Q. WHY are men obliged every year to pay their taxes?

A. To support government.

Q. What is government?

A. The government here intended, is the mutual compact of a certain body of people, for the general safety of their lives, liberty, and property.

Q. Are all systems of civil government founded in compact?

A. No: successful robbers and tyrants have founded their sys­tems in conquest—enthusiasts and priest-ridden people have founded theirs in grace—while men without merit have founded their sys­tem in birth; but the true principle, that all Gentile nations should found their government upon, is, compact.

Q. Was civil government appointed by the Almighty from the beginning?

A. It was not; nor was it necessary until sin had intoxicated man with the principle of self-love. The law was not made for a righteous man, but for the disobedient.

Q. What form of government prevailed first among mankind?

A. Patriarchal. The father of a family used to exercise some sovereignty over his successors, until they moved from the city of their father, and became patriarchs themselves.

Q. How long did the world stand without any government in it but patriarchal?

[Page 4] A. There was no other kind before the flood (which was more than one thousand six hundred and fifty-five years) nor afterwards till Nimrod, two generations after the flood.

Q. What was Nimrod?

A. He was the first that began to be a mighty one in the earth— He was a mighty hunter before the Lord; who hunted beasts to support his army with; and hunted men to reduce them to his will.

Q. What form of government did he adopt?

A. A kingly form; for the beginning of his kingdom was Babel, Erech, Accad, and Calneh. He was the first of those pretty creatures, called kings, who reduced others to subjection by hunting them like beasts.

Q. Did the Almighty ever give a code of political laws to any nation; or are nations left to act at discretion in establishing forms of government and codes of laws?

A. The Almighty did certainly give the nation of Israel a complete code of laws on Sinai and in the wilderness, for their rule of conduct in religious, civil, and military life.

Q. Were those laws obligatory on other nations?

A. Laws, that are in themselves just, are binding on all men, but the particular form of many of those laws was peculiar to that nation. The transgression of many of those precepts was criminal in that nation, which the Gentiles were never accused of by their great apostle, PAUL.

Q. What did other nations do, in point of government, while Israel was in the wilderness and under the regulation of judges?

A. When Nimrod usurped the monarch's crown, the spirit of domination ran through the world like a raging plague. Ashur went out of the land of Shinar, where Nimrod's seat was, and built Nineveh and founded the Assyrian monarchy; and the con­tagion of having kings and being kings prevailed so greatly, that every little village had a king. Abraham, with three hundred and eighteen servants, conquered four of them and their hosts— Joshua destroyed thirty-one—and Adonibezek cut off the thumbs and great toes of seventy—Also eight kings and eleven dukes reigned over Edom, before any in Israel.

Q. In what condition was the nation of Israel, after they left Egypt, before Saul reigned over them, in regard to their police?

A. They were in a state of theocracy, the best of all states when people have virtue enough to bear it.

Q. Were there no men among them who exercised dominion over the rest?

[Page 5] A. Moses and Aaron exercised divine orders among them; the princes of the tribes and the officers bore authority, and the judges, of whom there were thirteen, had some preeminence, but neither of them had the power of making laws; when God appointed them, they were to execute his laws, and no other.

Q. Was the code of laws, ordained for the government of Israel, sufficient to govern other nations by, in their very different circumstances?

A. It was not: Canaan was an inland country—the people were forbidden to trade with other nations; so that no laws were made for navigation, commerce, or union; all of which are neces­sary in Gentile nations. And, beside, their civil and religious laws were all blended together. The sabbath of the seventh day —seventh year and fiftieth year—the three grand feasts, and a multitude of sacrifices, ceremonies, and oblations were enjoined on that people, which things Gentile nations have nothing to do with.

Q. Has the political part of that constitution ever been abused by Gentile legislatures?

A. Abundantly so, among Gentile nations that have become Christian; for by bringing Christian states upon the same footing of the commonwealth of Israel, they have supposed that Christian nations have a just right to dispossess the Heathen of their lands and make slaves of their persons, as Israel served the Canaanites and Jebusites: for no better claim than this had the European nation to make a seizure of America. Nor is this all: but civil rulers, in Christian countries, have taken the liberty of adopting such precepts of the Mosaic constitution as suited them; and pun­ished those who would not submit, when, at the same time, they have left unnoticed a great number of the precepts of Moses, which were equally obligatory.

