AN exact description of the limits and boun­daries of the state of Virginia?

Virginia is bounded on the East by the Atlan­tic: on the North by a line of latitude, crossing the Eastern Shore through Watkins's Point, be­ing about 37°. 57′ North latitude; from thence by a straight line to Cinquac, near the mouth of Patowmac; thence by the Patowmac, which is common to Virginia and Maryland, to the first fountain of its northern branch; thence by a me­ridian line, passing through that fountain till it intersects a line running East and West, in lati­tude 39°. 43′. 42.4″. which divides Maryland from Pennsylvania, and which was marked by Messrs. Mason and Dixon; thence by that line, and a continuation of it westwardly to the com­pletion of five degrees of longitude from the east­ern boundary of Pennsylvania, in the same lati­tude, and thence by a meridian line to the Ohio: on the West by the Ohio and Missisipi, to lati­tude 36°. 30′. North: and on the South by the line of latitude last mentioned. By admeasure­ments through nearly the whole of this last line, and supplying the unmeasured parts from good data, the Atlantic and Missisipi are found in this [Page 2] latitude to be 758 miles distant, equal to 30°. 38′. of longitude, reckoning 55 miles and 3144 feet to the degree. This being our comprehension of longitude, that of our latitude, taken between this and Mason and Dixon's line, is 3° 13′. 42.4″. equal to 223.3 miles, supposing a degree of a great circle to be 69 m. 864 f. as computed by Cassini. These boundaries include an area somewhat triangular, of 121, 525 square miles, whereof 79,650 lie westward of the Alleghaney mountains, and 57,034 westward of the meridian of the mouth of the Great Kanhaway. This state is therefore one third larger than the islands of Great-Britain and Ireland, which are reckon­ed at 88,357 square miles.

These limits result from, 1: The ancient char­ters from the crown of England. 2. The grant of Maryland to the Lord Baltimore, and the subsequent determinations of the British court as to the extent of that grant. 3. The grant of Pennsylvania to William Penn, and a compact between the general assemblies of the common­wealths of Virginia and Pennsylvania as to the extent of that grant. 4. The grant of Carolina, and actual location of its northern boundary, by consent of both parties. 5. The treaty of Paris of 1763. 6. The confirmation of the charters of the neighbouring states by the convention of Vir­ginia at the time of constituting their common­wealth. 7. The cession made by Virginia to Con­gress of all the lands to which they had title on the North side of the Ohio.

A NOTICE of its rivers, rivulets, and how far they are navigable?

An inspection of a map of Virginia, will give a better idea of the geography of its rivers, than any description in writing. Their navigation may be imperfectly noted.

Roanoke, so far as it lies within this state, is no where navigable, but for canoes, or light bat­teaux; and, even for these, in such detached parcels as to have prevented the inhabitants from availing themselves of it at all.

James River, and its waters, afford navigation as follows.

The whole of Elizabeth River, the lowest of those which run into James River, is a harbour, and would contain upwards of 300 ships. The channel is from 150 to 200 fathom wide, and at common flood tide, affords 18 feet water to Nor­folk. The Strafford, a 60 gun ship, went there, lightening herself to cross the bar at Sowell's Point. The Fier Rodrigue, pierced for 64 guns, and carrying 50, went there without lightening. Craney island, at the mouth of this river, com­mands its channel tolerably well.

Nansemond River is navigable to Sleepy Hole, for vessels of 250 tons; to Suffolk, for those of 100 tons; and to Milner's, for those of 25.

[Page 4] Pagan Creek affords 8 or 10 feet water to Smith­field, which admits vessels of 20 tons.

Chickahominy has at its mouth a bar, on which is only 12 feet water at common flood tide. Ves­sels passing that, may go 8 miles up the river; those of 10 feet draught may go four miles further, and those of six tons burthen, 20 miles further.

Appamattox may be navigated as far as Broad­ways, by any vessel which has crossed Harrison's bar in James River; it keeps 8 or 10 feet water a mile or two higher up to Fisher's bar, and 4 feet on that and upwards to Petersburgh, where all navigation ceases.

James River itself affords harbour for vessels of any size in Hampton Road, but not in safety through the whole winter; and there is navigable water for them as far as Mulberry Island. A 40 gun ship goes to James town, and, lightening herself, may pass to Harrison's bar, on which there is only 15 feet water. Vessels of 250 tons may go to Warwick; those of 125 go to Rock­et's, a mile below Richmond; from thence is about 7 feet water to Richmond; and about the centre of the town, four feet and a half, where the navigation is interrupted by falls, which in a course of six miles, descend about 80 feet per­pendicular: above these it is resumed in canoes, and batteaux, and is prosecuted safely and ad­vantageously to within 10 miles of the Blue Ridge; and even through the Blue Ridge a ton weight has been brought; and the expence would not be great, when compared with its object, to open [Page 5] a tolerable navigation up Jackson's river and Carpenter's creek, to within 25 miles of How­ard's creek of Green Briar, both of which have then water enough to float vessels into the Great Kanhaway. In some future state of population, I think it possible, that its navigation may also be made to interlock with that of the Patowmac, and through that to communicate by a short port­age with the Ohio. It is to be noted, that this river is called in the maps James River, only to its confluence with the Rivanna: thence to the Blue Ridge it is called the Fluvanna; and thence to its source, Jackson's river. But in common speech, it is called James River to its source.

The Rivanna, a branch of James River, is na­vigable for canoes and batteaux to its intersec­tion with the South West mountains, which is about 22 miles; and may easily be opened to navigation through these mountains to its fork above Charlottesville.

York River, at York town, affords the best harbour in the State for vessels of the largest size. The river there narrows to the width of a mile, and is contained within very high banks, close under which the vessels may ride. It holds 4 fa­thom water at high tide for 25 miles above York to the mouth of Poropotank, where the river is a mile and a half wide, and the channel only 75 fathom, and passing under a high bank. At the confluence of Pamunkey and Mattapony, it is re­duced to 3 fathom depth, which continues up Pamunkey to Cumberland, where the width is [Page 6] 100 yards, and up Mattapony to within two miles of Frazer's ferry, where it becomes 2½ fa­thom deep, and holds that about five miles. Pa­munkey is then capable of navigation for loaded flats to Brockman's bridge, fifty miles above Ha­nover town, and Mattapony to Downer's bridge, 70 miles above its mouth.

Piankatank, the little rivers making out of Mobjack Bay and those of the Eastern shore, re­ceive only very small vessels, and these can but enter them.

Rappahannock affords 4 fathom water to Hobb's hole, and 2 fathom from thence to Fredericksburg.

Patowmac is 7½ miles wide at the mouth; 4½ at Nomony bay; 3 at Aquia; 1½ at Hallooing Point; 1¼ at Alexandria. Its soundings are, 7 fathom at the mouth; 5 at St. George's island; 4½ at Lower Matchodic; 3 at Swan's point, and thence up to Alexandria; thence 10 feet water to the falls, which are 13 miles above Alexan­dria. These falls are 15 miles in length, and of very great descent, and the navigation above them for batteaux and canoes, is so much inter­rupted as to be little used. It is, however, us­ed in a small degree up the Cohongoronta branch as far as Fort Cumberland, which was at the mouth of Wills's creek; and is capable, at no great expence, of being rendered very practica­ble. The Shenandoah branch interlocks with James river about the Blue Ridge, and may per­haps in future be opened.

The Missisipi will be one of the Principal chan­nels [Page 7] of future commerce for the country west­ward of the Alleghaney. From the mouth of this river to where it receives the Ohio, is 1000 miles by water, but only 500 by land, passing through the Chickasaw country. From the mouth of the Ohio to that of the Missouri, is 230 miles by water, and 140 by land. From thence to the mouth of the Illinois river, is about 25 miles. The Missisipi, below the mouth of the Missouri, is always muddy, and abounding with sand bars, which frequently change their places. Howe­ver, it carries 15 feet water to the mouth of the Ohio, to which place it is from one and a half to two miles wide, and thence to Kaskaskia from one mile to a mile and a quarter wide. Its current is so rapid, that it never can be stem­med by the force of the wind alone, acting on sails. Any vessel, however, navigated with oars, may come up at any time, and receive much aid from the wind. A batteau passes from the mouth of Ohio to the mouth of Missisipi in three weeks, and is from two to three months getting up again. During its floods, which are periodical as those of the Nile, the largest vessels may pass down it, if their steerage can be insured. These floods begin in April, and the river re­turns into its banks early in August. The inun­dation extends further on the western than east­ern side, covering the lands in some places for 50 miles from its banks. Above the mouth of the Missouri, it becomes much such a river as the Ohio, like it clear, and gentle in its cur­rent, [Page 8] not quite so wide, the period of its floods nearly the same, but not rising to so great a height. The streets of the village at Cohoes are not more than 10 feet above the ordinary level of the water, and yet were never overflowed. Its bed deepens every year. Cohoes, in the memory of many people now living, was insula­ted by every flood of the river. What was the eastern channel has now become a lake, 9 miles in length and one in width, into which the river at this day never flows. This river yields turtle of a peculiar kind, perch, trout, gar, pike, mul­lets, herrings, carp, spatula-fish of 50lb. weight, cat-fish of 100lb. weight, buffalo fish, and stur­geon. Aligators or crocodiles have been seen as high up as the Acansas. It also abounds in her­ons, cranes, ducks, brant, geese, and swans. Its passage is commanded by a fort established by this state, five miles below the mouth of Ohio, and ten miles above the Carolina boundary.

The Missouri, since the treaty of Paris, the Il­linois and northern branches of the Ohio, since the cession to Congress, are no longer within our limits. Yet having been so heretofore, and still opening to us channels of extensive communica­tion with the western and north-western country, they shall be noted in their order.

The Missouri is, in fact, the principal river, contributing more to the common stream than does the Missisipi, even after its junction with the Illinois. It is remarkably cold, muddy and rapid. Its overflowings are considerable. They [Page 9] happen during the months of June and July. Their commencement being so much later than those of the Missisipi, would induce a belief that the sources of the Missouri are northward of those of the Missisipi, unless we suppose that the cold increases again with the ascent of the land from the Missisipi westwardly. That this ascent is great, is proved by the rapidity of the river. Six miles above the mouth it is brought within the compass of a quarter of a mile's width: yet the Spanish merchants at Pancore, or St. Louis, say they go two thousand miles up it. It heads far westward of the Rio Norte, or North River. There is, in the villages of Kaskaskia, Cohoes and St. Vincennes, no inconsiderable quantity of plate, said to have been plundered during the last war by the Indians from the churches and private houses of Santa Fé, on the North river, and brought to these villages for sale. From the mouth of Ohio to Santa Fé are forty days journey, or about 1000 miles. What is the shortest distance between the navigable waters of the Missouri, and those of the North river, or how far this is navigable above Santa Fé, I could never learn. From Santa Fé to its mouth in the Gulph of Mexico is about 1200 miles. The road from New Orleans to Mexico crosses this river at the post of Rio Norte, 800 miles below Santa Fé: and from this post to New Orleans is about 1200 miles; thus making 2000 miles be­tween Santa Fé and New Orleans, passing down the North river, Red river and Missisipi; where­as [Page 10] it is 2230 through the Missouri and Missisipi. From the same post of Rio Norte, passing near the mines of La Sierra and Laiguana, which are between the North river and the river Salina to Sarti [...] is 375 miles; and from thence, passing the mines of Char [...]as, Zaccatecas and Potosi, to the city of Mexico is 375 miles; in all, 1550 miles from Santa Fé to the city of Mexico. From New Orleans to the city of Mexico is a­bout 1950 miles: the roads, after setting out from the Red river, near Natchitoches, keeping generally parallel with the coast, and about two hundred miles from it, till it enters the city of Mexico.

The Illinois is a fine river, clear, gentle, and without rapids; insomuch that it is navigable for batteaux to its source. From thence is a port­age of two miles only to the Chickago, which affords a batteau navigation of 16 miles to its entrance into lake Michigan. The Illinois, a­bout 10 miles above its mouth, is 300 yards wide.

The Kaskaskia is 100 yards wide at its entrance into the Missisipi, and preserves that breadth to the Buffalo plains, 70 miles above. So far also it is navigable for loaded batteaux, and perhaps much further. It is not rapid.

The Ohio is the most beautiful river on earth. Its current gentle, waters clear, and bosom smooth and unbroken by rocks and rapids, a sin­gle instance only excepted.

It is ¼ of a mile wide at Fort Pitt:

[Page 11] 500 yards at the mouth of the Great Kanha­way:

1 mile and [...]5 pules at Louisville:

¼ of a mile on the rapids, three or four miles below Louisville:

½ a mile where the low country begins, which is 20 miles above Green river:

1¼ at the receipt of the Tanissee:

And a mile wide at the mouth.

Its length [...] measured according to its mean­ders by Capt. Hutchins, is as follows:

From Fort Pitt

In common winter and spring tides it affords 15 feet water to Louisville, 10 feet to Le Tarte's rapids, 40 miles above the mouth of the Great Kanhaway, and a sufficiency at all times for light batteaux and canoes to Fort Pitt. The rapids are in latitude 38° 8′. The inundations of this river begin about the last of March, and subside in July. During these a first rate man of war [Page 12] may be carried from Louisville to New Orleans, if the sudden turns of the river and the strength of its current will admit a safe steerage. The ra­pids at Louisville descend about 30 feet in a length of a mile and a half. The bed of the ri­ver there is a solid rock, and is divided by an island into two branches, the southern of which is about 200 yards wide, and is dry four months in the year. The bed of the northern branch is worn into channels by the constant course of the water, and attrition of the pebble stones carried on with that, so as to be passable for batteaux through the greater part of the year. Yet it is thought that the southern arm may be the most easily open­ed for constant navigation. The rise of the waters in these rapids does not exceed 10 or 12 feet. A part of this island is so high as to have been never overflowed, and to command the settlement at Louisville, which is opposite to it. The sort, however, is situated at the head of the falls. The ground on the south side rises very gradually.

The Tanissee, Cherokee or Hogohege river is 600 yards wide at its mouth, ¼ of a mile at the mouth of Holston, and 200 yards at Chotee, which is 20 miles above Holston, and 300 miles above the mouth of the Tanissee. This river crosses the southern boundary of Virginia, 58 miles from the Missisipi. Its current is moderate. It is navigable for loaded boats of any burthen to the Muscle shoals, where the river passes through the Cumberland mountain. These shoals are 6 or 8 miles long, passable downwards for [Page 13] loaded canoes, but not upwards, unless there be a swell in the river. Above these the navigation for loaded canoes and batteaux continues to the Long island. This river has its inundations also. Above the Chickamogga towns is a whirlpool cal­led the Sucking-pot, which takes in trunks of trees or boats, and throws them out again half a mile below. It is avoided by keeping very close to the bank, on the South side. There are but a few miles portage between a branch of this river and the navigable waters of the river Mobile, which runs into the Gulph of Mexico.

Cumberland, or Shawanee river, intersects the boundary between Virginia and North Carolina 67 miles from the Missisipi, and again 198 miles from the same river, a little above the entrance of Obey's river into the Cumberland. Its Clear fork crosses the same boundary about 300 miles from the Missisipi. Cumberland is a very gentle stream, navigable for loaded batteaux 800 miles, without interruption; then intervene some rapids of 15 miles in length, after which it is again navi­gable 70 miles upwards, which brings you within 10 miles of the Cumberland mountains. It is a­bout 120 yards wide through its whole course, from the head of its navigation to its mouth.

The Wabash is a very beautiful river, 400 yards wide at the mouth, and 300 at St. Vincennes, which is a post 100 miles above the mouth, in a direct line. Within this space there are two small rapids, which give very little obstruction to the na­vigation. It is 400 yards wide at the mouth, and [Page 14] navigable 30 leagues upwards for canoes and small boats. From the mouth of Maple river to that of Eel river is about 80 miles in a direct line, the river continuing navigable, and from one to two hundred yards in width. The Eel river is 150 yards wide, and affords at all times navigation for periaguas, to within 18 miles of the Miami of the Lake. The Wabash, from the mouth of Eel river to Little river, a distance of 50 miles direct, is interrupted with frequent rapids and shoals, which obstruct the navigation, except in a swell. Little river affords navigation during a swell to within 3 miles of the Miami, which thence affords a similar navigation into Lake Erié, 100 miles distant in a direct line. The Wabash overflows periodically in correspondence with the Ohio, and in some places two leagues from its banks.

Green River is navigable for loaded batteaux at all times 50 miles upwards; but it is then in­terrupted by impassable rapids, above which the navigation again commences, and continues good 30 or 40 miles to the mouth of Barren river.

Kentucky River is 90 yards wide at the mouth, and also at Boonsborough, 80 miles above. It affords a navigation for loaded batteaux 180 miles in a direct line, in the winter tides.

The Great Miami of the Ohio, is [...]00 yards wide at the mouth. At the Piccawee towns, 75 miles above, it is reduced to 30 yards, it is, ne­verthless, navigable for loaded canoe [...] 50 miles above these towns. The portage from its west­ern branch into the Miami of Lake Erié, is 5 miles; [Page 15] that from its eastern branch into [...]andus­ky river, is of 9 miles.

Salt River is at all times navigable for loaded batteaux 70 or 80 miles. It is 80 yards wide at its mouth, and keeps that width to its fork, 25 miles above.

The Little Miami of the Ohio, is 60 or 70 yards wide at its mouth, 60 miles to its source, and affords no navigation.

The Sioto is 250 yards wide at its mouth, which is in latitude 38° 22′. and at the Saltilick towns, 200 miles above the mouth, it is yet 100 yards wide. To these towns it is navigable for load­ed batteaux, and its eastern branch affords navi­gation almost to its source.

Great Sandy River is about sixty yards wide, and navigable sixty miles for loaded batteaux.

Guiandot is about the width of the river last mentioned, but is more rapid. It may be navi­gated by canoes 60 miles.

The Great Kanhaway is a river of considerable note for the fertility of its lands, and still more, as leading towards the head waters of James ri­ver. Nevertheless, it is doubtful whether its great and numerous rapids will admit a navigati­on, but at an expence to which it will require ages to render its inhabitants equal. The great obstacles begin at what are called the Great Falls, 90 miles above the mouth, below which are only five or six rapids, and these passable, with some difficulty, even at low water. From the falls to the mouth of Greenb [...]ar is 100 miles, and thence [Page 16] to the lead mines 120. It is 280 yards wide at its mouth.

Hockhocking is 80 yards wide at its mouth, and yields navigation for loaded batteaux to the Press­place, 60 miles above its mouth.

The Little Kanhaway is 150 yards wide at the mouth. It yields a navigation of 10 miles only. Perhaps its northern branch, called Junius's creek, which interlocks with the western of Mo­nongahela, may one day admit a shorter passage from the latter into the Ohio.

The Muskingum is 280 yards wide at its mouth, and 200 yards at the lower Indian towns, 150 miles upwards. It is navigable for small batteaux to within one mile of a navigable part of Cayaho­ga river, which runs into Lake Erié.

At Fort Pitt the river Ohio loses its name, branching into the Monongahela and Allegha­ney.

The Monongahela is 400 yards wide at its mouth. From thence is 12 or 15 miles to the mouth of Yohoganey, where it is 300 yards wide. Thence to Redstone by water is 50 miles, by land 30. Then to the mouth of Cheat river by water 40 miles, by land 28, the width continuing at 300 yards, and the navigation good for boats. Thence the width is about 200 yards to the western fork, 50 miles higher, and the navigation frequently interrupted by rapids, which however with a swell of two or three feet become very passable for boats. It then admits light boats, except in dry seasons, 65 miles further to the head of Tygart's [Page 17] valley, presenting only some small rapids and falls of one or two feet perpendicular, and lessen­ing in its width to 20 yards. The Western fork is navigable in the winter 10 or 15 miles towards the northern of the Little Kanhaway, and will admit a good waggon road to it. The Yohoganey is the principal branch of this river. It passes through the Laurel mountain, about 30 miles from its mouth; is so far from 300 to 150 yards wide, and the navigation much obstructed in dry weather by rapids and shoals. In its passage through the mountain it makes very great falls, admitting no navigation for 10 miles to the Tur­key Foot. Thence to the Great Crossing, about 20 miles, it is again navigable, except in dry sea­sons, and at this place is 200 yards wide. The sources of this river are divided from those of the Patowmac by the Alleghaney mountain. From the falls, where it intersects the Laurel mountain, to Fort Cumberland, the head of the navigation on the Patowmac, is 40 miles of very mountain­ous road. Wills's creek, at the mouth of which was Fort Cumberland, is 30 or 40 yards wide, but affords no navigation as yet. Cheat river, another considerable branch of the Monongahela, is 200 yards wide at its mouth, and 100 yards at the Dunkards' settlement, 50 miles higher. It is navigable for boats, except in dry seasons. The boundary between Virginia and Pennsylvania crosses it about 3 or 4 miles above its mouth.

The Alleghaney river, with a slight swell, affords navigation for light batteaux to Venango, at the [Page 18] mouth of French creek, where it is 200 yards wide; and it is practised even to Le Boeuf, from whence there is a portage of 15 miles to Presque Isle on Lake Erié.

The country watered by the Missisipi and its eastern branches, constitutes five-eighths of the United States, two of which five-eighths are oc­cupied by the Ohio and its waters: the residuary streams which run into the Gulph of Mexico, the Atlantic, and the St. Laurence, water the remain­ing three-eighths.

Before we quit the subject of the western waters, we will take a view of their principal connexions with the Atlantic. These are three; the Hud­son's river, the Patowmac, and the Missisipi itself. Down the last will pass all heavy commodities. But the navigation through the Gulph of Mexico is so dangerous, and that up the Missisipi so diffi­cult and tedious, that it is thought probable that European merchandize will not return through that channel. It is most likely that flour, timber, and other heavy articles will be floated on rafts, which will themselves be an article for sale as well as their loading, the navigators returning by land or in light batteaux. There will therefore be a competition between the Hudson and Patowmac rivers for the residue of the commerce of all the country westward of Lake Erié, on the waters of the lakes, of the Ohio, and upper parts of the Mis­sisipi. To go to New-York, that part of the trade which comes from the lakes or their waters must first be brought into Lake Erié. Between Lake [Page 19] Superior and its waters and Huron are the rapids of St. Mary, which will permit boats to pass, but not larger vessels. Lakes Huron and Michigan afford communication with Lake Erié by vessels of 8 feet draft. That part of the [...]rade which comes from the waters of the Missisipi must pass from them through some portage into the waters of the lakes. The portage from the Illinois river into a water of Michigan is of one mile only. From the Wabash, Miami, Muskingum, or Alle­ghaney, are portages into the waters of Lake Erié, of from one to 15 miles. When the commodi­ties are brought into, and have passed through Lake Erié, there is between that and Ontario an interruption by the falls of Niagara, where the portage is of 8 miles; and between Ontario and the Hudson's river are portages at the falls of Onondago, a little above Oswego, of a quarter of a mile; from Wood creek to the Mohawks river two miles; at the little falls of the Mohawks river half a mile, and from Schenectady to Albany 16 miles. Besides the increase of expence occasion­ed by frequent change of carriage, there is an in­creased risk of pillage produced by committing merchandize to a greater number of hands suc­cessively. The Patowmac offers itself under the following circumstances. For the trade of the lakes and their waters westward of Lake Erié, when it shall have entered that lake, it must coast along its southern shore, on account of the num­ber and excellence of its harbours; the northern, though shortest, having few harbours, and these [Page 20] unsafe. Having reached Cayahoga, to proceed on to New-York it will have 825 miles and five portages; whereas it is but 425 miles to Alexan­dria, its emporium on the Patowmac, if it turns into the Cayahoga, and passes through that, Big­beaver, Ohio, Yohoganey, (or Monongahela and Cheat) and Patowmac, and there are but two portages; the first of which between Cayahoga and Beaver may be removed by uniting the sources of these waters, which are lakes in the neighbour­hood of each other, and in a champaign country; the other from the waters of Ohio to Patowmac will be from 15 to 40 miles, according to the trouble which shall be taken to approach the two navigations. For the trade of the Ohio, or that which shall come into it from its own waters or the Missisipi, it is nearer through the Patowmac to Alexandria than to New-York by 580 miles, and it is interrupted by one portage only. There is another circumstance of difference too. The lakes themselves never freeze, but the communi­cations between them freeze, and the Hudson's river is itself shut up by the ice three months in the year; whereas the channel to the Chesapeak leads directly into a warmer climate. The south­ern parts of it very rarely freeze at all, and when­ever the northern do, it is so near the sources of the rivers, that the frequent floods to which they are there liable, break up the ice immediately, so that vessels may pass through the whol winter, subject only to accidental and short delays. Add to all this, that in case of a war with our neigh­bours, [Page 21] the Anglo-Americans or the Indians, the route to New-York becomes a frontier through almost its whole length, and all commerce through it ceases from that moment. But the channel to New-York is already known to practice; whereas the upper waetrs of the Ohio and the Patowmac, and the great falls of the latter, are yet to be cleared of their fixed obstructions. (A.)

A NOTICE of the best Sea-ports of the state, and how big are the vessels they can receive?

Having no ports but our rivers and creeks, this Query has been answered under the preceding one.

A NOTICE of its Mountains?

For the particular geography of our mountains I must refer to Fry and Jefferson's map of Virgi­nia; and to Evans's analysis of his map of Ame­rica, for a more philosophical view of them than is to be found in any other work. It is worthy notice, that our mountains are not solitary and scattered confusedly over the face of the country; but that they commence at about 150 miles from [Page 22] the sea-coast, are disposed in ridges one behind another, running nearly parallel with the sea­coast, though rather approaching it as they ad­vance north-eastwardly. To the south-west, as the tract of country between the sea-coast and the Missisipi becomes narrower, the mountains con­verge into a single ridge, which, as it approaches the Gulph of Mexico, subsides into plain country, and gives rise to some of the waters of that gulph, and particularly to a river called the Apalachi­cola, probably from the Apalachies, an Indian nation formerly residing on it. Hence the moun­tains giving rise to that river, and seen from its various parts, were called the Apalachian moun­tains, being in fact the end or termination only of the great ridges passing through the continent. European geographers however extended the name northwardly as far as the mountains extend­ed; some giving it, after their separation into dif­ferent ridges, to the Blue ridge, others to the North mountain, others to the Alleghaney, others to the Laurel ridge, as may be seen in their dif­ferent maps. But the fact I believe is, that none of these ridges were ever known by that name to the inhabitants, either native or emigrant, but as they saw them so called in European maps. In the same direction generally are the veins of lime­stone, coal, and other minerals hitherto discover­ed: and so range the falls of our great rivers. But the courses of the great rivers are at right angles with these. James and Patowmac pene­trate through all the ridges of mountains castward [Page 23] of the Alleghaney; that is broken by no water course. It is in fact the spine of the country be­tween the Atlantic on one side, and the Missisipi and St. Laurence on the other. The passage of the Patowmac through the Blue ridge is perhaps one of the most stupendous scenes in nature. You stand on a very high point of land. On your right comes up the Shenandoah, having ranged along the foot of the mountain an hundred miles to seek a vent. On your left approaches the Pa­towmac, in quest of a passage also. In the mo­ment of their junction they rush together against the mountain, rend it asunder, and pass off to the sea. The first glance of this scene hurries our senses into the opinion, that this earth has been created in time, that the mountains were formed first, that the rivers began to flow afterwards, that in this place particularly they have been dammed up by the Blue ridge of mountains, and have formed an ocean which filled the whole valley; that continuing to rise they have at length broken over at this spot, and have torn the mountain down from its summit to its base. The piles of rock on each hand, but particularly on the She­nandoah, the evident marks of their disrupture and avulsion from their beds by the most power­ful agents of nature, corroborate the impression. But the distant finishing which nature has given to the picture, is of a very different character. It is a true contrast to the fore-ground. It is as placid and delightful, as that is wild and tremen­dous. For the mountain being cloven asunder, [Page 24] she presents to your eye, through the cleft, a small catch of smooth blue horizon, at an infinite dis­tance in the plain country, inviting you, as it were, from the riot and tumult roaring around, to pass through the breach and participate of the calm below. Here the eye ultimately composes itself; and that way too the road happens actual­ly to lead. You cross the Patowmac above the junction, pass along its side through the base of the mountain for three miles, its terrible preci­pices hanging in fragments over you, and within about 20 miles reach Fredericktown, and the fine country round that. This scene is worth a voy­age across the Atlantic. Yet here, as in the neigh­bourhood of the Natural Bridge, are people who have passed their lives within half a dozen miles, and have never been to survey these monuments of a war between rivers and mountains, which must have shaken the earth itself to its centre. (B.)

The height of our mountains has not yet been estimated with any degree of exactness. The Al­leghaney being the great ridge which divides the waters of the Atlantic from those of the Missisipi, its summit is doubtless more elevated above the ocean than that of any other mountain. But its relative height, compared with the base on which it stands, is not so great as that of some others, the country rising behind the successive ridges like the steps of stairs. The mountains of the Blue ridge, and of these the Peaks of Otter, are thought to be of a greater height, measured from their base, than any others in our country, and perhaps [Page 25] in North America. From data, which may found a tolerable conjecture, we suppose the highest peak to be about 4000 feet perpendicular, which is not a fifth part of the height of the mountains of South America, nor one third of the height which would be necessary in our latitude to pre­serve ice in the open air unmelted through the year. The ridge of mountains next beyond the Blue ridge, called by us the North mountain, is of the greatest extent; for which reason they were named by the Indians the Endless moun­tains.

