotten her na­tive language, and could only converse fluently in Arabic, having but a distant recollection of the events which first brought her into her present situation. She, however, informed me that we were brother and sister (a common phrase used by the Moors to express the affinity which Christians bear to each other in a religious sense) and had dis­cernment enough to observe that she was among a very uncouth and ignorant people. She added, that her mother, whom I had afterwards an op­portunity of seeing at a Venetian merchant's house at Mamora, was still a Christian, though she her­self was no longer such, and that she hoped I would visit her every time I came to the Harem.

Her complaint was a scorbutic affection of the gums, which threatened the loss of some of her front teeth. This circumstance gave her the great­est uneasiness, as she was fearful it might disfigure her other features, and [...] that means cause an abatement in the affection of the emperor. On this account she was extremely anxious to have my advice, though when I was in her apartment she always experienced the strongest apprehensions [Page 261] lest my attendance on her should come to the em­peror's knowledge, which might be attended with the most serious consequences to us both.

Lalla Zara, owing to her bad state of health, and the consequent ruin of her personal charms, had long been neglected by the emperor, who, most probably, admitted of my attendance on her more for the sake of exonerating himself from her constant importunities to see me (for it was a con­siderable time before she could gain his consent) than from any great anxiety on his part for her recovery. With respect to a person of such a description, it was perhaps a matter of indifference to the emperor by whom she was seen or known, and therefore there was no ground for that jea­lousy to which the Moors in general are so noto­riously addicted.

Lalla Douyaw was very differently situated. She was in the bloom of health and beauty, with all those exterior accomplishments which were likely to excite the most ardent passion; and indeed the emperor's attachment to her was unexampled.—Under these circumstances, when we consider with what caution the Moors in general endeavour to prevent any foreign intercourse with their wo­men, it could not be supposed that the emperor would relish the idea of an European in particular admitted frequently, and almost alone, to this first object of his dearest affections.

Lalla Douyaw, however, to prevent the possi­bility of detection, enjoined her female slaves to be particularly assiduous to inform her when there was the smallest reason for an alarm; while, on the other hand she was continually making pre­sents [Page 262] to the eunuch who attended me, cautioning him at the same time not to intimate to any person out of the Harem that I had been admitted into her apartment. She so far gained an ascendancy over him, that I frequently remained with her for an hour at a time, conversing upon European customs; and though she knew but little of them, yet the subject always seemed to afford her the highest pleasure. As soon as she thought it would be imprudent for me to remain any longer, she re­quested of me to go, but with a promise to call upon her the next time I visited the Harem. Her apprehension of a discovery was not confined to the chance of an alarm from the emperor, or from the perfidy of the eunuch; it was likewise extend­ed to the jealousy of the other women in the Ha­rem, who might probably rejoice in an opportu­nity of effecting her ruin. It was, however, per­haps a fortunate circumstance for us both, that by most of them admitting me into their apartments, it was equally their interest to be silent, since a discovery of the one would inevitably lead to the detection of the others.

The fourth wife, who is daughter to an English renegado, and mother to the reigning emperor, being at Fez at the time when I visited the Harem, I had not an opportunity of seeing.

When I waited on the emperor in consequence of my visit to the Harem, I was honoured with quite a private audience; for he received me in the court close to his house where no person is permitted to be present while the emperor is there, but a few pages, and the people who immediately belong to his carriage.

[Page 263]The sovereign was in an open four-wheeled carriage, hung very low, of a size just large enough to admit one person, and drawn by the sons of four Spanish renegadoes. As soon as I was ob­served by him, his majesty ordered me with my interpreter to approach, and carry him the medi­cines, desiring me to taste them before him, to convince him, I imagine, that there was nothing in them that was improper. He then examined them with great attention, and ordered me to explain to him what they were, and in what man­ner they were expected to act. When required to give my opinion concerning the case of my patient, I informed his majesty, that the sultana's complaint was of such a nature as to require a very long course of medicines, but which I appre­hended it would not be necessary to change; that therefore I proposed to attend her for a fortnight, and then leave her a proper supply, with such directions as might enable her to take them almost with the same advantage as if I was present. I added, that I had received orders from the go­vernor of Gibraltar to return to the garrison im­mediately, which if I disobeyed I should certainly lose a very good employment; and that, as I was convinced of the emperor's kind intentions to­wards me, by the promises which he had made at my first audience, I was persuaded his majesty would not detain me a day longer than the period I mentioned. In reply, the emperor said, that he only wished me to attend the sultana for about ten days, at the expiration of which, if the me­dicines proved likely to be useful, I should then leave her a proper supply, and he would send me [Page 264] home (to use his expression) upon a fine horse. He then gave orders to his prime minister to pay me ten hard dollars as a present; and commanded that free admittance should be granted me into the royal Harem, whenever I thought it necessary.

The Harem, as I before observed, forms a part of the palace or seraglio, without any other imme­diate communication with it than a private door, used only by the emperor himself.

The apartments, which are all on the ground floor, are square, very lofty, and four of them enclose a spacious square court into which they open by means of large folding-doors. These, as in other Moorish houses, which in general have no windows, serve the purpose of admitting light into the apartments. In the centre of these courts, which are floored with blue and white checquered tiling, is a fountain, supplied by pipes from a large reservoir on the outside of the palace, which serves for the frequent ablutions recommended by the Mahometan religion, as well as for other purposes.

The whole of the Harem consists of about twelve of these square courts communicating with each other by narrow passages, which afford a free access from one part of it to another, and of which all the women are allowed to avail themselves.

The apartments are ornamented externally with beautiful carved wood, much superior to any I have ever seen in Europe, as well for the difficulty of the workmanship, as for the taste with which it is finished. In the inside most of the rooms are hung with rich damask of various colours; the floors are covered with beautiful carpets, and there [Page 265] are mattresses disposed at different distances for the purposes of sitting and sleeping.

Besides these, the apartments are furnished at each extremity with an elegant European mahogany beadsted, hung with damask, having on it several mattresses placed one over the other, which are covered with various coloured silks; but these beds are merely placed there to ornament the room. In all the apartments without exception, the ceiling is wood, carved and painted. The principal or­naments in some, were large and valuable looking-glasses, hung on different parts of the walls. In others, clocks and watches of different sizes, in glass cases, were disposed in the same manner. In some of the apartments I observed a projection from the wall, which reached about half way to the ceiling, on which were placed several mattresses over each other, and each covered with silks of different colours. Above and below this projection the wall was hung with pieces of sattin, velvet, and damask, of different colours, orna­mented on each edge with a broad stripe of black velvet, which was embroidered in its centre with gold.

The whole Harem was under the management of the principal sultana, Lalla Batoom: that is in general, she was distinguished by the title of mistress of the Harem, without having any particular con­troul over the women. This lady and Lalla Douyaw, the favourite, were indulged with a whole square to themselves; but Lalla Zara, and all the concubines, were only allowed each a single room.

[Page 266]Each female had a separate daily allowance from the emperor, proportioned to the estimation in which they were held by him. Out of this they were expected to furnish themselves with every article of which they might be in want; the Harem is therefore to be considered as a place where so many distinct lodgers have apartments without paying for them, and the principal sultana is the mistress of the whole.

The daily allowance which each woman re­ceived from the emperor for her subsistence was very trifling indeed. Lalla Douyaw, the favourite sultana, had very little more than half-a-crown English per diem, and the others less in proportion. It must be allowed, that the emperor made them occasional presents of money, dress, and trinkets; but this could never be sufficient to support the number of domestics and other expences they must incur. Their greatest dependence, therefore, was on the presents they received from those Europeans and Moors who visited the court, and who em­ployed their influence in obtaining some particular favour from the emperor. Nor had the monarch sufficient delicacy to discourage this mode of nego­ciation. He well knew that if his women had not obtained supplies by other means, they must have had recourse to his purse; and as he had taken too good precautions to allow any mischief to arise from this custom, he was always well pleased to have business transacted through that channel. Ambassadors, consuls, and merchants indeed, who were acquainted with the nature of the court, per­fectly knew that this was always the most success­ful mode that could be adopted. As an illustration [Page 267] of this assertion, when I was at Morocco, a Jew, desirous of obtaining a very advantageous favour from the emperor, for which he had been a long time unsuccessfully soliciting, sent to all the prin­cipal ladies of the Harem presents of pearls to a very considerable amount; the consequence was, that they all went in a body to the emperor, and immediately obtained the wished-for concession.

The ladies separately furnish their own rooms, hire their own domestics, and, in fact, do what they please in the Harem, but are not permitted to go out without an express order from the em­peror, who very seldom grants them that favour, except when they are to be removed from one palace to another. In that case a party of soldiers is dispatched a little distance before them, to dis­perse the male passengers in particular, and to prevent the possibility of their being seen. This previous step being taken, a piece of linen cloth is tied round the lower part of the face, and after­wards these miserable females cover themselves entirely with their Haicks, and either mount mules which they ride like men, or, what is more usual, are put into a square carriage or litter, constructed for this purpose, which by its lattice-work allows them to see without being seen. In this manner they set off under the charge of a guard of black eunuchs. This journey, and sometimes a walk within the bounds of the palace, with which they are, however, seldom indulged, is the only ex­ercise they are permitted to take.

The emperor's Harem consisted of between sixty and a hundred females, besides their domestics and slaves, which were very numerous. The four [Page 268] wives which I have already noted are by no means to be considered as the first set of which the em­peror was possessed, since some died and others were repudiated ^*. So that it is a difficult matter to determine what was the precise number of Sidi Mahomet's wives.

Many of the concubines were Moorish women, who had been presented to the emperor, as the Moors consider it an honour to have their daughters in the Harem; several were European slaves, who had been either made captives or purchased by the emperor, and some were Negroes.

In this groupe the Europeans, or their de­scendants, had by far the greatest claim to the character of handsome. There was one in par­ticular, who was a native of Spain, and taken into the Harem at about the same age as Lalla Douyaw, who was indeed a perfect beauty. Nor was this lady quite singular in that respect, for many others were almost equally handsome.

The Moorish women have in general an inex­pressive countenance, and a rustic simplicity of manners. Their persons are below the middle stature, of a remarkably fat and square make, with very large hands and feet. Their com­plexions are either a clear brown, or, what is more usual, of a sallow cast. Their faces are round, and their eyes in general black; the nose and mouth very small, and the latter is usually ac­companied with a good set of teeth.