Q. Has the ecclesiastical part of the Mosaic constitution ever been abused as well as the political part?

A. Yes, and that to a great degree. The church of Israel took the whole nation, and none but that nation; whereas Christ's church takes no whole nation, but those who fear God and work righteousness in every nation. But almost all Christian nations and states (since the reign of Constantine) have sought to establish national churches: in order to effect which, they have brought in all the natural seed of the professors into the pales of the church, making no difference between the precious and the vile; and from this foundation they have appealed to the laws of state, instead of the laws of Christ, to direct their mode of discipline. What a [Page 6] scandal it is to the Christian name, to see church discipline exe­cuted in a court-house, before the judges of the police; to see censures given at the whipping-post and excommunications at the gallows; ^* and for smaller breaches, to be admonished by a sher­iff's seizing and selling cows, &c. or wiping off the admonition by a pecuniary mulct! Yet such has been, and still is the case, even in New-England, that has made her boast of religion and liberty. ^† Circumcision, as to its first institution, was not of Moses, but of the fathers that lived before Moses, yet it was enjoined by Moses to be performed on all the males of Israel. From this a great number of ecclesiastics have changed blood for water, and sprinkle their children instead of bleeding of them in order to make the gospel church as extensive as the church of Israel was. Yet many of them will not admit a person to go back as far as John for the origin of baptism, because (say they) John's administration was under the law; yet they will run back two thousand four hundred years before John for a prece­dent of baptism. ^‡

Q. Was not circumcision to the church of Israel, the same that water-baptism is to the church of Christ?

A. If so, the following absurdities arise.

1. None but the males were circumcised; whereas both males and females are sprinkled with water. To say that the females were virtually circumcised in the males, is just as good sense as to say the females are virtually sprinkled in the males.

2. None were ever circumcised under eight days old, which was the general time appointed; but children are sprinkled some­times [Page 7] before they are eight hours old. Midwives have been em­powered to do it in case death was nearer than a priest.

3. Circumcision was never a priestly rite; but fathers, masters, mothers, and friends did the work; but sprinkling is supposed to be a ministerial rite.

4. Whatever circumcision figured out, it was something that was wrought in the spirit and done without hands; and as there is nothing done by men, that is called baptism by water, either sprinkling, pouring, or dipping, that can possibly change the spirit; so neither of them are effected without the hands of men. The conclusion therefore is, that the first did not figure out the last.

5. None but those who were circumcised were to inherit Ca­naan; of course then, none but those who are baptized with water can inherit heaven; which is a consequence inadmissible.

Q. What do you think of the British constitution of go­vernment?

A. There is no constitution in Britain—It is said, in England that there are three things unknown, viz. The prerogatives of the crown—The privileges of parliament—and the liberty of the people. These things are facts, for although they consider the seventy-two articles of the Magna Charta as the basis of their government, yet from that basis they have never formed a consti­tution to describe the limits of each department of government. So that precedents and parliamentary acts are all the constitution they have.

Q. How does government operate in England?

A. A hereditary king, of the Protestant faith, must always fill the throne, whether he be a wise man or a dunce. A house of lords, of the hereditary mould, must always check the house of commons.

Q. What is the house of commons?

A. It is a representative body of a small part of the nation, chosen once in seven years. It is called the house of commons, because the house of lords is a house of uncommons, supposed to be a species of beings, like the Genii of the Mahometans, between angels and men, born only to rule, without having a fellow feel­ing with those whom they rule over.

Q. What condition has that form of government reduced the people to?

A. It has sunk them in a debt of more than two hundred and eighty millions; so that the interest of their debt, together with the support of the civil and military lists, imposes an annual tax [Page 8] on the people equal to thirty shillings sterling per soul, and at the expiration of the year the nation is a million pounds more in debt than at the beginning.