A substance, supposed to be Pumice, found floating on the Missisippi, has induced a conjec­ture, that there is a volcano on some of its waters: and as these are mostly known to their sources, except the Missouri, our expectations of verify­ing the conjecture would of course be led to the mountains which divided the waters of the Mexi­can Gulf from those of the South Sea; but no volcano having ever yet been known at such a distance from the sea, we must rather suppose that this floating substance has been erroneously deemed Pumice.

ITS Cascades and Caverns?

The only remarkable Cascade in this country, is that of the Falling Spring in Augusta. It is a water of James' river, where it is called Jackson's river, rising in the warm spring mountains, about twenty miles south west of the warm spring, and flowing into that valley. About three quarters of a mile from its source, it falls over a rock 200 feet into the valley below. The sheet of water is broken in its breadth by the rock, in two or three places, but not at all in its height. Between the sheet and the rock, at the bottom, you may walk across dry. This cataract will bear no com­parison with that of Niagara, as to the quantity of water composing it; the sheet being only 12 or 15 feet wide above, and somewhat more spread below; but it is half as high again, the latter be­ing only 156 feet, according to the mensuration made by order of M. Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada, and 130 according to a more recent ac­count.

In the lime-stone country, there are many ca­verns of very considerable extent. The most noted is called Madison's Cave, and is on the north side of the Blue ridge, near the intersec­tion of the Rockingham and Augusta line with [Page 27] the south fork of the southern river of Shenan­doah. It is in a hill of about 200 feet perpendi­cular height, the ascent of which, on one side, is so steep, that you may pitch a biscuit from its summit into the river which washes its base. The entrance of the cave is, in this side, about two thirds of the way up. It extends into the earth about 300 feet, branching into subordinate ca­verns, sometimes ascending a little, but more generally descending, and at length terminates, in two different places, at basons of water of un­known extent, and which I should judge to be nearly on a level with the water of the river; however, I do not think they are formed by re­fluent water from that, because they are never turbid; because they do not rise and fall in cor­respondence with that in times of flood, or of drought; and because the water is always cool. It is probably one of the many reservoirs with which the interior parts of the earth are supposed to abound, and which yield supplies to the fountains of water, distinguished from others only by its being accessible. The vault of this cave is of solid lime-stone, from 20 to 40 or 50 feet high, through which water is continually percolating. This, trickling down the sides of the cave, has incrusted them over in the form of elegant drapery; and dripping from the top of the vault generates on that, and on the base be­low, stalactites of a conical form, some of which have met, and formed massive columns.

[Page]

[Page 29] Another of these caves is near the North mountain, in the county of Frederic, on the lands of Mr. Zane. The entrance into this is on the top of an extensive ridge. You descend 30 or 40 feet, as into a well, from whence the cave then extends, nearly horizontally, 400 feet into the earth, preserving a breadth of from 20 to 50 feet, and a height of from 5 to 12 feet. Af­ter entering this cave a few feet, the mercury, which in the open air was at 50°. rose to 57°. of Farenheit's thermometer, answering to 11°. of Reaumur's, and it continued at that to the remot­est parts of the cave. The uniform temperature of the cellars of the observatory of Paris, which are 90 feet deep, and of all subterraneous cavi­ties of any depth, where no chymical agents may be supposed to produce a factitious heat, has been found to be 10°. of [...], equal to 54½°▪ of Farenheit. The temperature of the cave above­mentioned so nearly corresponds with this, that the difference may be ascribed to a difference of instruments.

At the Panther gap, in the ridge which di­vides the waters of the Cow and the Calf pasture, is what is called the Blowing cave. It is in the side of a hill, is of about 100 feet diameter, and emits constantly a current of air, of such force, as to keep the weeds prostrate to the distance of twenty yards before it. This current is strongest in dry, frosty weather, and in long spells of rain weakest. Regular inspirations and exspirations of air, by caverns and fissures, have been proba­bly [Page 30] enough accounted for, by supposing them combined with intermitting fountains; as they must of course inhale air while their reservoirs are emptying themselves, and again emit it while they are filling. But a constant issue of air, only varying in its force as the weather is drier or damp­er, will require a new hypothesis. There is ano­ther blowing cave in the Cumberland mountain, about a mile from where it crosses the Carolina line. All we know of this is, that it is not con­stant, and that a fountain of water issues from it.

The Natural Bridge, the most sublime of na­ture's works, though not comprehended under the present head, must not be pretermitted. It is on the ascent of a hill, which seems to have been cloven through its length by some great convulsion. The fissure, just at the bridge, is, by some admeasurements, 270 feet deep, by others only 205. It is about 45 feet wide at the bottom, and 90 feet at the top; this of course determines the length of the bridge, and its height from the water. Its breadth in the mid­dle, is about 60 feet, but more at the ends, and the thickness of the mass, at the summit of the arch, about 40 feet. A part of this thickness is constituted by a coat of earth, which gives growth to many large trees. The residue, with the hill on both sides, is one solid rock of lime-stone.—The arch approaches the semi-elliptical form; but the larger axis of the ellipsis, which would be the cord of the arch, is many times longer than the transverse. Though the sides of this [Page 31] bridge are provided i [...] some parts with a para­pet of fixed rocks, yet few men have resolution to walk to them, and look over into the abyss. You involuntarily fall on your hands and feet, creep to the parapet, and peep over it. Looking down from this height about a minute, gave me a violent head-ach. If the view from the top be painful and intolerable, that from below is de­lightful in an equa [...] extreme. It is impossible for the emotions arising from the sublime, to be felt beyond what they are here: so beautiful an arch, so elevated, so light, and springing as it were up to heaven! the rapture of the spectator is really indescribable! The fissure continuing narrow, deep, and streight, for a considerable dis­tance above and below the bridge, opens a short but very pleasing view of the North mountain on one side, and Blue ridge on the other, at the distance each of them of about five miles. This bridge is in the county of Rockbridge, to which it has given name, and affords a public and commodious passage over a valley, which cannot be crossed elsewhere for a considerable distance. The stream passing under it is called Cedar­creek. It is a water of James' river, and suffici­ent in the driest seasons to turn a grist-mill, though its fountain is not more than two miles above. ^*

A NOTICE of the mines and other subterra­neous riches; its trees, plants, fruits, &c.

I knew a single instance of gold found in this state. It was interspersed in small specks through a lump of ore, of about four pounds weight, which yielded seventeen pennyweight of gold, of ex­traordinary ductility. This ore was found on the north side of Rappahanoc, about four miles be­low the falls. I never heard of any other indi­cation of gold in its neighbourhood.

[Page 33] On the great Kanhaway, opposite to the mouth of Cripple creek, and about twenty five miles from our southern boundary, in the county of Mont­gomery, are mines of lead. The metal is mixed, sometimes with earth, and sometimes with rock, which requires the force of gunpowder to open it; and is accompanied with a portion of silver, too small to be worth separation under any pro­cess hitherto attempted there. The proportion yielded is from 50 to 80lb. of pure metal from 100lb. of washed ore. The most common is that of 60 to the 100lb. The veins are at some­times most flattering; at others they disappear suddenly and totally. They enter the side of the hill, and proceed horizontally. Two of them are wrought at present by the public, the best of of which is 100 yards under the hill. These would employ about 50 labourers to advantage. We have not, however, more than 30 generally, and these cultivate their own corn. They have produced 60 tons of [...] in the year; but the ge­neral quantity is from 20 to 25 tons. The pre­sent furnace is a mile from the ore bank, and on the opposite side of the river. The ore is first waggoned to the river, a quarter of a mile, then laden on board of canoes, and carried across the river, which is there about 200 yards wide, and then again taken into waggons and carried to the furnace. This mode was originally adopt­ed, that they might avail themselves of a good situation on a creek, for a pounding mill: but it would be easy to have the furnace and pounding [Page 34] mill on the same side of the river, which would yield water, without any dam, by a canal of about half a mile in length. From the furnace the lead is transported 130 miles along a good road, leading through the peaks of Otter to Lynch's ferry, or Winston's, on James' river, from whence it is carried by water about the same distance to Westham. This land carriage may be greatly shortened, by delivering the lead on James' river, above the blue ridge, from whence a ton weight has been brought on two canoes. The great Kanhaway has considerable falls in the neighbourhood of the mines. About seven miles below are three falls, of three or four feet perpendicular each; and three miles above is a rapid of three miles continuance, which has been compared in its descent to the great falls of James' river. Yet it is the opinion, that they may be laid open for useful navigation, so as to reduce very much the portage between the Kan­haway and James' river.

A valuable lead mine is said to have been late­ly discovered in Cumberland, below the mouth of Red river. The greatest, however, known in the western country, are on the Mississippi, ex­tending from the mouth of Rock river 150 miles upwards. These are not wrought, the lead used in that country being from the banks on the Spa­nish side of the Mississippi, opposite to Kaskaskia.

A mine of copper was once opened in the coun­ty of Amherst, on the north side of James' river, and another in the opposite country, on the south [Page 35] side. However, either from bad management or the poverty of the veins, they were discontinued. We are told of a rich mine of native copper on the Ouabache, below the upper Wiaw.

The mines of iron worked at present are Cal­laway's, Ross's, and Ballendine's, on the south side of James' river; Old's on the north side, in Albemarle; Miller's in Augusta, and Zane's in Frederic. These two last are in the valley between the Blue ridge and North moun­tain. Callaway's, Ross's, Miller's, and Zane's, make about 150 tons of bar iron each, in the year. Ross's makes also about 1600 tons of pig iron annually; Ballendine's 1000; Callaway's, Millar's, and Zane's, about 600 each. Besides these, a forge of Mr. Hunter's, at Fredericks­burgh, makes about 300 tons a year of bar iron, from pigs imported from Maryland; and Tay­lor's forge on Neapsco of Potowmac, works in the same way, but to what extent I am not in­formed. The indications of iron in other places are numerous, and dispersed through all the mid­dle country. The toughness of the cast iron of Ross's and Zane's furnaces is very remarkable. Pots and other utensils, cast thinner than usual, of this iron, may be safely thrown into, or out of the waggons in which they are transported. Salt­pans made of the same, and no longer wanted for that purpose, cannot be broken up, in order to be melted again, unless previously drilled in many parts.

In the western country, we are told of iron mines between the Muskingum and Ohio; of [Page 36] others on Kentucky, between the Cumberland and Barren rivers, between Cumberland and Tennassee, on Reedy creek, near the Long island, and on Chesnut creek, a branch of the Great Kanhaway, near where it crosses the Carolina line. What are called the iron banks, on the Mississippi, are believed, by a good judge, to have no iron in them. In general, from what is hi­therto known of that country, it seems to want iron.

Considerable quantities of black lead are ta­ken occasionally for use from Winterham, in the county of Amelia. I am not able, however, to give a particular state of the mine. There is no work established at it; those who want, going and procuring it for themselves.

The country on James' river, from 15 to 20 miles above Richmond, and for several miles northward and southward, is replete with mine­ral coal of a very excellent quality. Being in the hands of many proprietors, pits have been opened, and▪ before the interruption of our commerce, were worked to an extent equal to the demand.

In the western country coal is known to be in so many places, as to have induced an opinion, that the whole tract between the Lau­rel mountain, Mississippi, and Ohio, yields coal. It is also known [...] many places on the north side of the Ohio. The coal at Pittsburg is of very superior quality. A bed of it at that place has been a-fire since the year 1765. Another [Page 37] coal-hill on the Pike-run of Monongahela has been a-fire ten years; yet it has burnt away about twenty yards only.

I have known one instance of an emerald found in this country. Amethysts have been frequent, and crystals common; yet not in such numbers any of them as to be worth seek­ing.

There is very good marble, and in very great abundance, on James' river, at the mouth of Rockfish. The samples▪ I have seen, were some of them of a white as pure as one might expect to find on the surface of the earth: but most of them were variegated with red, blue, and purple. None of it has been ever work­ed. It forms a very large precipice, which hangs over a navigable part of the river. It is said there is marble at Kentucky.

But one vein of lime-stone is known below the Blue-ridge. Its first appearance, in our country, is in Prince William, two miles below the Pig­nut ridge of mountains; thence it passes on nearly parallel with that, and crosses the Rivan­na about five miles below it, where it is called the South-west ridge. It then crosses Hard­ware, above the mouth of Hudson's creek, James' river at the mouth of Rockfish, at the marble quarry before spoken of, probably runs up that river to where it appears again at Ross's iron-works, and so passes off south-westwardly by Flat creek of Otter river. It is never more than one hundred yards wide. From the blue [Page 38] ridge westwardly, the whole country seems to be founded on a rock of lime-stone, besides infinite quantities on the surface, both loose and fixed. This is cut into beds, which range, as the moun­tains and sea-coast do, from south-west to north­east, the lamina of each bed declining from the horizon towards a parallelism with the axis of the earth. Being struck with this observation, I made, with a quadrant, a great number of trials on the angles of their declination, and found them to vary from 22°. to 60°.; but averaging all my trials, the result was within one-third of a degree of the elevation of the pole or latitude of the place, and much the greatest part of them taken separately were little different from that: by which it appears, that these lamina are, in the main, parallel with the axis of the earth. In some instances, indeed, I found them perpendicu­lar, and even reclining the other way: but these were extremely rare, and always attended with signs of convulsion, or other circumstances of singularity, which admitted a possibility of re­moval from their original position. These trials were made between Madison's cave and the Pa­towmac. We hear of lime-stone on the Mississip­pi and Ohio, and in all the mountainous coun­try between the eastern and western waters, not on the mountains themselves, but occupying the vallies between them.

Near the eastern foot of the North mountain are immense bodies of Schist, containing impres­sions of shells in a variety of forms. I have re­ceived [Page 39] petrified shells of very different kinds from the first sources of the Kentucky, which bear no resemblance to any I have ever seen on the tide-waters. It is said that shells are found in the Andes, in South-America, fifteen thousand feet above the level of the ocean. This is con­sidered by many, both of the learned and un­learned, as a proof of an universal deluge. To the many considerations opposing this opinion, the following may be added. The atmosphere, and all its contents, whether of water, air, or other matters, gravitate to the earth; that is to say, they have weight. Experience tells us, that the weight of all these together never exceeds that of a column of mercury of 31 inches height, which is equal to one of rain water of 35 feet high. If the whole contents of the atmosphere then were water, instead of what they are, it would cover the globe but 35 feet deep; but as these waters, as they fell, would run into the seas, the superficial measure of which is to that of the dry parts of the globe, as two to one, the seas would be raised only 52½ feet above their present level, and of course would overflow the lands to that height only. In Virginia this would be a very small proportion even of the champaign country, the banks of our tide-wa­ters being frequently, if not generally of a grea­ter height. Deluges beyond this extent then, as for instance, to the North mountain or to Ken­tucky, seem out of the laws of nature. But within it they may have taken place to a greater [Page 40] or less degree, in proportion to the combination of natural causes which may be supposed to have produced them. History renders probable some instances of a partial deluge in the country lying round the Mediterranean sea. It has been often ^* supposed, and is not unlikely that that sea was once a lake. While such, let us admit an extraordinary collection of the waters of the atmosphere from the other parts of the globe to have been discharged over that and the countries whose waters run into it. Or without supposing it a lake, admit such an extraordinary collection of the waters of the atmosphere, and an influx of waters from the Atlantic ocean, forced by long continued western winds. The lake, or that sea, may thus have been so raised as to overflow the low lands adjacent to it, as those of Egypt and Armenia, which, according to a tradition of the Egyptians and Hebrews, were overflowed about 2300 years before the Christian aera; those of Attica, said to have been overflowed in the time of Ogyges, about five hundred years later; and those of Thessaly, in the time of Deucalion, still 300 years posterior. But such deluges as these will not account for the shells found in the higher lands. A second opinion has been enter­tained, which is, that, in times anterior to the records either of history or tradition, the bed of the ocean, the principal residence of the shelled tribe, has, by some great convulsion of nature, [Page 41] been heaved to the heights at which we now find shells and other remains of marine animals. The favourers of this opinion do well to suppose the great events on which it rests to have taken place beyond all the aeras of history; for within these, certainly none such are to be found; and we may venture to say further, that no fact has taken place, either in our own days, or in the thousands of years recorded in history, which proves the ex­istence of any natural agents, within or without the bowels of the earth, of force sufficient to heave, to the height of 15,000 feet, such masses as the Andes. The difference between the pow­er necessary to produce such an effect, and that which shuffled together the different parts of Ca­labria in our days, is so immense, that, from the existence of the latter we are not authorised to in­fer that of the former.

M. de Voltaire has suggested a third solution of this difficulty (Quest. Encycl. Coquilles.) He cites an instance in Touraine, where, in the space of 80 years, a particular spot of earth had been twice metamorphosed into soft stone, which had become hard when employed in building. In this stone shells of various kinds were produced, discoverable at first only with the microscope, but afterwards growing with the stone. From this fact, I suppose, he would have us infer, that, be­sides the usual process for generating shells by the elaboration of earth and water in animal ves­sels, nature may have provided an equivalent operation, by passing the same materials through [Page 42] the pores of calcareous earths and stones; as we see calcareous drop-stones generating every day by the percolation of water through lime-stone, and new marble forming in the quarries from which the old has been taken out; and it might be asked, whether it is more difficult for nature, to shoot the caleareous juice into the form of a shell, than other juices into the forms of crystals, plants, animals, according to the construction of the vessels through which they pass? There is a wonder somewhere. Is it greatest on this branch of the dilemma; on that which supposes the exist­ence of a power, of which we have no evidence in any other case; or on the first, which requires us to believe the creation of a body of water and its subsequent annihilation? The estab­lishment of the instance, cited by M. de Voltaire, of the growth of shells unattached to animal bo­dies, would have been that of his theory. But he has not established it. He has not even left it on ground so respectable as to have rendered it▪ an object of enquiry to the literati of his own country. Abandoning this fact, therefore, the three hypotheses are equally unsatisfactory; and we must be contented to acknowledge, that this great phenomenon is as yet unsolved. Igno­rance is preferable to error; and he is less re­mote from the truth who believes nothing, than he who believes what is wrong.

There is great abundance (more especially when you approach the mountains) of stone, white, blue, brown, &c. fit for the chissel, good [Page 43] mill-stone, such also as stands the fire, and fire­stone. We are told of flint, fit for [...]n-flints, [...] the Meherrin in Brunswick, on the Mississippi be­tween the mouth of Ohio and Kaskaskia, and on others of the western waters. Isinglass or mica is in several places; loadstone also; and an Asbe­stos of a ligneous texture, is sometimes to be met with.

Marle abounds generally. A clay, of which, like the Sturbridge in England, bricks are made, which will resist long the violent action of fire, has been found on Tuckahoe creek of James ri­ver, and no doubt will be found in other places. Chalk is said to be in Botetourt and Bedford. In the latter county is some earth believed to be gypseous. Ochres are found in various parts.

In the lime-stone country are many caves, the earthy floors of which are impregnated with nitre. On Rich creek, a branch of the Great Kanha­way, about 60 miles below the lead mines, is a very large one, about 20 yards wide, and enter­ing a hill a quarter of half a mile. The vault is of rock, from 9 to 15 or 20 feet above the floor. A Mr. Lynch, who gives me this account, under­took to extract the nitre. Besides a coat of the salt which had formed on the vault and floor, he found the earth highly impregnated to the depth of seven feet in some places, and generally of three, every bushel yielding on an average three pounds of nitre. Mr. Lynch having made about 1000lb. of the salt from it, consigned it to some others, who have since made 10,000lb. They [Page 44] have done this by pursuing the cave into the hill, never trying a second time the earth they have once exhausted, to see how far or soon it receives another impregnation. At least fifty of these caves are worked on the Greenbriar. There are many of them known on Cumberland river.

The country westward of the Alleghany abounds with springs of common salt. The most remarkable we have heard of are at Bullet's lick, the Big bones, the blue licks, and on the North fork of Holston. The area of Bullet's lick, is of many acres. Digging the earth to the depth of three feet, the water begins to boil up, and the deeper you go, and the drier the weather, the stronger is the brine. A thousand gallons of water, yield from a bushel to a bushel and a half of salt, which is about 80lb. of water to 1lb. of salt▪ but of sea-water 25lb. yield 1lb. of salt. So that sea-water is more than three times as strong as that of these springs. A salt spring has been lately discovered at the Turkey foot on Yohog [...]y, by which river it is overflowed, ex­cept [...] very low water. Its merit is not yet known. [...]nning's lick is also as yet untried, but it is supposed to be the best on this side the Ohio. The salt springs on the margin of the Onondago lake are said to give a saline taste to the waters of the lake.

There are several medicinal springs, some of which are indubitably efficacious, while others seem to owe their reputation as much to fancy and change of air and regimen, as to their real [Page 45] virtues. None of them having undergone a che­mical analysis in skilful hands, nor been so far the subject of observations as to have produced a reduction into [...]asses of the disorders which they relieve, it is in [...] power to give little more than an enumeration of them.

The most efficacious of these are two springs in Augusta, near the first sources of James river, where it is called Jackson's river. They rise near the foot of the ridge of mountains, general­ly called the Warm spring mountains, but in the maps Jackson's mountains. The one is distin­guished by the name of the Warm spring, and the other of the Hot spring. The Warm spring issues with a very bold stream, sufficient to work a grist mill, and to keep the waters of its ba­son, which is 30 feet in diameter, at the vital warmth, viz. 96° of Farenheit's thermometer. The matter with which these waters is allied is very volatile; its smell indicates it to be sul­phureous, as also does the circumstance of its turning silver black. They relieve rheumatisms. Other complaints also of very different natures have been removed or lessened by them. It rains here four or five days in every week.

The Hot spring is about six miles from the Warm, is much smaller, and has been so hot as to have boiled an egg. Some believe its degree of heat to be lessened. It raises the mercury in Farenheit's thermometer to 112 degrees, which is fever heat. It sometimes relieves where the Warm spring fails. A fountain of common wa­ter, [Page 46] issuing within a few inches of its margin, gives it a singular appearance. Comparing the temperature of these with that of the Hot springs of Kamschatka, of which Krachininnikow gives an account, the difference is very great, the lat­ter raising the mercury to 200° which is within 12° of boiling water. These springs are very much resorted to in spite of a total want of ac­commodation for the sick. Their waters are strongest in the hottest months, which occasions their being visited in July and August princi­pally.

The [...] springs are in the county of Bote­tourt, at the eastern foot of the Alleghany, about 42 miles from the Warm springs. They are still less known. Having been found to relieve ca­ses in which the others had been ineffectually tried, it is probable their composition is different. They are different also in their temperature, be­ing as cold as common water: which is not mentioned, however, as a proof of a distinct im­pregnation. This is among the first sources of James' river.

On Patowmac river, in Berkely county, above the North mountain, are medicinal springs, much more frequented than those of Augusta. Their powers, however, are less, the waters weakly mineralized, and scarcely warm. They are more visited, because situated in a fertile, plentiful, and populous country, better provided with accommodations, always safe from the Indi­ans, and nearest to the more populous states.

[Page 47] In Louisa county, on the head waters of the South Anna branch of York river, are springs of some medicinal virtue. They are not much used however. There is a weak chalybeate at Rich­mond; and many others in various parts of the country, which are of too little worth, or too little note, to be enumerated after those before mentioned.

We are told of a sulphur spring on How­ard's creek of Greenbriar, and another at Boonsborough on Kentucky.

In the low grounds of the Great Kanha­way, seven miles above the mouth of Elk ri­ver, and 67 above that of the Kanhaway it­self, is a hole in the earth of the capacity of 30 or 40 gallons, from which issues constant­ly a bituminous vapour, in so strong a current, as to give to the sand about its orifice the motion which it has in a boiling spring. On presenting a lighted candle or torch within 18 inches of the hole, it flames up in a co­lumn of 18 inches diameter, and four or five feet height, which sometimes burns out with­in [...]0 minutes, and at other times has been known to continue three days, and then has been still left burning. The flame is unsteady, of the density of that of burning spirits, and smells like burning pit-coal. Water sometimes collects in the bason, which is remarkably cold, and is kept in ebullition by the vapour issuing through it. If the vapour be fired in that state, the water soon becomes so warm that [Page 48] the hand cannot bear it, and evaporates wholly in a short time. This, with the circumjacent lands, is the property of his excellency general Washington and of general Lewis.

There is a similar one on Sandy river, the flame of which is a column of about 12 inches di­ameter, and three feet high. General Clarke, who informs me of it, kindled the vapour, staid about an hour, and left it burning.

The mention of uncommon springs leads me to that of Syphon fountains. There is one of these near the intersection of the lord Fairfax's boundary with the North mountain, not far from Brock's gap, on the stream of which is a grist­mill, which grinds two bushels of grain at every flood of the spring: another, near the Cow­pasture river, a mile and a half below its conflu­ence with the Bull-pasture river, and 16 or 17 miles from the Hot springs, which intermits once in every twelve hours: one also near the mouth of the North Holston.

After these may be mentioned the Natural Well, on the lands of a Mr. Lewis in Frederick county. It is somewhat larger than a common well: the water rises in it as near the surface of the earth as in the neighbouring artificial wells, and is of a depth as yet unknown. It is said there is a current in it tending sensibly down­wards. If this be true, it probably feeds some fountain, of which it is the natural reservoir, distinguished from others, like that of Madison's [Page 49] cave, by being accessible. It is used with buck­et and windlass as an ordinary well.

A complete catalogue of the trees, plants, fruits, &c. is probably not desired. I will sketch out those which would principally attract notice, as being 1. Medicinal, 2. Esculent, 3. Ornamen­tal. or 4. Useful for fabrication; adding the Lin­naean to the popular names, as the latter might not convey precise information to a foreigner. I shall confine myself too to native plants.

1. Senna.

Cassia ligustrina.

Arsmart.

Polygonum Sagittatum.

Clivers, or goose-grass.

Galium spurium.

 

Lobelia of several species.

Palma Christi.

Ricinus.

(3.) James-town weed.

Datura Stramonium.

Mallow.

Malva rotundifolia.

Syrian mallow.

• Hibiscus moschentos.
• Hibiscus virginicus.

Indian mallow.

• Sida rhombifolia.
• Sida abutilon.

Virginia Marshmallow.

• Napaea hermaphrodita.
• Napaea dioica.

Indian physic.

Spiria trifoliata.

 

Euphorbia Ipecacuanhae.

Pleurisy root.

Asclepias decumbens.

Virginia snake root.

Aristolochia serpentaria.

Black snake-root.

Actaea racemosa.

Seneca rattlesnake-root.

Polygala Senega.

Valerian.

Valeriana locusta radiata.

 

Gentiana, Saponaria, Villosa & Centaurium.

Ginseng.

Panax quinquefolium.

[Page 50] Angelica.

Angelica sylvestris.

Cassava.

Jatropha urens.

2. Tuckahoe.

Lycoperdon tuber.

Jerusalem artichoke.

Helianthus tuberosus.

Long potatoes.

Convolvulas batatas.

Granadillas.

Maycocks. Maracocks. Passiflora incarnata.

Panic.

Panicum of many species.

Indian millet.

• Holcus laxus.
• Holcus striosus.

Wild oat.

Zizania aquaticia.

Wild pea.

Dolichos of Clayton.

Lupine.

Lupinus perennis.

Wild hop.

Humulus lupulus.

Wild cherry.

Prunus Virginiana.

Cherokee plumb.

Prunus sylves­tris fructu majori. Clayton.

Wild plumb.

Prunus sylvestris fruc­tu minori. Clayton.

Wild crab-apple.

Pyrus coronaria.

Red Mulberry.

Morus rubra.

Persimmon.

Diospyros Virginiana.

Sugar maple.

Acer saccharinum.

Scaly bark hiccory.

Juglans alba cortice squa­moso. Clayton.

Common hiccory.

Juglans alba, fructu mino­re rancido. Clayton.

Paccan, or Illinois nut.

Not described by Linnaeus, Millar, or Clayton. Were I to venture to describe this, speaking of the fruit from memory, and of the leaf from plants of two years growth, I should speci­fy [Page 51] it as the Juglans alba, foliolis lanceolatis, acuminatis, serratis, tomentosis, fructu mi­nore, ovato, compresso, vix insculpto, dul­ci, putamine tenerrimo. It grows on the Illinois, Wabash, Ohio, and Mississippi. It is spoken of by Don Ulloa under the name of Pacanos, in his Noticias Americanas. Entret. 6.

Black walnut.

Juglans nigra.

White walnut.

Juglans alba.

Chesnut.

Fagus castanea.

Chinquapin.

Fagus pumila.

Hazlenut.

Corylus avellana.

Grapes. Vitis.

Various kinds, though only three described by Clayton.

Scarlet Strawberries.

Fragaria Virginiana of Millar.

Whortleberries.

Vaccinium uliginosum.

Wild gooseberries.

Ribes grossularia.

Cranberries.

Vaccinium oxycoccos.

Black raspberries.

Rubus occidentalis.

Blackberries.

Rubus fruticosus.

Dewberries.

Rubus caesius.

Cloudberries.

Rubus Chamaemorus.

3. Plane-tree.

Platanus occidentalis.

Poplar.

• Liriodendron tulipifera.
• Populus heterophylla.

Black poplar.

Populus nigra.

Aspen.

Populus tremula.

Linden, or lime.

Telia Americana.

Red flowering maple.

Acer rubrum.

Horse-chesnut, or buck's-eye.

AEsculus pavia.

[Page 52] Catalpa.

Bignonia catalpa.

Umbrella.

Magnolia tripetala.

Swamp laurel.

Magnolia glauca.

Cucumber-tree.

Magnolia acuminata.

Portugal bay.

Laurus indica.

Red bay.

Laurus borbonia.

Dwarf-rose bay.