[Page 269]Among my patients in the Harem, was one of the Moorish concubines, who with a handsome set of features had united an intolerable share of pride and affectation, the effects of which I ex­perienced in the most disgusting degree. I was desired to administer to her a remedy for a slight complaint of the stomach, with which she had been affected for a few days. The medicine was to be of so gentle a nature as not to create the slightest degree of pain, or any inconvenience what­ever. Determined that she should have no rea­son to complain on that account, I prepared her a powder, which, had she given it to a new-born infant, would have proved as inoffensive as to herself.

The lady, however, still apprehensive of its bad effects, obliged her younger sister, who was like­wise a concubine in the Harem, to take it by way of trial; and then, if it agreed, it was her intention to have had another dose for herself. Unfortu­nately for me, the young lady, at the idea of be­ing compelled to take a medicine of which she was not in want, soon after she had swallowed it became very sick, which so alarmed her sister, that she immediately sent for me, and upbraided me in the severest language, for sending a medicine which had nearly destroyed the young lady, who had been in the most violent agonies the whole day; adding, that had she not been possessed of a very strong constitution, she must inevitably have perished. She tauntingly observed, that she had formed a better opinion of the Christians than she now found they deserved; and asked me im­periously, whether I was a proper person to un­dertake [Page 270] the cure of the sultana? As it was im­possible that I could be pleased with these igno­rant and unmerited reproaches, and as I was well aware that since I had no directions to attend any person but Lalla Zara, it was entirely a matter of favour in me to comply at all with their request, I embraced the opportunity of at once silencing her ill-timed loquacity, and effectually putting a stop to similar impertinence from any other quarter. I explained to her, in the first place, that so far from the medicines having the tendency of which she accused them, that they in reality were of much too mild a nature for a person of her con­stitution. I added, that since she entertained such suspicions of them from the first, how could she be so destitute of affection and feeling as to compel her sister to take what she would not venture upon herself, without regard to the difference of her age, or to the state of the health? That her un­grateful behaviour would operate as a discourage­ment to me, and would perhaps prevent my af­fording assistance to many of the other ladies, whose complaints might require much more at­tention than hers did; and that in future she could not expect to receive from me, if it should even be necessary, the smallest assistance. She now began to relent, and acknowledged that she had been rather too warm, adding many apologies, and concluded with wishing me a happy return to my country and friends.

I could adduce many other anecdotes to illus­trate the ignorance and pride of these unfortunate women; but this I think will be sufficiently con­vincing to answer the purpose. It may not be im­proper [Page 271] to add, that this little altercation proved afterwards of great service to me in the Harem, by convincing the ignorant part of it that I paid very little attention to their caprice.

Observing that the eunuchs kept a very close and watchful eye over me when I visited the Harem, I always took care that my deportment in their presence should be such as to give them no reason for any complaint against me. When in the apartments of my patients I sometimes so far for­got myself, as to enter into a pretty long conver­sation; but I found that the eunuch was always disposed to interrupt our entertainment, by hint­ing that I had already staid too long, and must therefore depart. With Lalla Douyaw, however, they seemed to have less influence; and though she thought it prudent to make them occasional pre­sents, yet she never would suffer me to leave the room till by her own request.

In one of my visits I observed a procession, which upon inquiry I found was intended as an invocation to God and Mahomet for rain, of which there had been a scarcity for several pre­ceeding months. The procession was commenced by the youngest children in the Harem, who were barely able to walk, two a-breast, and these were followed by the next in age, till at length a great part of the women fell into the groupe, making altogether upwards of a hundred persons. They carried on their heads their prayers written on paper, pasted on a square board, and proceeded through all the courts singing hymns, the purport of which was adapted to the solemn occasion. I was informed that they had continued this cere­money [Page 272] every day during the whole of the dry weather, and were to repeat it till their prayers were attended with success.

Though the emperor occasionally came into the Harem, yet it was more usual for him to give notice to those ladies whose company he wished, to attend in his apartment; when they made a point of setting off their charms to the best advantage. When in his presence they paid him every atten­tion which a common slave would shew to his master, and never ventured to offer their opinion, except by his approbation.—But to return to the Moorish ladies.

From the idea which is so prevalent with this people, that corpulency is the most infallible mark of beauty, the women use a grain which they name Ellhouba, for the purpose of acquiring that degree of personal excellence at which they aspire: this they powder and eat with their Cuscosoo. They likewise take, with the same intention, large quantities of paste, heated by the steam of boiling water, which they swallow in the form of bo­luses. It is certainly true, that the number of corpulent women in this country is very consider­able, but it is probable that this circumstance arises as much from their very confined and inac­tive mode of life, as from any of the particular means which they employ to produce that effect.

The dress of the ladies consists of a shirt, with remarkably full and loose sleeves, hanging almost to the ground, the neck and breast of which are left open, and their edges are neatly embroidered with gold. They wear linen drawers, and over the shirt a Caftan, which is a dress something [Page 273] similar in form to a loose great coat without sleeves, hanging nearly to the feet, and is made either of silk and cotton or gold tissue. A sash of fine linen or cotton folded is tied gracefully round the waist and its extremities fall below the knees. To this sash two broad straps are annexed, and passing over each arm over the shoulders form a cross on the breast, and to that part of it which passes between the breast and shoulder of each arm is fixed a gold tortoise, carelessly suspending in front a gold chain. Over the whole dress is extended a broad silk band of the Fez manufacture, which surrounds the waist, and completes the dress, ex­cept when they go abroad, and then they invest themselves in a careless manner with the Haick.

The hair is plaited from the front of the head backwards in different folds, which hang loose behind, and at the bottom are all fixed together with twisted silk. Over the heads they wear a long piece of silk about half a yard wide, which they tie close to their head, and suffer the long ends, which are edged with twisted silk, to hang behind in an easy manner nearly to the ground. The remainder of the head-dress is completed by a common silk handkerchief which surrounds the head like a woman's close cap, differing from it only by being fixed in a full bow behind instead of in front. At the upper part of each ear hangs a small gold ring half open, which has at one end a cluster of precious stones, sufficient nearly to fill up the vacancy occasioned by the opening of the ring. At the tip, or lower part of the ear, is likewise suspended a broad and solid gold ring, which is so large that it reaches as low as the [Page 274] neck, and which, as well as the other, has a clus­ter of precious stones, in proportion to the size of the ring. The ladies wear on their fingers several small gold rings, set with diamonds or other pre­cious stones, and on the wrists broad and solid gold bracelets, sometimes also set with precious stones. Their necks are ornamented with a great variety of bead and pearl necklaces. Below these a gold chain surrounds the neck, and suspends in front a gold ornament.

Like the men, the Moorish women wear no stockings, but use red slippers, curiously embroi­dered with gold which they take off when they enter their rooms. Immediately above the ankle, each leg is surrounded with a large solid gold ring, which is narrow in front, but very broad behind.

The ladies paint their cheeks of a deep red, and stain their eye-lids and eye-brows with a black powder which I apprehend to be antimony. It is a branch of artificial beauty in this country, to produce a long black mark on the forehead, another on the tip of the nose, and several others on each cheek. The chin is stained of a deep red, and thence down to the throat runs a long black stripe. The inside of the hands, and the nails, are stained of a deep red, so deep indeed, that in most lights it borders on black; and the back of the hands have several fancy marks of the same colour. The feet are [...]ainted in a similar manner with the hands.

I seldom observed in the Harem the women at any employment but that of forming themselves into different circles for the purpose of conversa­tion, [Page 275] sometimes in the open courts, at others in the different apartments. As they are not permit­ted to enter the mosques, they pray at the ap­pointed times in their own chambers. The Moors, indeed, entertain the prejudice which is commonly attributed to the Mussulmen in general, that the female sex are altogether an inferior species of ani­mals, merely formed to be slaves to the pleasures of men, whose salvation is consequently not of so much importance; and with this sentiment the conduct of the men towards them in every instance corresponds. The Moors likewise assign other reasons for not permitting their females to enter their places of worship: they assert that it would be not only contrary to the custom which prevails in the country, of not allowing the sexes to meet together in any particular spot, but it might also, by creating loose and improper ideas, draw off the attention from their devotion.

The women have their Talbas as well as the men their Talbs. These persons who are either wives or concubines, just as it happens, and whose principal qualifications appear to be reading or writing, teach the younger part of the Harem to repeat their prayers, and the older females they instruct in the laws and principles of their religion.

All the emperor's daughters, and the children of his concubines, as soon as they were of a pro­per age, were sent to Tafilet, where they finished their education, and by intermarrying with the descendants of his ancestors they served to people that extraordinary city—extraordinary on this ac­count, that the inhabitants of it are all Sharifs, or the supposed lineal descendants of Mahomet, and [Page 276] are most of them collaterally or otherwise related to the present royal family of Morocco. Muley Ishmael, who, as I before observed, was grand­father to the late emperor, had three hundred chil­dren at Tafilet, and their descendants are now supposed to amount to nine thousand who all live in the same place.

The sons of the emperor's wive [...] are considered as princes, who have each an equal claim to the empire, and as such are always respected. If they have not disobliged their father, they are generally appointed to the government of some of the pro­vinces, where, in the capacity of Bashaws, their principal object is the accumulation of riches.

The reader will have observed, that I reserved my observations on the female part of society in this country, till I had given such a general ac­count of the Harem as might serve for a proper introduction to that part of my subject. By this arrangement I have relieved myself from the tedi­ousness of repetition, and my readers from that obscurity which naturally ensues when information is imparted in a disjointed state. A few observa­tions will serve to complete the description.

The Moorish women may be divided into two classes; the black or negro women, and the white.

The first are either slaves or have been so for­merly; and from their services, or through the favour of their proprietors have obtained their freedom. These women have all the characters, both with respect to disposition, features, and complexion, peculiar to the country from which they are brought. Many of them are in the situ­ation of concubines, and others in that of domes­tics. Their male children are all brought up to [Page 277] serve in the army of the emperor.—To this [...]ass may be added the mulattoes, both male and fe­male, who are the production of a Moor and a Negro woman, and are consequently very nume­rous in this empire; but as they differ but little in character from the Negroes, and are only dis­tinguished from them being indulged with their freedom, I shall pass them over without any fur­ther observations.