Q. How stand religious concerns in England?

A. The thirty-nine articles and book of common prayer are established by law. No man can fill any office in the civil or military departments without taking an oath to support them, and upon receiving a commission he must seal his oath with the eucha­rist: this is true of all, saving the members of parliament, who are obliged only to take the oath of abjuration, curse Pope and Papistry.

Q. But are there none in England that dissent from the estab­lished religion?

A. Many of them, of various denominations.

Q. How do they fare?

A. They are deprived of such advantages as the Conformists enjoy: In addition to all their proscriptions, the tenth part of all their income is taken from them to support priests that they never hear, and in whom they place no confidence.

Q. Is it supposed that the articles and forms of the church of England are so perfect that they cannot be mended?

A. They are always perfect when Dissenters are handled. Edward Wrightman was burnt to death at Litchfield, by a warrant from prince James, for saying that the worship of God was not fully described in the thirty-nine articles and book of common prayers; and nearly eight thousand lost their property, liberties and lives in the reign of the merciful king Charles, because they could not, would not say, that they believed what they could not believe, and so conform to the established worship.

They are also always perfect when a candidate enters into holy orders; for all of them do solemnly declare that they give their un­feigned assent and consent to all and every thing contained in that book; and yet, from the first formation of that book, it has past above six hundred alterations; and to this day, many parts of it are complained of by many of the Episcopal clergymen.

Q. What have you to say about the Federal Constitution of America?

A. It is a novelty in the world: Partly confederate and partly consolidate. Partly directly elective, and partly elective one or two removes from the people; but one of the great excellencies of the Constitution is, that no religious test is ever to be required to qualify any officer in any part of the government. To say that the Constitution is perfect, would be too high an encomium upon [Page 9] the fallibility of the framers of it; yet this may be said, that it is the best national machine that is now in existence.

Q. What think you of the Constitution of Massachusetts?

A. It is as good a performance as could be expected in a state where religious bigotry and enthusiasm have been so predominant.

Q. What is your opinion of having a bill of rights to a constitu­tion of government?

A. Whenever it is understood, that all power is in the monarch —that subjects possess nothing of their own, but receive all from the potentate; then the liberty of the people is commensurate with the bill of rights that is squeezed out of the monarch.

After the conquest of William, the government of England was completely monarchical, until the reign of king John, when the Magna Charta was given to the people: this has often been men­tioned in America as a sufficient reason for a bill of rights, to pref­ace each constitution: but in republican, representative govern­ments, like those of America, where it is understood that all pow­er is originally in the people, and that all is still retained in their hands, except so much as for a limited time is given to the rulers, where is the propriety of having a bill of rights? In this view, no such bill is found in the Federal Constitution.

But it is not my intention, at this time, to dispute the point of propriety or impropriety of a bill of rights; but shall only add that the liberty of the people depends more upon the organization of government, the responsibility of rulers, and the faithful dis­charge of the officers, than it does upon any bill of rights that can be named.

The illustrious patriots of Massachusetts, in framing their Con­stitution of government in 1780, prepared a bill of rights, which is adopted in the state, on which I shall make some remarks. The bill contains thirty articles, upon a few of which I shall animadvert.

In the second article it is said, "It is the right and duty of all men publickly and at stated seasons to worship the Supreme Being." This article would read much better in a catechism than in a state constitution; and sound more concordant in a pulpit than in a state-house.

Suppose there are in Massachusetts a number of Pagans and Deists: the Pagans, upon hearing that it is their duty to worship one Supreme Being only, must consequently renounce all other deities whom they have been taught to adore; here their con­sciences must be dispensed with, or the constitution broken. The Deist (who believes all religion to be a cheat) must either act the [Page 10] hypocrite, or disregard the supreme law of the State. This duty is called a right: if every man has this right, then he has a right to judge for himself, and will hardly thank any body for turning his right into what they may call a duty. That it is the duty of men, and women too, to worship God publickly, I heartily believe; but that it is the duty or wisdom of a convention or legislature to enjoin it on others, is called in question; and will be, until an in­stance can be given in the New Testament, that Jesus or his apos­tles gave orders therefor to the rulers of this world.