Rhododendron maximum.

Laurel of the western country.

Qu. species.?

Wild pimento.

Laurus benzoin.

Sassafras.

Laurus sassafras.

Locust.

Robinia pseudo-acacia.

Honey-locust.

Gleditsia. 1. [...]

Dogwood.

Cornus florida.

Fringe or snow-drop tree.

Chionanthus Vir­ginica.

Barberry.

Berberis vulgaris.

Redbud, or Judas-tree.

Cercis Canadensis.

Holly.

Ilex aquifolium.

Cockspur hawthorn.

Crataegus coccinea.

Spindle-tree.

Euonymus Europaeus.

Evergreen spindle-tree.

Euonymus Ameri­canus.

 

Itea Virginica.

Elder.

Sambucus nigra.

Papaw.

Annona triloba.

Candleberry myrtle.

Myrica cerifera.

Dwarf-laurel.

• Kalmia an­gustifolia called ivy with us.
• Kalmia la­tifolia. Called ivy with us.

Ivy.

Hedera quinquefolia.

[Page 53] Trumpet honeysuckle.

Lonicera sempervi­rens.

Upright honeysuckle.

Azalea nudiflora.

Yellow jasmine.

Bignonia sempervirens.

 

Calycanthus floridus.

American aloe.

Agave Virginica.

Sumach.

Rhus. Qu. species?

Poke.

Phytolacca decandra.

Long moss.

Tillandsia Usneoides.

4. Reed.

Arundo phragmitis.

Virginia hemp.

Acnida cannabina.

Flax.

Linum Virginianum.

Black, or pitch-pine.

Pinus taeda.

White pine.

Pinus strobus.

Yellow pine.

Pinus Virginica.

Spruce pine.

Pinus foliis singularibus. Clay­ton.

Hemlock spruce fir.

Pinus Canadensis.

Arbor vitae.

Thuya occidentalis.

Juniper.

Juniperus Virginica (called cedar with us.)

Cypress.

Cupressus disticha.

White cedar.

Cupressus Thyoides.

Black oak.

Quercus nigra.

White oak.

Quercus alba.

Red oak.

Quercus rubra.

Willow oak.

Quercus phellos.

Chesnut oak.

Quercus prinus.

Black jack oak.

Quercus aquatica. Clay­ton.

Ground oak.

Quercus pumila. Clayton.

Live oak.

Quercus Virginiana. Millar.

[Page 54] Black birch.

Betula nigra.

White birch.

Betula alba.

Beach.

Fagus sylvatica.

Ash.

• Fraxinus Americana.
• Fraxinus Novae Angliae. Millar.

Elm.

Ulmus Americana.

Willow.

Salix. Query species?

Sweet Gum.

Liquidambar styraciflua.

The following were found in Virginia when first visited by the English; but it is not said whether of spontaneous growth, or by cultiva­tion only. Most probably they were natives of more southern climates, and handed along the continent from one nation to another of the sa­vages.

Tobacco.

Nicotiana.

Maize.

Zea mays.

Round potatoes.

Solanum tuberosum.

Pumkins.

Cucurbita pepo.

Cymlings.

Cucurbita verrucosa.

Squashes.

Cucurbita melopepo.

There is an infinitude of other plants and flowers, for an enumeration and scientific de­scription of which I must refer to the Flora Vir­ginica of our great botanist, Dr. Clayton, pub­lished by Gronovius at Leyden, in 1762. This accurate observer was a native and resident of this state, passed a long life in exploring and de­scribing its plants, and is supposed to have en­larged the botanical catalogue as much as almost any man who has lived.

Besides these plants, which are native, our [Page 55] farms produce wheat, rye, barley, oats, buck wheat, broom corn, and Indian corn. The cli­mate suits rice well enough, wherever the lands do. Tobacco, hemp, flax, and cotton, are staple commodities. Indigo yields two cuttings. The silk-worm is a native, and the mulberry, proper for its food, grows kindly.

We cultivate also potatoes, both the long and the round, turnips, carrots, [...]parsneps, pumkins, and ground nuts (Arachis.) Our grasses are lucerne, st. foin, burnet, timothy, ray and orch­ard grass; red, white, and yellow clover; green­swerd, blue grass, and crab grass.

The gardens yield musk-melons, water-melons, tomatas, okra, pomegranates, figs, and the escu­lent plants of Europe.

The orchards produce apples, pears, cherries, quinces, peaches, nectarines, apricots, almonds, and plumbs.

Our quadrupeds have been mostly described by Linnaeus and Mons. de Buffon. Of these the Mammoth, or big buffalo, as called by the Indi­ans, must certainly have been the largest. Their tradition is, that he was carnivorous, and still exists in the northern parts of America. A delegation of warriors from the Delaware tribe having visited the governor of Virginia, dur­ing the revolution, on matters of business, af­ter these had been discussed and settled in coun­cil, the governor asked them some questions re­lative to their country, and among others, what they knew or had heard of the animal whose bones [Page 56] were found at the Saltlicks on the Ohio. Their chief speaker immediately put himself into an at­titude of oratory, and with a pomp suited to what he conceived the elevation of his subject, inform­ed him that it was a tradition handed down from their fathers, ‘That in ancient times a herd of these tremendous animals came to the Big-bone licks, and began an universal destruction of the bear, deer, elks, buffaloes, and other animals which had been created for the use of the Indi­ans: that the Great Man above, looking down and seeing this, was so enraged, that he seized his lightning, decended on the earth, seated himself on a neighboring mountain, on a rock of which his seat and the print of his feet are still to be seen, and hurled his bolts among them till the whole were slaughtered, except the big bull, who presenting his forehead to the shafts, shook them off as they fell; but missing one at length, it wounded him in the side; whereon, springing round, he bounded over the Ohio, over the Wabash, the Illinois, and finally over the great lakes, where he is living at this day.’ It is well known that on the Ohio, and in many parts of America further north, tusks, grinders, and ske­letons of unparalleled magnitude, are found in great numbers, some lying on the surface of the earth, and some a little below it. A Mr. Stan­ley, taken prisoner by the Indians near the mouth of the Tenassee, relates, that, after being transfer­red through several tribes, from one to another, he was at length carried over the mountains west [Page 57] of the Missouri to a river which runs westwardly: that these bones abounded there; and that the natives described to him the animal to which they belonged as still existing in the northern parts of their country; from which description he judg­ed it to be an elephant. Bones of the same kind have been lately found, some feet below the surface of the earth, in salines opened on the North Holston, a branch of the Tanissee, about the latitude of 36½° north. From the ac­counts published in Europe, I suppose it to be decided, that these are of the same kind with those found in Siberia. Instances are mention­ed of like animal remains found in the more southern climates of both hemispheres; but they are either so loosely mentioned as to leave a doubt of the fact, so inaccurately described as not to authorize the classing them with the great northern bones, or so rare as to found a suspi­cion that they have been carried thither as cu­riosities from more northern regions. So that on the whole there seem to be no certain vesti­ges of the existence of this animal further south than the salines last mentioned. It is remarka­ble that the tusks and skeletons have been ascrib­ed by the naturalists of Europe to the elephant, while the grinders have been given to the hip­popotamus, or river horse. Yet it is acknow­ledged, that the tusks and skeletons are much larger than those of the elephant, and the grind­ers many times greater than those of the hip­popotamus, and essentially different in form. [Page 58] Wherever these grinders are found, there also we find the tusks and skeleton; but no skeleton of the hippopotamus nor grinders of the elephant. It will not be said that the hippopotamus and elephant came always to the same spot, the for­mer to deposit his grinders, and the latter his tusks and skeleton. For what became of the parts not deposited there? We must agree then that these remains belong to each other, that they are of one and the same animal, that this was not a hippopotamus, because the hippopota­mus had no tusks nor such a frame, and because the grinders differ in their size as well as in the number and form of their points. That it was not an elephant, I think ascertained by proofs equally decisive. I will not avail myself of the authority of the celebrated ^* anatomist, who, from an examination of the form and structure of the tusks, has declared they were essentially different from those of the elephant; because another ^† anatomist, equally celebrated, has declared, on a like examination, that they are precisely the same. Between two such authori­ties I will suppose this circumstance equivocal. But, 1. The skeleton of the mammoth (for so the incognitum has been called) bespeaks an animal of five or six times the cubit volume of the ele­phant, as Mons. de Buffon has admitted. 2. The grinders are five times as large, are square, and the grinding surface studded with four or five [Page 59] rows of blunt points: whereas those of the ele­phant are broad and thin, and their grinding sur­face flat. 3. I have never heard an instance, and suppose there has been none, of the grinder of an elephant being found in America. 4. From the known temperature and constitution of the elephant he could never have existed in those re­gions where the remains of the mammoth have been found. The elephant is a native only of the torrid zone and its vicinities: if, with the as­sistance of warm apartments and warm clothing, he has been preserved in life in the temperate climates of Europe, it has only been for a small portion of what would have been his natural pe­riod, and no instance of his multiplication in them has ever been known. But no bones of the mam­moth, as I have before observed, have been ever found further south than the salines of the Hol­ston, and they have been found as far north as the Arctic circle. Those, therefore, who are of opinion that the elephant and mammoth are the same, must believe, 1. That the elephant known to us can exist and multiply in the frozen zone; or, 2. That an eternal fire may once have warm­ed those regions, and since abandoned them, of which, however, the globe exhibits no unequivocal indications; or, 3. That the obliquity of the ecliptic, when these elephants lived, was so great as to include within the tropics all those regions in which the bones are found: the tropics being, as is before observed, the natural limits of habi­tation for the elephant. But if it be admitted [Page 60] that this obliquity has really decreased, and we adopt the highest rate of decrease yet pretended, that is of one minute in a century, to transfer the northern tropic to the Arctic circle, would carry the existence of these supposed elephants 250,000 years back; a period far beyond our conception of the duration of animal bones left exposed to the open air, as these are in many in­stances. Besides, though these regions would then be supposed within the tropics, yet their winters would have been too severe for the sen­sibility of the elephant. They would have had too but one day and one night in the year, a circumstance to which we have no reason to sup­pose the nature of the elephant fitted. Howe­ver, it has been demonstrated, that, if a variation of obliquity in the ecliptic takes place at all, it is vibratory, and never exceeds the limits of 9 degrees, which is not sufficient to bring these bones within the tropics. One of these hypothe­ses, or some other equally voluntary and inadmis­sible to cautious philosophy, must be adopted to support the opinion that these are the bones of the elephant. For my own part, I find it easi­er to believe that an animal may have existed, resembling the elephant in his tusks, and general anatomy, while his nature was in other respects ex­tremely different. From the 30th degree of south latitude to the 30th of north, are nearly the limits which nature has fixed for the existence and multi­plication of the elephant known to us. Proceed­ing thence northwardly to 36½ degrees, we en­ter [Page 61] those assigned to the mammoth. The fur­ther we advance north, the more their vestiges multiply as far as the earth has been explored in that direction; and it is as probable as other­wise, that this progression continues to the pole itself, if land extends so for. The centre of the frozen zone then may be the achmé of their vi­gour, as that of the [...] is of the elephant. Thus nature seems to have drawn a belt of se­paration between these [...] tremendous animals, whose breadth indeed is not precisely known, though at present we may suppose it about 6½ degrees of latitude; to have assigned to the ele­phant the regions south of these confines, and those north to the mammoth, founding the con­stitution of the one in her extreme of heat, and that of the other in the extreme of cold. When the creator has therefore separated their nature as far as the extent of the scale of animal [...] allow­ed to this planet would permit, it seemsperverse to declare it the same, from a partial [...] of their tusks and bones. But to whatever animal we ascribe these remains, it is certain such a one has existed in America, and that it has been the largest of all terrestrial beings. It should have sufficed to have rescued the earth it inhabited, and the at­mosphere it breathed, from the imputation of im­potence in the conception and nourishment of animal life on a large scale: to have stifled, in its birth, the opinion of a writer, the most learned too of all others in the science of animal history, that in the new world, ‘La nature vivante est [Page 62] beaucoup moins agissante, beaucoup moins forte:’ ^* that nature is less active, less ener­getic on one side of the globe than she is on the other. As if both sides were not warmed by the same genial sun; as if a soil of the same chemical composition, was less capable of elaboration into animal nutriment; as if the fruits and grains from that soil and sun, yield­ed a less rich chyle, gave less extension to the so­lids and fluids of the body, or poduced sooner in the cartilages, membranes, and fibres, that rigi­dity which restrains all further extension, and terminates animal growth. The truth is, that a Pigmy and a Patagonian, a Mouse and a Mam­moth, derive their dimensions from the same nutritive juices. The difference of increment depends on circumstances unsearchable to beings with our capacities. Every race of animals seems to have received from their Maker certain laws of extension at the time of their formation. Their elaborative organs were formed to pro­duce this, while proper obstacles were opposed to its further progress. Below these limits they cannot fall, nor rise above them. What inter­mediate station they shall take may depend on soil, on climate, on food, on a careful choice of breeders. But all the manna of heaven would ne­ver raise the mouse to the bulk of the mammoth.

The opinion advanced by the Count de Buf­fon ^†, is 1. That the animals common both to [Page 63] the old and new world, are smaller in the lat­ter. 2. That those peculiar to the new are on a smaller scale. 3. That those which have been domesticated in both, have degenerat­ed in America: and 4. That on the whole it ex­hibits fewer species. And the reason he thinks is, that the heats of America are less; that more waters are spread over its surface by nature, and fewer of these drained off by the hand of man. In other words, that heat is friendly, and moisture adverse to the production and developement of large quadrupeds. I will not meet this hypothesis on its first doubtful ground, whether the climateof America be comparatively more humid? Because we are not furnished with observations sufficient to decide this question. And though, till it be decided, we are as free to deny, as others are to affirm the fact, yet for a moment let it be suppos­ed. The hypothesis, after this supposition, pro­ceeds to another; that moisture is unfriendly to animal growth. The truth of this is inscrutable to us by reasonings à priori▪ Nature has hid­den from us her modus agendi. Our only ap­peal on such questions is to experience; and I think that experience is against the supposition. It is by the assistance of heat and moisture that vegetables are elaborated from the ele­ments of earth, air, water, and fire. We accord­ingly see the more humid climates produce the greater quantity of vegetables. Vegetables are mediately or immediately the food of every ani­mal: and in proportion to the quantity of food, [Page 64] we see animals not only multiplied in their num­bers, but improved in their bulk, as far as the laws of their nature will admit. Of this opini­on is the Count de Buffon himself in another part of his work ^*: ‘en general il paroit ques les pays un peu froids conviennent mieux á nos boeufs que les pays chauds, et qu'ils font d'au­tant plus gross et plus grands que le climat est plus humide et plus abondans en paturages. Les boeufs de Danemarck, de la Podolie, de I'Ukraine et de la Tartarie qu habitent les Cal­mouques sont les plus grands de tous.’ Here then a race of animals, and one of the largest too, has been increased in its dimensions by cold and moisture, in direct opposition to the hypothe­sis, which supposes that these two circumstances diminish animal bulk, and that it is their contra­ries heat and dryness which enlarge it. But when we appeal to experience, we are not to rest sa­tisfied with a single fact. Let us therefore try our question on more general ground. Let us take two portions of the earth, Europe and Ame­rica for instance, sufficiently extensive to give operation to general causes; let us consider the circumstances peculiar to each, and observe their effect on animal nature. America, running through the torrid as well as temperate zone, has more heat collectively taken, than Europe. But Europe, according to our hypothesis, is the dryest. They are equally adapted then 10 ani­mal productions; each being endowed with one [Page 65] of those causes which befriend animal growth, and with one which opposes it. If it be thought unequal to compare Europe with America, which is so much larger, I answer, not more so than to compare America with the whole world. Be­sides, the purpose of the comparison is to try an hypothesis, which makes the size of animals de­pend on the heat and moisture of climate. If therefore we take a region, so extensive as to comprehend a sensible distinction of climate, and so extensive too as that local accidents, or the intercourse of animals on its borders, may not materially affect the size of those in its interior parts, we shall comply with those conditions which the hypothesis may reasonably demand. The objection would be the weaker in the pre­sent case, because any intercourse of animals which may take place on the confines of Europe and Asia, is to the advantage of the former, Asia producing certainly larger animals than Eu­rope. Let us then take a comparative view of the quadrupeds of Europe and America, present­ing them to the eye in three different tables, in one of which shall be enumerated those found in both countries; in a second, those found in one only; in a third, those which have been domesti­cated in both. To facilitate the comparison, let those of each table be arranged in gradation ac­cording to their sizes, from the greatest to the smallest, so far as their sizes can be conjectured. The weights of the large animals shall be expres­sed in the English avoirdupoise pound and its [Page 66] decimals: those of the smaller, in the same ounce and its decimals. Those which are marked thus,* are actual weights of particular subjects, deemed among the largest of their species. Those marked thus,† are furnished by judicious persons, well acquainted with the species, and saying, from conjecture only, what the largest individual they had seen would probably have weighed. The other weights are taken from Messrs. Buffon and D'Aubenton, and are of such subjects as came casually to their hands for dis­section. This circumstance must be remember­ed where their weights and mine stand opposed: the latter being stated, not to produce a conclu­sion in favour of the American species, but to justify a suspension of opinion until we are bet­ter informed, and a suspicion, in the mean time, that there is no uniform difference in favour of either; which is all I pretend.

[Page 67]

[Page 71] I have not inserted in the first table the Pho­ca ^* nor leather-winged bat, because the one liv­ing half the year in the water, and the other be­ing a winged animal, the individuals of each spe­cies may visit both continents.

Of the animals in the Ist table, Mos. de Buffon himself informs us, [XXVII. 130. XXX. 213.] that the beaver, the otter, and shrew mouse, though of the same species, are larger in Ame­rica than Europe. This should therefore have corrected the generality of his expressions XVIII. 145. and elsewhere, that the animals common to the two countries, are considerably less in Ame­rica than in Europe, '& cela sans aucune ex­ception.' He tells us too, [Quadrup. VIII. 334. edit. Paris, 1777] that on examining a bear from America, he remarked no difference, ‘dans la forme de cet ours d'Amerique comparé a celui d'Europe;’ but adds from Bartram's jour­nal, that an American bear weighed 400lb. En­glish, equal to 367lb. French: whereas we find the European bear examined by Mons. D'Auben­ton, [XVII. 82.] weighed but 141lb. French. That the palmated elk is larger in America than Europe, we are informed by Kalm, ^† a naturalist who visited the former by public appoint­ment, [Page 72] for the express purpose of examining the subjects of natural history. In this fact Pen­nant concurs with him. [Barrington's Miscel­lanies.] The same Kalm tells us ^* that the black moose, or renne of America is as high as a tall horse; and Catesby, ^† that it is about the big­ness of a middle-sized ox. The same account of their size has been given me by many who have seen them. But Mons. D'Aubenton says ^‡ that the renne of Europe is but about the size of a red deer. The weasel is larger in America than in Eu­rope, as may be seen by comparing its dimensions as reported by Mons. D'Aubenton ^§ and Kalm. The latter tells us, ^‖ that the lynx, badger, red fox, and flying squirrel, are the same in America as in Europe: by which expression I understand, they are the same in all material circumstances, in size as well as others: for if they were smaller, they would differ from the European. Our grey fox is, by Catesby's account, ^¶ little different in size and shape from the European fox. I pre­sume he means the red fox of Europe, as does Kalm, where he says, ^** that in size 'they do not quite come up to our foxes.' For proceeding next to the red fox of America, he says 'they are entirely the same with the European sort:' [Page 73] which shows he had in view one European sort only, which was the red. So that the result of their testimony is, that the American grey fox is somewhat less than the European red; which is equally true of the grey fox of Europe, as may be seen by comparing the measures of the Count de Buffon and Mons. D'Aubenton ^*. The white bear of America is as large as that of Europe. The bones of the mammoth which have been found in America, are as large as those found in the old world. It may be asked, why I insert the mammoth, as if it still existed? I ask in re­turn, why I should omit it, as if it did not exist? Such is the economy of nature, that no instance can be produced, of her having permitted any one race of her animals to become extinct; of her having formed any link in her great work so weak as to be broken. To add to this, the tra­ditionary testimony of the Indians, that this animal still exists in the northern and western parts of America, would be adding the light of a taper to that of the meridian sun. Those parts still remain in their aboriginal state, unexplored and undisturbed by us, or by others for us. He may as well exist there now, as he did formerly where we find his bones. If he be a carnivorous animal, as some anatomists have conjectured, and the In­dians affirm, his early retirement may be account­ed for from the general destruction of the wild game by the Indians, which commences in the [Page 74] first instant of their connexion with us, for the purpose of purchasing matchcoats, hatchets, and fire-locks, with their skins. There remain then the buffaloe, red deer, fallow deer, wolf, roe, glutton, wild-cat, monax, vison, hedgehog, mar­ten, and water rat, of the comparative sizes of which we have not sufficient testimony. It does not appear that Messrs. de Buffon and D'Au­benton have measured, weighed, or seen those of America. It is said of some of them, by some tra­vellers, that they are smaller than the European. But who were these travellers? Have they not been men of a very different description from those who have laid open to us the other three quarters of the world? Was natural history the object of their travels? Did they measure or weigh the animals they speak of? or did they not judge of them by sight, or perhaps even from re­port only? Were they acquainted with the ani­mals of their own country, with which they un­dartake to compare them? Have they not been so ignorant as often to mistake the species? A true answer to these questions would probably lighten their authority, so as to render it insuffi­cient for the foundation of an hypothesis. How unripe we yet are, for an accurate comparison of the animals of the two countries, will appear from the work of Monsieur de Buffon. The ideas we should have formed of the sizes of some animals, from the information he had received at his first publications concerning them, are very different from what his subsequent commu­nications [Page 75] give us. And indeed his candour in this can never be too much praised. One sen­tence of his book must do him immortal ho­nour. ‘J'aime autant une personne qui me releve d'une erreur, qu'une autre qui m'apprend une verité, parce qu'en effet une erreur corrigée eft une verityé’ ^*. He seems to have thought the cabiai he first examined wanted little of its full growth. ‘Il n'etoit pas encore tout-a-fait adulte.’ ^† Yet he weighed but 46½lb, and he found afterwards, ^‡ that these animals, when full grown, weigh 100lb. He had supposed, from the examination of a jaugar, ^‖ said to be two years old, which weighed but 16lb. 12OZ. that when he should have acquired his full growth, he would not be larger than a middle sized dog. But a sub­sequent account ^§ raises his weight to 200lb. Further information will, doubtless, produce fur­ther corrections. The wonder is, not that there is yet something in this great work to correct, but that there is so little. The result of this view then is, that of 26 quadrupeds common to both countries, 7 are said to be larger in America, 7 of equal size, and 12 not sufficiently examined. So that the first table impeaches the first member of the assertion, that of the animals common to both countries, the American are smallest, ‘et cela sans aucune exception.’ It shows it not just, [Page 76] in all the latitude in which its author has advan­ced it, and probably not to such a degree as to found a distinction between the two countries.

Proceeding to the second table, which arranges the animals found in one of the two countries on­ly, Mons. de Buffon observes, that the tapir, the elephant of America, is but of the size of a small cow. To preserve our comparison, I will add, that the wild boar, the elephant of Europe, is lit­tle more than half that size. I have made an elk with round or cylindrical horns an animal of America, and peculiar to it; because I have seen many of them myself, and more of their horns; and because I can say, from the best information, that, in Virginia, this kind of elk has abounded much, and still exists in smaller numbers; and I could never learn that the palmated kind had been seen here at all. I suppose this confined to the more northern latitudes ^*. I [Page 77] have made our hare or rabbit peculiar, believ­ing it to be different from both the European animals of those denominations, and calling it therefore by its Algonquin name, Whabus, to keep it distinct from these. Kalm is of the same opinion. ^* I have enumerated the squirrels ac­cording to our own knowledge, derived from daily sight of them, because I am not able to re­concile with that the European appellations and descriptions. I have heard of other species, but they have never come within my own notice. These, I think, are the only instances in which I have departed from the authority of Mons. de Buf­fon [Page 78] in the construction of this table. I take him for my ground work, because I think him the best informed of any naturalist who has ever written. The result is, that there are 18 quadrupeds pe­culiar to Europe; more than four times as many, to wit 74, peculiar to America; that the ^* first of these 74 weighs more than the whole column of Europeans; and consequently this second ta­ble disproves the second member of the assertion, that the animals peculiar to the new world are on a smaller scale, so far as that assertion relied on European animals for support: and it is in full opposition to the theory which makes the animal volume to depend on the circumstances of heat and moisture.

The IIId table comprehends those quadrupeds only which are domestic in both countries. That some of these, in some parts of America, have become less than their original stock, is doubt­less true; and the reason is very obvious. In a thinly peopled country, the spontaneous produc­tions of the forests and waste fields are sufficient to support indifferently the domestic animals of the farmer, with a very little aid from him in [Page 79] the severest and scarcest season. He therefore finds it more convenient to receive them from the hand of nature in that indifferent state, than to keep up their size by a care and nourishment which would cost him much labour. If, on this low fare, these animals dwindle, it is no more than they do in those parts of Europe where the poverty of the soil, or poverty of the owner, redu­ces them to the same scanty subsistence. It is the uniform effect of one and the same cause, whether acting on this or that side of the globe. It would be erring therefore against that rule of philosophy, which teaches us to ascribe like effects to like causes, should we impute this diminution of size in America to any imbecility or want of uniformity in the operations of nature. It may be affirmed with truth, that, in those coun­tries, and with those individuals of America, where necessity or curiosity has produced equal attention as in Europe to the nourishment of ani­mals, the horses, cattle, sheep and hogs of the one continent are as large as those of the other. There are particular instances, well attested, where individuals of this country have imported good breeders from England, and have improv­ed their size by care in the course of some years. To make a fair comparison between the two countries, it will not answer to bring together animals of what might be deemed the middle or ordinary size of their species; because an error in judging of that middle or ordinary size would vary the result of the comparison. Thus Mon­sieur [Page 80] D'Aubenton ^* considers a horse of 4 feet 5 inches high and 400lb. weight French, equal to 4 feet 8.6 inches and 436lb. English, as a middle sized horse. Such a one is deemed a small horse in America. The extremes must therefore be re­sorted to. The same anatomist ^† dissected a horse of 5 feet 9 inches height, French measure, equal to 6 feet 1.7 English. This is near 6 inches higher than any horse I have seen: and could it be supposed that I had seen the largest horses in America, the conclusion would be, that ours have diminished, or that we have bred from a smaller stock. In Connecticut and Rhode-Island, where the climate is favourable to the production of grass, bullocks have been slaughtered which weighed 2500, 2200, and 2100 lb. nett; and those of 1800 lb. have been frequent. I have seen a ^‡ hog weigh 1050 lb. after the blood, bowels, and hair had been taken from him. Before he was killed, an attempt was made to weigh him with a pair of steel-yards, graduated to 1200 lb. but he weighed more. Yet this hog was probably not within fifty generations of the European stock. I am well informed of another which weighed 1100 lb. gross. Asses have been still more neglected than any other domestic ani­mal in America. They are neither fed nor housed in the most rigorous season of the year. Yet they are larger than those measured by Mons. [Page 81] D'Aubenton ^*, of 3 feet 7¼ inches, 3 feet 4 in­ches, and 3 feet 2½ inches, the latter weighing only 215▪8 lb. These sizes, I suppose, have been produced by the same negligence in Europe, which has produced a like diminution here. Where care has been taken of them on that side of the water, they have been raised to a size bor­dering on that of the horse; not by the heat and dryness of the climate, but by good food and shelter. Goats have been also much neglected in America. Yet they are very prolific here, bearing twice or three times a year, and from one to five kids at a birth. Mons. de Buffon has been sensible of a difference in this circumstance in favour of America ^†. But what are their great­est weights, I cannot say. A large sheep here weighs 100 lb. I observe Mons. D'Aubenton calls a ram of 62 lb. one of the middle size ^‡. But to say what are the extremes of growth in these and the other domestic animals of America, would require information of which no one in­dividual is possessed. The weights actually known and stated in the third table preceding will suffice to show, that we may conclude, on probable grounds, that, with equal food and care, the climate of America will preserve the races of domestic animals as large as the European stock from which they are derived; and consequently that the third member of Mons. de Buffon's as­sertion, [Page 82] that the domestic animals are subject to degeneration from the climate of America, is as probably wrong as the first and second were certainly so.

That the last part of it is erroneous, which affirms that the species of American quadrupeds are comparatively few, is evident from the tables taken together. By these it appears that there are an hundred species aboriginal of America. Mons. de Buffon supposes about double that number existing on the whole earth ^*. Of these Europe, Asia, and Africa, furnish suppose 126; that is, the 26 common to Europe and America, and about 100 which are not in America at all. The American species then are to those of the rest of the earth, as 100 to 126, or 4 to 5. But the residue of the earth being double the ex­tent of America, the exact proportion would have been but as 4 to 8.