Those of the female sex who may be properly considered as natives of the country, are of a white, or rather a sallow complexion. From the very limited sphere in which they are allowed to act, and the contempt in which they are held as members of society, their characters admit of very little of that variety which distinguishes the Eu­ropean women. Happy, perhaps, it is for them, that the sun of knowledge has never beamed upon their gloomy prisons, since it could only serve to enlighten them to a sense of their own misery, disgrace, and servitude! Happy is that accommo­dating power, which providence has vouchsafed to human-kind, which adapts them to their several situations! and happy it is that the information of mankind is generally such as suits the sphere in which they are destined to act!

Educated with no other view than for the sen­sual purposes of their master, or husband, the chief object of the female sex of this country is to ad­minister to his pleasure, and by the most abject submission to alleviate the rigours of that servitude to which they are doomed. When in the presence of their despot, both wives and concubines are obliged to manifest the same respect as his com­mon [Page 278] slaves; and though all are not confined closely to their houses as is customary in the emperor's Harem, yet when they do go out they are obliged to be extremely circumspect in concealing their faces, and cautious in every part of their de­meanour. Women of distinction, however, are very seldom allowed to go abroad; it is only those of the lowest class which are usually seen in the streets, and even these are so disguised and wrap­ped up in their Haicks, that they appear more like a bale of cloth put in motion, than a human form.

If they happen to meet an European in the country, at a time when no Moor is in sight, they seldom miss the opportunity of displaying their features, by throwing the Haick on one side, and even to laugh and converse with him, though al­ways with the utmost risk, as the eye of jealousy, it is well known, never slumbers.

If an European or a Jew should be caught in a clandestine connection with a Moorish woman, he is obliged to become a convert to the Mahometan faith, or his life would be forfeit; and the wo­man, I was informed, is punished either by burn­ing or drowning, though I cannot say I ever knew an instance of that dreadful sentence being put in execution. A man indeed must have uncommon address, and no small share of caution, to carry on an intrigue of that kind, though on the part of the women of this country he will seldom want for encouragement.

It must, however, be allowed, that the means which the Moors employ for the prevention of intrigues, very often tend to the encouragement of [Page 279] them. By dressing themselves in the female habit, men may very easily pass the streets unobserved, as they may rest assured they will not be addressed or even looked at by the Moors; and if they con­trive to call at the house when the master is from home, they need be under no apprehensions of being detected when he returns. If he sees a strange woman's slippers at the doors of his Ha­rem, he concludes it is a female neighbour, and never approaches the room till the slippers are removed.

The dress of the opulent females among the Moors, is similar to that of the emperor's ladies, differing only in the value of the materials. Those of the inferior class wear linen drawers, and over them a coarse woollen frock, tied round the waist with a band. They plait the hair in two folds, from the upper part of the head all the way down behind, wearing over it a common handkerchief tied close to the head, and when they go out they wear the Haick.

CHAP. XIII.

TEN days having elapsed since my first attend­ance on Lalla Zara, the emperor desired my patient to acquaint him what effect the medicines had produced; and being informed that she was apparently in a state of recovery, he sent into the Harem a doubloon piece, wrapped up in one cor­ner of a silk handkerchief, and ordered the lady to present me with it as a compliment for the ser­vice I had already rendered her, accompanied with splendid promises, if I succeeded in restoring her to perfect health.

Little reflection was necessary to convince me, that these manoeuvres had an aim and tendency very different from that of fulfilling the emperor's engagements relative to my return. It required, therefore, some consideration to determine, whe­ther it would be most prudent to continue my at­tendance, or exert myself immediately with re­doubled vigour to accomplish my emancipation. [Page 281] The latter mode of conduct I resolved upon, for the following reasons.

In the first place, I had been absent from the garrison much longer than was originally intended by government; it was, therefore, impossible to say how far the protraction of my residence in in Morocco might interfere with the arrangements of my superiors, or affect the service. Secondly, every European with whom I conversed, or cor­responded, advised me by all means to embrace the first opportunity of returning; since, though my patient was for the present in a recovering state, yet, from the caprice and ignorance of the Moors, there was some reason to apprehend that she might tire of her medicines; and considering the matter in the most favourable point of view, supposing she could be relieved entirely from her complaint, it was not improbable that the women, who had been the original occasion of her illness, upon observing her recovery, might with the same diabolical malignity which induced them to ad­minister the first dose of poison, be inclined to avail themselves of my attendance, and injure her constitution a second time; while all the ill conse­quences would infallibly be attributed to my treat­ment. The age and infirmities of the emperor also rendering my situation very precarious, deter­mined me to employ the earliest opportunity in effecting my escape; and the following was the plan which appeared to promise the most probable success.

I told my patient that I had brought with me very little more medicine than was sufficient for the cure of Muley Absulem; and that those which [Page 282] I had administered to her were the few which had not been used; that as they must necessarily soon be exhausted, and as my attendance on her with­out medicines could answer no purpose whatever, I would recommend her for her own sake, to ad­vise the emperor to send me to Gibraltar for a fresh supply. "Ah!" exclaimed th [...] lady, ‘there is no occasion for your going, the emperor can write to the consul for them.’ For a reply of this kind I was not wholly unprepared; and as I had found it necessary to act a part on this occasion, I determined to go through with it, and reluctantly to play the empiric, by informing my patient that the composition of these medicines was known to no person but myself; and therefore to write for them would be totally useless. This statement ap­peared unanswerable, and my plan was so far crowned with success. An application, on my account, was immediately made to the emperor by all the principal women, whom Lalla Zara had engaged in her service for that purpose.

The emperor, however, whose discernment had been excellent in his youth, and whose intellect was at intervals as vigorous as ever, was not to be imposed on. He promised the women more than he ever intended to perform, and ten days more elapsed, when I found myself as near return­ing as on my first arrival at Morocco.

Thus baffled in my attempt, though my inde­fatigable female agents repeated their application not seldomer than twice every day, I applied to a German renegado, who spoke the English lan­guage, and who, from his situation at court, had frequent opportunities of seeing the emperor pri­vately, [Page 283] and intreated of him to procure me a licence to depart. But all that he was able to ob­tain in my favour, was a renewal of the same fair promises which had been so frequently made, and made with the same sincerity. I must not omit, however, to relate, that in a few days after this application, I received from the emperor a present of two horses, accompanied with a positive as­surance of being dispatched immediately home.

One of the horses was young, but was in so wretched and emaciated a state, that he appeared better calculated to afford food for the canine race, than to prove of any utility to a traveller. The other, it must be confessed, was not in so starved and miserable a condition, but then he was completely superannuated, and consequently quite as useless as his companion. He had been presented to the emperor in the morning by a poor man, who, for some trifling disgrace which he had in­curred, had brought this horse as an atonement; the man, however, was committed to prison, and and in the afternoon the horse was presented to me.

Before I could get these unparalleled coursers out of the walls of the palace, I was stopped by the porters of four gates, who each demanded a hard dollar as a perquisite annexed to their places. On my arrival at home, two deputy masters of horse also came to my apartment for a present for themselves, and for their chief; so that the reader may easily judge how far I was a gainer by the emperor's munificence!

After this circumstance, several days having elapsed without any prospect of accomplishing [Page 284] my wishes, I was advised by an European, who had come from Mogodore to Morocco upon busi­ness, as the surest means of succeeding, to seize the first opportunity that offered of the emperor's appearing in public, which he seldom did so as to be seen by strangers, and, trusting no longer to other agents, at once ask his majesty for my dis­patches. Fortunately, as I thought, the emperor afforded me an opportunity of seeing him the fol­lowing day; and, though the soldiers would not allow me to approach him so near as to enable me to speak to him, yet I took care to place myself in a conspicuous situation; but after continuing about half an hour, he retired without taking the least notice of me, or even appearing to observe me.

The emperor, upon this occasion, was in one of his open courts on horseback, with a large umbrella suspended over his head by a soldier of the negro infantry, who was standing in front of the horse; while two other attendants were on each side, and with pieces of silk fixed to a cane, were, by an easy but constant motion, guarding off the flies from the emperor's face. The minis­ters of state were placed in front, and behind them were about a hundred foot soldiers in dif­ferent divisions, forming altogether a kind of crescent. Some of these troops were armed with musquets, which they held in a stiff manner close to their bodies, with the muzzles pointed perpen­dicularly, while others had no weapon of defence but thick clubs.

The sovereign being at this moment in a good humour, was conversing with his ministers; and, [Page 285] as my interpreter informed me, he was boasting to them of the mighty actions which the Moors had performed against the Christians; remarking, that his predecessors had deprived them of nearly all the places they had formerly possessed in Bar­bary, and that he had the satisfaction of having taken Mazagan from the Portugueze. The minis­ters entered very little further into the conversation than to repeat at the conclusion of each sentence, Alla Cormus Sidi! in English, May God preserve the king! which was communicated to the nearest party of soldiers, and from those to the next, till they made the palace echo with their voices.

My ill success upon this occasion did not deter me from making an experiment upon another favourable opportunity which offered, after the lapse of a few days. I then had influence enough with the soldiers to allow me to approach so very near the emperor's person, as rendered it utterly impossible for him to avoid observing me, though not sufficiently close to enable me to speak to him. A messenger was consequently dispatched by the sovereign to know (using his own expression) what the the Christian wanted. I returned for answer, that I came to thank his majesty for the honour he had conferred on me, by presenting me with the two horses, at the same time to re­mind him of his royal promise to send me im­mediately home. In consequence of his attention on first seeing me, I expected every moment to be ordered into his immediate presence, but in that respect I was disappointed; for, after con­versing near half an hour with his ministers, he [Page 286] retired, and left me in the same state of suspense which I had a few days before experienced. The emperor was on horseback, and was endeavouring to explain to his auditors the beauties of various parts of the Koran, and laid a particular stress on those passages which teach the followers of Ma­homet to detest the Christians.

Such repeated disappointments, after having ex­erted myself to the utmost in every mode I could devise, it must be allowed were sufficient to induce me to consider my situation as desperate; and I felt myself totally at a loss what further steps could be adopted in this very critical situation. The un­easiness I experienced at this moment was happily not of long continuance, for the day following the German renegado brought me the emperor's letter of dispatch, consisting merely of a few lines addressed to the governor of Tangier, ordering him to permit me to embark, with my two horses, for Gibraltar.