It is the duty of men to repent and believe: to worship God in their closets and families as well as in public: and the reason why public worship is enjoined by authority, and private worship is omitted, is only to pave the way for some religious establishment by human law, and force taxes from the people to support ava­ricious priests.

What leads legislators into this error, is confounding sins and crimes together; making no difference between moral evil and state rebellion: not considering that a man may be infected with moral evil, and yet be guilty of no crime, punishable by law. If a man worships one God, three Gods, twenty Gods or no God; if he pays adoration one day in a week, seven days or no day; wherein does he injure the life, liberty or property of another? Let any or all these actions be supposed to be religious evils of an enormous size; yet they are not crimes to be punished by the laws of state; which extend no further (in justice) than to punish the man who works ill to his neighbour.

When civil rulers undertake to make laws against moral evil, and punish men for heterodoxy in religion, they often run to grand extremes. The eating of a potatoe for food, and using emeticks for physic, were once considered in France as religious evils. Galileo was once excommunicated and banished by the Pope's bull, as a man of dangerous heresy, because he believed in the Copernican system. The ancients were treated as hereticks, who believed they had antipodes. The court of Zurich made a law to drown Felix Mentz with water, because he was baptized in water. In short, volumes might be written and have been written to show what havock among men, the principle of mixing sins and crimes together has effected; while men in power have taken their own opinions as infallible tests of right and wrong.

The third article of the bill of rights is similar to the second in its structure. It is said, "The people of this commonwealth have a right to invest their legislature with power to authorise and [Page 11] require, and the legislature shall from time to time authorise and require the several towns, parishes, &c. to make suitable provision, at their own expense, for the institution of the public worship of God, and for the support and maintenance of public Protestant teachers, in all cases where such provision shall not be made vol­untarily."

If the legislature of this commonwealth have that power to in­stitute and establish that religion, which they believe is the best in the world, by the same rule all the legislatures of all the common­wealths, states, kingdoms and empires that are in the world, and that have been in the world, may claim the same.

If dumb idols are called devils, and idolatry is the religion of the devil, this claim of power brings all the Gentile nations under the government of the devil. Idolatry was established by this pretended power in the Gentile nations, when the Christian religion first was sent among them: now if that establishment was right, then the Apostles were wrong in separating so many thou­sands from the established religion. They were guilty of ef­fecting a schism, and government was innocent in inflicting such punishment upon them and their adherents. In process of time the religion of Christ prevailed so far that it was established in the empire of Rome; at which epocha it received a deadly wound, which gradually reduced it to superstition, fraud and ignorance: so that in the sixteenth century a number of kingdoms and prin­cipalities protested against the church of Rome: But this was a grand piece of obstinacy, if rulers have the power that the article under consideration says belongs to the legislature of Massachusetts. These Protestants, especially in England, retained so many of the Papal relicks, that great numbers became Nonconformists: Here they repeated their crime, rejecting the English establishment, as well as that of Rome. Some of those Nonconformists came into New England, and soon began to exercise that power which the bill of rights says they have a right to.

Now, how shall all these evils be remedied? Answer—All who have dissented from the established religion of New England must return to that fold, and confess their errors—Then all must return to the church of England and submit to that establishment—Then, joining with the Episcopalians, all must apply to the Pope for par­don, and submit to his uncontrolable authority—Then, with the Papists, all must return to the Pagans, and submit to Polytheism. If the power spoken of is right, then this mode of procedure is right: and therefore, if it is not the natural consequence of relig­ious [Page 12] establishments by human law, to bring all men under the gov­ernment and religion of the devil, it is because there is neither devil nor devilish religion in the world.