Hitherto I have considered this hypothesis as applied to brute animals only, and not in its ex­tension to the man of America, whether aborigi­nal or transplanted. It is the opinion of Mons. de Buffon that the former furnishes no excep­tion to it. ^† ‘Quoique le sauvage du nouveau monde soit á peu-prés de même stature que l'­homme de notre monde, cela ne suffit pas pour qu'il puisse faire une exception au fait général du rapetissement de la nature vivante dans tout ce continent: le sauvage est foible & petit pa [...] [Page 83] les organes de la génération; il n'a ni poil, ni barbe, & nulle ardeur pour sa femelle. Quoique plus léger que [...]'Européen, parce qu'il a plus d'habitude à courir, il est cependant beaucoup moins fort de corps; il est aussi bien moins sensible, & cependant plus craintif & plus lâche; il n'a nulle vivacité, nulle activité dans l'ame; celle du crops est moins un exer­cice, un mouvement volontaire qu'une né­cessité d'action causée par le besoin; otez lui la faim & la soif, vous détruirez en meme temps le principe actif de tous ses mouvemens; il demeure­ra stupidement en repos sur ses jambes ou couché pendant des [...] entiers. Il ne faut pas aller chercher plus loin la cause de la vie dispersée des sauvages & de leur éloignement pour la so­ciété: la plus précieuse étincelle du feu de la nature leur a été refusée; ils manquent d'ar­deur pour leur femelle, & par consequent d'amour pour leur semblables: ne connoissant pas l'att [...] ement le plus vif, le plus tendre de tous, leurs antres sentimens de ce genre, sont froids & languissans; ils aiment foiblement leurs pères & leurs enfans; la société la plus intime de toutes, celle de la même famille, n'a done chez eux que de foibles liens; la société d'une fa­mille à l'autre n'en a point du tout: dès lors nulle réunion, nulle republique, nulle etat soci­al. La physique de l'amour fait chez eux le mo­ral des moeurs; leur coeu [...]est glacé, leur société & leur empire dur. Ils ne regardent leurs femmes que comme des servantes de peine ou [Page 84] des bêtes de somme qu'ils chargent, sans mé­nagement, du fardeau de leur chasse, & qu'ils forcent, sans pitié, sans reconnoissance, à des ouvrages qui souvent sont audessus de leurs for­ces: ils n'ont que peu d'enfans; ils en ont peu de soin; tout se [...]ssent de leur premier defaut; ils sont indifferents parce qu'ils sont peu puis­sants, & cette indifference pour le sexe est la tache originelle qui flétrit la nature, qui l'em­pêche de s'épanouir, & qui détruisant les germes de la vie, coupe en même temps la racine de la société. L'homme ne fait done point d'excep­tion ici. La nature en lui refusant less puis­sances de l'amour l'a plus maltraité & plus ra­petissé qu'aucun des animaux.’ An afflicting picture, indeed, which, for the honour of human nature, I am glad to believe has no original. Of the Indian of South America I know nothing; for I would not honour with the appellation of knowledge, what I derive, from the fables published of them. These I believe to be just as true as the fables of Esop. This belief is founded on what I have seen of man, white, red, and black, and what has been written of him by au­thors, enlightened themselves, and writing amidst an enlightened people. The Indian of North America being more within our reach, I can speak of him somewhat from my own knowledge, but more from the information of others better acquainted with him, and on whose truth and judgment I can rely. From these sources I am able to say, in contradiction to this representa­tion, [Page 85] that he is neither more defective in ardour, nor more impotent with his female, than the white reduced to the same diet and exercise: that he is brave, when an enterprise depends on bravery; education with him making the point of honour consist in the destruction of an enemy by stratagem, and in the preservation of his own person free from injury; or perhaps this is nature; while it is education which teaches us to ^* honour force more than finesse: that he will defend him­self against an host of enemies, always choosing to be killed, rather than ^† to surrender, though it be to [Page 86] the whites, who he knows will treat him well: that in other situations also he meets death with more deliberation, and endures tortures with a firmness unknown almost to religious enthusiasm with us: that he is affectionate to his children, careful of them, and indulgent in the extreme: that his affec­tions comprehend his other connections, weaken­ing, as with us, from circle to circle, as they recede from the centre: that his friendships are strong and faithful to the uttermost ^† extremity: that his sensibility is keen, even the warriors weep­ing most bitterly on the loss of their children, though in general they endeavour to appear su­perior [Page 87] to human events: that his vivacity and activity of mind is equal to ours in the same si­tuation; hence his eagerness for hunting, and for games of chance. The women are submit­ted to unjust drudgery. This I believe is the case with every barbarous people. With such, force is law. The stronger sex therefore imposes on the weaker. It is civilization alone which re­places women in the enjoyment of their natural equality. That first teaches us to subdu [...] selfish passions, and to respect those rights in others which we value in ourselves. Were we in equal barbarism, our females would be equal drudges. The man with them is less strong than with us, but their women stronger than ours; and both for the same obvious reason; because our man and their woman is habituated to labour, and formed by it. With both races the sex which is indulged with ease is least athletic. An Indi­an man is small in the hand and wrist, for the same reason for which a sailor is large and strong in the arms and shoulders, and a porter in the legs and thighs.—They raise fewer children than we do. The causes of this are to be found, not in a difference of nature, but of circumstance. The women very frequently attending the men in their parties of war and of hunting, child-bearing be­comes extremely inconvenient to them. It is said, therefore, that they have learned the practice of procuring abortion by the use of some vegeta­ble; and that it even extends to prevent concep­tion for a considerable time after. During these [Page 88] parties they are exposed to numerous hazards, to excessive exertions, to the greaest extremities of hunger. Even at their homes the nation depends for food, through a certain part of every year, on the gleanings of the forest: that is, they experi­ence a famine once in every year. With all animals, if the female be badly fed, or not fed at all, her young perish: and if both male and female be reduced to like want, generation be­comes less active, less productive. To the ob­stacles then of want and hazard, which nature has opposed to the multiplication of wild animals, for the purpose of restraining their numbers within certain bounds, those of labour and of voluntary abortion are added with the Indian. No wonder then if they multiply less than we do. Where food is regularly supplied, a single farm will show more of cattle, than a whole country of forests can of buffaloes. The same Indian women, when married to white traders, who feed them and their children plentifully and regularly, who exempt them from excessive drudgery, who keep them stationary and unexposed to accident, produce and raise as many children as the white women. Instances are known, under these circumstances, of their rearing a dozen children. An inhu­man practice once prevailed in this country, of making slaves of the Indians. It is a fact well known with us, that the Indian women so enslav­ed produced and raised as numerous families as either the whites or blacks among whom they lived.—It has been said, that Indians have less [Page 89] hair than the whites, except on the head. But this is a fact of which fair proof can scarcely be had. With them it is disgraceful to be hairy on the body. They say it likens them to hogs. They therefore pluck the hair as fast as it ap­pears. But the traders who marry their women, and prevail on them to discontinue this practice, say, that nature is the same with them as with the whites. Nor, if the fact be true, is the conse­quence necessary which has been drawn from it. Negroes have notoriously less hair than the whites; yet they are more ardent. But if cold and moisture be the agents of nature for dimi­nishing the races of animals, how comes she all at once to suspend their operation as to the physi­cal man of the new world, whom the Count ac­knowledges to be ‘à peu près de mème stature que l'homme de notre monde,’ and to let loose their influence on his moral faculties? How has this ‘combination of the elements and other phy­sical causes, so contrary to the enlargement of animal nature in this new world, these obsta­cles to the development and formation of great germs’ ^*, been arrested and suspended, so as to permit the human body to acquire its just di­mensions, and by what inconceivable process has their action been directed on his mind alone? To judge of the truth of this, to form a just esti­mate of their genius and mental powers, more facts are wanting, and great allowance to be [Page 90] made for those circumstances of their situation which call for a display of particular talents on­ly. This done, we shall probably find that they are formed in mind as well as in body, on the same module with the ^† 'Homo sapiens Euro­paeus.' The principles of their society forbid­ding all compulsion, they are to be led to duty and to enterprize by personal influence and per­suasion. Hence eloquence in council, bravery and address in war, become the foundations of all consequence with them. To these acquire­ments all their faculties are directed. Of their bravery and address in war we have multiplied proofs, because we have been the subjects on which they were exercised. Of their eminence in oratory, we have fewer examples, because it is displayed chiefly in their own councils. Some, however, we have of very superior lustre. I may challenge the whole orations of Demost­henes and Cicero, and of any more eminent ora­tor, if Europe has furnished more eminent, to produce a single passage, superior to the speech of Logan, a Mingo chief, to Lord Dunmore, when governor of this state. And, as a testimo­ny of their talents in this line, I beg leave to intro­duce it, first stating the incidents necessary for un­derstanding it. In the spring of the year 1774, a robbery and murder were committed on an inha­bitant of the frontiers of Virginia, by two Indians of the Shawanee tribe. The neighbouring whites, [Page 91] according to their custom, undertook to punish this outrage in a summary way. Col. Cresap, a man infamous for the many murders he had com­mitted on those much injure [...] people, collected a party, and proceeded down the Kanhaway in quest of vengeance. Unfortunately, a canoe of women and children, with one man only, was seen coming from the opposite shore, unarmed, and unsuspecting an hostile attack from the whites. Cresap and his party concealed themselves on the bank of the river, and the moment the ca­noe reached the shore, singled out their objects, and, at one fire, killed every person in it. This happened to be the family of Logan, who had long been distinguished as a friend of the whites. This unworthy return provoked his vengeance. He accordingly signalized himself in the war which ensued. In the autumn of the same year, a decisive battle was fought at the mouth of the Great Kanhaway, between the collected forces of the Shawanees, Mingoes, and Delawares, and a detachment of the Virginia militia. The In­dians were defeated, and sued for peace. Lo­gan however disdained to be seen among the sup­pliants. But, lest the sincerity of a treaty should be distrusted, from which so distinguished a chief absented himself, he sent by a messenger the fol­lowing speech to be delivered to lord Dunmore.

‘I appeal to any white man to say, if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat; if ever he came cold and asked, and he clothed him not. During the course [Page 92] of the last long and bloody war, Logan remain­ed idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my coun­trymen pointed as they passed, and said, 'Lo­gan is the friend of white men.' I had even thought to have lived with you, but for the in­juries of one man. Col. Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, not sparing even my women and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it: I have killed many: I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of peace. But do not harbour a thought, that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan?—Not one.’

Before we condemn the Indians of this conti­nent as wanting genius, we must consider that letters have not yet been introduced among them. Were we to compare them in their present state with the Europeans, North of the Alps, when the Roman arms and arts first crossed those moun­tains, the comparison would be unequal, because, at that time, those parts of Europe were swarming with numbers; because numbers produce emula­tion, and multiply the chances of improvement, and one improvement begets another. Yet I may safely ask, how many good poets, how many able mathematicians, how many great inventors in arts or sciences, had Europe, North of the Alps, then [Page 93] produced? And it was sixteen centuries [...] this before a Newton could be formed. I do not mean to deny, that there are varieties in the race of man, distinguished by their powers both of body and mind. I believe there are, as I see to be the case in the races of other animals. I only mean to suggest a doubt, whether the bulk and faculties of animals depend on the side of the Atlantic on which their food happens to grow, or which furnishes the elements of which they are compounded? Whether nature has en­listed herself as a Cis or Trans-Atlantic parti­san? I am induced to suspect, there has been more eloquence than sound reasoning displayed in support of this theory; that it is one of those cases where the judgment has been seduced by a glowing pen: and whilst I render every tri­bute of honour and esteem to the celebrated zoo­logist, who has added, and is still adding, so so many precious things to the treasures of sci­ence, I must doubt whether in this instance he has not cherished error also, by lending her for a moment his vivid imagination and bewitching language. (4)

So far the Count de Buffon has carried this new theory of the tendency of nature to belittle her productions on this side the Atlantic. Its application to the race of whites, transplanted from Europe, remained for the Abbé Raynal. ‘On doit etre etonné (he says) que l'Amerique n'ait pas encore produit un bon poëte, un ha­bile mathematicien, un homme de genie dans [Page 94] un seul art, ou une seule science.’ 7. Hist. Philos. p. 92. ed. Maestricht. 1774. ‘Ameri­ca has not yet produced one good poet.’ When we shall have existed as a people as long as the Greeks did before they produced a Homer, the Romans a Vi [...], the French a Ra [...]ine and Vol­taire, the English a Shakespear and Milton, should this reproach be still true, we will enquire from what unfriendly causes it has proceeded, that the other countries of Europe and quarters of the earth shall not have inscribed any name in the roll of poets. ^* But neither has America produced 'one able mathematician, one man of genius in a single art or a single science.' In war we have produced a Washington, whose memory will be adored while liberty shall have votaries, whose name will triumph over time, and will in future ages assume its just station among the most celebrated worthies of the world, when that wretched philosophy shall be forgot­ten which would have arranged him among the degeneracies of nature. In physics we have pro­duced a Franklin, than whom no one of the pre­sent age has made more important discoveries, nor has enriched philosophy with more, or more ingenious solutions of the phenomena of nature. We have supposed Mr. Rittenhouse second to [Page 95] no stronomer living: that in genius he must be the first, because he is self-taught. As an artist he has exhibited as great a proof of mechanical genius as the world has ever produced. He has not indeed made a world; but he has by imita­tion approached nearer its Maker than any man who has lived from the creation to this day. ^* As in philosophy and war, so in government, in ora­tory, in painting, in the plastic art, we might show that America, though but a child of yester­day, has already given hopeful proofs of genius, as well of the nobler kinds, which arouse the best feelings of man, which call him into action, which substantiate his freedom, and conduct him to happiness, as of the subordinate, which serve to amuse him only. We therefore suppose, that this reproach is as unjust as it is unkind; and that, of the geniuses which adorn the present age, America contributes its full share. For compar­ing it with those countries, where genius is most cultivated, where are the most excellent models for art, and scaffoldings for the attainment of sci­ence, as France and England for instance, we cal­culate thus. The United States contain three mil­lions of inhabitants; France twenty millions; and the British islands ten. We produce a Washington, a Franklin, a Rittenhouse. France then should [Page 96] have half a dozen in each of these lines, and Great-Britain half that number, equally eminent. It may be true, that France has: we are but just becoming acquainted with her, and our acquaint­ance so far gives us high ideas of the genius of her inhabitants. It would be injuring too many of them to name particularly a Voltaire, a Buf­fon, the constellation of Encyclopedists, the Ab­bé [...] himself, &c. &c. We therefore have reason to believe she can produce her full quota of genius. The present war having so long cut off all communication with Great-Britain, we are not able to make a fair estimate of the state of science in that country. The spirit in which she wages war, is the only sample before our eyes, and that does not seem the legitimate offspring either of science or of civilization. The sun of her glory is fast descending to the horizon. Her philosophy has crossed the Channel, her freedom the Atlantic, and herself seems passing to that awful dissolution, whose issue is not given human foresight to scan ^*.

[Page 97] Having given a sketch of our minerals, veget­ables, and quadrupeds, and being led by a proud theory to make a comparison of the latter with those of Europe, and to extend it to the man of America, both aboriginal and emigrant, I will proceed to the remaining articles comprehended under the present query.

Between ninety and an hundred of our birds have been described by Catesby. His drawings are better as to form and attitude, than colouring, which is generally too high. They are the fol­lowing.

[Page 98]

[Page 103] Besides these, we have,

• The Royston crow. Corvus cornix.
• Crane. Ardea Canadensis.
• House swallow. Hirundo ru [...]ica.
• Ground swallow. Hirundo riparia.
• Greatest grey eagle.
• Smaller turkey buzzard, with a feathered head.
• Greatest owl, or night hawk.
• Wet hawk, which feeds fly­ing.
• Raven.
• Water pelican of the Missis­sippi, whose pouch holds a peck.
• Swan.
• Loon.
• Cormorant.
• The Duck and Mallard.
• Widgeon.
• Sheldrach, or Canvas back.
• Black head.
• Ballcoot.
• Sprigtail.
• Didapper, or Dopchick.
• Spoon billed duck.
• Water-witch.
• Water-pheasant.
• Mow-bird.
• Blue Peter.
• Water wag [...]ail.
• Yellow-legged snipe.
• Squatting snipe.
• Small plover.
• Whistling plover.
• Woodcock.
• Red bird, with black head, wings and tail.

And doubtless many others which have not yet been described and classed.

To this catalogue of our indigenous animals, I will add a short account of an anomaly of nature, taking place sometimes in the race of negroes brought from Africa, who, though black them­selves, have, in rare instances, white children, called Albinos. I have known four of these my­self, and have faithful accounts of three others. The circumstances in which all the individuals agree are these. They are of a pallid cada­verous white, untinged with red, without any coloured spots or seams; their hair of the sa [...] kind of white, short, coarse, and curled as [...] that of the negro; all of them well formed, strong, healthy, perfect in their senses, except that of sight, and born of parents who had no [Page 104] mixture of white blood. Three of these Al­binos were sisters, having two other full sisters, who were black. The youngest of the three was killed by lightning, at twelve years of age. The eldest died at about 27 years of age, in child­bed, with her second child. The middle one is now alive in health, and has issue, as the eldest had, by a black man, which issue was black. They are uncommonly shrewd, quick in their appre­hensions and in reply. Their eyes are in a perpe­tual tremulous vibration, very weak, and much affected by the sun: but they see much better in the night than we do. They are of the property of Col. Skipwith, of Cumberland. The fourth is a negro woman, whose parents came from Guinea, and had three other children, who were of their own colour. She is freckled, her eye-sight so weak that she is obliged to wear a bonnet in the summer; but it is better in the night than day. She had an Albino child by a black man. It died at the age of a few weeks. These were the property of Col. Carter, of Al­bemarle. A sixth instance is a woman of the property of a Mr. Butler, near Petersburg. She is stout and robust, has issue a daughter, jet black, by a black man. I am not informed as to her eye-sight. The seventh instance is of a male belonging to a Mr. Lee of Cumberland. His eyes are tremulous and weak. He is [...] of stature, and now advanced in years. He is the only male of the Albinos which have come [Page 105] within my information. Whatever be the cause of the disease in the skin, or in its colouring mat­ter, which produces this change, it seems more incident to the female than male sex. To these I may add the mention of a negro man within my own knowledge, born black, and of black parents; on whose chin, when a boy, a white spot appeared. This continued to increase till he became a man by which time it had ex­tended over his chin, lips, one cheek, the un­der jaw, and neck on that side. It is of the Albi­no white, without any mixture of red, and has for several years been stationary. He is robust and healthy, and the change of colour was not accompanied with any sensible disease, either general or topical.

Of our fish and insects there has been nothing like a full description or collection. More of them are described in Catesby than in any other work. Many also are to be found in Sir Hans Sloane's Jamaica, as being common to that and this country. The honey-bee is not a native of our continent. Marcgrave indeed mentions a species of honey-bee in Brasil. But this has no sting, and is therefore different from the one we have, which resembles perfectly that of Europe. The Indians concur with us in the tradition that it was brought from Europe; but when, and by whom, we know not. The bees have generally extended themselves into the country, a little in advance of the white settlers. The Indians there­fore call them the white man's fly, and consider [Page 106] their approach as indicating the approach of the settlements of the whites. A question here oc­curs, How far northwardly have these insects been found? That they are unknown in Lap­land, I infer from Scheffer's information, that the Laplanders eat the pine bark, prepared in a certain way, instead of those things sweetened with sugar. ‘Hoc comedunt pro rebus saccharo conditis.’ Scheff. Lapp. c. 18. Certainly if they had honey, it would be a better substitute for sugar than any preparation of the pine bark. Kalm tells us ^* the honey-bee cannot live through the winter in Canada. They furnish then an additional proof of the remarkable fact first observed by the Count de Buffon, and which has thrown such a blaze of light on the field of natural history, that no animals are found in both continents, but those which are able to bear the cold of those regions where they probably join.

A NOTICE of all that can increase the pro­gress of human knowledge?

Under the latitude of this query, I will pre­sume it not improper nor unacceptable to furnish some data for estimating the climate of Virginia. Journals of observations on the quantity of rain, and degree of heat, being lengthy, confused, and too minute to produce general and distinct ideas, I have taken five years' observations, to wit, from 1772 to 1777, made in Williamsburgh and its neighbourhood, have reduced them to an average for every month in the year, and sta­ted those averages in the following table, adding an analytical view of the winds during the same period.

[Page 108]

[Page 109] The rains of every month, (as of January, for instance) through the whole period of years, were added separately, and an average drawn from them. The coolest and warmest point of the same day in each year of the period, were added separately, and an average of the greatest cold and greatest heat of that day, was formed. From the averages of every day in the month, a gene­ral average for the whole month was formed. The point from which the wind blew, was observed two or three times in every day. These obser­vations, in the month of January, for instance, through the whole period, amounted to 337. At 73 of these, the wind was from the north; at 47 from the North-east, &c. So that it will be easy to see in what proportion each wind usually pre­vails in each month: or, taking the whole year, the total of observations through the whole pe­riod having been 3698, it will be observed that 611 of them were from the North, 558 from the North-east, &c.

Though by this table it appears we have on an average 47 inches of rain annually, which is con­siderably more than usually falls in Europe, yet from the information I have collected, I suppose we have a much greater proportion of sunshine here than there. Perhaps it will be found, there are twice as many cloudy days in the middle parts of Europe, as in the United States of Ame­rica. I mention the middle parts of Europe, be­cause my information does not extend to its Northern or Southern parts.

[Page 110] In an extensive country, it will of course be expected that the climate is not the same in all its parts. It is remarkable, that, proceeding on the same parallel of latitude westwardly, the cli­mate becomes colder in like manner as when you proceed northwardly. This continues to be the case till you attain the summit of the Alle­ghaney, which is the highest land between the ocean and the Mississippi. From thence, de­scending in the same latitude to the Mississippi, the change reverses; and, if we may believe tra­vellers, it becomes warmer there than it is in the same latitude on the sea side. Their testimo­ny is strengthened by the vegetables and animals which subsist and multiply there naturally, and do not on our sea-coast. Thus Catalpas grow spontaneously on the Mississippi, as far as the lati­tude of 37°, and [...]ds as far as 38°. Perroquets even winter on the S [...]oto, in the 39th degree of latitude. In the summer of 1779, when the thermometer was at 90° at Monticello, and 96 at Williamsburgh, it was 110° at Kaskaskia. Per­haps the mountain, which overhangs this village on the north side, may, by its reflexion, have contributed somewhat to produce this heat. The difference of temperature of the air at the sea­coast, or on the Chesapeak bay, and at the Al­leghaney, has not been ascertained; but cotem­porary observations, made at Williamsburgh, or in its neighbourhood, and at Monticello, which is on the most eastern ridge of the mountains, called the South West, where they are intersect­ed [Page 111] by the Rivanna, have furnished a ratio by which that difference may in some degree be conjectured. These observations make the dif­ference between Williamsburgh and the nearest mountains, at the position before-mentioned, to be on an average 6⅓ degrees of Farenheits's ther­mometer. Some allowance, however, is to be made for the difference of latitude between these two places, the latter being 38° 8′ 17″ which is 52′ 22″ North of the former. By cotemporary ob­servations of between five and six weeks, the aver­aged and almost unvaried difference of the height of mercury in the barometer▪ at those two places, was 784 of an inch, the atmosphere at Mon­ticello being so much the lightest, that is to say, about one-thirty-seventh of its whole weight. It should be observed, however, that the hill of Monticello is of 500 feet perpendicu­lar height above the river which washes its base. This position being nearly central between our northern and southern boundaries, and between the bay and Alleghaney, may be considered as furnishing the best average of the temperature of our climate. Williamsburgh is much too near the South-eastern corner to give a fair idea of our general temperature.

But a more remarkable difference is in the winds which prevail in the different parts of the country. The following table exhibits a comparative view of the winds prevailing at Wil­liamsburgh, and at Monticello. It is formed by reducing nine months observations at Monticel­lo [Page 112] to four principal points, to wit, the North-east, South-east, South-west, and North-west; these points being perpendicular to, or parallel with our coast, mountains, and rivers: and by reducing in like manner, an equal number of ob­servations, to wit, 421 from the preceding table of winds at Williamsburgh, taking them propor­tionably from every point.

By this it may be seen that the South-west wind prevails equally at both places; that the North-east is, next to this, the principal wind to­wards the sea-coast, and the North-west is the pre­dominant wind at the mountains. The differ­ence between these two winds to sensation, and in fact, is very great. The North-east is loaded with vapour, insomuch, that the salt-makers have found that their crystals would not shoot while that blows; it brings a distressing chill, and is heavy and oppressive to the spirits: the North-west is dry, cooling, elastic and animating. The Eastern and South-eastern breezes come on generally in the afternoon. They have advanced into the country very sensibly within the memory of peo­ple now living. They formerly did not pene­trate far above Williamsburgh. They are now frequent at Richmond, and every now and then [Page 113] reach the mountains. They deposit most of their moisture however before they get that far. As the lands become more cleared, it is proba­ble they will extend still further westward.

Going out into the open air, in the tempe­rate, and warm months of the year, we often meet with bodies of warm air, which passing by us in two or three seconds, do not afford time to the most sensible thermometor to seize their temperature. Judging from my feelings only, I think they approach the ordinary heat of the human body. Some of them perhaps go a little beyond it. They are of about 20 or 30 feet di­amiter horizontally. Of their height we have no experience, but probably they are globular vo­lums wasted or rolled along with the wind. But whence taken, where found, or how generated? They are not to be ascribed to volcanos, because we have none. They do not happen in the win­ter when the farmers kindle large fires in clear­ing up their grounds. They are not confined to the spring season, when we have fires which tra­verse whole counties, consuming the leaves which have fallen from the trees. And they are too frequent and general to be ascribed to acci­dental fires. I am persuaded their cause must be sought for in the atmosphere itself, to aid us in which I know but of these constant circumstan­ces; a dry air; a temperature as warm at least as that of the spring or autumn; and a moderate current of wind. They are most frequent about [Page 114] sun-set; rare in the middle parts of the day; and I do not recollect having ever met with them in the morning.

The variation in the weight of our atmos­phere, as indicated by the barometer, is not equal to two inches of mercury. During twelve months observation at Williamsburgh, the ex­tremes were 29, and 30.86 inches, the difference being 1.86 of an inch: and in nine months, during which the height of the mercury was not­ed at Monticello, the extremes were 28.48 and 29.69 inches, the variation being 1.21 of an inch. A gentleman, who has observed his barometer many years, assures me it has never varied two inches. Cotemporary observations, made at Monticello and Williamsburgh, proved the va­riations in the weight of air to be simultaneous and corresponding in these two places.

Our changes from heat to cold, and cold to heat, are very sudden and great. The mercury in Farenheit's thermometer has been known to descend from 92° to 47° in thirteen hours.

It is taken for granted, that the preceeding ta­ble of average heat will not give a false idea on this subject, as it proposes to state only the ordi­nary heat and cold of each month, and not those which are extraordinary. At Williamsburgh in August 1766, the mercury in Farenheit's ther­mometor was at 98° corresponding with 29⅓ of Reaumur. At the same place in January 1780, it was 6° corresponding with 11½ below 0, of Reau­mur. [Page 115] I believe ^* these may be considered to be nearly the extremes of heat and cold in that part of the country. The latter may most certainly, as at that time, York river, at York town, was frozen over, so that people walked across it; a circumstance which proves it to have been cold­er than the winter of 1740, 1741, usually called the cold winter, when York river did not freeze over at that place. In the same season of 1780, Chesapeak bay was solid, from its head to the mouth of Patowmac. At Annapolis, where it is 5¼ miles over between the nearest points of land, the ice was from 5 to 7 inches thick quite across, so that loaded carriages went over on it. Those, our extremes of heat and cold, of 6° and 98° were indeed very distressing to us, and were thought to put the extent of the human con­stitution to considerable trial. Yet a Siberian would have considered them as scarcely a sensible variation. At Jenniseitz in that coun­try, in latitude 58° 27′ we are told, that the cold in 1735 sunk the mercury by Faren­heit's scale to 126° below nothing; and the in­habitants of the same country use stove rooms two or three times a week, in which they stay two hours at a time, the atmosphere of which raises the mercury to 135° above nothing. Late [Page 116] experiments shew that the human body will ex­ist in rooms heated to 140° of Reaumur, equal to 347° of Farenheit's, and 135° above boiling water. The hottest point of the 24 hours is about four o'clock, P.M. and the dawn of day the coldest.

The access of frost in autumn, and its recess the spring, do not seem to depend merely on the degree of cold; much less on the air's being at the freezing point. White frosts are frequent when the thermometer is at 47° have killed young plants of Indian corn at 48° and have been known at 54°. Black frost, and even ice, have been produced at 38½°, which is 6½ degrees above the freezing point. That other circum­stances must be combined with the cold to pro­duce frost, is evident from this also, on the high­er parts of mountains, where it is absolutely colder than in the plains on which they stand, frosts do not appear so early by a considerable space of time in autumn, and go off sooner in the spring, than in the plains. I have known frosts so severe as to kill the hiccory trees round about Monticello, and yet not injure the tender fruit blossoms then in bloom on the top and high­er parts of the mountain; and in the course of 40 years, during which it has been settled, there have been but two instances of a general loss of fruit on it: while, in the circumjacent country, the fruit has escaped but twice in the last seven years. The plants of tobacco, which grow from the roots of those which have been cut off in the [Page 117] summer, are frequently green here at Christmas. This privilege against the frost is undoubtedly combined with the want of dew on the moun­tains. That the dew is very rare on their higher parts, I may say with certainty, from 12 years observations, having scarcely ever, during that time seen an unequivocal proof of its existence on them at all during summer. Severe frosts in the depth of winter prove that the region of dews extends higher in that season than the tops of the mountains: but certainly, [...] the summer season, the vapours, by the time they attain that height, are become so attenuated as not to sub­side and form a dew when the sun retires.

The weavil has not yet ascended the high mountains.

A more satisfactory estimate of our climate to some, may perhaps be formed, by nothing the plants which grow here, subject however to be killed by our severests colds. These are the fig, pomegranate, artichoke, and European walnut. In mild winters, lettuce and endive require no shelter; but generally they need a slight cover­ing. I do not know that the want of long moss, reed, myrtle, swamp laurel, holly and cypress, in the upper country, proeeds from a greater degree of cold, nor that they were ever killed with any degree of cold in the lower country. The aloe lived in Williamsburgh, in the open air, through the severe winter of 1779, 1780.