The reader will too easily anticipate the extreme pleasure I felt at the idea of shortly leaving a country where I had experienced such a continued series of ingratitude, disappointment, and uneasi­ness, to render it at all necessary for me to enlarge upon that topic. It will be sufficient to say, that I lost no time in making the necessary preparations for the journey, and in availing myself of the earliest opportunity to take my leave of the ladies in the Harem, most carefully avoiding to com­municate to them the contents of the emperor's letter. Had they known, indeed, that I was not to return, it is probable they would have employed [Page 287] the same influence for my detention, which they had before exerted before in favour of my libera­tion, and most likely with greater success.

It is humiliating and unpleasant in the highest degree to stoop to deception upon any occasion; to be obliged, therefore, in justice to myself, and for my own personal safety, to carry on a syste­matical plan of duplicity, was not the least of the hardships to which I was compelled to submit in this country. I could not, however, now retreat; and, as I knew that Gibraltar furnished many ar­ticles which were not to be procured in Barbary, I made an offer of my services to the ladies; and received the follow commissions, for the faithful execution of which, on my return from Gibraltar, I was obliged to pledge myself.

For Lalla Batoom, the queen of the Harem, a set of elegant, but very small cups and saucers.

For Lalla Douyaw, the emperor's favourite wife, a neat mahogany tea-board, with four short feet, to have two drawers, and to be elegantly ornamented with glasses; a set of very small Indian cups and saucers; a set of different kinds of per­fumed waters.

For Lalla Zara, my patient, nine yards of yellow, the same of crimson, and the same of cochi­neal coloured damask; the same quantities and colours in satins; one dozen of Indian cups and sau­cers; one hundred large red beads [...] one chest of tea and sugar; a large quantity of coffee and nut­megs.

For one of the concubines, a large portion of different coloured sattins and silks; a variety of handsome pearls; a set of Indian cups and saucers; [Page 288] two small mahogany boxes for cloaths; two japanned tea-boards, the one to be white and the other yellow.

For another concubine, some perfumed waters; a mahogany beadstead and posts; a green Dutch box.

For Lalla Talba, a priestess, a handsome pre­sent, which she leaves to my taste and choice.

For the daughter of Muley Hasem, a ma­hogany chest with two drawers; a flask of laven­der water.

For Lalla Zara's nurse, twelve large red beads.

For two of the eunuchs, each a silver watch.

These commissions may perhaps appear too tri­fling to deserve insertion; but I have brought them forward to the reader only because these little circumstances frequently display the peculiar taste, the manners, the genius of a country, much bet­ter than those weighty and important transactions in which the passions common to human nature must be interested, and in which, of consequence, all people in similar circumstances must act and feel alike.

It would have required no trifling sum of money to purchase all these articles; and even when that obstacle was removed, there would arise one still greater from the difficulty of transportation in this country. As Morocco is an inland city, I was entirely precluded from the safest and easiest of carriages; and by land, many of the articles were so cumbersome and weighty, that in the bad roads it would have been impracticable to employ mules. I should therefore have been reduced to the neces­sity of hiring camels, the expence of which, [Page 289] joined to that of the commissions, would con­sequently have been enormous.

Having supplied Lalla Zara with the few me­dicines which remained, and taken my final leave of the Harem, my next object was to find out a new interpreter, since the person whom I had procured at Mogodore, had it not in his power to accompany me to to Tangier. In his place I fixed upon a mulatto, who was born a Christian in one of the English West India Islands, and up­on coming to Mogodore as a seaman in an English vessel, was immediately on account of his com­plexion, claimed by the Moors as a countryman. They committed him immediately to prison, and, by the influence of hard usage, at length compelled him to become a convert to their religion. This man, who is between sixty and seventy years of age, has been in the country about seven years, and was occasionally employed in the public works by the late emperor. He can speak the English, French, Spanish, Italian, and Arabic languages, but the English is most familiar to him.

The horse presented to me by Muley Absulem I mounted myself, and made my interpreter ride those of the emperor alternately, that I might give them every possible chance of reaching Tangier alive, in case I could not dispose of them on the road. These, with three horse soldiers allowed by the emperor, two mules for my baggage, and a muleteer to take charge of them, formed the whole of my suite on the journey.

We departed from Morocco on the 12th of February 1790, and in three days arrived at the castle of Bul [...]e, which is a journey of about [Page 290] eighty miles, consisting of an uninterrupted series of wild uncultivated heath. This castle was the first piece of architecture which offered itself to our view since we left Morocco; the country be­ing very thinly inhabited by only a few Arabs, who live in tents. In these Douhars or encamp­ments, I endeavoured, on the score of safety, nightly to pitch my tent.

The castle is situated on the summit of a very high and rugged hill, forming on its Northern side a steep precipice, at the bottom of which runs a deep and rapid river, named the Morbeya, which I had previously passed at its termination in the ocean at Azamore. As a piece of architecture, this castle has no recommendation but the strength of its walls: it is inhabited by some Negroes who were banished to this place, at the time when Sidi Mahomet thought proper to disband a consider­able portion of his black troops; intending, by that means, to prevent their raising a mutiny or rebellion in the country, to which, as I have inti­mated, they are always inclined. To dispose of them in this manner, therefore, was sound policy, as, though they were out of the way of mischief for the present, they might easily be embodied upon any pressing emergency.

The eminent situation of this fortress, the steep and rugged precipice, the depth and rapidity of the river below, with the wildness of the neigh­bouring country, fill the mind with a mixture of admiration and sublime horror. But what attrac­ted my attention more than any other circum­stance, was the mode in which they pass this dan­gerous river. At Azamere, Sallee, Mamora, [Page 291] Larache, &c. where the rivers are too deep to be forded, the traveller is ferried over; and yet at this part, though at no very great distance from any of the above places, the people are totally ignorant what kind of a machine a boat is. What is still more remarkable, the first people of the country who are obliged to pass this river in their way from Morocco to all the Northern provinces, and who are as well acquainted with the use of boats as the Europeans, are content to submit to the crazy substitute which they find here, rather than impart to the inhabitants of the castle this easy piece of information.

The mode in which these people cross the river, served to remind me of a puerile amusement, in which most boys at one period or other have taken delight. A raft is formed of eight sheep-skins, filled with air, and tied together with small cords; a few slender poles are laid over them, to which they are fastened, and this is the only means used at Buluane to conduct travellers with their baggage over the river.

As soon as the raft is loaded, in other words, as soon as it is charged with as much weight as it will bear without sinking, a man strips, jumps in­to the water, and swims with one hand, while he pulls the raft after him with the other; and in the mean time, a second places himself behind, pushing and swimming in a similar manner. The current at first carries the apparatus a considerable way down the river, but by the activity of the swimmers it is speedily extricated, and its contents as quickly landed. The horses, mules, &c. having every article removed from their backs, are driven [Page 292] in a body to the water side, where the Moors im­mediately get behind them, and by the violence of their shouts so completely terrify the animals, that one or two of them speedily take to flight, and set the example, by swimming, to the rest, when they immediately follow.

Four days after leaving this river, we arrived at Sallee, which is about a hundred and ten miles from Buluane, and one hundred and ninety from Morocco, without the occurrence of a circumstance worth relating; the country proving a continuance of the same uncultivated heath as far as Mensooria, which has been described in a former part of this Tour.

Sallee being the first town I had seen since my departure from Morocco, which was seven days, I was happy to avail myself of my former intro­duction to the French consul, and remain with him a couple of nights. After this agreeable re­laxation, I departed for Tangier, where I arrived on the 26th of February.

As it was evident that the horses which had been presented to me by the emperor, were not worth the expence of exportation, and indeed seemed scarcely able to encounter the journey, I took every oportunity that offered on the road to dispose of them, but my efforts were not attended with success; and by the time I arrived at M [...]a, they were so completely tired, that they would certain­ly have died had I used them another day. I there­fore found it necessary to leave them in the care of a Venetian gentleman who resided at Mamora, with a request to dispose of them in the best man­ner he could; and, as I did not like to lose the [Page 293] advantage of the order for embarkation, which is always to be considered as very valuable, since no horses are exported but by an express order of the emperor, under his sign manual, I requested this gentleman to purchase for me two of the best that were to be procured in the province, and to send them after me to Tangier; but they unfortu­nately did not arrive in time.

In about a fortnight after my arrival at Tangier, an order came down from the emperor, desiring the governor to purchase at the expence of his royal treasury, two oxen, ten sheep, ten milch goats with their kids, a hundred fowls, and a large proportion of fruit and vegetables of every descrip­tion. These articles were to be presented to me as from the emperor, in return for my attendance on Lalla Zara; and I was to be allowed per­mission to embark them free of all duty, for Gibraltar. The same order brought likewise a request from the emperor, that I would en­gage to send my patient a fresh supply of me­dicines.

On the 27th of March I arrived at Gibraltar. It would be trifling with the reader to describe my feelings on the first view of a spot, protected by English laws, and decorated by English manners. My sensations, indeed, may be more easily con­ceived than they can be expressed. Let it suffice to say, that no wretch, escaped from the gloomy horrors of a dungeon, could experience more lively pleasure on first contemplating the light of day, than I felt on the first view of an English garrison.

[Page 294]As the communication between the garrison and Barbary was not open at the time of my arrival, the present of the emperor proved more valuable than I at first conceived it. It is obvious, how­ever, that its amount, and indeed the total of all which I received during my residence in the coun­try, could scarcely be more than adequate to my expences; much less could it be considered as a compensation for the great risk, the trouble, and the anxiety which I had encountered. I had been under the necessity of drawing upon the consul for considerable sums, besides what I received through other channels; so that I returned from my expedition with my curiosity satisfied, my mind, I trust, in some degree enlightened, as far as the observation of a different country, and dif­ferent manners, serves to improve our stock of knowledge; but, in a pecuniary view, I certainly returned very little better than I went ^*.

CHAP. XIV.

SOON after my arrival at Gibraltar, I was pre­vailed upon to digest and arrange the notes and observations which I had made during my residence in Barbary, and to publish proposals for a nar­rative of my Tour. In these proposals, having engaged to relate the particulars of the emperor's death, and of his sons succession, and being desirous of procuring every information that could serve to complete my account of the empire of Morocco, I obtained leave of absence for a short time from the garrison for the purpose, and was induced from that motive to pay a second visit to Tangier. It would be useless to detain the reader with any further description of that place, I shall therefore only observe, that after diligently collecting all the information political or otherwise, that I could [Page 296] procure, I availed myself of the opportunity of visiting Tetuan, which the new emperor had once more opened to the resort of Christians; and which I had long, with much earnestness, desired to see.