It is observed, that "The people of this commonwealth have a right to invest their legislature with this power." But where do they get this right? The universe is composed of a multitude of units; so this commonwealth is formed by a number of individ­uals. The confederacy is the sovereign, and rulers are agents; and how can the creature have more power than the Creator? Propter quod unum quodque est tale, illud ipsum est magis tale. Whatever is found in the commonwealth, in aggregate, is found in small, essential particles among all the individuals: if therefore this power is in the commonwealth, each individual has a little of it in his own breast; and has a right to exercise it towards his neighbour, and force him to worship God, when, where and in such a manner as he himself shall chuse; and if this be the case, what means the first article in the bill of rights; where it is said, "all men are born free and equal." To be consistent, either that clause should be erased, or the power contended for given up.

This power is to be used to oblige people "to make suitable provision, at their own expense, for the institution of the public worship of God." I have long been of the belief that Jesus Christ instituted his worship; and if my faith is well founded, then it is not left for rulers to do in these days: But surely nothing more can be meant by it, than, that the legislature shall incorporate religious societies, and oblige them to build houses for public wor­ship. Parishes, precincts, and religious societies politically embod­ied, are phrases not known in the New Testament—convey ideas contrary to the spirit of the gospel, and pave the way for force and cruelty, inadmissible in Christ's kingdom, which is not of this world. If a number of real saints are incorporated by human law, they cannot be a church of Christ, (by virtue of that forma­tion) but a creature of state.

This power is further to be exercised to require the people to be at expense "for the support and maintenance of public Protest­ant teachers."

Preaching by the day—by the month—by the year—annual taxes for preaching—what strange sounds these are! not strange in these days; but such strangers in the New Testament, that they are not to be found there. How insignificant would the federal government be, if it was dependent on the laws of the states to support its officers! That government that has not force enough [Page 13] in it to support its officers will soon fall: Just so with the govern­ment of Jesus. The author of our religion has appointed a main­tenance for his teachers; but has never told the rulers of this world to interfere in the matter.

How much did John the Baptist, Jesus, Peter, James or John ask per year? Answer.—I know not. If a man preaches Jesus, he cannot ask enough for it; the gold of Ophir cannot equal it: If he preaches himself, it is good for nothing.

Strange it is, that men should pretend to be sent by God to preach to sinners; and yet will not do the work of the Lord, unless they can get men to be legal bondsmen for Jehovah.

To read in the New Testament that the LORD has ordained that those that preach the gospel shall live by its institutions and precepts, sounds very harmonical; but to read in a state constitu­tion that the legislature shall require men to maintain teachers of piety, religion and morality, sounds very discordant.

We may next observe, that the legislature of Massachusetts have not got power to provide for any public teachers, except they are Protestant. Pagans, Turks and Jews must not only preach for nothing; but Papists, those marvellous Christians, cannot ob­tain a maintenance for their preachers by the laws of this common­wealth. Such preachers must either be supported voluntarily, support themselves, or starve. Is this good policy? Should one sect be pampered above others? Should not government protect all kinds of people, of every species of religion, without showing the least partiality? Has not the world had enough proofs of the impolicy and cruelty of favouring a Jew more than a Pagan, Turk or Christian; or a Christian more than either of them? Why should a man be proscribed or any wise disgraced for being a Jew, Turk, Pagan, or a Christian of any denomination, when his talents and veracity (as a civilian) entitle him to the confidence of the public?