A change in our climate, however, is taking place very sensibly. Both heats and colds are [Page 118] become much more moderate within the memo­ry even of the middle-aged. Snows are less fre­quent and less deep. They do not often lie, be­low the mountains, more than one, two, or three days, and very rarely a week. They are remem­bered to have been formerly frequent, deep and of long continuance. The elderly inform me, the earth used to be covered with snow about three months in every year. The rivers, which then seldom failed to freeze over in the course of the winter, scarcely ever do so now. This change has produced an unfortunate fluctuation between heat and cold, in the spring of the year, which is very fatal to fruits. From the year 1741 to 1769, an interval of twenty-eight years, there was no instance of fruit killed by the frost in the neighbourhood of Monticello. An in­tense cold, produced by constant snows, kept the buds locked up till the sun could obtain, in the spring of the year, so fixed an ascendency as to dissolve those snows, and protect the buds, during their devlopement, from every danger of returning cold. The accumulated snows of the winter remaining to be dissolved all together in the spring, produced those overflowings of our rivers, so frequent then, and so rare now.

Having had occasion to mention the particu­lar situation of Monticello for other purposes, I will just take notice that its elevation affords an opportunity of seeing a phaenomenon which is rare at land, though frequent at sea. The sea­men call it looming. Philosophy is as yet in the [Page 119] rear of the seamen, for so far from having ac­connted for it, she has not given [...]t a name. Its principal effect is to make distant objects appear larger, in opposition to the general law of visi­on, by which they are diminished. I knew an instance, at York-town, from whence the wa­ter prospect eastwardly is without termination, wherein a canoe with three men, at a great dis­tance was taken for a ship with its three masts. I am little acquainted with the phaenomenon as it shews itself at sea; but at Monticello it is fami­liar. There is a solitary mountain about forty miles off in the South, whose natural shape, as presented to view there, is a regular cone; but, by the effect of looming, it sometimes subsides almost totally in the horizon; sometimes it rises more acute and more elevated; sometimes it is hemispherical; and sometimes its sides are per­pendicular, its top flat, and as broad as its base. In short it assumes at times the most whimsical shapes, and all these perhaps successively in the same morning. The blue ridge of mountains comes into view, in the north-east, at about 100 miles distance, and approaching in a direct line, passes by within 20 miles, and goes off to the south-west. This phaenomenon begins to shew itself on these mountains, at about 50 miles dist­ance and continues beyond that as far as they are seen. I remark no particular state, either in the weight, moisture, or heat of the atmos­phere, necessary to produce this. The only constant circumstances are its appearance in the [Page 120] morning only, and on objects at least 40 or 50 miles distant. In this later circumstance, if not in both, it differs from the looming on the water. Refraction will not account for the metamor­phosis. That only changes the proportions of length and breadth, base and altitude, preserv­ing the general outlines. Thus it may make a circle appear elliptical, raise or depress a cone, but by none of its laws, as yet developed, will it make a circle appear a square, or a cone a sphere.

THE number of its inhabitants?

The following table shews the number of per­sons imported for the establishment of our colo­ny in its infant state, and the census of inhabi­tants at different periods, extracted from our historians and public records, as particularly as I have had opportunities and leisure to examine them. Successive lines in the same year shew successive periods of time in that year. I have stated the census in two different columns, the whole inhabitants having been sometimes num­bered, and sometimes the tythes only. This term, with us, includes the free males above 16 years of age, and slaves above that age of both sexes. A further examination of our records would render this history of our population much more satisfactory and perfect, by furnish­ing a greater number of intermediate terms. Those however which are here stated will enable us to calculate, with a considerable degree of precision, the rate at which we have increased. During the infancy of the colony, while num­bers were small, wars, importations, and other accidental circumstances render the progression fluctuating and irregular. By the year 1654, however it becomes tolerably uniform, importa­tions having in a great measure ceased from the

[Page 123] dissolution of the company, and the inhabitants become too numerous to be sensibly affected by Indian wars. Beginning at that period, there­fore, we find that from thence to the year 1772, our tythes had increased from 7209 to 153,000. The whole term being of 118 years, yields a duplication once in every 27¼ years. The inter­mediate enumerations taken in 1700, 1748, and 1759, furnish proofs of the uniformity of this progression. Should this race of increase conti­nue, we shall have between six and seven millions of inhabitants within 95 years. If we suppose our country to be bounded, at some future day, by the meridian of the mouth of the Great Kan­haway, (within which it has been before conjec­tured, are 64,461 square miles) there will then be 100 inhabitants for every square mile, which is nearly the state of population in the British islands.

Here I will beg leave to propose a doubt. The present desire of America is to produce rapid po­pulation by as great importations of foreigners as possible. But is this founded in good policy? The advantage proposed is the multiplication of numbers. Now let us suppose (for example on­ly) that, in this state, we could double our num­bers in one year by the importation of foreigners; and this is a greater accession than the most san­guine advocate for emigration has a right to ex­pect. Then I say, beginning with a double stock, we shall attain any given degree of population only 27 years and 3 months sooner than if we [Page 124] proceed on our single stock. If we propose four millions and a half as a competent population for this state, we should be 54½ years attaining it, could we at once double our numbers; and 81¾ years, if we rely on natural propagation, as may be seen by the following table.

In the first column are stated periods of 27¼ years; in the second are our numbers, at each period, as they will be if we proceed on our ac­tual stock; and in the third are what they would be, at the same periods, were we to set out from the double of our present stock. I have taken the term of four millions and a half of inhabi­tants for example's sake only. Yet I am persuad­ed it is a greater number than the country spo­ken of, considering how much inarrable land it contains, can clothe and feed, without a materi­al change in the quality of their diet. But are there no inconveniences to be thrown into the scale against the advantage expected from a mul­tiplication of numbers by the importation of fo­reigners? It is for the happiness of those united in society to harmonize as much as possible in matters which they must of necessity transact to­gether. [Page 125] Civil government being the sole object of forming societies, its administration must be conducted by common consent. Every species of government has its specific principles. Ours perhaps are more peculiar than those of any other in the universe. It is a composition of the freest principles of the English constitution, with others derived from natural right and natural reason. To these nothing can be more opposed than the maxims of absolute monarchies. Yet, from such, we are to expect the greatest number of emigrants. They will bring with them the principles of the governments they leave, imbibed in their early youth; or, if able to throw them off, it will be in exchange for an unbounded licentiousness, passing, as is usual, from one extreme to another. It would be a miracle were they to stop precise­ly at the point of temperate liberty. These principles, with their language, they will trans­mit to their children. In proportion to their numbers, they will share with us the legislation. They will infuse into it their spirit, warp and bias its directions, and render it a heterogeneous, incohe­rent, distracted mass. I may appeal to experience, during the present contest, for a verification of these conjectures. But, if they be not certain in event, are they not possible, are they not proba­ble? Is it not safer to wait with patience 27 years and three months longer, for the attainment of any degree of population desired or expected? May not our government be more homogeneous, more peaceable, more durable? Suppose 20 millions [Page 126] of republican Americans thrown all of a sudden into France, what would be the condi­tion of that kingdom? If it would be more turbulent, less happy, less strong, we may believe that the addition of half a million of foreigners to our present numbers would produce a similar effect here. If they come of themselves, they are entitled to all the rights of citizenship: but I doubt the expediency of inviting them by ex­traordinary encouragements. I mean not that these doubts should be extended to the importa­tion of useful artificers. The policy of that measure depends on very different considera­tions. Spare no expence in obtaining them. They will after a while go to the plough and the hoe; but, in the mean time, they will teach us something we do not know. It is not so in agri­culture. The indifferent state of that among us does not proceed from a want of knowledge merely; it is from our having such quantities of land to waste as we please. In Europe the object is to make the most of their land, labour being abundant: here it is to make the most of our la­bour, land being abundant.

It will be proper to explain how the numbers for the year 1782 have been obtained; as it was not from a perfect census of the inhabitants. It will at the same time develope the proportion between the free inhabitants and slaves. The following return of taxable articles for that year was given in.

[Page 127]

There were no returns from the 8 counties of Lincoln, Jefferson, Fayette, Monongalia, Yohogania, Ohio, Northampton, and York. To find the number of slaves which should have been returned instead of the 23,766 tytheables, we must mention that some observations on a former cen­sus had given reason to believe that the numbers above and below 16 years of age were equal. The double of this number, therefore, to wit, 47,532 must be added to 211,698, which will give us 259,230 slaves of all ages and sexes. To find the number of free inhabitants, we must repeat the observation, that those above and below 16 are nearly equal. But as the number 53,289 omits the males below 16 and 21 we must supply them from conjecture. On a former ex­periment it had appeared that about one-third of our militia, that is, of the males between 16 and 50, were unmarried. Knowing how early marriage takes place here, we shall not be far wrong in supposing that the unmarried part of our militia are those between 16 and 21. If there be young men who do not marry till after 21, there are many who marry before that age. [Page 128] But as the men above 50 were not included in the militia, we will suppose the unmarried, or those between 16 and 21, to be one-fourth of the whole number above 16, then we have the following calculation:

543,438 inhabitants, exclusive of the 8 coun­ties from which were no returns. In these 8 coun­ties in the years 1779 and 1780, were 3,161 mi­litia. Say then,

12,644 free inhabitants in these 8 counties. To find the number of slaves, say, as 284,208 to 259,230, so is 12,644 to 11,532. Adding the third of these numbers to the first, and the fourth to the second, we have,

567,614 inhabitants of every age, sex, and condition. But 296,852, the number of free inhabitants, are to 270,762, the number of slaves, [Page 129] nearly as 11 to 10. Under the mild treatment our slaves experience, and their wholesome, though coarse, food, this blot in our country increases as fast, or faster, than the whites. Dur­ing the regal government, we had at one time obtained a law. which imposed such a duty on the importation of slaves, as amounted nearly to a prohibition, when one inconsiderate assembly, placed under a peculiarity of circumstance re­pealed the law. This repeal met a joyful sanc­tion from the then sovereign, and no devices, no expedients, which could ever after be at­tempted by subsequent assemblies, and they sel­dom met without attempting them, could suc­ceed in getting the royal assent to a renewal of the duty. In the very first session held under the republican government, the assembly passed a law for the perpetual prohibition of the importation of slaves. This will in some measure stop the in­crease of this great political and moral evil, while the minds of our citizens may be ripening for a complete emancipation of human nature.

THE number and condition of the militia and regular troops, and their pay?

The following is a state of the militia, taken from returns of 1780 and 1781, except in those counties marked with an asterisk, the returns from which are somewhat older.

Every able bodied freeman, between the ages of 16 and 50 is enrolled in the militia. Those of every county are formed into companies, and these again into one or more battalions, accord­ing to the numbers in the county. They are commanded by colonels, and other surbordinate officers, as in the regular service. In every county is a county-lieutenant, who commands the whole militia of his county, but ranks only as a colonel in the field. We have no ge­neral officers always existing. These are ap­pointed occasionally, when an invasion or insur­rection happens, and their commission deter­mines with the occasion. The governor is head of the military, as well as civil power. The law requires every militia man to provide himself with the arms usual in the regular service. But this injunction was always indifferently complied with, and the arms they had have been so fre­quently called for to arm the regulars, that in

[Page 132] the lower parts of the country they are entirely disarmed. In the middle country a fourth or fifth part of them may have such firelocks as they had provided to destroy the noxious animals which infest their farms; and on the western side of the Blue ridge they are generally armed with rifles. The pay of our militia, as well as of our regulars is that of the continental regulars. The condition of our regulars, of whom we have none but continentals, and part of a battalion of state troops, is so constantly on the change, that a state of it at this day would not be its state a month hence. It is much the same with the con­dition of the other continental troops, which is well enough known.

THE marine?

Before the present invasion of this state by the British under the command of General Phillips, we had three vessels of 16 guns, one of 14, five small gallies, and two or three armed boats. They were generally so badly manned as seldom to be in condition for service. Since the per­fect possession of our rivers assumed by the ene­my, I believe we are left with a single armed boat only.

A DESCRIPTION of the Indians esta­blished in that state?

When the first effectual settlement of our co­loney was made, which was in 1607, the coun­try from the sea-coast to the mountains, and from Potowmac to the most southern waters of James river, was occupied by upwards of forty differ­ent tribes of Indians. Of these the Powhatans, the Mannahoacs, and Monacans, were the most powerful. Those between the sea-coast and falls of the rivers, were in amity with one another, and attached to the Powhatans as their link of union. Those between the falls of the rivers and the mountains, were divided into two confede­racies; the tribes inhabiting the head waters of Potowmac and Rappahanoc being attached to the Mannahoacs; and those on the upper parts of James river to the Monacans. But the Mona­cans and their friends were in amity with the Mannahoacs and their friends and waged joint and perpetual war against the Powhatans. We are told that the Powhatans, Mannahoacs, and Monacans, spoke languages so radically different, that interpreters were necessary when they trans­acted business. Hence we may conjecture, that this was not the case between all the tribes, and [Page 134] probably that each spoke the language of the na­tion to which it was attached; which we know to have been the case in many particular instan­ces. Very possibly there may have been ancient­ly three different stocks, each of which multi­plying in a long course of time, had separated into so many little societies. This practice re­sults from the circumstance of their having ne­ver submitted themselves to any laws, any coer­cive power, any shadow of government. Their only controuls are their manners, and that mo­ral sense of right and wrong, which, like the sense of tasting and feeling, in every man makes a part of his nature. An offence against these is punished by contempt, by exclusion from soci­ety, or, where the case is serious, as that of mur­der, by the individuals whom it concerns. Imperfect as this species of coercion may seem, crimes are very rare among them; insomuch that were it made a question, whether no law as among the savage Americans, or too much law, as among the civilized Europeans, submits man to the greatest evil, one who has seen both con­ditions of existence would pronounce it to be the last: and that the sheep are happier of them­selves, than under care of the wolves. It will be said, that great societies cannot exist without go­vernment. The savages therefore break them into small ones.

The territories of the Powhatan confederacy, south of the Potowmac, comprehended about 8000 square miles, 30 tribes, and 2400 warriors.

[Page 135] Capt. Smith tells us, that within 60 miles of James town were 5000 people, of whom 1500 were warriors. From this we find the proportion of their warriors to their whole inhabitants, was as 3 to 10. The Powhatan confederacy then would consist of about 8000 inhabitants, which was one for every square mile; being about the twentieth part of our present population in the same territory, and the hundredth of that of the British islands.

Besides these, were the Nottoways, living on Nottoway river, the Meherrins and Tuteloes on Meherrin river, who were connected with the Indians of Carolina, probably with the Chow­anocs.

The preceding table contains a state of these sever [...] tribes, according to their confederacies and [...]eographical situation, with their numbers when we first became acquainted with them, where these numbers are known. The num­bers of some of them are again stated as they were in the year 1669, when an attempt was made by the assembly to enumerate them. Pro­bably the enumeration is imperfect, and in some measure conjectural, and that a further search into the records would furnish many more par­ticulars. What would be the melancholy sequel of their history, may however be argued from the census of 1669; by which we discover that the tribes therein enumerated were, in the space of 62 years, reduced to about one-third of their former numbers. Spirituous liquors, the small­pox, [Page 136] war and an abridgment of territory, to a people who lived principally on the spontaneous productions of nature, had committed terrible havock among them, which generation, under the obstacles opposed to it among them, was not likely to make good. That the lands of this country were taken from them by conquest, is not so general a truth as is supposed. I find in our historians and records, repeated proofs of purchase, which cover a considerable part of the lower country; and many more would doubt­less be found on further search. The upper country we know has been acquired altoge­ther by purchases made in the most unexcep­tionable form.

Westward of all these tribes, beyond the mountains, and extending to the great lakes, were the Massawomees, a most powerful confe­deracy, who harrassed unremittingly the Powha­tans and Manahoacs. These were probably the ancestors of tribes known at present by the name of the Six Nations.

Very little can now be discovered of the sub­sequent history of these tribes severally. The Chickahominies removed about the year 1661, to Mattapony river. Their chief, with one from each of the tribes of the Pamunkies and Matta­ponies, attended the treaty of Albany in 1685. This seems to have been the last chapter in their history. They retained however their separate name so late as 1705, and were at length blend­ed [Page 137] with the Pamunkies and Mattaponies, and exist at present only under their names. There remain of the Mattaponies three or four men only, and they have more negro than Indian blood in them. They have lost their language, have reduced themselves, by voluntary sales, to about fifty acres of land, which lie on the river of their own name, and have from time to time, been joining the Pamunkies, from whom they are distant but 10 miles. The Pamunkies are reduced to about 10 or 12 men, tole­rably pure from mixture with other colours. The older ones among them preserve their lan­guage in a small degree, which are the last vesti­ges on earth, as far as we know, of the Powha­tan language. They have about 300 acres of very fertile land, on Pamunkey river, so encom­passed by water that a gate shuts in the whole. Of the Nottoways, not a male is left. A few wo­men constitute the remains of that tribe. They are seated on Nottoway river, in Southampton county, on very fertile lands. At a very early period, certain lands were marked out and ap­propriated to these tribes, and were kept from encroachment by the authority of the laws. They have usually had trustees appointed, whose duty was to watch over their interests, and guard them from insult and injury.

The Monacans and their friends, better known latterly by the name of Tuscaroras, were proba­bly connected with the Maslawomecs, or Five [Page 138] Nations. For though we are ^* told their langua­ges were so different that the intervention of in­terpreters was necessary between them, yet do we also ^† learn that the Erigas, a nation formerly inhabiting on the Ohio, were of the same origi­nal stock with the Five Nations, and that they partook also of the Tuscarora language. Their dialects might, by long separation, have be­come so unlike as to be unintelligible to one ano­ther. We know that in 1712, the Five Nations received the Tuscaroras into their confederacy, and made them the Sixth Nation. They receiv­ed the Meherrins and Tuteloes also into their protection: and it is most probable, that the re­mains of many other of the tribes, of whom we find no particular account, retired westwardly in like manner, and were incorporated with one or other of the western tribes. (5)

I know of no such thing existing as an Indian monument: for I would not honour with that name arrow points, stone hatchets, stone pipes, and half-shapen images. Of labour on the large scale, I think there is no remain as respectable as would be a common ditch for the draining of lands: unless indeed it would be the Barrows, of which many are to be found all over this coun­try. These are of different sizes, some of them constructed of earth, and some of loose stones. That they were repositories of the dead, has been obvious to all: but on what particular occasion [Page 139] constructed, was a matter of doubt. Some have thought they covered the bones of those who have fallen in battles fought on the spot of in­ter [...]. Some ascribed them to the custom, said to prevail among the Indians, of collecting, at certain periods the bones of all their dead, wheresoever deposited at the time of death. Others again supposed them the general sepul­chres for towns, conjectured to have been on or near these grounds; and this opinion was sup­ported by the quality of the lands in which they are found, (those constructed of earth be­ing generally in the softest and most fertile mea­dow-grounds on river sides) and by a tradition, said to be handed down from the aboriginal In­dians, that, when they settled in a town, the first person who died was placed erect, and earth put about him, so as to cover and support him; that when another died, a narrow passage was dug to the first, the second reclined against him, and the cover of earth replaced, and so on. There being one of these in my neighbourhood, I wish­ed to satisfy myself whether any, and which of these opinions were just. For this purpose I de­termined to open and examine it thoroughly. It was situated on the low grounds of the Rivanna, about two miles above its principle fork, and op­posite to some hills, on which had been an Indi­an town. It was of a spheroidical form, of about 40 feet diameter at the base, and had been of about twelve feet altitude, though now reduced by the plough to seven and a half, having been [Page 140] under cultivation about a dozen years. Before this it was covered with trees of 12 inches diame­ter, and round the base was an excavation of five feet depth and width, from whence the earth had been taken of which the hillock was formed. I first dug superficially in several parts of it, and came to collections of human bones, at different depths, from six inches to three feet below the surface. These were lying in the utmost confu­sion, some vertical, some oblique, some hori­zontal, and directed to every point of the com­pass, entangled, and held together in clusters by the earth. Bones of the most distant parts were found together, as, for instance, the small bones of the foot in the hollow of a scull, many sculls would sometimes be in contact, lying on the face, on the side, on the back, top or bottom, so as, on the whole, to give the idea of bones emp­tied promiscuously from a bag or basket, and covered over with earth, without any attention to their order. The bones of which the greatest numbers remained, were sculls, jaw-bones, teeth, the bones of the arms, thighs, legs, feet, and hands. A few ribs remained, some vertebrae of the neck and spine, without their processes, and one instance only of the ^* bone which serves as a base to the vertebral column. The sculls were so tender, that they generally fell to pieces on being touched. The other bones were stronger. There were some teeth which were judged to be [Page 141] smaller than those of an adult; a scull which on a slight view, appeared to be that of an infant, but it fell to pieces on being taken out, so as to prevent satisfactory examination; a rib and a fragment of the under jaw of a person abo [...] half grown; another rib of an infant; and part of the jaw of a child, which had not cut its teeth. This last furnishing the most decisive proof of the burial of children here, I was particular in my attention to it. It was part of the right half of the under jaw. The processes, by which it was articulated to the temporal bones, were entire, and the bone itself firm to where it had been broken off, which, as nearly as I could judge, was about the place of the eye [...]ooth. Its upper edge, wherein would have been the sock­ets of the teeth, was perfectly smooth. Measur­ing it with that of an adult, by placing their hinder processes together, its broken end extend­ed to the penultimate grinder of the adult. This bone was white, all the others of a sand colour. The bones of infants being soft, they probably decay sooner, which might be the cause so few were found here. I proceeded then to make a perpendicular cut through the body of the bar­row, that I might examine its internal structure. This passed about three feet from its center, was opened to the former surface of the earth, and was wide enough for a man to walk through and examine its sides. At the bottom, that is, on the level of the circumjacent plain, I found bones; above these a few stones, brought from a [Page 142] cliff a quarter of a mile off, and from the river one-eighth of a mile off; then a large interval of earth, then a stratum of bones, and so on. At one end of the section were four strata of bones plainly distinguishable; at the other, three; the strata in one part not ranging with those in ano­ther. The bones nearest the surface were least decayed. No holes were discovered in any of them, as if made with bullets, arrows, or other weapons. I conjectured that in this barrow might have been a thousand skeletons. Every one [...] readily seize the circumstances above related, which militate against the opinion, that it covered the bones only of persons fallen in battle; and against the tradition also, which would make it the common sepulchre of a town, in which the bodies were placed upright, and touching each other. Appearances certainly indicate that it has derived both origin and growth from the accustomary collection of bones, and deposition of them together; that the first collection had been deposited on the common surface of the earth, a few stones put over it, and then a covering of earth, that the second had been laid on this, had covered more or less of it in proportion to the number of bones, and was then also covered with earth; and so on. The following are the the particular circum­stances which give it this aspect. 1. The num­ber of bones. 2. Their confused position. 3. Their being in different strata. 4. The strata [Page 143] in one part having no correspondence with those in another. 5. The different states of decay in these strata, which seem to indicate a difference in the time of inhumation. 6. The existence of infant bones among them.

But on whatever occasion they may have been made, they are of considerable notoriety among the Indians: for a party passing, about thirty years ago, through the part of the country where this barrow is, went through the woods directly to it, without any instructions or enquiry, and having staid about it some time, with expressions which were construed to be those of sorrow, they returned to the high road, which they had left about half a dozen miles to pay this visit, and pur­sued their journey. There is another barrow much resembling this, in the low grounds of the south branch of Shenandoah where it is crossed by the road leading from the Rockfish gap to Staunton. Both of these have within these dozen years, been cleared of their trees and put under cultivation, are much reduced in their height, and spread in width, by the plough, and will probably disap­pear in time. There is another on a hill in the Blue ridge of mountains, a few miles north of Wood's gap, which is made up of small stones thrown together. This has been opened and found to contain human bones, as the others do. There are also many others in other parts of the country.

Great question has arisen from whence came those aboriginals of America? Discoveries, long [Page 144] ago made, were sufficient to show that a passage from Europe to America was always practicable, even to the imperfect navigation of ancient times. In going from Norway to Iceland, from Iceland to Groenland, from Groenland to Labrador, the first traject is the widest: and this having been practised from the earliest times of which we have any account of that part of the earth, it is not difficult to suppose that the subsequent trajects may have been sometimes passed. Again, the late discoveries of Captain Cook, coasting from Kamschatka to California, have proved that if the two continents of Asia and America be se­perated at all, it is only by a narrow streight. So that from this side also, inhabitants may have passed into America: and the resemblance be­tween the Indians of America and the eastern in­habitants of Asia, would induce us to conjecture, that the former are the descendants of the latter, or the latter of the former: excepting indeed the Es­kimaux, who, from the same circumstance of re­semblance, and from indentity of language, must be derived from the Groenlanders, and these probably from some of the northern parts of the old continent. A knowledge of their several lan­guages would be the most certain evidence of their derivation which could be produced. In fact, it is the best proof of the affinity of nations which ever can be referred to. How many ages have elapsed since the English, the Dutch, the Germans, the Swiss, the Norwegians, Danes and Swedes have seperated from their common stock? [Page 145] Yet how many more must elapse before the proofs of their common origin, which exist in their se­veral languages, will disappear? It is to be la­mented then, very much to be lamented, that we have suffered so many of the Indian tribes al­ready to extinguish, without our having previ­ously collected and deposited in the records of literature, the general rudiments at least of the languages they spoke. Were vocabularies form­ed of all the languages spoken in North and South America, preserving their appellations of the most common objects in nature, of those which must be present to every nation barbarous or civilized, with the inflections of their nouns and verbs, their principles of reigmen and con­cord, and these deposited in all the public libra­ries, it would furnish opportunities to those skill­ed in the languages of the old world to compare them with these, no [...] or at any future time, and hence to construct the best evidence of the deri­vation of this part of the human race.

But imperfect as is our knowledge of the tongues spoken in America, it suffices to disco­ver the following remarkable fact. Arranging them under the radical ones to which they may be palpably traced, and doing the same by those of the red men of Asia, there will be found pro­bably twenty in America, for one in Asia, of those radical languages, so called because, if they were ever the same they have lost all resem­blance to one another. A seperation into dia­lects may be the work of a few ages only, but for [Page 146] two dialects to recede from one another till they have lost all vestiges of their common origin, must require an immense course of time; perhaps not less than many people give to the age of the earth. A greater number of those radical changes of language having taken place among the red men of America proves them of greater an­tiquity than those of Asia.

I will now proceed to state the nations and numbers of the Aborigines which still exist in a respectable and independant form. And as their undefined boundaries would render it difficult to specify those only which may be within any cer­tain limits, and it may not be unacceptable to present a more general view of them, I will re­duce within the form of a catalogue all those within, and circumjacent to, the United States, whose names and numbers have come to my no­tice. These are taken from four different lists, the first of which was given in the year 1759 to general Stanwix by George Croghan, deputy agent for Indian affaires under Sir William Johnson▪ the second was drawn up by a French tra­der of considerable note, resident among the In­dians many years, and annexed to colonel Bouquet's printed account of his expedition in 1764. The third was made out by captain Hut­chins. who visited most of the tribes, by order, for the pupose of learning their numbers in 1768. And the fourth by John Dodge, an Indian tra­der, in 1779, except the numbers marked, which are from other information.

[Page 147]

[Page 148]

[Page 149]

[Page 150]

[Page 151] The following tribes are also mentioned:

But apprehending these might be different appellations for some of the tribes already enu­merated, I have not inserted them in the table, but state them separately as worthy of further in­quiry. The variations observable in numbering the same tribe may sometimes be ascribed to im­perfect information, and sometimes to a greater or less comprehension of settlements under the same name. (7)

A NOTICE of the counties, cities, town­ships, and villages?

The counties have been enumerated under Query IX. They are 74 in number, of very unequal size and population. Of these 35 are on the tide waters, or in that parallel; 23 are in the midlands, between the tide waters and Blue ridge of mountains; 8 between the Blue ridge and Alleghaney; and 8 westward of the Alleghaney.

The state, by another division, is formed in­to parishes, many of which are commensurate with the counties: but sometimes a county com­prehends more than one parish, and sometimes a parish more than one county. This division had relation to the religion of the state, a parson of the Anglican church, with a fixed salary, having been heretofore established in each pa­rish. The care of the poor was another object of the parochial division.

We have no townships. Our country being much intersected with navigable waters, and trade brought generally to our doors, instead of our being obliged to go in quest of it, has proba­bly been one of the causes why we have no towns of any consequence. Williamsburgh, which till the year 1780, was the seat of our go­vernment, [Page 153] never contained above 1800 inhabi­tants; and Norfolk the most populous town we ever had, contained but 6000. Our towns, but more properly our villages or hamlets, are as follows.

On James river and its waters, Norfolk, Ports­mouth, Hampton, Suffolk, Smithfield, Williams­burgh, Petersburgh, Richmond the seat of our government, Manchester, Charlottesville, New-London.

On York river and its waters, York, Newcas­tle, Hanover.

On Rappahannoc, Urbanna, Portroyal, Frede­ricksburgh, Falmouth.

On Potowmac and its waters, Dumfries, Col­chester, Alexandria, Winchester, Staunton.

On Ohio, Louisville.