The city of Tetuan is very pleasantly situated at the opening of the Straits into the Mediter­ranean; it is built on a rising ground between two ranges of high mountains, one of them forming a part of the lesser Atlas. It lies about ten leagues to the East of Tangier, and commands a very beautiful prospect of the Mediterranean, from which it is distant about five miles; and the valley near which it is situated is variegated with gardens, plantations of olives, and vineyards, and is orna­mented with a river, which takes its course di­rectly through its centre.

The barren and gloomy appearance of the lofty mountains, which seem almost to project over each side of the town, contrasted with the beautiful verdure with which it is immediately surrounded, the distant view of the sea, and the serpentine direction of the river, which is navigable for small craft as far as Marteen, afford altogether a scene in the highest degree picturesque and romantic.

The town itself is of very considerable extent, and its walls are flanked in different parts with square forts, on which a few small pieces of ordnance are mounted. This fortification, how­ever, is merely calculated to defend the place against an attack from the Arabs, who, when discontented, are ready to plunder every thing which is exposed to their depredations; but it [Page 297] could by no means resist the exertions of a regular army. Besides these small forts, there is a square castle on the summit of the hill, on which twenty-four pieces of cannon are mounted; though this is also but a weak and ill-constructed piece of for­tification, yet from its elevated situation it com­mands the town in every direction.

The streets of Tetuan are very narrow, filthy, and many of them are nearly arched over by the houses. Of the intention of these projections I could form no conception, unless they are meant, by keeping off the rays of the sun, to render the streets cooler in the summer season. If so, it must on the other hand be allowed, that they also prevent a free circulation of air, which, in a hot climate, and in streets so narrow and filthy, must be greatly injurious to the health of the in­habitants.

Though the houses have a very mean appearance from the streets, yet their apartments in general are roomy, tolerably convenient, and well fur­nished; and, contrary to those of Tangier, are built two stories high. The Elcaisseria, or fair for the disposal of goods, is filled with shops, con­taining a great variety of very valuable articles, both of European and their own manufacture. From Fez they procure the articles of that place, as well as those of Tunis, Algiers, Alexandria, and Guinea. From Spain and Gibraltar they im­port those of Europe, for which they give in re­turn provisions and fruit of every description; of all the towns in the empire, therefore, Tetuan may now be considered as next to Fez in commer­cial importance.

[Page 298]As the Moorish inhabitants are principally mer­chants on a large scale, they are opulent, much more polished and accessible to strangers than those of most of the other towns in this empire. Their complexions are generally fair, and they are alto­gether a well-looking people. On our first arrival, from the novelty of seeing Christians in the town after an exclusion of nearly twenty years, when we walked the streets the people universally ran out of their houses to look at us; and a very con­siderable body of them for some time followed us wherever we went. They, however, by no means offered us any kind of insult; on the contrary, in­deed, being informed that we were English, they expressed every mark of satisfaction, and many of them invited us to their gardens. The Moors were always partial to the English in preference to every other European nation; they even pro­fessed their attachment at the very time when Sidi Mahomet was upon such ill terms with our court; and since Muley Yazid's accession, they have given the most unlimited scope to the expression of their partiality.

The Mosques of Tetuan are very large, nume­rous, and appear to have by far a greater claim to magnificence, than those in the other towns of the empire.

The Jews in this place, previous to the late plunder by order of the new emperor, were weal­thy; they live by themselves in a separate part of the town, where they are shut out every night from the Moors; their women are remarkable for their clearness of complexion, and the beauty of their features.

[Page 299]The port of Tetuan, is situated at about two miles distance from the sea, and is named Marteen; at this place there is, however, only a single house, which is used for the purpose of collecting the customs. As the mouth of the river on which it is situated, is now nearly choaked up with sand, it only admits of small craft; and even these can proceed no further than Marteen, where there are usually a few of the emperor's row-gallies laid up to winter.

The entrance of the river is defended by a high and square tower, on which are mounted twelve pieces of cannon. This fortification might answer the purpose of preventing the approach of small vessels, but it is by no means calculated to oppose any considerable force. The bay, or more proper­ly the road, of Tetuan, is formed by a high point of land which runs out into the sea a considerable distance to the West of the river, and will only shelter vessels in a westerly wind; when it veers round to the Eastward, they are obliged to leave the bay, and retire to some safer port.

During my continuance at Tetuan, I was not inattentive to the main object of this expedition: but, as the information which I could collect there, was not materially different from what I learned at Tangier, I shall blend the different accounts to­gether, and hasten to gratify the reader's curiosity, as far as it lies in my power, concerning the suc­ceeding events which took place in the empire, from the time of my leaving Morocco to the ac­cession and death of the late emperor. The infor­mation which I obtained in consequence of my second visit to Barbary, concerning the events that [Page 300] took place in the empire subsequent to the death of Sidi Mahomet, and which I communicated in my first edition, were the most authentic and best I could, in the short time I was in the country, procure; since my return to Gibraltar, however, several new circumstances have arisen, which have obliged me to alter both my original plan and sen­timents, and to carry on my narrative up to the death of Muley Yazid, whose conduct will now appear in a very different light to what it did at the first view. The difficulty of obtaining an im­partial account of the politics of a country in which individuals are cautious to a degree how they express their sentiments, will be deemed, I hope, a sufficient apology for my conciseness on this subject, as well as for any errors into which I inadvertently may have fallen.

Muley Yazid, whose mother is the offspring of an English renegado, having incurred, a few years ago, his father's displeasure, was sent on a pilgrimage to Mecca; the old emperor hoping, that by seeing the world he would, in a maturer age, reform, and be brought to a sense of his duty.

Upon his approaching the frontiers, about four years ago, very strong and seemingly authentic reports were circulated, that he was on his march with a large army to dethrone his father. These rumours could not fail to affect the old man with considerable anxiety, which, however, was after­wards removed by the retreat of Muley Yazid to Tunis, without having made any hostile exertions whatever.

In the summer of 1789 the prince privately entered the country, and took refuge, as has al­ready [Page 301] been intimated, in a sanctuary named Muley Absulem. To this sacred spot, which is held in great veneration by the Moors, he retired as a place of safety, without any intention of attacking his father, but merely to remain there in readiness to declare himself, when the emperors death should take place, which, from his great age and infirmi­ties, was evidently an event which could not be very distant. Here he had no people about him, but three or four faithful attendants, and lived a strictly retired life, as far removed as can well be conceived from that state and consequence which are usually affected by princes.

The old emperor, however, considered his son's intentions in a far different point of view, and used every stratagem he could invent to draw him out of the sanctuary, but without success.

At one time he wrote him word, that if he would come to court, he would reinstate him in his affections, and acquiesce in every demand he would make, or, if he chose to leave the country, he would allow him sufficient to live in Turkey, or at Mecca, respected as a prince. On another occasion he threatened to attack him, pull down the sanctuary, and take him away by force. To all these letters, the prince, by the prudent advice of his mother, with whom he kept up a private correspondence, always evaded giving a positive answer. He assured his father of his affection, duty, and the purity of his intentions; and, with­out refusing to acquiesce in his wishes, sen [...] some excuse or other, explaining why he could not for the present comply, but promising that he would soon.

[Page 302]It is difficult to conjecture, whether the emperor would have used any violence towards his son, in case he had repaired to court. But it is well known, that the old monarch wished particularly, that Muley Absulem might be his successor, and that he had a private dislike to Muley Yazid; which were sufficient motives for the prudent conduct of the latter.

The various reports that were circulated through the country, and particularly by the people at court, that Muley Yazid's intentions were hostile to his father, and the great esteem in which he knew he was held by every individual in the country, made the emperor consider this son as a very dangerous rival.

I have already so fully represented the state in which the emperor was at that period, that it would be only a repetition to expatiate on it at pre­sent. It will be sufficient to say, that after three or four months unsuccessful negociations, the em­peror sent down his son Muley Hasem to Tangier, with an army of six thousand Negroes, which were to be reinforced by men drawn from the neighbouring provinces. The prince's directions were, to offer a considerable reward from the emperor to the persons who had the care of the sanctuary, if they would surrender or expel Muley Yazid; but if they refused to comply with this request, he was to pull down the sanctuary, to seize Muley Yazid; and put every man, woman, and child, in the neighbourhood, to the sword. This sanguinary edict, however, the Sharifs had spirit or enthusiasm enough to resist ^*, and Muley [Page 303] Hasem, not having secured the confidence of his troops, was afraid to attack his brother. When they were encamped at Tangier, he did not even venture to sleep among them, but at night always retired to the castle.

Disgusted with this fruitless attempt, the em­peror called his son a coward and a trifler; and immediately ordered Alcaide Abbas, the com­mander in chief of the black army, and the best officer in his service, to supercede Muley Hasem in the command. Abbas carried a considerable reinforcement to the army already at Tangier, and was soon after joined by Muley Slemma, the late emperors full brother. These two officers were directed to encamp near the sanctuary, and wait there till joined by the emperor himself, with a con­siderable army from the southward.

For this purpose the emperor left Morocco on the 29th March 1790, and travelled on horse­back. At the time he was passing out at the gate of the city, the umbrella, which is always carried before the emperor, and in that country is the distinctive mark of royalty, suddenly broke in two, and the head was carried up in the air to a con­siderable height before it fell.

That the ensign of royalty should be in so un­accountable a manner broken, at the very moment of his departure on a journey, upon the success of which the fate of his empire seemed to de­pend, was an accident which the emperor, who was remarkably superstitious, considered as a [Page 304] bad omen, and he was certain portended some calamity which was to befal him on the road.

In consequence of these apprehensions he became remarkably uneasy, pensive, and indisposed; and it is not improbable that this trifling circumstance, united to a previous weak state of body and mind, contributed materially to hasten his death.

From the time of his departure till the second of April he made unusually short stages; and on that day he ordered letters to be written to Muley Slemma and Alcaide Abbas, in very strong terms arraigning the conduct of Muley Yazid, and directing them to encamp at the bottom of the mountain on which the sanctuary was situated, and to block it up in such a manner, that the prince should not find it possible to make his escape. Soon after the signing of these letters, he complained of a pain in his head and stomach, and was seized with vomiting. He contined, there­fore, for the space of two days, without being able to proceed on his journey. On the 5th of April, as he found himself unable to ride on horse­back, he ordered his people to place him in his litter, and commanded his own physician to ac­company him. When he halted on his journey, in the evening, he was visited by a large body of people, who came to pay their respects to him. For these adventitious visitors the sovereign ordered a great feast to be prepared; he tasted of every dish that was sent to them, and soon after complained of a pain in his bowels.