The next thing to be noticed is, that the legislature of Massa­chusetts is invested with power and "authority to enjoin upon all the subjects an attendance upon the instructions of the public teach­ers—at stated times and seasons." By which stated times, no doubt, is meant the days called Sabbaths, Sundays, (Sondays) First-days or Lord's-days. I shall not dispute the point about the holy day, whether it was enjoined on men from the beginning, or never before the manna was given in the wilderness—whether the fourth commandment in the decalogue was of a moral or ceremo­nial nature—whether it was binding on all nations, or only on Is­rael—whether [Page 14] the same day of the week is to be kept to the end of the world—whether the seventh part of time answers the end of the law, or whether the seventh day is changed for the first; but shall use the liberty of saying, that the appointment of such stated, holy days, is no part of human legislation. I cannot see upon what principle of natural right, the people of Massachusetts could invest their legislature with that power; and as I cannot de­duce it from the source of natural right, so neither can I find a hint of it in the New Testament, that Jesus or his Apostles ever reprov­ed any for the neglect of that day; or that ever they called upon civil rulers to make any penal laws about it. And it is curious to see what havock rulers make of good sense whenever they under­take to legalise said day. No longer ago than 1791 the legisla­ture of this commonwealth made a sabbatical law; wherein, for the ground work, they say, that the seventh part of time is to be kept holy: But how do they calculate time? A man on a journey may travel until Saturday night, midnight, and begin again on Sunday at sundown: if eighteen hours is the seventh part of a week, then their calculation is good; but being conscious that it is not, they make it up (i. e. pay what they have borrowed) out of recreation; for such exercise must cease on Saturday at the going down of the sun, and continue to cease till Sunday midnight. It may further be observed, that the law of God and the laws of men differ widely in phrase: the law that enjoined the observance of the seventh day on the nation of Israel, which came from JEHO­VAH, did not except the works of necessity and mercy; neither man, maid nor beast were to work—but a little ways were they to travel—a bundle of sticks was not to be gathered and laid on the fire—nor had they any orders to assemble on that day, in a stated manner, to read the law of Moses. It was to be a day of rest, which gave it the name Sabbath: but the laws of men have so many exceptions, that nothing and any thing are done on said day.

But however these things are, the legislature of this state is to oblige the people to assemble on these stated times, to hear the in­structions of these teachers of piety, religion and morality, if there be any on whose instructions they can conscientiously and conve­niently attend. Here is a gap wide enough for any man to creep out. If neglecting to go to meeting is not justified by pleading inconveniency, his conscience will soon do it; but whether he goes to church or not, his pennies must go to the treasurer's purse.

It is true that on sect of Protestant Christians has as fair an op­portunity to be incorporated as another; but there are many who [Page 15] justly despise the idea of religious incorporation by human law; and therefore those who do not, have an undue advantage of oth­ers. Supposing, in France, the National Convention should de­cree that all sects of Christians, that believed that kings, in certain cases, might wear their heads and crowns upon them, should have equal privileges in France; I ask, whether the Jacobin party would share equal favours with the royalists? So in this case, all sects of Protestant Christians that chuse to be incorporated, may elect their own teachers and contract with them for their mainte­nance, and assess it upon all within their respective precincts; but those who cannot, in conscience, accord with this legal religion, must pay their tax with the rest, and be at the trouble of drawing it out of the treasury again, which sometimes occasions vexatious lawsuits.

Now, if it should be argued that a great many in this common­wealth believe, in their consciences, that it is the best way to serve God, to have societies incorporated by law, and levy a tax upon all to support their worship and maintain their teachers, how easily the above evils might be prevented, and all enjoy liberty of conscience. If those only, who are conscientious in legal religion, are incorporated, and tax none but themselves, there will be no cruel distraining from those whose consciences dictate another mode of worship. A man can cheerfully work when he verily believes he is doing God service; a man therefore who believes in re­ligious incorporation, can joyfully give in his name to be taxed▪ and he who believes that the law has nothing to do about religious worship, can as joyfully stay at home. The last of these have as good grounds to judge that the first plead conscience for cruelty, as the first have to judge that the last plead conscience for covet­ousness.

But there is no need for a constitutional clause about things of this nature; for if a number of men contract with a preacher for a year, or for life, the bond which they give him, is as recoverable by law as any bond whatever; but the poison of such contracts is, including those who do not act voluntarily, and perpetuating them upon their successors or natural offspring.

The last clause of the third article reads thus:

"And every denomination of Christians, demeaning themselves peaceably, and as good subjects of the commonwealth, shall be equally under the protection of the law; and no subordination of any one sect or denomination to another, shall ever be estab­lished by law."

[Page 16]On this section I have several remarks to make:

First. The first part of it is very liberal, to a certain degree; but if it read all men instead of every denomination of Christians, it would be unexceptionable.