There are other places at which, like some of the foregoing, the laws have said there shall be towns; but Nature has said there shall not, and they remain unworthy of enumeration. Norfolk will probably be the emporium for all the trade of the Chesapeak bay and its waters; and a ca­nal of 8 or 10 miles will bring to it all that of Albemarle sound and its waters. Secondary to this place, are the towns at the head of the tide waters, to wit, Petersburgh on Appomattox. Richmond on James river. Newcastle on York river. Alexandria on Potowmac, and Baltimore on Patapsco. From these the distribution will be to subordinate situations in the country. Acci­dental circumstances however may controul the [Page 154] indications of nature, and in no instances do they do it more frequently than in the rise and fall of towns.

THE constitution of the state, and its several charters?

Queen Elizabeth by her letters-patent, bearing date March 25, 1584, licensed Sir Walter Raleigh to search for remote heathen lands, not inhabited by Christian people, and granted to him, in fee simple, all the soil within 200 leagues of the pla­ces where his people should, within 6 years make their dwellings or abidings; reserving only to herself and her successors, their allegiance and one-fifth part of all the gold and silver ore they should obtain. Sir Walter immediately sent out two ships which visited Wococon island in North-Carolina, and the next year dispatched seven with 107 men, who settled in Roanoke island, about latitude 35° 50′. Here Okisko, king of the Weopomeiocs, in a full council of his people is said to have acknowledged himself the homa­ger of the Queen of England, and, after her, of [Page 155] Sir Walter Raleigh. A supply of 50 men were sent in 1586, and 150 in 1587. With these last, Sir Walter sent a governor, appointed him 12 assistants, gave them a charter of incorporation, and instructed them to settle on Chesapeak bay. They landed however at Hatorask. In 1588, when a fleet was ready to sail with a new supply of colonists and necessaries, they were detained by the Queen to assist against the Spanish arma­da. Sir Walter having now expended 40,000l. in these enterprises, obstructed occasionally by the crown without a shilling of aid from it, was under a necessity of engaging others to adven­ture their money. He therefore, by deed bear­ing date the 7th of March 1589, by the name of Sir Walter Raleigh, Chief Governor of Assa­màcomoc, (probably Acomàc,) alias Wingadacoia alias Virginia, granted to Thomas Smith and others, in consideration of their adventuring certain sums of money, liberty of trade to his new country, free from all customs and taxes for seven years, excepting the fifth part of the gold and silver ore to be obtained; and stipulat­ed with them, and the other assistants, then in Virginia, that he would confirm the deed of incorporation which he had given in 1587, with all the prerogatives, jurisdictions, royalties and privileges granted to him by the Queen. Sir Walter, at different times, sent five other adven­turers hither, the last of which was in 1602: for in 1603 he was attainted, and put into close im­prisonment, which put an end to his cares over [Page 156] his infant colony. What was the particular fate of the colonists he had before sent and seated, has never been known: whether they were mur­dered, or incorporated with the savages.

Some gentlemen and merchants, supposing that by the attainder of Sir Walter Raleigh the grant to him was forfeited, not enquiring over­carefully whether the sentence of an English court could affect lands not within the jurisdic­tion of that court, petitioned king James for a new grant of Virginia to them. He according­ly executed a grant to Sir Thomas Gates and others bearing date the 9th of March 1607, un­der which, in the same year a settlement was ef­fected at James-town and ever after maintained. Of this grant however no particular notice need be taken, as it was superseded by letters-patent of the same king, of May 23, 1609 to the Earl of Salisbury and others, incorporating them, by the name of ‘the Treasurer and Company of adventurers and planters of the City of Lon­don for the first colony in Virginia,’ granting to them and their successors all the lands in Virginia from Point Comfort along the sea-coast to the northward 200 miles and from the same point along the sea-coast to the southward 200 miles, and all the space from this precinct on the sea coast up into the land, west and north-west, from sea to sea, and the islands within one hundred miles of it, with all the commodities, jurisdic­tions, royalties, privileges, franchises and pre­eminencies within the same, and thereto and [Page 157] thereabouts, by sea and land, appertaining in as ample manner as had before been granted to any adventurer: to be held of the king and his successors, in common soccage, yielding one-fifth part of the gold and silver ore to be therein found, for all manner of services; establishing a council in England for the direction of the en­terprise, the members of which were to be cho­sen and displaced by the voice of the majority of the company and adventurers, and were to have the nomination and revocation of governors, of­ficers, and ministers, which by them should be thought needful for the colony, the power of es­tablishing laws and forms of government and ma­gistracy, obligatory not only within the colony, but also on the seas in going and coming to and from it; authorising them to carry thither any persons who should consent to go, freeing them for ever from all taxes and impositions on any goods or merchandise on importations into the colony, or exportation out of it, except the five per cent. due for custom on all goods im­ported into the British dominions, according to the ancient trade of merchants; which five per per cent. only being paid they might, within 13 months re-export the same goods into foreign parts, without any custom, tax, or other duty, to the king or any of his officers or deputies; with powers of waging war against those who should annoy them; giving to the inhabitants of the colony all the rights of natural subjects, as if born and abiding in England; and declaring [Page 158] that these letters should be construed, in all doubtful parts, in such manner as should be most for the benefit of the grantees.

Afterwards on the 12th of March 1612, by other letters-patent, the king added to his former grants, all islands in any part of the ocean be­tween the 30th and 41st degrees of latitude, and within 300 leagues of any of the parts before granted to the treasurer and company, not be­ing possessed or inhabited by any other Christian prince or state, nor within the limits of the nor­thern colony.

In pursuance of the authorities given to the company by these charters, and more especially of that part in the charter of 1609, which autho­rised them to establish a form of government, they on the 24th of July 1621, by charter under their common seal, declared that from thence­forward there should be two supreme councils in Virginia, the one to be called the council of state, to be placed and displaced by the treasurer, coun­cil in England, and company, from time to time, whose office was to be that of assisting and advis­ing the governor; the other to be called the ge­neral assembly to be convened by the governor once yearly or oftener, which was to consist of the council of state, and two burgesses out of every town, hundred, or plantation, to be re­spectively chosen by the inhabitants. In this all matters were to be decided by the greater part of the votes present; reserving to the governor a negative voice; and they were to have power [Page 159] to treat, consult, and conclude all emergent oc­casions concerning the public weal, and to make laws for the behoof and government of the co­lony, imitating and following the laws and policy of England as nearly as might be: providing that these laws should have no force till ratified in a general quarter court of the company in England and returned under their common seal, and declaring that, after the government of the colony should be well framed and settled, no or­ders of the council in England should bind the colony unless ratified in the said general assem­bly. The king and company quarrelled, and by a mixture of law and force, the latter were oust­ed of all their rights, without retribution, af­ter having expended 100,000l. in establishing the colony, without the smallest aid from govern­ment. King James suspended their powers by proclamation of July 15, 1624, and Charls I. took the government into his own hands. Both sides had their partisans in the colony; but in truth the people of the colony in general thought themselves little concerned in the dispute. There being three parties interested in these several charters, what passed between the first and se­cond it was thought could not affect the third. If the king seized on the powers of the company, they only passed into other hands, without in­crease or diminution, while the rights of the peo­ple remained as they were. But they did not re­main so long. The northern parts of their coun­try were granted away to the lords Baltimore and [Page 160] Fairfax, the first of these obtaining also the rights of separate jurisdiction and government. And in 1650 the parliament, considering itself as standing in the place of their deposed king, and as having succeeded to all his powers, without as well as within the realm, began to assume a right over the colonies, passing an act for inhibit­ing their trade with foreign nations. This suc­cession to the exercise of kingly authority gave the first colour for parliamentary interference with the colonies, and produced that fatal precedent which they continued to follow after they had retired, in other respects, within their proper functions. When this colony, therefore, which still maintained its opposition to Cromwell and the parliament, was induced in 1651 to lay down their arms, they previously secured their most essential rights, by a solemn convention, which having never seen in print, I will here insert literally from the records.

[Page 164] Then follow the articles stipulated by the go­vernor and council, which relate merely to their own persons and property, and then the ensuing instrument:

The colony supposed, that, by this solemn convention, entered into with arms in their hands, they had secured the ancient limits ^* of their country, its free trade, ^† its exemption from taxation ^‡ but by their own assembly, and exclu­sion of military force ^§ from among them. Yet in every of these points was this convention vi­olated by subsequent kings and parliaments, and other infractions of their constitution, equally dangerous committed. Their general assembly, which was composed of the council of state and burgesses, sitting together and deciding by plura­lity of voices, was split into two houses, by which the council obtained a separate negative on their laws. Appeals from their supreme court, which had been fixed by law in their general assembly, were arbitrarily revoked to England, to be there [Page 166] heard before the king and council. Instead of four hundred miles on the sea coast, they were reduced, in the space of thirty years, to about one hundred miles. Their trade with foreigners was totally suppressed, and when carried to Great-Britain, was there loaded with imposts. It is unnecessary, however, to glean up the several instances of injury, as scattered through Ameri­can and British history, and the more especially as, by passing on to the accession of the present king, we shall find specimens of them all, aggra­vated, multiplied and crouded within a small compass of time, so as to evince a fixed design of considering our rights natural, conventional and chartered as mere nullities. The following is an epitome of the first fifteen years of his reign. The colonies were taxed internally and exter­nally; their essential interests sacrificed to indi­viduals in Great-Britain; their legislatures sus­pended; charters annulled; trials by jurses tak­en away; their persons subjected to transporta­tion across the Atlantic, and to trial before fo­reign judicatories; their applications for redress thought beneath answer; themselves published as cowards in the councils of their mother coun­try and courts of Europe; armed troops sent amongst them to enforce submission to these vio­lencies; and actual hostilities commenced against them. No alternative was presented but resist­ance, or unconditional submission. Between these could be no hesitation. They closed in the appeal to arms. They declared themselves inde­pendent [Page 167] sttates. They confederated together in­to one great republic; thus securing to every state the benefit of an union of their whole force. In each state seperately a new form of govern­ment was established. Of ours particularly the following are the out lines. The executive pow­ers are lodged in the hands of a governor, chosen annually, and incapable of acting more than three years in seven. He is assisted by a council of eight members. The judiciary powers are di­vided among several courts, as will be hereafter explained. Legislation is exercised by two hou­ses of assembly, the one called the house of Dele­gates, composed of two members from each county, chosen annually by the citizens possess­ing an estate for life in 100 acres of uninhabited land, or 25 acres with a house on it, or in a house or lot in some town: the other called the Senate, consisting of 24 members, chosen qua­drenially by the same electors, who for this pur­pose are distributed into 24 districts. The con­currence of both houses is necessary to the pas­sage of a law. They have the appointment of the governor and council, the judges of the superi­or courts, auditors, attorney-general, treasurer, register of the land office, and delegates to con­gress. As the dismemberment of the state had never had its confirmation, but, on the contra­ry, had always been the subject of protestation and complaint, that it might never be in our own power to raise scruples on that subject, or to dis­turb the harmony of our new confederacy, the [Page 168] grants to Maryland, Pennsylvania, and the two Carolinas, were ratified.

This constitution was formed when we were new and unexperienced, in the science of go­vernment. It was the first too which was formed in the whole United States. No wonder then that time and trial have discovered very capital defects in it.

1. The majority of the men in the state, who pay and fight for its support, are unrepresented in the legislature, the roll of freeholders entitled to vote, not including generally the half of those on the roll of the militia, or of the tax-gatherers.

2. Among those who share the representation, the shares are very unequal. Thus the county of Warwick, with only 100 fighting men, has an equal representation with the county of Loudon which has 1746. So that every man in Warwick has as much influence in the government as 17 men in Loudon. But lest it should be thought that an equal interspersion of small among large counties, through the whole state, may prevent any danger of injury to particular parts of it, we will divide it into districts, and shew the pro­portions of land, of fighting men, and of repre­sentation in each.

[Page 169]

An inspection of this table will supply the place of commentaries on it. It will appear at once that 19,000 men, living below the falls of the ri­vers, possess half the senate, and want four mem­bers only of possessing a majority of the house of delegates; a want more than supplied by the vi­cinity of their situation to the seat of govern­ment, and of course the greater degree of con­venience and punctuality with which their mem­bers may and will attend in the legislature. These 19,000 therefore, living in one part of the country, give law to upwards of 30,000 living in another, and appoint all their chief officers exe­cutive and judiciary. From the difference of their situation and circumstances, their interests will often be very different.

3. The senate is, by its constitution, too ho­mogeneous with the house of delegates. Being chosen by the same electors, at the same time, and out of the same subjects, the choice falls of course on men of the same discription. The pur­pose [Page 170] of establishing different houses of legislation is to introduce the influence of different inter­ests or different principles. Thus in Great-Bri­tain it is said their constitution relies on the house of commons for honesty, and the lords for wisdom; which would be a rational reliance if honesty were to be bought with money, and if wisdom were hereditary. In some of the Ame­rican states the delegates and senators are so cho­sen, as that the first represent the persons, and the second the property of the state. But with us, wealth and wisdom have equal chance for ad­mission into both houses. We do not therefore derive from the separation of our legislature into two houses, those benefits which a proper com­plication of principles is capable of producing, and those which alone can compensate the evils which may be produced by their dissentions.

4. All the powers of government, legislative, executive, and judiciary, result to the legislative body. The concentrating these in the same hands is precisely the definition of despotic go­vernment. It will be no alleviation that these powers will be exercised by a plurality of hands. and not by a single one. 173 despots would surely be as oppressive as one. Let those who doubt it turn their eyes on the republic of Ve­nice. As little will it avail us that they are cho­sen by ourselves. An elective despotism was not the government we fought for; but one which should not only be founded on free principles, but in which the powers of government should [Page 171] be so devided and balanced among several bodies of magistracy, as that no one could transcend their legal limits, without being effectually checked and restrained by the others. For this reason that convention, which passed the ordinance of government, laid its foundation on this basis, that the legislative, executive and judiciary de­partments should be separate and distinct, so that no person should exercise the powers of more than one of them at the same time. But no bar­rier was provided between these several powers. The judiciary and executive members were left dependant on the legislative, for their subsistence in office, and some of them for their continu­ance in it. If therefore the legislature assumes executive and judiciary powers, no opposition is likely to be made; nor, if made, can it be effec­tual: because in that case they may put their pro­ceedings into the form of an act of assembly, which will render them obligatory on the other branches. They have accordingly, in many instances, decided rights which should have been left to judiciary controversy: and the di­rection of the executive, during the whole time of their session, is becoming habitual and familiar. And this is done with no ill intention. The views of the present members are perfectly up­right. When they are led out of their regular province, it is by art in others, and inadvert­ence in themselves. And this will probably be the case for some time to come. But it will not be a very long time. Mankind soon learn to [Page 172] make interested uses of every right and power which they possess, or may assume. The public mo­ney and public liberty, intended to have been deposited with three branches of magistracy but found inadvertently to be in the hands of one only, will soon be discovered to be sources of wealth and dominion to those who hold them; distinguished too by this tempting circumstance, that they are the instrument, as well as the ob­ject of acquisition. With money we will get men, said Caesar, and with men we will get mo­ney. Nor should our assembly be deluded by the integrity of their own purposes, and con­clude that these unlimited powers will never be abused, because themselves are not disposed to abuse them. They should look forword to a time, and that not a distant one, when corrup­tion in this, as in the country from which we de­rive our origin, will have seized the heads of government, and be spread by them through the body of the people; when they will purchase the voices of the people, and make them pay the price. Human nature is the same on every side of the Atlantic, and will be alike influenced by the same causes. The time to guard against cor­ruption and tyranny, is before they shall have gotten hold on us. It is better to keep the wolf out of the fold, than to trust to drawing his teeth and talons after he shall have entered. To render these considerations the more co­gent, we must observe in addition.

5. That the ordinary legislature may alter the constitution itself. On the discontinuance of [Page 173] assemblies, it became necessary to substitute in their place some other body, competent to the ordinary business of government, and to the call­ing forth the powers of the state for the mainte­nance of our opposition to Great-Britain. Con­ventions were therefore introduced, consisting of two delegates from each county, meeting to­gether and forming one house, on the plan of the former house of burgesses, to whose places they succeeded. These were at first chosen anew for every particular session. But in march 1775, they recommended to the people to chuse a con­vention, which should continue in office a year. This was done accordingly in April 1775, and in the July following that convention passed an ordinance for the election of delegates in the month of April annually. It is well known, that in July 1775, a separation from Great-Bri­tain and establishment of republican government had never yet entered into any person's mind. A convention therefore, chosen under that or­dinance, cannot be said to have been chosen for the purposes which certainly did not exist in the minds of those who passed it. Under this ordi­nance, at the annual election in April 1776, a convention for the year was chosen. Inde­pendence, and the establishment of a new form of government, were not even yet the objects of the people at large. One extract from the pamphlet called common sense had appeared in the Virginia papers in February, and copies of the pamphlet itself had got into a few hands. But [Page 174] the idea had not been opened to the mass of the people in April, much less can it be said that they had made up their minds in its favour. So that the electors of April 1776, no more than the legislators of July 1775, not thinking of inde­pendence and a permanent republic, could not mean to vest in these delegates powers of esta­blishing them, or any authorities other than those of the ordinary legislature. So far as a temporary organization of government was ne­cessary to render our opposition energetic, so far their organization was valid. But they received in their creation no powers but what were given to every legislature before and since. They could not therefore pass an act transcendant to the powers of other legislatures. If the present as­sembly pass an act, and declare it shall be irre­vocable by subsequent assemblies, the declara­tion is merely void, and the act repealable, as other acts are. So far, and no farther authorised, they organized the government by the ordinance entitled a constitution or form of government. It pretends to no higher authority than the other ordinances of the same session; it does not say, that it shall be perpetual; that it shall be unalter­able by other legislatures; that it shall be trans­cendant above the powers of those, who they knew would have equal power with themselves. Not only the silence of the instrument is a proof they thought it would be alterable, but their own practice also: for this very convention, meeting as a house of delegates in general assembly with [Page 175] the senate in the autumn of that year, passed acts of assembly in contradiction to their ordinance of government: and every assembly from that time to this has done the same. I am safe there­fore in the position, that the constitution itself is alterable by the ordinary legislature. Though this opinion seems founded on the first elements of common sense, yet is the contrary maintained by some persons. 1. Because say they, the con­ventions were vested with every power necessary to make effectual opposition to Great-Britain. But to complete this argument, they must go on, and say further, that effectual opposition could not be made to Great-Britain, without establishing a form of government perpetual and unalterable by the legislature; which is not true. An opposition which at some time or other was to come to an end, could not need a perpetual institution to carry it on: and a go­vernment, amendable as its defects should be discovered, was as likely to make effectual re­sistance, as one which should be unalterably wrong. Besides, the assemblies were as much vested with all powers requisite for resistance as the conventions were. If therefore these pow­ers included that of modelling the form of go­vernment in the one case, they did so in the other. The assemblies then as well as the con­ventions may model the government; that is they may alter the ordinance of government. 2. They urge, that if the convention had meant that this instrument should be alterable, as their [Page 176] other ordinances were, they would have called it an ordinance: but they have called it a consti­tution, which ex vi termini means 'an act above the power of the ordinary legislature.' I answer that constitutio, constitutium, statutum, lex, are convertible terms. 'Constitutio dicitur jus quod a principe conditure.' Constitutum, quod ab im­peratoribus rescriptum statutumve est.' Statutum, idem quod lex.' Calvini Lexicon juridicum. Constitution and statute were originally terms of the ^* civil law, and from thence introduced by ecclesiastics into the English law. Thus in the statute 25 Hen. 8. c. 19. §. 1. 'Constitutions and ordinances' are used as synonimous. The term constitution has many other significations in phy­sics and in politics; but in jurisprudence, when­ever it is applied to any act of the legislature, it invariably means a statute, law, or ordinance, which is the present case. No inference then of a different meaning can be drawn from the adoption of this title; on the contrary, we might conclude, that, by their affixing to it a term sy­nonimous with ordinanceor statute. But of what consequence is their meaning, where their power is denied? If they meant to do more than they had power to do, did this give them power? It is not the name, but the authority that renders an act obligatory. Lord Coke says, ‘an article of the statute 11 R. 2. c. 5. that no person [Page 177] should attempt to revoke any ordinance then made, is repealed, for that such restraint is against the jurisdiction and power of the parli­ament,’ 4. Inst. 42. and again, ‘though divers parliaments have attempted to restrain subse­quent parliaments, yet could they never effect it; for the latter parliament hath ever power to abrogate, suspend, qualify, explain, or make void the former in the whole or in any part thereof, notwithstanding any words of restraint, prohibition, or penalty, in the former: for it is a maxim in the laws of the parliament, quod le­ges posteriores priores contrarias abrogant.’ 4. 'Inst. 43.—To get rid of the magic supposed to be in the word constitution, let us translate it into its definition as given by those who think it above the power of the law; and let us suppose the con­vention instead of saying, ‘We the ordinary le­gislature establish a constitution,’ had said, ‘We the ordinary legislature, establish an act above the power of the ordinary legislature.’ Does not this expose the absurdity of the attempt? 3. But, say they, the people have acquiesced, and this has given it an authority superior to the laws. It is true, that the people did not rebel against it: and was that a time for the people to rise in re­bellion? Should a prudent acquiescence, at a cri­tical time, be construed into a confirmation of every illegal thing done during that period? Be­sides, why should they rebel? At an annual elec­tion, they had chosen delegates for the year, to exercise the ordinary powers of legislation, and [Page 178] to manage the great contest in which they were engaged. These delegates thought the contest would be best managed by an organized govern­ment. They therefore▪ among others, passed an ordinance of government. They did not presume to call it perpetual and unalterable. They well knew they had no power to make it so; that our choice of them had been for no such purpose, and at a time when we could have no such pur­pose in contemplation. Had an unalterable form of government been meditated, perhaps we should have chosen a different set of people. There was no cause then for the people to rise in rebellion. But to what dangerous lengths will this argument lead? Did the acquiescence of the colonies under the various acts of power exer­cised by Great-Britain in our infant state, con­firm these acts, and so far invest them with the authority of the people as to render them unal­terable, and our present resistance wrong? On every unauthoritative exercise of power by the legislature, must the people rise in rebellion, or their silence be construed into a surrender of that power to them? If so, how many rebellions should we have had already? One certainly for every session of assembly. The other states in the union have been of opinion, that to render a form of government unalterable by ordinary acts of assembly, the people must delegate persons with special powers. They have accordingly cho­sen special conventions to form and fix their go­vernments. The individuals then who maintain [Page 179] contrary opinion in this country, should have the modesty to suppose it possible that they may be wrong and the rest of America right. But if [...] be only a possibility of their being wrong, if only a plausible doubt remains of the validity of the ordinance of government, is it not better to remove that doubt, by placing it on a bottom which none will dispute? If they be right we shall only have the unnecessary trouble of meet­ing once in convention. If they be wrong, they expose us to the hazard of having no fundamen­tal rights at all. True it is, this is no time for deliberating on forms of government. While an enemy is within our bowels, the first object is to expel him. But when this shall be done, when peace shall be established, and leisure given us for intrenching within good forms, the rights for which we have bled, let no man be found indo­lent enough to decline a little more trouble for placing them beyond the reach of question. If any thing more [...] requis [...] to produce a convic­tion of the expediency of calling a convention at a proper season to fix our form of government, let it be the reflection.

6. That the assembly exercises a power of de­termining the quorum of their own body which may legislate for us. After the establishment of the n [...]w form they adhered to the Lex majoris partis, founded in, ^* common law as well as [Page 180] common right. It is the ^† natural law of every assembly of men, whose numbers are not fixed by any other law. They continued for sometime to require the presence of a majority of their whole number, to pass an act. But the British parlia­ment fixes its own quorum: our former assem­blies fixed their own quorum: and one precedent in favour of power is stronger than an hundred against it. The house of delegates therefore [...] ^‡ lately voted that, during the present dan­gerous invasion, forty members shall be a house to proceed to business. They have been moved to this by the fear of not being able to collect a house. But this danger could not authorise them to call that a house which was none: and if they may fix it one number, they may at another, till it loses its fundamental character of being a re­presentative body. As this vote expires with the present invasion, it is probable the former rule will be permitted to revive: because at present no ill is meant. The power however of fixing their own quorum has been avowed, and a pre­cedent set. From forty it may be reduced to four, and from four to one: from a house to a committee, from a committee to a chairman or speaker, and thus an oligarchy or monarchy be substituted under forms supposed to be regular. ‘ [...] mala exempla ex bonis orta sunt: sed ubi imperium ad ignaros aut minus bonos per­venit, [Page 181] novum illud exemplum ab dignis et ido­neis ad indignos et non idoneos fertur.’ When therefore it is considered, that there is no legal obstacle to the assumption by the assembly of all the powers legislative, executive, and judiciary, and that these may come to the hands of the smallest rag of delegation, surely the people will say, and their representatives, while yet they have honest representatives, will advise them to say, that they will not acknowledge as laws any acts not considered and assented to by the major part of their delegates.

In enumerating the defects of the constitution, it would be wrong to count among them what is only the error of particular persons. In Decem­ber 1776, our circumstances being much distress­ed, it was proposed in the house of delegates to create a dictator, invested with every power le­gislative, executive and judiciary, civil and mi­litary, of life and of death, over our persons and over our properties: and in June 1781, again under calamity, the same proposition was re­peated, and wanted a few votes only of being passed.—One who entered into this contest from a pure love of liberty, and a sense of injured rights, who determined to make every sacrifice, and to meet every danger, for the re-establish­ment of those rights on a firm basis, who did not mean to expend his blood and substance for the wretched purpose of changing this master for that, but to place the powers of governing him in a plurality of hands of his own choice, so that the [Page 182] corrupt will of no one man might in future op­press him, must stand confounded and dismayed when he is told, that a considerable portion of that plurality had meditated the surrender of them into a single hand, and, in lieu of a limited monarchy, to deliver him over to a despotic one! How must we find his efforts and sacrifices abused and ba [...]ed, if he may still by a single vote be laid prostrate at the feet of one man! In God's name from whence have they derived this pow­er? Is it from our ancient laws? None such can be produced. Is it from any principle in our new constitution expressed or implied? Every lineament of that expressed or implied, is in fu [...]l opposition to it. Its fundamental principle is, that the state shall be governed as a common­wealth. It provides a republican organization, proscribes under the name of prerogative the ex­ercise of all powers undefined by the laws; pla­ces on this bsias the whole system of our laws; and by consolidating them together, chuses that should be left to [...]and or fall together, never providing for any circumstances, nor admitting that such could arise, wherein either should be suspended, no, not for a moment. Our anci­ent laws expressly declare, that those who are but delegates themselves shall not delegate to others powers which require judgment and inte­grity in their exercise.—Or was this proposition moved on a supposed right in the movers of abandoning their posts in a moment of distress? The same laws forbid the abandonment of that [Page 183] post, even on ordinary occasions; and much more a transfer of their powers into other hands and other forms, without consulting the people. They never admit the idea that these, like sheep or cattle, may be given from hand to hand with­out an appeal to their own will.—Was it from the necessity of the case? Necessities which dis­solve a government, do not convey its authority to an oligarchy or a monarchy. They throw back, into the hands of the people, the powers they had delegated, and leave them as individu­als to shift for themselves. A leader may offer, but not impose himself, nor be imposed on them. Much less can their necks be submitted to his sword, their breath to be held at his will or ca­price. The necessity which should operate these tremendous effects should at least be palpable and irresistible. Yet in both instances, where it was feared, or pretended with us, it was belied by the event. It was belied too by the preced­ing experience of our sister states, several of whom had grappled through greater difficulties without abandoning their forms of government. When the proposition was first made, Massachu­sets had found even the government of commit­tees sufficient to carry them through an invasion. But we at the time of that proposition were un­der no invasion. When the second was made, there had been added to this example those of Rhode-Island, New-York, New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania, in all of which the republican form had been found equal to the talk of carrying [Page 184] them through the severest trials. In this state alone did there exist so little virtue, that fear was to be fixed in the hearts of the people, and to become the motive of their exertions and the principle of their government? The very thought alone was treason against the people; was trea­son against mankind in general; as rivetting for ever the chains which bow down their necks, by giving to their oppressors a proof, which they would have trumpeted through the universe, of the imbecility of republican government, in times of pressing danger, to shield them from harm. Those who assume the right of giving away the reins of government in any case, must be sure that the herd, whom they hand on to the rods and hatchet of the dictator, will lay their necks on the block when he shall nod to them. But if our assemblies supposed such a resignation in the people, I hope they mistook their charac­ter. I am of opinion, that the government, in­stead of being braced and invigorated for greater exertions under their difficulties, would have been thrown back upon the bungling machinery of county committees for administration, till a convention could have been called, and its wheels again set into regular motion. What a cruel moment was this for creating such an em­barassment, for putting to the proof the attach­ment of our countrymen to republican govern­ment! Those who meant well, of the advocates for this measure, (and most of them meant well, for I know them personally, had been their fel­low-labourers [Page 185] in the common cause, and had of­ten proved the purity of their principles,) had been seduced in their judgment by the example of an ancient republic, whose constitution and circumstances were fundamentally different. They had sought this precedent in the history of Rome, where alone it was to be found, and where at length too it had proved fatal. They had taken it from a republic rent by the most bitter factions and tumults, where the government was of a hea­vy-handed unfeeling aristrocacy, over a people ferocious, and rendered desperate by poverty and wretchedness; tumults which could not be allayed under the most trying circumstances, but by the omnipotent hand of a single despot. Their constitution therefore allowed a temporary tyrant to be erected, under the name of a dictator; and and that temporary tyrant, after a few examples, became perpetual. They misapplied this prece­dent to a people, mild in their dispositions, pa­tient under their trial, united for the public li­berty, and affectionate to their leaders. But if from the constitution of the Roman government there resulted to their senate a power of submitt­ing all their rights to the will of one man, does it follow, that the assembly of Virginia have the same authority? What clause in our constitution has substituted that of Rome, by way of residua­ry provision, for all cases not otherwise provid­ed for? Or if they may step ad libitum into any other form of government for precedents to rule us by, for what oppression may not a precedent [Page 186] be found in this world of the bellum omnium in omnia?—Searching for the foundations of this proposition, I can find none which may pretend a colour of right or reason, but the defect before developed, that there being no barrier between the legislative, executive, and jucidiary depart­ments, the legislature may seize the whole: that having seized it, and possessing a right to fix their own quorum, they may reduce that quorum to one, whom they may call a chairman, speaker, dictator, or by any other name they please.—Our situation is indeed perilous, and I hope my countrymen will be sensible of it, and will apply, at a proper season the proper remedy; which is a convention to fix the constitution, to amend its defects, to bind up the several branches of go­vernment by certain laws, which when they transgress their acts shall become nullities; to render unnecessary an appeal to the people, or in other words a rebellion, on every infraction of their rights, on the peril that their acquies­cence shall be construed into an intention to surrender those rights.