On the following day he proceeded on his journey, and in the evening the pains of his head and stomach were considerably increased, and were [Page 305] soon after followed by a vomiting of blood. He now began to express a sense of his approaching dissolution; and, it is said, ordered a letter to be written to Muley Yazid, telling him, that he hoped God would forgive him, and bless him; but, as the truth of this circumstance is disputed, I give it as a mere report.

His uneasiness concerning his situation did not prevent him from regularly and devoutly perform­ing every part of his ablutions and prayers, and fulfilling every ceremony of his religion. On the two succeeding days the emperor took very short journies, and, finding he had no prospect of a recovery, he desired that his women would have him carried to Rabat, and buried in a vault which he had built in his palace for that purpose.

On the 11th of April, upon entering the town of Rabat, he expired in his carriage, without speaking a single word. The news of his death was not made public till the following day, when he was buried in his palace, agreeably to his orders, with all the honours usually paid to such per­sonages.

The death of Sidi Mahomet was certainly a most fortunate event for the people of the Northern provinces, and particularly for those who had manifested any attachment to Muley Yazid. His intention, indeed, was no less than the total ex­tirpation of all the inhabitants; and it is impossible to foresee where his cruelties might have termi­nated. On the other hand, it was not the intention of Muley Yazid to come to any engagement with his father; therefore, as the emperor approached, [Page 306] he would have retired, till he had got beyond the boundaries of his fathers dominions.

Sidi Mahomet, when he died, was in the 81st year of his age, and the 33d of his reign. His character has already occupied so large a portion of these pages, that it would be entirely superfluous to make any additions.

It is well known that, a few months previous to his death, he was thoroughly convinced how greatly he had fallen a dupe to Spanish intrigues. By bribing the ministers, and obscuring the mental eye of the sovereign by large and repeated pre­sents, the court of Spain procured leave to export great quantities of corn free of duty, the customs of which, at a moderate computation, would have brought him in five times the value of the presents he received. This indeed was not the only incon­venience which the country suffered through this imprudent concession; for the drought had been so excessive, the preceding year, that a scarcity of corn had already taken place, and occasioned an universal murmur among the people: so that had the exportation of that article been allowed a little time longer, a general famine, and con­sequently an universal rebellion, must have taken place. Besides this, out of pique to the English, the Spaniards engaged the emperor to refuse the supplying of Gibraltar with provisions, by which another considerable defalcation was made in his revenue. Latterly, however, the monarch was so sensible of these impositions, that he raised the duties upon those provisions and corn which the Spaniards exported, to so immoderate a height, [Page 307] that they were obliged to send home their vessels empty.

Had he lived to this time, it is a matter of doubt, whether affairs with Spain would have ended only by increasing the duties; for he was so entirely irritated by their conduct, that it is not improbable that a rupture between the two courts would have been the consequence. On the other hand, his differences with England, from the same circum­stances, would have been most probably adjusted and settled, perfectly to the satisfaction of our court. Indeed he had given directions for that purpose two days previous to his death.

I have already mentioned that in this country the succession to the empire, though restricted to the same family, is not limited to any particular branch, but depends on the influence each of the princes may have in the country, and particularly on the army. The government may therefore be considered as partly hereditary, and partly elec­tive ^*. Wealth, however, is not the only means of obtaining this influence; for Muley Yazid, the late emperor, was the poorest of the royal brothers.

When the news of the emperor's death reached Muley Slemma and Alcaide Abbas, they certainly fell back with the army towards Sallee; but what­ever they might have in view by so doing, they [Page 308] could meet with no support. At Morocco, the old emperor left his two sons Muley Hasem and Muley Oussine entrusted with the joint government of that city, ordering the inhabitants to pay to the first prince the sum of ten thousand hard dollars, and the latter five. The partiality, however of the monarch, so greatly irritated Muley Oussine, that he discharged a musquet at his brother upon some casual dispute, but missed him. Muley Hasem, who at Tangier had manifested a want of resolu­tion, intimidated by this conduct of his brother, retired, shut himself up in the palace, and left Muley Oussine in full possession of the whole of the money.

As soon as Muley Hasem received intelligence of his father's death, he published it to the people of Morocco, at the same time presenting himself as the immediate heir of the crown. He was soon after proclaimed by a few mountaineers; but the principal people of the city declaring in favour of Muley Yazid, Muley Hasem was obliged to give up his pretentions, and retire to his late father's house.

Muley Oussine took the first opportunity of leaving Morocco, and repaired to Muley Abdra­haman, who resided among the Arabs in the most southern part of Suz. His motives for this step are differently acccounted for. It is by some attributed to an apprehension of the new empe­ror's resentment, on account of the robbery he had committed on Muley Hasem; while others allege it was on the score of having formerly killed one of Muley Yazid's children.

[Page 309]Muley Abdrahaman had, during his father's life, amassed a very considerable sum of money, by his industry and attention to commercial affairs, and was at one time in great favour with his father. The old man, however, of whose immoderate love of riches I have already had occasion to speak, soon became jealous of his son's wealth, and con­sequently desirous of possessing it. To effect his purpose without opposition, he dissembled his in­tentions so far as to appoint his son governor of Sallee, a place of no inconsiderable importance; and, in consequence of this appointment, Muley Abdrahaman, having packed up all his money and valuables on mules, in the most affectionate man­ner took leave of his father, and proceeded on his journey. He had not, however, long pro­ceeded in peace, before the emperor sent a large detachment of troops after him, with orders to strip him of every article in his possession; which they so effectually accomplished, that they left him master only of an old rusty pistol. While the prince, naturally irritated by such unworthy treat­ment, made a rash but most solemn vow, that he would never see his father's face again; and he immediately retired to the mountains in Suz, where he has continued ever since.

The emperor endeavoured to persuade his son to return to court, by offering him large presents of money, and by the most splended promises; but the prince always answered, that he never could comply with his father's request, as he was convinced his word was not to be trusted. Upon which the old monarch included him in the curse he had uttered against Muley Yazid.

[Page 310]When the emperor's death came to be known in Suz, forty thousand Arabs immediately tendered their spontaneous services to assist Muley Abdraha­man in ascending the throne, and in resisting the pretensions of Muley Yazid; and it was general­ly expected that he would have made the attempt, as the following letter was received from him by the new emperor while he resided at Fez. I insert it as a specimen of Moorish composition, and at Moorish politeness.

‘I have heard of my father's death, and that you have left the sanctuary, and call yourself emperor.—Go to your hole, you rat, or meet me at Morocco; where I will convince you, that Fez is not a place for an emperor.’

Though this was the only prince, in whose power it was to make any serious opposition to Muley Yazid; yet he since gave up that intention, wrote a letter of congratulation and submission to his brother, and made an offer of his services. Thus amidst so many difficulties, and with so many competitors, all of them considering them­selves as equally entitled to the succession, was Muley Yazid seated on the throne without the shedding of a drop of blood, and almost as peace­ably as in the best-regulated state in Europe.

If we look back on the changes of masters which this empire had previously experienced, I believe we shall scarcely find an instance where affairs have been settled so successfully and happily as on this occasion. The only disturbances that took place after the old emperor's death, were some predatory incursions of the Arabs into the sourthern provinc [...] who, under a pretence of supporting [Page 311] Muley Hasem, plundered Morocco, and obliged the Christians and Jews to take shelter in the castle. Mogodore was saved by being so well fortified, and by the great exertions of the governor and inhabitants. The country, however, adjacent to those places, even as far as Sallee, was in such a state of confusion that travelling became totally impracticable for a considerable time.

The town of Dar Beyda, which is garrisoned by about an hundred and fifty Negroes, who on several occasions had made themselves disagreeable to the surrounding Arabs, nearly shared the same fate as Morocco. As soon as the emperor's death was made known there, the Arabs bought up all the powder and ball that was in the town, before the inhabitants were aware of their intentions. For balls, which were usually sold at the price of eight or nine for a blanquil, the Arabs now consented to purchase at the rate of two blanquils each, and at last they completely stripped the town of all its small ammunition. Having effected this first step, they assembled in great numbers in the neigh­bourhood of the town, armed with musquets.

The governor, alarmed at the appearance of so considerable a body of Arabs, went out with fifty soldiers, and demanded of them their intentions in thus tumultuously assembling together. They re­plied, that as the country and town people were both equally subjects of the empire, it became neces­sary that deputations from each party should meet in the town, to determine upon the person proper to be elected their sovereign.

In return, the governor answered, that he had no objection whatever to a few of their principal [Page 312] people coming into the town, for the purpose they mentioned; but that he could not see any reason who so many persons should on such an occasion be collected together, and present them­selve in a hostile state against a city of the empire. To this observation the Arabs did not condescend to reply, bet insisted upon being admitted into the town; and were as obstinately refused. After some parlying, however, they promised to disperse, if the governor would pay them two thousand dollars. This he refused, observing, that in making this demand they were treating the inhabitants of the town like Jews; and that they must disperse, or take the consequence. A reply of this nature was calculated to enrage instead of conciliating the Arabs, and they began to set the huts on fire, and at the same time continued to advance towards the town.

Their force at this period was increasing almost every moment, by numbers who came down from the mountains; and the governor, apprehending immediate danger to the town, privately dispatched a messenger to the inhabitants, cautioning them to be on their guard against the Arabs, and at the same time announcing that he had no opportunity of retiring himself.

As the town had been previously cleared of its flints, powder, and ball, it is impossible to de­scribe the consternation of the people. To add to their distress, some small vessels, which had am­munition on board, had the day before before been unfortunately driven, by bad weather, out of the bay, and the town appeared destitute of every re­source. [...] Spanish house, however, which was [Page 313] settled at Dar Beyda, and had very considerable property in the place, advised the inhabitants to close the gates immediately, and to mount on the wall fronting the enemy an old twelve pounder, which was without a carriage, and was the only piece of ordnance in the place. At the same time they offered three dollars to every man, who would assist in defending the ramparts. Having mounted the gun on the wall, they were still at a loss for one of the most material articles, viz. pow­der; there was some in the magazine, but the gover­nor was on the outside, and had the key in his cus­tody. The Spaniards advised them by all means, upon such a pressing emergency, to break open the door of the magazine, which they immediately did, and with powder only fired off their piece of cannon among the Arabs.