When the Pagans were favoured, by law, more than Christians, what devastation it made in the empire of Rome, in the first in­troduction of the Christian religion, until the reign of Constantine. In the three first centuries almost two millions of lives were lost for conscience sake. These were men, women, and children, who were as good subjects of state as any in the empire. After the change in the empire, when the Christian religion became established by law, the Pagans suffered in the same manner that the Christians had done in the ten preceding persecutions. Who can read the history of their sufferings without seeing the bad policy of establishing either of the religions in the empire!

Second. Although the clause now under consideration is some­what liberal, indeed entirely so among Christians, yet it no ways accords with a former clause in the same article, where the legis­lature is forbidden to incorporate any Christians but Protestants, at least, are not vested with power to do it. Protestants only can be formed into religious societies and distrain for a maintenance for their teachers.

One of two things must be granted; either that Papists are no Christians, or that there is a partiality established. Among little-souled bigots, who believe nobody right but themselves, who con­fine the Christian religion to their own sect, and conclude that they have the exclusive right to monopolize salvation, it would not be strange to hear that Papists, and all others who differed with them in sentiment, were no Christians: but this cannot be the case here. The framers of the constitution were men of in­formation and acquaintance with the world; the result is, then, that there is a contradiction in the two clauses of the same article.

Such is the state of things in Massachusetts, that the legis­lature, according to the power vested in them by the first part of the third article, have made such laws as have effected a subordi­nation of one sect to another, contrary to the last clause in the same article.

On March 23, and June 28, 1786. two acts passed; the first respecting towns, the other precincts, which effect the subordi­nation just mentioned. These two laws were somewhat uniform in structure, and therefore a quotation from one of them may [Page 17] suffice in this place. Each inhabitant has the power of voting in town or precinct affairs, who pays two thirds more in one tax than a poll tax; and then follows, "That the freeholders and other inhabitants in each respective town, qualified as aforesaid, at the annual meeting for the choice of town officers, or at any other town-meeting regularly warned, may grant and vote such sums of money as they shall judge necessary for the settlement, maintenance, and support of the ministry, to be assessed upon the polls and property within the same as by law provided."

Now if any Christians but Protestants are thus incorporated, the constitution is violated; and if none but Protestants, what may the Catholics say? But this is not all; by this act, property entitles a man to church privileges. A degree of simony is contained in the act. The wisest man that was ever born of a woman could not estimate wisdom, by all the gold and pearls on earth; but here a little property procures it; at least an annual tax entitles a man to the rights of it. Whether these voters are spiritual, moral, or profane, they have an equal suffrage in the choice of spiritual teachers, who have (or should have) the cure of souls at heart.

It is well known that there are a number of Baptists in this state; in some towns they and their adherents form a majority; but in the greatest part of the towns, those called the standing order are superior in number to all the rest. As the Baptists are Protestants, where they form a majority, they might be in­corporated as well as others, and tax all in the town or precinct to part with their money for religious uses. But it is well known that they are principled against it. They do not believe that the legislature have any proper authority (upon the scale of good policy) to make any laws to incorporate religious societies and re­quire a maintenance for the ministry. Now the question is, Do their sentiments prevent their demeaning themselves as peaceable subjects of state? Let those who differ with them in judgment an­swer. Yet from their known and conscientious principles, how are they reduced to subordination in various places?

In a town or precinct where the Baptists are a minority, the major part chuse and settle a minister; the expense is levied upon all according to poll and property; the Baptists in this case must either part with their money to support a religion that they do not fully believe in; or be subordinate enough to get a cer­tificate to draw it out of the treasurer's hand. Some have conde­scended to the last mode, as being the best alternative they had▪ while others have had such a disgust to submit to a power, belong­ing [Page 18] neither to the kingdom of the Messiah, nor the civil govern­ment on earth, that they would not bow let the consequences be what they would. The distraining law suits and oppressions that have risen from this source, even since the ratification of the present constitution, need not be mentioned at this time.

One observation more shall close my strictures on this article. It is well noticed, that none shall be protected by law, but those who properly demean themselves as peaceable subjects of the com­monwealth. This, however, should be extended to all men, as well as to Christian denominations.