THE administration of justice and the discrip­tion of the laws?

The state is divided into counties. In every county are appointed magistrates, called justices of the peace, usually from eigth to thirty or forty in number, in proportion to the size of the county, of the most discreet and honest inhabitants. They are nominated by their fellows, but commission­ed by the governor, and act without reward. These magistrates have jurisdiction both criminal and civil. If the question before them be a ques­tion of law only, they decide on it themselves: but if it be of fact, or of fact and law combined, it must be referred to a jury. In the latter case, of a combination of law and fact, it is usual for the jurors to decide the fact, and to refer the law arising on it to the decision of the judges. But this division of the subject lies with their discre­tion only. And if the question relate to any point of public liberty, or if it be one of those in which the judges may be suspected of bias, the jury undertake to decide both law and fact. If they be mistaken, a decision against right, which is casual only, is less dangerous to the state, and less afflicting to the loser, than one which makes part of a regular and uniform [Page 188] system. In truth it is better to toss up cross and pile in a cause, than to refer it to a judge whose mind is warped by any motive whatever, in that particular case. But the common sense of twelve honest men gives still a better chance of just de­cision, than the hazard of cross and pile. These judges execute their process by the sheriff or co­roner of the county, or by constables of their own appointment. If any free person commit an offence against the commonwealth, if it be be­low the degree of felony, he is bound by a jus­tice to appear before their court, to answer it on indictment or information. If it amount to fe­lony, he is committed to jail, a court of these justices is called; if they on examination think him guilty, they send him to the jail of the general court, before which court he is to be tried first by a grand jury of 24, of whom 13 must concur in opinion: if they find him guilty, he is then tried by a jury of 12 men of the county where the offence was committed, and by their verdict, which must be unanimous, he is acquitted or condemned without appeal. If the criminal be a slave the trial by the county court is final. In every case however, except that of high treason, there resides in the governor a power of pardon. In high treason, the pardon can only flow from the generally assembly. In civil matters these justices have jurisdiction in all cases of whatever value, not appertaining to the depart­ment of the admiralty. This jurisdiction is two­fold. If the matter in dispute be of less value [Page 189] than four dollars and one-sixth, a single member may try it at any time and place within his coun­ty, and may award execution on the goods of the party cast. If it be of that or greater value, it is determinable before the county court, which consists of four at the least of those justices, and assembles at the court-house of the county on a certain day in every month. From their deter­mination, if the matter be of the value of ten pounds sterling, or concern the title or bounds of lands, an appeal lies to one of the superior courts.

There are three superior courts, to wit, the high-court of chancery, the general court, and the court of admiralty. The first and second of these recieve appeals from the county courts, and also have original jurisdiction, where the subject of controversy is of the value of ten pounds sterling, or where it concerns the title or bounds of land. The jurisdiction of the admiral­ty is original altogether. The high court of chancery is composed of three judges, the gene­ral court of five, and the court of admiralty of three. The two first hold their sessions at Rich­mond at stated times, the chancery twice in the year, and the general court twice for business ci­vil and criminal, and twice more for criminal only. The court of admiralty fits at Williams­burgh whenever a controversy arises.

There is one supreme court, called the court of appeals, composed of the judges of the three superior courts, assembling twice a year at stated [Page 190] times at Ricmond. This court recieves appeals in all civil cases from each of the superior courts, and determines them finally. But it has no ori­ginal jurisdiction.

If a controversy arise between two foreigners of a nation in alliance with the United States, it is decided by the Consul for their state, or, if both parties chuse it, by the ordinary courts of justice. If one of the parties only be such a foreign­er, it is triable before the courts of justice of the country. But if it shall have been instituted in a county court, the foreigner may remove itin to the general court, or court of chancery, who are to de­termine it at their first sessions, as they must also do if it be originally commenced before them. In cases of life and death, such foreigners have a right to be tried by a jury, the one-half foreigners, the [...] natives.

[...] public accounts are settled with a board of [...]ditors, consisting of three members, ap­pointed by the general assembly, any two of wh [...] may act. But an individual, dissatisfied with the determination of that board, may carry his case into the proper superior court.

A description of the laws.

The general assembly was constituted, as has been already shewn, by letters-patent of March the [...] 1607, in the 4th year of the reign of James the first. The laws of England seem to have been adopted by consent of the settlers, which might easily enough be done whilst they were few and living all together. Of such adop­tion however, we have no other proof than their [Page 191] practice till the year 1661, when they were ex­pressly adopted by an act of the assembly, ex­cept so far as 'a difference of condition' ren­dered them inapplicable. Under this adoption, the rule, in our courts of judicature was, that the common law of England, and the general sta­tutes previous to the 4th of James, were in force here; but that no subequent statutes were, unless we were named in them, said the judg­es and other partisans of the crown, but named or not named, said those who reflected freely. It will be unnecessary to attempt a description of the laws of England, as that may be found in English publications. To those which were es­tablished here, by the adoption of the legisla­ture, have been since added a number of acts of assembly passed during the monarchy, and ordi­nances of convention and acts of assembly enact­ed since the establishment of the republic. The following variations from the British model are perhaps worthy of being specified.

Debtors unable to pay their debts, and mak­ing faithful delivery of their whole effects, are released from confinement, and their persons for ever discharged from restraint for such pre­vious debts: but any property they may after­wards acquire will be subject to their creditors.

The poor, unable to support themselves, are maintained by an assessment on the tytheable persons in their parish. This assessment is levied and administered by twelve persons in each pa­rish, called vestrymen, originally chosen by the [Page 192] housekeepers of the parish, but afterwards filling vacancies in their own body by their own choice. These are usually the most discreet farmers, so distributed through their parish, that every part of it may be under the immediate eye of some one of them. They are well acquainted with the details and economy of private life, and they find sufficient inducements to execute their charge well, in their philanthropy, in the ap­probation of th [...] neighbours, and the distinc­tion which that gives them. The poor who have neither property, friends, nor strength to labour, are boarded in the houses of good farmers to whom a stipulated sum is annu­ally paid. To those who are able to help them­selves a little, or have friends from whom they derive some succours, inadequate however to their full maintenance, supplementary aids are given which enable them to live comfortably in their own houses, or in the houses of their friends. Vagabonds without visible property or vocation, are placed in workhouses, where they are well cloathed, fed, lodged, and made to la­bour. Nearly the same method of providing for the poor prevails through all our states; and from Savannah to Portsmouth you will seldom meet a beggar. In the larger towns indeed they sometimes present themselves. These are usual­ly foreigners, who have never obtained a settle­ment in any parish. I never yet saw a native American begging in the streets or highways. A subsistence is easily gained here: and if, by mis­fortunes, [Page 193] they are thrown on the charities of the world, those provided by their own country are so comfortable and so certain, that they never think of relinquishing them to become strolling beggars. Their situation too, when sick, in the family of a good farmer, where every member is emulous to do them kind offices, where they are visited by all the neighbours, who bring them the little rarities which their sickly appetites may crave, and who take by rotation the nightly watch over them, when their condition requires it, is without comparison better than in a gene­ral hospital, where the sick, the dying, and the dead are crammed together, in the same rooms, and often in the same beds. The disadvantages, inseperable from general hospitals, are such as can never be counterpoised by all the regulari­ties of medicine and regimen. Nature and kind nursing save a much greater proportion in our plain way, at a smaller expence, and with less abuse. One branch only of hospital institution is wanting with us; that is, a general establish­ment for those labouring under difficult cases of chirurgery. The aids of this art are not equivo­cal. But an able chirurgeon cannot be had in every parish. Such a receptacle should therefore be provided for those patients: but no others should be admitted.

Marriages must be solemnized either on speci­al licence, granted by the first magistrate of the county, on proof of the consent of the parent or guardian of either party under age, or after so­lemn [Page 194] publication, on three several Sundays, at some place of religious worship, in the parishes where the parties reside. The act of solemniza­tion may be by the minister of any society of Christains, who shall have been previously li­censed for this purpose by the court of the coun­ty. Quakers and Menonists however are ex­empted from all these conditions, and marriage among them is to be solemnized by the society itself.

A foreigner of any nation, not in open war with us, becomes naturalized by removing to the state to reside, and taking an oath of fideli­ty: and thereupon acquires every right of a native citizen: and citizens may divest them­selves of that character, by declaring, by so­lemn deed, or in open court, that they mean to expatriate themselves, and no longer to be citi­zens of this state.

Conveyances of land must be registered in the court of the county wherein they lie, or in the general court, or they are void, as to creditors, and subsequent purchasers.

Slaves pass by descent and dower as lands do. Where the descent is from a parent, the heir is bound to pay an equal share of their value in money to each of his brothers and sisters.

Slaves, as well as lands, were entailable dur­ing the monarchy: but, by an act of the first re­publican assembly, all donees in tail, present and future, were vested with the absolute dominion of the entailed subject.

[Page 195] Bills of exchange, being protested, carry 10 per cent. interest from their date.

No person is allowed, in any other case, to take more than five per cent per annum simple interest for the loan of monies.

Gaming debts are made void, and monies ac­tually paid to discharge such debts. (if they ex­ceed 40 shillings) may be recovered by the pay­er within three months, or by any other person afterwards.

Tobacco, flour, beef, pork, tar, pitch, and turpentine, must be inspected by persons public­ly appointed, before they can be exported.

The erecting iron-works and mills is encou­raged by many privileges; with necessary cau­tions however to prevent their dams from ob­structing the navigation of the water-courses. The general assembly have on several occasions shewn a great desire to encourage the opening the great falls of James and Potowmac rivers. As yet, however, neither of these have been ef­fected.

The laws have also descended to the preserva­tion and improvement of the races of useful ani­mals, such as horses, cattle, deer; to the exter­pation of those which are noxious, as wolves, squirrels, crows, blackbirds; and to the guard­ing our citizens against infectious disorders, by obliging suspected vessels coming into the state, to perform quarantine, and by regulating the conduct of persons having such disorders within the state.

[Page 196] The mode of acquiring lands, in the earliest times of our settlement, was by petition to the general assembly. If the lands prayed for were already cleared of the Indian title, and the as­sembly thought the prayer reasonable, they pas­sed the property by their vote to the petitioner. But if they had not yet been ceded by the Indi­ans, it was necessary that the petitioner should previously purchase their right. This purchase the assembly verified, by enquiries of the Indian proprietors; and being satisfied of its reality and fairness, proceded further to examine the reason­ableness of the petition, and its consistence with policy; and according to the result, either grant­ed or rejected the petition. The company also sometimes, though very rarely, granted lands, independantly of the general assembly. As the colony increased, and individual applications for land multipled, it was found to give too much occupation to the general assembly to enquire into and execute the grant in every special case. They therefore thought it better to establish ge­neral rules, according to which all grants should be made, and to leave to the governor the ex­cution of them, under these rules. This they did by what have been usually called the land laws amending them from time to time, as their defects were developed. According to these laws, when an individual wished a portion of un­appropriated land, he was to locate and survey it by a public officer, appointed for that purpose: its breadth was to bear a certain proportion to [Page 197] its length: the grant was to be executed by the governor: and the lands were to be improved in a certain manner, within a given time. From these regulations there resulted to the state a sole and exclusive power of taking conveyances of the Indian right of soil: since, according to them an Indian conveyance alone could give no right to an individual, which the laws would acknowledge. The state, or the crown, there­after, made general purchases of the Indians from time to time, and the governor parcelled them out by special grants, conformed to the rules before described, which it was not in his power, or in that of the crown, to dispense with. Grants, unaccompanied by their proper legal circumstances, were set aside regularly by scire facias, or by bill in chancery. Since the esta­blishment of our new government, this order of things is but little changed. An individual, wish­ing to appropriate to himself lands still unappro­priated by any other, pays to the public treasur­er a sum of money proportioned to the quantity he wants. He carries the treasurer's receipt to the auditors of public accompts, who thereupon debit the treasurer with the sum, and order the register of the land-office to give the party a war­rant for his land. With this warrant from the register, he goes to the surveyor of the county where the land lies on which he has cast his eye. The surveyor lays it off for him, gives him its exact description, in the form of a certificate, which certificate he returns to the land office, [Page 198] where a grant is made out, and is signed by the governor. This vests in him a perfect dominion in his lands, transmissible to whom he pleases by deed or will, or by descent to his heirs [...]f he die intestate.

Many of the laws which were in force during the monarchy being relative merely to that form of government, or inculcating principles incon­sistent with republicanism, the first assembly which met after the establishment of the commonwealth appointed a committee to revise the whole code, to reduce it into proper form and volume, and report it to the assembly. This work has been executed by three gentlemen, and reported; but probably will not be taken up till a restoration of peace shall leave to the legislature leisure to go through such a work.

The plan of the revisal was this. The com­mon law of England, by which is meant, that part of the English law which was anterior to the date of the oldest statutes extant, is made the basis of the work. It was thought dangerous to attempt to reduce it to a text: it was therefore left to be collected from the usual monuments of it. Necessary alterations in that, and so much of the whole body of the British statutes, and of acts of assembly, as were thought proper to be retained, were digested into 126 new acts, in which simplicity of style was aimed at, as far as was safe. The following are the most remark­able alterations proposed:

To change the rules of descent, so as that the [Page 199] lands of any person [...]ying intestate shall be divi­sible equally among all his children, or other re­presentatives, in equal degree.

To make slaves distributable among the next of kin, as other moveables.

To have all public expences, whether of the general treasury, or of a parish or county, (as for the maintenance of the poor, building bridges, court-houses, &c.) supplied by assessments on the citizens, in proportion to their property.

To hire undertakers for keeping the public roads in repair, and indemnify individuals through whose lands new roads shall be opened.

To define with precision the rules whereby aliens should become citizens, and citizens make themselves aliens.

To establish religious freedom on the broadest bottom.

To emancipate all slaves born after passing the act. The bill reported by the revisors does not itself contain this proposition; but an amend­ment containing it was prepared, to be offered to the legislature whenever the bill should be taken up, and further directing, that they should continue with their parents to a certain age, then be brought up, at the public expence, to tillage, arts or sciences, according to their geni­usses, till the females should be eighteen, and the males twenty-one years of age, when they should be colonized to such place as the cir­cumstances of the time should render most pro­per, sending them out with arms, implements of [Page 200] houshold and of the handicraft arts, seeds, pairs of the useful domestic animals, &c. to declare them a free and independent people, and extend to them our alliance and protection, till they have acquired strength; and to send vessels at the same time to other parts of the world for an equal number of white inhabitants; to in­duce whom to migrate hither, proper encourage­ments were to▪ be proposed. It will probably be asked, Why not retain and incorporate the blacks into the state, and thus save the expence of supplying by importation of white settlers, the vacancies they will leave? Deep rooted preju­dices entertained by the whites; ten thousand re­collections, by the blacks, of the injuries they have sustained; new provocations; the real dis­tinctions which nature has made; and many other circumstances, will divide us into parties, and produce convulsions, which will probably never end but in the extermination of the one or the other race.—To these objections, which are political, may be added others, which are physical and moral. The first difference which strikes us is that of colour. Whether the black of the negro resides in the reticular membrane between the skin and scarf-skin, or in the scarf-skin itself; whether it proceeds from the colour of the blood, the colour of the bile, or from that of some other secretion, the difference is fixed in nature, and is as real as if its seat and cause were better known to us. And is this difference of no importance? Is it not the [Page 201] foundation of a greater or less share of beauty in the two races? Are not the fine mixtures of red and white, the expressions of every passion by greater or less suffusions of colour in the one, preferable to that eternal monotony, which reigns in the countenances, that immoveable veil of black which covers all the emotions of the other race? Add to these, flowing hair, a more elegant symmetry of form, their own judg­ment in favour of the whites, declared by their preference of them, as uniformly as is the prefer­ence of the Oranootan for the black women over those of his own species. The circumstance of superior beauty, is thought worthy attention in the propagation of our horses, dogs, and other domestic animals; why not in that of man? Be­sides those of colour, figure, and hair, there are other physical distinctions proving a difference of race. They have less hair on the face and body. They secrete less by the kidnies, and more by the glands of the skin, which gives them a very strong and disagreeable odour. This greater de­gree of transpiration renders them more tolerant of heat, and less so of cold than the whites. Per­haps too a difference of structure in the pulmo­nary apparatus, which a late ingenious ^* experi­mentalist has discovered to be the principal re­gulator of animal heat, may have disabled them from extricating, in the act of inspiration, so much of that fluid from the outer air, or oblig­ed them in expiration, to part with more of it. [Page 202] They seem to require less sleep. A black after hard labour through the day, will be induced by the slightest amusements to sit up till midnight, or later though knowing he must be out with the first dawn of the morning. They are at least as brave, and more adventuresome. But this may perhaps proceed from a want of fore­thought, which prevents their seeing a danger till it be present. When present, they do not go through it with more coolness or steadiness than the whites. They are more ardent after their female: but love seems with them to be more an eager desire, than a tender delicate mixture of sentiment and sensation. Their griefs are transient. Those numberless afflictions, which render it doubtful whether heaven has given life to us in mercy or in wrath, are less felt, and soon­er forgotten with them. In general, their exist­ence appears to participate more of sensation than reflection. To this must be ascribed their disposition to sleep when abstracted from their diversions, and unemployed in labour. An ani­mal whose body is at rest, and who does not re­flect, must be disposed to sleep of course. Com­paring them by their faculties of memory, rea­son, and imagination, it appears to me that in memory they▪ are equal to the whites; in reason much inferior, as I think one could scarcely be found capable of tracing and comprehending the investigations of Euclid; and that in imagina­tion they are dull, tasteless, and anomalous. It would be unfair to follow them to Africa for this [Page 203] investigation. We will consider them here, on the same stage with the whites, and where the facts are not apocryphal on which a judgement is to be formed. It will be right to make great allowances for the difference of condition, of education, of conversation, of the sphere in which they move. Many millions of them have been brought to, and born in America. Most of them indeed have been confined to tillage, to their own homes, and their own society: yet many have been so situated, that they might have availed themselves of the conversation of their masters; many have been brought up to the handicraft arts, and from that circumstance have always been associated with the whites. Some have been liberally educated, and all have lived in countries where the arts and sciences are cul­tivated to a considerable degree, and have had before their eyes samples of the best works from abroad. The Indians, with no advantages of this kind, will often carve figures on their pipes not destitute of design and merit. They will crayon out an animal, a plant, or a country, so as to prove the existence of a germ in their minds which only wants cultivation. They astonish you with strokes of the most sublime oratory; such as prove their reason and sentiment strong, their ima­gination glowing and elevated. But never yet could I find that a black had uttered a thought above the level of plain narration; never see even an ele­mentary trait of painting or sculpture. In music they are more generally gifted than the whites [Page 204] with accurate ears for tune and time, and they have been found capable of imagining a small catch. ^* Whether they will be equal to the com­position of a more extensive run of melody, or of complicated harmony, is yet to be proved. Mi­sery is often the parent of the most affecting touches in poetry.—Among the blacks is misery enough, God knows, but no poetry. Love is the peculiar oestrum of the poet. Their love is ardent, but it kindles the senses only, not the imagination. Religion indeed has produced a Phyllis Whately; but it could not produce a po­et. The compositions published under her name are below the dignity of criticism. The heroes of the Dunciad are to her, as Hercules to the au­thor of that poem. Ignatius Sancho has ap­proached nearer to merit in composition; yet his letters do more honour to the heart than the head. They breath the purest effusions of friend­ship and general philanthropy, and shew how great a degree of the latter may be compounded with strong religious zeal. He is often happy in the turn of his compliments, and his stile is easy and familiar, except when he affects a Shandean fabrication of words. But his imagination is wild and extravagant, escapes incessantly from every restraint of reason and taste, and, in the course of its vagaries, leaves a tract of thought as incoherent and eccentric, as is the course of a [Page 205] meteor through the sky. His subjects should of­ten have led him to a process of sober reason­ing: yet we find him always substituting senti­ment for demonstration. Upon the whole, though we admit him to the first place among those of his own colour who have presented themselves to the public judgment, yet when we compare him with the writers of the race among whom he lived and particularly with the epistolary class, in which he has taken his own stand, we are compelled to enroll him at the bottom of the co­lumn. This criticism supposes the letters pub­lished under his name to be genuine, and to have received amendment from no other hand; points which would not be of easy investigation. The improvement of the blacks in body and mind, in the first instance of their mixture with the whites, has been observed by every one, and proves that their inferiority is not the effect merely of their condition of life. We know that among the Romans, about the Augustan age especially, the condition of their slaves was much more deplorable than that of the blacks on the continent of America. The two sexes were confined in separate apartments, because to raise a child cost the master more than to buy one. Cato, for a very restricted indulgence to his slaves in this particular, ^* took from them a certain price. But in this country the slaves mul­tiply as fast as the free inhabitants. Their situa­tion [Page 206] and manners place the commerce between the two sexes almost without restraint.—The same Cato, on a principle of oeconomy, always sold his sick and superannuated slaves. He gives it as a standing precept to a master visiting his farm, to sell his old oxen, old waggons, old tools, old and diseased servants, and every thing else be­come useless. ‘Vendat boves vetulos, plaustrum vetus, ferramenta vetera, servum senem, ser­vum morbosum, & si quid aliud supersit vendat.’ Cato de re rusticâ c. 2. The American slaves cannot enumerate this among the injuries and insults they receive. It was the common practice to expose in the island Aesculapius, in the Tyber, diseased slaves, whose cure was like to become tedious. ^† The emperor Claudius, by an edict, gave freedom to such of them as should recover, and first declared that if any person chose to kill rather than expose them, it should be deemed homicide. The exposing them is a crime of which no instance has existed with us; and were it to be followed by death, it would be punished capi­tally. We are told of a certain Vedius Pollio, who, in the presence of Augustus, would have given a slave as food to his fish, for having broken a glass. With the Romans, the regular method of taking the evidence of their slaves was under torture. Here it has been thought better never to resort to their evidence. When a master was murdered, all his slaves, in the same house, or within hearing, were condemned to death. Here [Page 207] punishment falls on the guilty only, and as precise proof is required against him as against a freeman. Yet notwithstanding these and other discourag­ing circumstances among the Romans, their slaves were often their rarest artists. They ex­celled too in science, insomuch as to be usually employed as tutors to their master's children. Epictetus, Terence, and Phaedrus, were slaves. But they were of the race of whites. It is not their condition then, but nature, which has pro­duced the distinction.—Whether further obser­vation will or will not verify the conjecture, that nature has been less bountiful to them in the endowments of the head, I believe that in those of the heart she will be found to have done them justice. That disposition to theft with which they have been branded, must be ascribed to their situation, and not to any depravity of the moral sense. The man, in whose favour no laws of property exist, probably feels himself less bound to respect those made in favour of others. When arguing for ourselves, we lay it down as a fundamental, that laws, to be just, must give a reciprocation of right: that, without this, they are mere arbitary rules of conduct, founded in force, and not in conscience: and it is a prob­lem which I give to the master to solve, whether the religious precepts against the violation of property were not framed for him as well as his slave? And whether the slave may not as justi­fiably take a little from one, who has taken all from him, as he may slay one who would slay [Page 208] him? That a change in the relations in which a man is placed should change his ideas of moral right and wrong, is neither new, nor peculiar to the colour of the blacks. Homer tells us it was so 2600 years ago.

But the slaves of which Homer speaks were whites. Notwithstanding these considerations which must weaken their respect for the laws of property, we find among them numerous instances of the most rigid integrity, and as many as among their better instructed masters, of benevolence, gratitude, and unshaken fidelity.—The opinion, that they are inferior in the faculties of reason and imagination, must be hazarded with great diffidence. To justify a general conclusion, re­quires many observations, even where the sub­ject may be submitted to the anatomical knife, to optical classes, to analysis by fire, or by sol­vents. How much more then where it is a facul­ty, not a substance, we are examining; where it eludes the research of all the senses; where the conditions of its existence are various and vari­ously combined; where the effects of those which are present or absent bid defiance to calculation; let me add too, as a circumstance of great ten­derness, where our conclusion would degrade a whole race of men from the rank in the scale of [Page 209] beings which their Creator may perhaps have given them. To our reproach it must be said, that though for a century and a half we have had under our eyes the races of black and of red men, they have never yet been viewed by us as subjects of natural history. I advance it therefore as a suspicion only, that the blacks, whether originally a distinct race, or made dis­tinct by time and circumstances, are inferior to the whites in the endowments both of body and mind. It is not against experience to suppose, that different species of the same genus, or vari­eties of the same species, may possess different qualifications. Will not a lover of natural his­tory then, one who views the gradations in all the races of animals with the eye of philosophy, excuse an effort to keep those in the department of man as distinct as nature has formed them? This unfortunate difference of colour, and per­haps of faculty, is a powerful obstacle to the emancipation of these people. Many of their advocates, while they wish to vindicate the li­berty of human nature are anxious also to pre­serve its dignity and beauty. Some of these, em­barrassed by the question ‘What further is to be done with them?’ join themselves in opposi­tion with those who are actuated by sordid ava­rice only. Among the Romans emancipation required but one effort. The slave, when made free, might mix with, without staining the blood of his master. But with us a second is necessa­ry, [Page 210] unknown to history. When freed, he is to be removed beyond the reach of mixture.

The revised code further proposes to propor­tion crimes and punishments. This is attempt­ed on the following scale.

• [Page 211]I. Crimes whose punishment extends to LIFE.

  1. High treason.

  • Death by hanging.
  • Forfeiture of lands and goods to the commonwealth.

  2. Petty treason.

  • Death by hanging. Dissection.
  • Forfeiture of half the lands and goods to the representatives of the party slain.

  3. Murder.

  1. by poison.

  • Death by poison.
  • Forfeiture of one-half, as before.

  2. in duel.

  • Death by hanging. Gibbeting, if the challenger
  • Forfeiture of one-half as before, unless it be the party challenged, then the forfeiture is to the commonwealth.

  3. in any other way.

  • Death by hanging.
  • Forfeiture of one-half as before.

  4. Manslaughter.

  The second offence is murder.

• II. Crimes whose punishment goes to LIMB.

  Dismemberment.

  • 1. Rape.
  • 2. Sodomy.

  Retaliation, and the forfeiture of half the lands and goods to the sufferer.

  • 3. Maiming.
  • 4. Disfiguring

• III. Crimes punishable by LABOUR.

  1. Manslaughter, 1st offence.	Labour VII. years for the public.	Forfeiture of half, as in murder.
  2. Counterfeiting money.	Labour VI. years.	Forfeiture of lands and goods to the commonwealth.
  3. Arson	Labour V. years	Reparation three-fold.
  4. Asportation of vessels
  5. Robbery	Labour IV. Years	Reparation double.
  6. Burglary
  7. House-breaking	Labour III. years	Reparation.
  8. Horse-stealing
  9. Grand larceny	Labour II. Years	Reparation. Pillory.
  10. Petty larceny	Labour I. Year	Reparation. Pillory.
  11. Pretensions to witchcraft, &c.	Ducking	Stripes.
  12. Excusable homicide	To be pitied, not punished.
  Suicide
  14. Apostacy. Heresy

[Page 212] Pardon and privilege of clergy are proposed to be abolished; but if the verdict be against the defendant, the court in their discretion, may al­low a new trial. No attainder to cause a cor­ruption of blood, or forfeiture of dower. Slaves guilty of offences punishable in others by labour, to be transported to Africa, or elsewhere, as the circumstances of the time admit, there to be con­tinued in slavery. A rigorous regimen proposed for those condemned to labour.