An attack so unexpected upon the Arabs, who had flattered themselves that there was neither a gun or powder in the place, put them for some time into the utmost consternation, and they be­gan to disperse. But upon finding that no person was wounded, they soon assembled again, with a full determination to attack the town. The Spaniards now advised the people to load the piece with a ball, which they by accident found, and fire it directly among them. This manoeuvre was attended with the most brilliant success. The Arabs immediately dispersed, and gave the gover­nor time to re-enter the town with his troops; and at length, being sensible that they could effect nothing by a regular attack, they next attempted to take the place by stratagem. For this purpose, they divided themselves into two parties; one was [Page 314] posted on the right side of the town, and the other on the left. The party on the right side sent in a deputation to the governor, informing him that they were friends, and requesting that they might be let into the town, to assist him in conquering those on the left, who were enemies, from whom they had deserted. This proposal, however, was obstinately refused on the part of the governor, who desired them to keep at a distance, or take the consequence; upon this the two parties again united, and endeavoured to surprise the town on the water side.

The vessels, which had been driven out the day before, returning about this time, powder, balls, and a few small pieces of cannon were taken out of them; and when the Arabs made their last attack, by night, the town took the alarm, fired on them, and obliged them to retire. The following day the pieces of cannon were mounted in different parts on the walls of the town, which had the desired effect; for the Arabs, finding they had no chance of success, dispersed totally, and went to their different homes. For some time after this circumstance, not one of them was permitted to enter the town, but upon condition that he should first leave his musquet and sword on the outside of the gate.

The Spanish house, during this petty siege, supplied the late emperor's women, who happened to be in the town, on this occasion, with money and other necessaries, and out of their own stores furnished corn to the inhabitants. The new sovereign was so pleased with the conduct of the Spaniards, that he sent them a letter of thanks, [Page 315] as well for their zeal in defending the town, as for the support they afforded to his father's women. Not satisfied, however, with the barren return of thanks, he ordered them also to be repaid the whole of their expences, and sent them a present of two lions.

These were the principal disturbances which took place, in consequence of the emperor's death. By degrees the spirit for plunder, on the part of the Arabs, was less general, and the country became in a state of perfect peace and tranquility.

The news of the emperor's death reached Tan­gier on the 15th of April; upon which the gover­nor repaired to the great mosque, made a short prayer for Sidi Mahomet, and proclaimed Muley Yazid his successor. After this ceremony, the public crier was placed in a conspicuous situation, where [...] publicly proclaimed Muley Yazid; in his name denouncing the severest punishment against any person, who should dare to oppose the new sovereign.

As Muley Yazid had been proclaimed both in the church and in the town, the consuls all agreed to write him a letter, condoling with him on his father's decease, and congratulating him upon his accession to the throne. I should have observed, that the only ceremony attending a new emperor's accession to the throne, is a public proclamation in the streets and mosques. When the proclama­tion takes place in the presence of the emperor, which by the law ought to be performed publicly, at least in the three capitals of the empire, it is customary for all the chief priests and doctors of [Page 316] law to assemble, with the other great people of the town, and for the Mufti or Cadi to read aloud to the emperor, a short recapitulation of some of the laws of the Koran; which direct, that he shall preserve the empire, administer speedy justice, protect the innocent, destroy the wicked, and so far from countenancing and keeping near his sacred person any adulterer, that he shall punish adultery, prevent the exportation of corn and pro­visions to the prejudice of the people, tax provisions according to their plenty or scarcity, and forbid usury to be exercised towards the poor, which is an abomination before God. He is told, that if he breaks these articles, he shall be punished, as he ought to punish others under a similar cir­cumstance.

The same ceremony is performed before all Bashaws, Alcaides, and Shaiks, upon their first receiving their appointment. How far these few but excellent admonitions are attended to, either by the emperor or the officers under his command, I have already sufficiently explained in a former part of the narrative.

On the succeeding day, which was the Moorish sabbath, all the great people of the town assembled at the mosques, and, with greater ceremony than the day before; prayed for the soul of the deceased sovereign, and proclaimed Muley Yazid his suc­cessor. On the same day all the Jewesses of Tan­gier were ordered by the governor to repair to the castle, and lament Sidi Mahomet's death; which they performed by loud shrieks and la­mentations.

[Page 317]On the 17th, the bashaw communicated to the consuls a letter, which he had received from Muley Yazid at the sanctuary, wherein he ordered the bashaw to conduct all the consuls to him with their presents, under a guard of fifteen soldiers. On the same day a salute of twenty-one guns was fired from the battery, in consequence of an order having arrived for a general release and pardon to all prisoners.

Seven poor sharifs or petty princes, who brought this order, delivered at the same time directions to the consuls to clothe them from head to foot at their own expence. In consequence of this, the consuls furnished each of them with cloth for a caftan, with two britannias, and twenty dollars; to this, as it was not sufficient to satisfy them, they were obliged to add a still further supply of money. On the following day the consuls set off on their journey with the bashaw, and the principal people of the town both, Moors and Jews. In the even­ing, Reis Musti Galli, with two other sea cap­tains, arrived at the consul's camp with a letter from the new emperor, inviting them to repair to him at Tetuan, and promising to renew the ancient treaties of peace and commerce with their nations. The captains related, that Muley Yazid had left the sanctuary, and had made his public entrance into Tetuan the day before.

On the 19th of April the consuls arrived in the evening at Tetuan, where upon entering the gates, they were met by a messenger, who informed them that the emperor would give them audience im­mediately, whilst upon their horses; upon which their baggage was all sent away, and the consuls [Page 318] all ranged themselves in a regular form. After waiting, however, a short time, another messenger came to acquaint them, that the emperor would see them the next day. On the following day, at twelve o'clock at noon, the consuls were sent for to the emperor's camp, where they found the sovereign on horseback, in a very rich Turkish dress, and his horse ornamented with Turkish furniture.

After having asked their respective names and titles, the emperor told the consuls he was at peace with the English and Ragousi, but at war with all the other nations; whose consuls he allowed only four months to retire from his dominions with their property, and ordered them to send him back every thing which belonged to his subjects. On the 22d of April, the consuls had their second audience, at which each of them brought their separate presents.

The emperor now told them, he would remain at peace with all their nations on the same footing as before, requiring of the Spaniards only an ambassador within four months. At this audience he promised the consuls letters to their respective courts, expressive of the same sentiments; and assured them that the bashaw at Tangier should make them out, in terms most agreeable to the consuls. The succeding day the consuls received orders to return to Tangier, at which place the emperor was to deliver to them the papers he had promised.

On the 25th of the same month, the emperor arrived at Tangier, and the day following was waited upon by all the consuls, to congratulate [Page 319] him on his safe arrival. The emperor continued at Tangier till the 29th, during which time he gave private audiences to those consuls who asked them. He was every day fully employed by people who came from the different provinces to pay their homage to him. These were supposed to amount to no less than twenty thousand. The bashaw of Tangier, who had the commission to write out the letters which the consuls were to send home to their respective courts, behaved in the most arbi­trary and insolent manner towards those gentlemen. He demanded of some no less than two thousand, of others fifteen hundred dollars, for the trouble he had taken, by interfering in their favour with the new sovereign; at the same time positively re­fusing to make out or deliver the letters till they had either paid the sum he exacted, or given him security for it.

After the consuls had endeavoured to satisfy the bashaw in the best manner they were able, they at last did not receive the letters till the day after the emperor's departure from Tangier, when they were brought to them by the bashaw's secretary, and another of his attendants, who not only de­manded a present for themselves, but also obliged them to pay an exorbitant price for the seal on each paper, which the bashaw pretended he had paid to the keeper of the seals.

The emperor arrived on the 10th of May at Mequinez, whence, after some little stay, he went to Fez, and there kept the feast of the Ramadam. About this period, in consequence of the emperor's not having appeared in public for several days, a false report was circulated, that he had been killed [Page 320] by his brother Muley Hassem, who had just be­fore arrived at Fez from Morocco.

Having conducted the emperor to Mequinez, it will be only necessary to take a short general view of his subsequent conduct, during the short time that elapsed between his accession to the throne, and arrival at that city; and thence go on to those circumstances which led to the cause of his death. After the caprice, pusillanimity, and avarice which had distinguished the reign of his predecessor, Muley Yazid appeared to possess many qualities well calculated to render him a very popular prince in the eyes of the Moors. To a tall, ele­gant, and majestic person, were united a handsome and expressive countenance, which, with a specious and persuasive address, a generous and disinterested but determined conduct, a great activity of body, and an uncommon agility in horsemanship, were requisites which were certain of impressing on the minds of his subjects a very favourable opinion of their new sovereign; and it is certain that Muley Yazid succeeded to the throne by the voluntary choice of the majority of the people. Happy it had been, if he had possessed sufficient virtue or policy to have preserved this good opinion which they had formed; but his ungovernable propensity to cruelty and drunkenness, which he had art­fully concealed in his minority, he had not resolu­tion sufficient to command when he succeeded to the throne; and in the whole history of Mo­rocco, we do not meet with a tyrant who exer­cised greater barbarities than this monster was guilty of.

[Page 321]His first step after leaving the sanctuary, was to repair to Tetuan, where he immediately ordered a general plunder of the Jews to be put in execu­tion by his black troops, in consequence of an in­sult he had received from that people upon a for­mer occasion. In pursuance of this edict, their houses were instantly ransacked, the furniture which could not be carried off, was destroyed and thrown into the streets, some of the owners were put to death, and others were severely beaten; and the persons of the wives and daughters violated by the outrageous soldiery, who indiscriminately stripped them even of their clothes, and turned them naked into the streets. It is not possible to paint in just colours, the distress and hardship that unfortunate race experienced for several days, till a conclusion was put to their persecutions by an order from the emperor, who, in consequence of a pardon to the Jews, threatened death to every person who should in any degree further molest them.