For any man, or set of men, to expect protection from the law, when they do not subject themselves to government, is a vain expectation. Let a man's motive be what it may; let him have what object soever in view; if his practice is opposed to good law, he is to be punished. Magistrates are not to consult his motive or object, but his actions.

Without adverting to Bohemia, Munster, any part of Europe or Asia, for instances, we shall pay attention to a few recent transactions of our own. A Shaking-Quaker in a violent manner cast his wife into a mill-pond, in cold weather; his plea was, that God ordered him so to do. Now the question is, Ought he not to be punished as much as if he had done the deed in anger? Was not the abuse to the woman as great? Could the magistrate perfectly know whether it was God, Satan, or ill-will, that prompted him to do the deed? The answers to these questions are easy.

In the year 1784, Matthew Womble, of Virginia, killed his wife and four sons, in obedience to a Shining One, (whom, he said, was the Son of God) to merit heaven by the action; but if the court had been fearful of offending that Shining One, and pitied Womble's soul, they would never have indicted that punish­ment upon him which they did the October following. Neither his motive, (which was obedience), nor his object, (which was the salvation of his soul) had any weight on the jury.

Should magistrates or jurors be biassed by such protestations, the most atrocious villains would always pass with impunity.

I shall here add, that in Scotland, two women were brought before the sessions for fornication, one of them was a church member and the other was not. She who was a daughter of Zion was pitied, and the man who had defiled her was judged a vile seducer and severely fined; but she who was not a member of the church, was judged a lewd flatterer and was driven out of the parish, that she might not deceive honest men any more.

[Page 19]Should a man refuse to pay his tribute for the support of gov­ernment, or anywise disturb the peace and good order of the civil police, he should be punished according to his crime let [...] re­ligion be what it will; but when a man is a peaceable subject of state, he should be protected in worshipping the Deity according to the dictates of his own conscience.

It is often the case, that laws are made which prevent the liberty of conscience; and because men cannot stretch their con­sciences, like a nose of wax, these nonconformists are punished as vagrants that disturb the peace. The complaint is, "These men, being Jews, do exceedingly trouble the city." Let any man read the laws that were made about Daniel and the three children, and see who were the aggressors, the law makers or the law breakers. The rights of conscience should always be con­sidered inalienable—religious opinions as not the objects of civil government, nor any ways under its jurisdiction; laws should only respect civil society; then if men are disturbers they ought to be punished.

Among the many beautiful traits of the constitution of Mas­sachusetts, the provision made for its revision shines with great ef­fulgence.

Permanency and improvement should be mixed together in government. But few nations have ever had patriotism sufficient to remove the radical deficiencies of government without falling into convulsion and anarchy. There are certain ebbs and tides in men, and bodies of men, which often break over all proper bounds, without a proper check. To leave government therefore so mutable, that a bare majority can alter it, when under some prevailing passion, exposes that permanency that the good of the whole, and the confidence of allies, call for. In this last view of things, some real, confessed evils had better be borne with than to make government too fluctuating. In the federal government it requires two thirds of the states, or two thirds of the members of congress, to change the constitution. In Massachusetts the same, but not till after the experiment of fifteen years. However this may appear to others, to me it appears one of the fairest lines in the constitution; a signal of a patriotic people, conscious of their liability of mistake, wishing to improve in policy, attached to energy and freedom. And there is no doubt, but in the year 1795, the citizens of this state may meet by their delegates and coolly improve upon the constitution, and remove its defects that time and experience have discovered, without the least danger of [Page 20] tumult or noise. Should that be the case, it is hoped that some things, respecting religion, will be altered, which is the chief end of the publishing of this small tract.

If the constitution should be revised, and any thing about religion should be said in it, the following paragraph is pro­posed.

"To prevent the evils that have heretofore been occasioned in the world by religious establishments, and to keep up the proper distinction between religion and politics, no religious test shall ever be requested as a qualification of any officer in any department of this government; neither shall the legislature, under this constitu­tion, ever establish any religion by law, give any one sect a prefer­ence to another, or force any man in the commonwealth to part with his property for the support of religious worship, or the maintenance of ministers of the gospel."