There were two persons of this nation, of some consequence, whom Muley Yazid marked out as particular objects of his revenge. The first was a Jew, who, in the character of Spanish vice consul, had committed some act during the reign of Sidi Mahomet, which the new emperor considered as having been inimical to his interests. For this real or imaginary crime, the culprit was suspended by a cord passed through the tendons of the lower part of the legs, with his head downwards; in which situation, without any sustenance, he con­tinued alive for near four days, when the emperor ordered his head to be taken off, by way of re­lieving [Page 322] him from his misery. The other person was Jacob Attal, who in a former part of the work has already been noticed as the favourite of Sidi Mahomet. There is great reason to believe that this young man, who possessed considerable abili­ties, was accessary to his own unhappy fate, by his too busy interference in politics, which occasion­ed him many enemies at court, who were now glad of seizing the oportunity of gratifying their re­venge, by persuading the emperor that he was one of those who, in the court of Sidi Mahomet, had been particularly inimical to him. Attal con­scious of his danger, put himself under the pro­tection of the English consul, with an intention of accompanying that gentleman to Tetuan, in hopes that a considerable present of money, might in­duce the emperor to treat him with some lenity. Unfortunately, before this plan could be put in execution, an order for seizing Attal met the party on the road, upon which the unfortunate Jew was forced off his mule, stripped of his dress, and in an old Moorish frock, and with a cord about his neck, was driven on foot with whips to Tetuan. Upon his arrival, he was immediately conducted to the emperor, who ordered both his hands to be cut off, in which state he continued three days in the greatest misery, and then he was de­capitated.

Th [...]se by no means the only instances of cruelty that were exercised upon the Jews. Those of most of the towns of the empire, were either plundered or obliged to pay the emperor a very heavy fine; and at Mequinez, and some other places, several were put to cruel deaths; and [Page 323] their wives and daughter left to the mercy of the black troops, who treated them with the greatest indecencies.

A third object of the emperor's personal revenge was Alcaide Abbas, his father's black general: with respect to this officer, the emperor had two motives for punishing him. In the first place, he was the commander of that very army which was intended for his own destruction; and, in the second, upon his father's decease, instead of sur­rendering the army to Muley Yazid, he with­drew it to the Southward, and, it was supposed with an intention of supporting Muley Slemma.

Notwithstanding, however, this conduct on the part of Abbas, the emperor certainly would not have put him to death, had it not been at the par­ticular request of his black army, whom at that time he did not wish to offend. Abbas, fully con­scious how much he was disliked by his troops, attempted to make his escape to a sanctuary upon a very swift horse; but his horse falling he was unluckily seized, and immediately carried before the emperor, with very heavy charges on the part of his soldiers. After a hearing of the charges, the emperor signified to the culprit that he might yet partake of his royal mercy, provided he would confine himself for two months to the sanctuary of Muley Absulem. For this purpose he set off; but he was again seized by the soldiers, who brought him back to the emperor with still heavier charges; and the emperor, finding that the soliers were determined on his destruction, with his own hands, by one blow of his sabre, divided his head in two, and he immediately expired.

[Page 324]Abbas was the best officer in the emperor's service, and never manifested the slightest token of timidity, or condescended to ask his life; on the contrary, when the emperor lifted up his sabre, he in a stern and undaunted manner looked his sovereign in the face, and died with the countenance and the tranquility of a hero. As his body had not received the emperor's pardon, it remained on the ground unburied, to the great nuisance of every person who passed that way. For such is the bar­barous custom of the country, that when a man is put to death by the emperor, or his order, his body cannot be buried without its first receiving a for­mal pardon from the emperor.

Muley Yazid, long before his father's death, had threatened the life of the Effendi. He had been a principal agent in exciting the father's hatred and prejudice against his son. A further cause of the emperor's resentment, was the great imposition practised on his father by the Effendi respecting the corn business with the Spaniards, by which he had amassed a very considerable sum of money in bribes and presents.

Upon the emperor's death, the Effendi took refuge in a sanctuary, and, had he been wise, he would not have ventured abroad; but Muley Yazid having positively promised to pardon him, he was induced to forsake his asylum. For some time the new sovereign dissembled his intentions, and waited for a favourable oportunity to seize him. As soon as he was taken, he offered the emperor two hundred thousand dollars to spare his life; but the monarch haughtily replied, that he wanted not his money, and that he would not condescend to [Page 325] accept a bribe from a traitor. He then ordered his two hands to be cut off, in which state he suf­fered him to remain for some days, and then commanded him to be beheaded. One of his hands was placed on the walls of Fez, and the other sent down to Tangier, and ordered to be nailed on the door of the Spanish consul, to con­vince that nation in what manner the emperor was disposed to treat all the friends of the Spaniards.

The emperor always, indeed, manifested an exclusive preference to the English beyond all European nations, and on many other occasions, evinced an inveterate dislike to the Spaniards. From the moment of his accession to the throne, he expressed a disapprobation of the Spanish mea­sures, during his father's reign; and threatened to revenge himself very shortly on that country. The Spaniards, who have more reason to wish for peace, from their ports being so contiguous to the emperor's, as well as from the immense sup­plies which they procure from his dominions, than any other nation, endeavoured to ward off the threatening storm, by very large and repeated presents of money, and other valuable articles, to the emperor and his ministers. But this plan, which had been so successful in the former reign, effected nothing in the present. Muley Yazid had, from his youth, been disregardful of money; and, indeed, in his contempt of wealth, had even ex­ceeded the boundaries of prudence; he had also conceived a very strong and very early predilection in favour of the English. Notwithstanding these circumstances, the Spaniards still continued to en­tertain [Page 326] hopes of success in their negociations, till they heard of the death of the Effendi, their great friend and patron, and of the insult offered to their court, by the Effendi's hand being nailed on their consul's door. Such an affront was sufficient to convince them, that war was inevitable; but they esteemed it most prudent to get their consul, and friars, out of the country, before they commenced hostilities; and a frigate for this purpose was dis­patched to Tangier. When they arrived there, they informed the governor, that they had on board a very valuable present for the emperor, and desired that he would send proper persons to receive it. The consul and friars took this op­portunity of coming on board; and the frigate, having sent off the Moors with the present, set sail, and the next day captured two Moorish gallies off Larache, in sight of the emperor, who was walking upon his terrace at the very moment. The valuable present which they carried, proved nothing more than huge bales of rags.

These repeated insults were not calculated to conciliate the emperor; he consequently made im­mediate preparations for the attack on Ceuta, and soon after besieged it. But this garrison proved too strongly fortified, both by nature and art, to render it possible for the Moors to be successful, unless assisted by a naval power, and the emperor, after a fruitless siege for several months with a very considerable army, was obliged to retire. The insults offered by the Spaniards in the decep­tion they employed to procure the release of their consul and friars, and afterwads in the capture of the two Moorish vessels, made such an impression [Page 327] on the emperor, that he threatened to put the town of Tangier to the sword, for so flagrant a piece of neglect. In their justification, the peo­ple informed their sovereign, that the error must be imputed to the governor, who alone was re­sponsible for every circumstance which happened within his district. This officer, who at the risk of his life had supported Muley Yazid in his minority with money, and afterwards placed him on the throne, for which the emperor took a solemn oath that he would never do him or his family the smallest injury, was now thrown into irons, and immediately ordered into the royal presence. The unfortunate man, foreseeing his fate, requested the emperor would do justice to God and Ma­homet; to which he replied, "I mean to do justice to my country by punishing a traitor;" and he im­mediately dispatched him with a musquet.

The numberless cruelties which were perpetrated by Muley Yazid, I have not sufficient authentic information to authorise me to detail, nor am I sufficiently informed of the actual circumstances of his reign, to be able to offer to the public a perfect narrative of it. Thus far I can ven­ture to assert with truth, that he in a short time devoted himself entirely to the drinking of strong liquors, which for the greatest part of the day rendered him unfit for business, and excited him to the most savage cruelties; and, what was most distressing, where they were the least deserved; with some he amused himself by galloping up with great violence and spearing them, others were buried alive, while a third party were cut to pieces with swords.

[Page 328]It is almost unnecessary to add, that the neglect of public business, and the total insecurity of their persons from the tyranny of the monarch, de­stroyed in time intirely the confidence which the people had at first placed in their sovereign, and encouraged Muley Hasem, towards the latter part of the year 1791, to put himself at the head of an army in opposition to his brother. This prince, who possessed most of the bad, without any of the good qualities of the emperor, and who com­manded against him during the life of Sidi Mahomet, was further induced to this measure in consequence of a supply of stores, and consider­able sums of money, which he received from the Spaniards, who had great reason to wish a change of government. The emperor, who still had many friends, soon collected a considerable army, with which he marched to the Southward to dis­lodge his brother, who had taken possession of the city of Morocco and its vicinity. Muley Hasem, upon this occasion, discovered his usual pusil­lanimity, by resigning his command to one of his generals; who, however, was an active and enter­prizing officer. When the two armies met, a dreadful engagement ensued. The emperor dis­covered an unco [...]on share of personal courage, intermixing with the enemy and fighting like a private soldier. After a severe conflict, he to­tally routed the enemy and took possession of Morocco; but not before he had received several wounds which in a few days proved mortal. During the short period of life which remained to him, his whole attention was occupied in punishing the people of Morocco for their attach­ment [Page 329] to his brother. Between two and three thousand of the inhabitants, without regard to age or sex, were massacred in cold blood; while some of them he ordered to be nailed alive to the walls, he tore out the eyes of others with his own spurs, and, in his dying moments, passed an edict that sixty people of Mogodore, among whom were most of the European merchants, should be decapitated for the assistance which he supposed they had afforded to his brother. Fortunately for them, he died soon after issuing the order, and it was not forwarded.

Muley Yazid, who only reigned two years, and at his death was in the forty-third year of his age, was possessed of many qualities, which, if they had been properly improved, would have rendered him a very useful monarch in a country where the sovereign possesses so much influence over his subjects; naturally quick of apprehension, determined in his conduct, and not easily biassed by the persuasion of others, possessing a great share of personal courage, and a total contempt of wealth; had these endowments of nature been meliorated by an enlightened education, they might have enabled him to have accomplished some reformation in his subjects, and perhaps led the way to some further impovement. Unfor­tunately this prince too easily gave way to the dictate of his passions, which soon totally inca­pacitated him from carrying on even the com­mon business of government; and rendered him as great a monster as ever filled the throne of Morocco.

[Page 330]Since the death of Muley Yazid, the country has been in a very unsettled state; the people be­ing now rendered extremely cautious how they elect another monarch. To the Southward of Sallee, Muley Hasem, from possessing the army, is obeyed as the sovereign; while on the Northern side of the empire, Muley Solyman, who from his exemplary condust has gained the esteem of the people, is considered as emperor. It now rests for time to determine which is to be the suc­cessful candidate.