Another object of the revisal is, to diffuse knowledge more generally through the mass of the people. This bill proposes to lay off every county into small districts of five or six miles square, called hundreds, and in each of them to establish a school for teaching reading, writing, and arithmetic. The tutor to be supported by the hundred and every person in it entitled to send their children three years gratis, and as much longer as they please, paying for it. These schools to be under a visitor who is annually to chuse the boy, of best genius in the school, of those whose parents are too poor to give them further education, and to send him forward to one of the grammar schools, of which twenty are pro­posed to be erected in different parts of the coun­try, for teaching Greek, Latin, geography, and the higher branches of numerical arithmetic. Of the boys thus sent in one year, trial is to be made at the grammar schools one or two years, and the best genius of the whole selected, and conti­nued six years, and the residue dismissed. By [Page 213] this means twenty of the best geniusses will be raked from the rubbish annually, and be instruct­ed, at the public exp [...]ce, so far as the grammar schools go. At the end of six years instruction, one half are to be discontinued (from among whom the grammar schools will probably be sup­plied with future masters;) and the other half, who are to be chosen for the superiority of their parts and disposition, are to be sent and continu­ed three years in the study of such sciences as they shall chuse, at William and Mary college, the plan of which is proposed to be enlarged, as will be hereafter explained, and extended to all the useful sciences. The ultimate result of the whole scheme of education would be the teach­ing all the children of the state reading, writing, and common arithmetic: turning out ten annu­ally of superior genius, well taught in Greek, Latin, geography, and the higher branches of arithmetic: turning out ten others annually, of still superior parts, who, to those branches of learn­ing, shall have added such of the sciences as their genius shall have led them to: the furnishing to the wealthier part of the people convenient schools, at which their children may be educat­ed at their own expence.—The general objects of this law are to provide an education adapted to the years to the capacity, and the condition of every one, and directed to their freedom and happiness. Specific details were not proper for the law. These must be the business of the visi­tors entrusted with its execution. The first stage [Page 214] of this education being the schools of the hun­dreds, wherein the great mass of the people will receive their instruction, the principle foun­dations of future order will be laid here. In­stead therefore of putting the Bible and Testa­ment into the hands of the children at an age when their judgments are not sufficiently ma­tured for religious inquiries, their memories may here be stored with the most useful facts from Grecian, Roman, European and American history. The first elements of morality too may be instilled into their minds; such as, when fur­ther developed as their judgments advance in strength, may teach them how to work out their own greatest happiness, by shewing them that it does not depend on the condition of life in which chance has placed them, but is always the result of a good conscience, good health, occupation, and freedom in all just pursuits.—Those whom either the wealth of their parents or the adoption of the state shall destine to higher degrees of learn­ing, will go on to the grammar schools, which constitute the next stage, there to be instructed in the languages. The learning Greek and La­tin, I am told, is going into disuse in Europe. I know not what their manners and occupations may call for: but it would be very ill-judged in us to follow their example in this instance. There is a certain period of life, say from eight to fif­teen or sixteen years of age, when the mind like the body is not yet firm enough for laborious and close operations. If applied to such, it falls [Page 215] an early victim to premature exertion: exhibit­ing indeed at first, in these young and tender subjects, the flattering appearance of their being men while they are yet children, but ending in reducing them to be children when they should be men. The memory is then most susceptible and tenacious of impressions; and the learning of languages being chiefly a work of memory, it seems precisely fitted to the powers of this peri­od, which is long enough too for acquiring the most useful languages ancient and modern. I do not pretend that language is science. It is only an instrument for the attainment of science. But that time is not lost which is employed in pro­viding tools for future operation: more especial­ly as in this case the books put into the hands of the youth for this purpose may be such as will at the same time impress their minds with useful facts and good principles. If this period be suffered to pass in idleness, the mind becomes lethargic and im­potent, as would the body it inhabits if unexer­cised during the same time. The sympathy be­tween body and mind during their rise, progress and decline, is too strict and obvious to endanger our being misled while we reason from the one to the other.—As soon as they are of sufficient age, it is supposed they will be sent on from the grammar schools to the university, which consti­tutes our third and last stage, there to study those sciences which may be adapted to their views.—By that part of our plan which prescribes the selection of the youths of genius from among [Page 216] the classes of the poor, we hope to avail the state of those talents which nature has sown as libe­rally among the poor as the rich, but which pe­rish without use, if not sought for and cultivat­ed.—But of the views of this law none is more important, none more legitimate, than that of ren­dering the people the safe, as they are the ultimate, guardians of their own liberty. For this purpose the reading in the first stage, where they will re­ceive their whole education, is proposed, as has been said, to be chiefly historical. History by apprising them of the past will enable them to judge of the future; it will avail them of the ex­perience of other times and other nations; it will qualify them as judges of the actions and designs of men; it will enable them to know am­bition under every disguise it may assume; and knowing it, to defeat its views. In every go­vernment on earth is some trace of human weak­ness, some germ of corruption and degeneracy, which cunning will discover, and wickedness in­sensibly open, cultivate and improve. Every government degenerates when trusted to the ru­lers of the people alone. The people themselves therefore are its only safe depositories. And to render even them safe their minds must be im­proved to a certain degree. This indeed is not all that is necessary, though it be essen [...]ially ne­cessary. An amendment of our constitution must here come in aid of the public education. The influence over government must be shared among all the people. If every individual which [Page 217] composes their mass participates of the ultimate authority, the government will be safe; because the corrupting the whole mass will exceed any private resources of wealth▪ and public ones cannot be provided but by levies on the people. In this case every man would have to pay his own price. The government of Great-Britain has been corrupted, because but one man in ten has a right to vote for members of parliament. The sellers of the government therefore get nine-tenths of their price clear. It has been thought that corruption is restrained by confin­ing the right of suffrage to a few of the wealthier of the people: but it would be more effectually restrained by an extension of that right to such numbers as would bid defiance to the means of corruption.

Lastly, it is proposed, by a bill in this revisal, to begin a public library and gallery, by laying out a certain sum annually in books, paintings, and statues.

THE colleges and public establishments, the roads, buildings, &c.?

The college of William and Mary is the only public seminary of learning in this state. It was founded in the time of king William and queen Mary, who granted to it 20,000 acres of land, and a penny a pound duty on certain tobaccoes exported from Virginia and Maryland, which had been levied by the statute of 25 Car. 2. The assembly also gave it, by temporary laws, a duty on liquors imported, and skins and furs ex­ported. From these resources it received up­wards of 3000l. communibus annis. The build­ings are of brick, sufficient for an indifferent ac­commodation of perhaps a [...] hundred students. By its charter it was to be under the government of twenty visitors, who were to be its legislators, and to have a president and six professors, who were incorported. It was allowed a representa­tive in the general assembly. Under this charter, a professorship of the Greek and Latin languages, a professorship of mathematics, one of moral phi­losophy, and two of divinity, were established. To these were annexed, for a sixth professorship, a considerable donation by Mr. Boyle of Eng­land, for the instruction of the Indians, and their [Page 219] conversion to Christianity. This was called the professorship of Brafferton, from an estate of that name in England, purchased with the monies gi­ven. The admission of the learners of Latin and Greek filled the college with children. This ren­dering it disagreeable and degrading to young gentlemen already prepared for entering on the sciences, they were discouraged from resorting to it, and thus the schools for mathematics and moral philosophy, which might have been of some service, became of very little. The revenues too were exhausted in accommodating those who came only to acquire the rudiments of science. After the present revolution, the visitors, having no power to change those circumstances in the constitution of the college which were fixed by the charter, and being therefore confined in the number of professorships, undertook to change the objects of the professorships. They excluded the two schools for divinity, and that for the Greek and Latin languages, and substituted others; so that at present they stand thus:

• A Professorship for Law and Police;
• Anatomy and Medicine:
• Natural Philosophy and Mathematics:
• Moral Philosophy, the Law of Nature and Nations, the Fine Arts:
• Modern Languages:
• For the Brafferton.

And it is proposed, so soon as the legislature shall have leisure to take up this subject, to de­sire authority from them to increase the number [Page 220] of professorships, as well for the purpose of sub­dividing those already instituted, as of adding others for other branches of science. To the professorships usually established in the universi­ties of Europe, it would seem proper to add one for the ancient languages and literature of the North, on account of their connexion with our own language, laws, customs, and history. The purposes of the Brafferton instution would be better answered by maintaining a perpetual mis­sion among the Indian tribes, the object of which, besides instructing them in the principles of Christianity, as the founder requires, should be to collect their traditions, laws, customs, lan­guages, and other circumstances which might lead to a discovery of their relation with one another, or descent from other nations. When these objects are accomplished with one tribe, missionary might pass on to another.

The roads are under the government of the county courts, subject to be controuled by the general court. They order new roads to be opened wherever they think them necessary. The inhabitants of the county are by them laid off into precincts, to each of which they allot a convenient portion of the public roads to be kept in repair. Such bridges as may be built with­out the assistance of artificers, they are to build. If the stream be such as to require a bridge of regular workmanship, the court employs work­men to build it, at the expence of the whole county. If it be too great for the county, ap­plication [Page 221] is made to the general assembly, who authorise individuals to build it, and to take a fixed toll from all passengers, or give sanction to such other proposition as to them appears rea­sonable.

Ferries are admitted only at such places as are particularly pointed out by law, and the rates of ferriage are fixed.

Taverns are licensed by the courts, who fix their rates from time to time.

The private buildings are very rarely construct­ed of stone or brick; much the greatest portion being of scantling and boards, plaistered with lime. It is impossible to devise things more ugly, uncomfortable, and happily more perishable. There are two or three plans, on one of which, according to its size, most of the houses in the state are built. The poorest people build huts of logs, laid horizontally in pens, stopping the interstices with mud. These are warmer in winter, and cooler in summer, than the more expensive construction of scantling and plank. The wealthy are attentive to the raising of vege­tables, but very little so to fruits. The poorer people attend to neither, living principally on milk and animal diet. This is the more inexcu­sable, as the climate requires indispensably a free use of vegetable food, for health as well as com­fort, and is very friendly to the raising of fruits. The only public buildings worthy mention are the capitol, the palace, the college, and the hos­pital for lunatics, all of them in Williamsburgh, [Page 222] heretofore the seat of our government. The ca­pitol is a light and airy structure, with a portico in front of two orders, the lower of which, being Doric, is tolerably just in its proportions and or­naments, save only that the interco [...]onations are too large. The upper is Ionic, much too small for that on which it is mounted, its ornaments not proper to the order, nor proportioned within themselves. It is crowned with a pediment, which is too high for its span. Yet, on the whole, it is the most pleasing piece of architecture we have. The palace is not handsome without: but it is spacious and commodious within, is prettily situated, and with the grounds annexed to it, is capable of being made an elegant seat. The college and hospital are rude, mis-shapen piles, which, but that they have roofs, would be taken for brick-kilns. There are no other public buildings but churches and court-houses, in which no attempts are made at elegance. Indeed it would not be easy to execute such an attempt, as a workman could scarcely be found here capable of drawing an order. The genius of architecture seems to have shed its maledictions over this land. Buildings are often erected, by individuals, of considera­ble expence. To give these symmetry and taste would not increase their cost. It would only change the arrangement of the materials, the form and combination of the members. This would often cost less than the burthen of barba­rous ornaments with which these buildings are sometimes charged. But the first principles of [Page 223] the art are unknown, and there exists scarcely a model among us sufficiently chaste to give an idea of them. Architecture being one of the fine arts, and as such within the department of a professor of the college, according to the new arrangement, perhaps a spark may fall on some young subjects of natural taste, kindle up their genius, and produce a reformation in this elegant and useful art. But all we shall do in this way will produce no permanent improvement to our country, while the unhappy prejudice prevails that houses of brick or stone are less wholesome than those of wood. A dew is often observed on the walls of the former in rainy weather, and the most obvious solution is, that the rain has penetrated through these walls. The following facts however are sufficient to prove the error of this solution. 1. This dew upon the walls appears when there is no rain, if the state of the atmosphere be moist. 2. It appears on the partition as well as the exterior walls. 3. So also on pavements of brick or stone. 4. It is more copious in proportion as the walls are thicker; the reverse of which ought to be the case, if this hypothesis were just. If cold water be poured into a vessel of stone, or glass, a dew forms instantly on the outside: but if it be poured into a vessel of wood, there is no such appearance. It is not supposed, in the first case, that the water has exuded through the glass, but that it is precipitated from the circumambient air; as the humid particles of vapour, passing [Page 224] from the boiler of an alembic through its refri­gerant, are precipitated from the air, in which they were suspended, on the internal surface of the refrigerant. Walls of brick or stone act as the refrigerant in this instance. They are suffi­ciently cold to condense and precipitate the moisture suspended in the air of the room, when it is heavily charged therewith. But walls of wood are not so. The question then is, whether air in which this moisture is left floating, or that which is deprived of it, be most whole­some? In both cases the remedy is easy. A little fire kindled in the room, whenever the air is damp, prevents the precipitation on the walls: and this practice, found healthy in the warmest as well as coldest seasons, is as neces­sary in a wooden as in a stone or a brick house. I do not mean to say, that the rain never pene­trates through walls of brick. On the contrary I have seen instances of it. But with us it is on­ly through the northern and eastern walls of the house, after a north-easterly storm, these being the only ones which continue long enough to force through the walls. This however happens too rarely to give a just character of unwhole­someness to such houses. In a house, the walls of which are of well-burnt brick and good mor­tar, I have seen the rain penetrate through but twice in a dozen or fifteen years. The inhabi­tants of Europe, who dwell chiefly in houses of stone or brick, are surely as healthy as those of Virginia. These houses have the advantage too [Page 225] of being warmer in winter and cooler in summer than those of wood; of being cheaper in their first construction, where lime is convenient, and in­finitely more durable. The latter consideration renders it of great importance to eradicate this prejudice from the minds of our countrymen. A country whose buildings are of wood, can never increase in its improvements to any considerable degree. Their duration is highly estimated at 50 years. Every half century then our country becomes a tabula ra [...]a, whereon we have to set out anew, as in the first moment of seating it. Whereas when buildings are of durable materi­als, every new edifice is an actual and perma­nent acquisition to the state, adding to its value as well as to its ornament.

THE measures taken with regard to the es­tates and possessions of the rebels, commonly called tories?

A tory has been properly defined to be a trai­tor in thought but not in deed. The only de­scription, by which the laws have endeavoured to come at them, was that of non-jurors, or per­sons refusing to take the oath of fidelity to the [Page 226] state. Persons of this description were at one time subjected to double taxation, at another to treble, and lastly were allowed retribution, and placed on a level with good citizens. It may be mentioned as a proof both of the lenity of our government, and unanimity of its inhabitants, that though this war has now raged near seven years, not a single execution for treason has taken place.

Under this query I will state the measures which have been adopted as to British property, the owners of which stand on a much fairer foot­ing than the tories. By our laws, the same as the English in this respect, no alien can hold lands, nor alien enemy maintain an action for money, or other moveable thing. Lands ac­quired or held by aliens become forfeited to the state; and, on an action by an alien enemy to recover money, or other moveable property, the defendant may plead that he is an alien enemy. This extinguishes his right in the hands of the debtor or holder of his moveable property. By our seperation from Great-Britain, British sub­jects became aliens, and being at war, they were alien enemies. Their lands were of course for­feited, and their debts irrecoverable. The assem­bly however passed laws, at various times, for saving their property. They first sequestered their lands, slaves, and other property on their farms in the hands of commissioners, who were mostly the confidential friends or agents of the owners, and directed their clear profits to be [Page 227] paid into the treasury: and they gave leave to all persons owing debts to British subjects to pay them also into the treasury. The monies so to be brought in were declared to remain the pro­perty of the British subject, and, if used by the state, were to be repaid, unless an improper con­duct in Great Britain should render a detention of it reasonable. Depreciation had at that time, though unacknowledged and unperceived by the whigs, begun in some small degree. Great sums of money were paid in by debtors. At a later period, the assembly, adhering to the political principles which forbid an alien to hold lands in the state, ordered all British property to be sold: and, become sensible of the real progress of de­preciation, and of the losses which would thence occur, if not guarded against, they ordered that the proceeds of the sales should be converted into their then worth in tobacco, subject to the future direction of the legislature. This act has left the question of retribution more problemati­cal. In May, 1780, another act took away the permission to pay into the public treasury debts due to British subjects.

THE different religions received into that state?

The first settlers i [...] this country were [...] from England, of the English church, just at a point of time when it was flushed with complete victory over the religious of all other persuasions. Possessed, as they became, of the powers of mak­ing, administering, and executing the laws, they shewed equal intolerance in this country with their Presbyterian brethren, who had emigrated to the northern government. The poor Quakers were flying from persecution in England. They cast their eyes on these new countries as asylums of civil and religious freedom; but they found them free only for the reigning sect. Several acts of the Virginia assembly of 1659, 1662 and 1693, had made it penal in parents to refuse to have their children baptized; had prohibited the un­lawful assembling of Quakers; had made it penal for any master of a vessel to bring a Quaker into the state; had ordered those already here, and such as should come thereafter, to be imprisoned till they should abjure the country; provided a milder punishment for their first and second re­turn, but death for their third; had inhibited all persons from suffering their meetings in or near [Page 229] their houses, entertaining them individually, or disposing of books which supported their tenets. If no execution took place here, as did in New-England, it was not owing to the moderation of the church, or spirit of the legislature, as may be inferred from the law itself; but to historical cir­cumstances which have not been handed down to us. The Anglicans retained full possession of the country about a century. Other opinions began then to creep in, and the great care of the government to support their own church, having begotten an equal degree of indolence in its cler­gy, two-thirds of the people had become dissent­ers at the commencement of the present revolu­tion. The laws indeed were still oppressive on them, but the spirit of the one party had subsid­ed into moderation, and of the other had risen to a degree of determination which commanded respect.

The present state of our laws on the subject of religion is this. The convention of May 1776, in their declaration of rights, declared it to be a truth, and a natural right, that the ex­ercise of religion should be free; but when they proceeded to form on that declaration the ordi­nance of government, instead of taking up every principle declared in the bill of rights, and guard­ing it by legislative sanction, they passed over that which asserted our religious rights, leaving them as they found them. The same convention, however, when they met as a member of the ge­neral assembly in October, 1776, repealed all [Page 230] acts of parliament which had rendered criminal the maintaining any opinions in matters of reli­gion, the forbearing to repair to church, and the exercising any mode of worship; and suspended the laws giving salaries to the clergy, which sus­pension was made perpetual in October 1779. Statutory oppressions in religion being thus wip­ed away, we remain at present under those only imposed by the common law, or by our own acts of assembly. At the common law, heresy was a capital offence, punishable by burning. Its de­finition was l [...]t to the ecclesiastical judges, before whom the conviction was, till the statute of the 1 El. c. 1. circumscribed it, by declaring, that nothing should be deemed heresy, but what had been so determined by authority of the canoni­cal scriptures, or by one of the four first gene­ral councils, or by some other council having for the grounds of their declaration the express and plain words of the scriptures. Heresy, thus circumscribed, being an offence at the common law, our act of assembly of October, 1777, c. 17. gives cognizance of it to the general court, by declaring, that the jurisdiction of that court shall be general in all matters at the common law. The execution is by the writ De hoeretico comburendo. By our own act of assembly of 1705, c. 30. if a person brought up in the Christian religion de­nies the being of a God, or the Trinity, or as­serts there are more gods than one, or denies the Christian religion to be [...] or the scrip­tures to be of divine authority, he is punishable [Page 231] on the first offence by▪ incapacity to hold any of­fice or employment ecclesiastical, civil, or mili­litary; on the second by disability to su [...], to take any gift or legacy, to be guardian, execu­tor, or administrator, and by three years impri­sonment without bail. A farther's right to the custody of his own children being founded in law on his right of guardianship, this being tak­en away, they may of course be severed from him, and put by the authority of a court, into more orthodox hands. This is a summary view of that religious slavery, under which a people have been willing to remain, who have lavished their lives and fortunes for the establishment of their civil freedom. ^* The error seems not suf­ficiently eradicated, that the operations of the mind, as well as the acts of the body, are subject to the coercion of the laws. But our rulers can have no authority over such natural rights only as we have submitted to them. The rights of conscience we never submitted, we could not submit. We are answerable for them to our God. The legitimate powers of government extend to such acts only as are injurious to others. But it does me no injury for my neighbour to say there are twenty gods, or no god. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg. If it be said, his testimony in a court of justice cannot be relied on, reject it then, and be the stigma on him. Constraint may make him worse by making him a hypocrite, but it will never make him a truer [Page 232] man. It may fix him obstinately in his errors, but will not cure them. Reason and free inqui­ry are the only effectual agents against error. Give a loose to them, they will support the true religion, by bringing every false one to their tri­bunal, to the test of their investigation. They are the natural enemies of error, and of error only. Had not the Roman government permitt­ed free inquiry, Christianity could never have been introduced. Had not free inquiry been in­dulged at the aera of the reformation, the cor­ruptions of Christianity could not have been purged away. If it be restrained now, the pre­sent corruptions will be protected and new ones encouraged. Was the government to prescribe to us our medicine and diet, our bodi [...] would be in such keeping as our souls are now. Thus in France the emetic was once forbidden as a medi­cine, and the potatoe as an article of food. Go­vernment is just as infallible too when it fixes sys­tems in physics. Galileo was sent to the inquisition for affirming that the earth was a sphere: the go­vernment had declared it to be as flat as a trench­er, and Galileo was obliged to abjure his error. This error however at length prevailed, the earth became a globe, and Descartes declared it was whirled round its axis by a vortex. The government in which he lived was wise enough to see that this w [...] no question of civil jurisdic­tion, or we should all have been involved by authority in vortices. In fact, the vortices have been exploded, and the Newtonian principle of [Page 233] gravitation is now more firmly established, on the basis of reason, than it would be were the government to step in, and to make it an article of necessary faith. Reason and experiment have been indulged, and error has fled before them. It is error alone which needs the support of go­vernment. Truth can stand by itself. Subject opinion to coercion: whom will you make your inquisitors? Fallible men; men governed by bad passions, by private as well as public rea­sons. And why subject it to coercion? To pro­duce uniformity. But is uniformity of opinion desirable? No more than of face and stature. Introduce the bed of Procrustes then, and as there is danger that the large men may beat the small, make us all of a size, by lopping the for­mer and stretching the latter. Difference of opinion is advantageous in religion. The seve­ral sects perform the office of a censor morum over each other. Is uniformity attainable? Mil­lions of innocent men, women, and children, since the introduction of Christianity, have been burnt, tortured, sined, imprisoned; yet we have not advanced one inch towards uniformity. What has been the effect of coercion? to make one half the world fools, and the other half hypo­crites. To support roguery and error all over the earth. Let us reflect that it is inhabited by a thousand millions of people. That these profess probably a thousand different systems of religion. That o [...]rs is but one of that thousand. That if there be but one right, and ours that one, we [Page 234] should wish to see the 999 wandering sects gather­ed into the fold of truth. But against such a ma­jority we cannot effect this by force. Reason and persuasion are the only practicable instru­ments. To make way for these, free inquiry must be indulged; and how can we wish others to in­dulge it while we refuse it ourselves. But every state, says an inquisitor, has established some reli­gion. No two, say I, have established the same. Is this a proof of the infallibility of establish­ments? Our sister states of Pennsylvania and New-York, however, have long subsisted with­out any establishment at all. The experiment was new and doubtful when they made it. It has answered beyond conception. They flourish infinitely. Religion is well supported; of vari­ous kinds, indeed, but all good enough; all suf­ficient to preserve peace and order: or if a sect arises, whose tenets would subvert morals, good sense has fair play, and reasons and laughs it out of doors, without suffering the state to be trou­bled with it. They do not hang more malefactors than we do. They are not more disturbed with religious dissensions. On the contrary, their harmony is unparalled, and can be ascribed to nothing but their unbounded tolerance, because there is no other circumstance in which they differ from every nation on earth. They have made the happy discovery, that the way to si­lence religious disputes, is to take no notice of them. Let us too give this experiment fair play, and get rid, while we may, of those tyrannical [Page 235] laws. It is true, we are as yet secured against them by the spirit of the times. I doubt whe­ther the people of this country would suffer an execution for heresy, or a three years imprison­ment for not comprehending the mysteries of the Trinity. But is the spirit of the people an infal­lible, a permanent reliance? Is it government? Is this the kind of protection we receive in re­turn for the rights we give up? Besides, the spi­rit of the times may alter, will alter. Our rulers will become corrupt, our people careless. A sin­gle zealot may commence persecutor, and better men be his victims. It can never be too often repeated, that the time for fixing every essential right on a legal basis is while our rulers are ho­nest, and ourselves united. From the conclusion of this war we shall be going down hill. It will not then be necessary to resort every moment to the people for support. They will be forgotten, therefore, and their rights disregarded. They will forget themselves, but in the sole faculty of making money, and will never think of uniting to effect a due respect for their rights. The shackles, therefore, which shall not be knocked off at the conclusion of this war, will remain on us long, will be made heavier and heavier, till our rights shall revive or expire in a convulsion.

THE particular customs and manners that may happen to be received in that state?

It is difficult to determine on the standard by which the manners of a nation may be tr [...]ed, whether [...]atholic, or particular. It is more dif­ficult for a native to bring to that standard the manners of his own nation, familiarized to him by habit. There must doubtless be an unhappy influence on the manners of our people produc­ed by the existence of slavery among us. The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous pas­sions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it; for man is an imitative animal. This quality is the germ of all education in him. From his cradle to his grave he is learning to do what he sees others do. If a parent could find no motive either in his philanthropy or his self-love, for re­straining the intemperance of passion towards his slave, it should always be a sufficient one that his child is present. But generally it is not suffi­cient. The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives a [Page 237] loose to the [...] worst of passions, and thus nurs­ed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculi­arities. The man must be a prodigy who can re­tain his manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances. And with what execration should the statesman be loaded, who permitting one half the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms those into despots, and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part, and the amor patriae of the other. For if a slave can have a country in this world, it must be any other in preference to that in which he is born to live and labour for another: in which he must lock up the faculties of his nature, contribute as far as depends on his individual endeavours to the evanishment of the human race, or entail his own miserable condition on the endless genera­tions proceeding from him. With the morals of the people, their industry also is destroyed. For in a warm climate, no man will labour for him­self who can make another labour for him. This is so true, that of the proprietors of slaves a very small proportion indeed are ever seen to labour. And can the liberties of a nation be thought se­cure when we have removed their only firm ba­sis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are of the gift of God? That they are not to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just: that his justice cannot sleep for ever: that considering numbers, nature and na­tural [Page 238] means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation is among pos­sible events: that it may become probable by supernatural interference! The almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest.—But it is impossible to be temperate and to pursue this subject through the various considerations of policy, of morals, of history na­tural and civil. We must be contented to hope they will force their way into every one's mind. I think a change already perceptible, since the origin of the present revolution. The spirit of the master is abating, that of the slave rising from the dust, his condition mollifying, the way I hope preparing, under the auspices of heaven, for a total emancipation, and that this is disposed, in the order of events, to be with the consent of the masters, rather than by their extirpation.

THE present state of manufactures, commerce, interior and exterior trade?

We never had an interior trade of any im­portance. Our exterior commerce has suffered very much from the beginning of the present contest. During this time we have manufactur­ed within our families the most necessary arti­cles of cloathing. Those of cotton will bear some comparison with the same kinds of manu­facture in Europe; but those of wool, flax and hemp are very coarse, unsightly, and unpleasant: and such is our attachment to agriculture, and such our preference for foreign manufactures, that be it wise or unwise, our people will certain­ly return as soon as they can, to the raising raw materials, and exchanging them for finer manu­factures than they are able to execute themselves.

The political oeconomists of Europe have esta­blished it as a principle that every state should endeavour to manufacture for itself: and this principle, like many others, we transfer to Ame­rica, without calculating the difference of cir­cumstance which should often produce a differ­ence of result. In Europe the lands are either cultivated, or locked up against the cultivator. Manufacture must therefore be resorted to of ne­cessity [Page 240] not of choice, to support the surplus of their people. But we have an immensity of land courting the industry of the husbandman. Is it best then that all our citizens should be employ­ed in its improvement, or that one half should be called off from that to exercise manufactures and handicraft arts for the other? Those who la­bour in the earth are the chosen people of God, if ever he had a chosen people, whose breasts he has made his peculiar deposit for substantial and genuine virtue. It is the focus in which he keeps alive that sacred fire, which otherwise might escape from the face of the earth. Corruption of morals in the mass of cultivat [...]rs is a phaeno­menon of which no age nor nation has furnished an example. It is the mark set on those, who not looking up to heaven, to their own soil and industry, as does the husbandman, for their sub­sistance, depend for it on the casualties and ca­price of customers. Dependance beg [...]ts subser­vience and venality, suffocates the germ of vir­tue, and prepares fit tools for the designs of am­bition. This, the natural progress and conse­quence of the arts, has sometimes perhaps been retarded by accidental circumstances: but, gene­rally speaking, the proportion which the aggre­gate of the other classes of citizens bears in any state to that of its husbandman, is the proportion of its unsound to its healthy parts, and is a good enough barometer whereby to measure its degree of corruption. While we have land to labour then, let us never wish to see our citizens occu­pied [Page 241] at a work-bench, or twirling a distaff. Car­penters, masons, smiths, are wanting in husban­dry: but, for the general operations of manufac­ture, let our work-shops remain in Europe. It is better to carry provisions and materials to w [...]men there, than bring them to the provisions and materials, and with them their manners and principles. The loss by the transportation of commodities across the Atlantic will be made up in happiness and permanence of government. The mobs of great cities add just so much to the support of pure government, as sores do to the strenth of the human body. It is the manners and spirit of a people▪ which preserve a republic in vigour. A degeneracy in these is a canker which soon eats to the heart of its laws and con­stitution.

A NOTICE of the commercial productions particular to the state, and of those objects which the inhabitants are obliged to get from Europe and from other parts of the world?

Before the present war we exported, commu­nibus annis, according to the best information I can get, nearly as follows:

[Page 243] In the year 1758 we exported seventy thou­sand hogsheads of tobacco, which was the great­est quantity ever produced in this country in one year. But its culture was fast declining at the commencement of this war and that of wheat taken its place: and it must continue to decline on the return of peace. I suspect that the change in the temperature of our climate has become sensible to that plant, which, to be good, re­quires an extraordinary degree of heat. But it requires still more indispensably an uncommon fertility of soil: and the price which it com­mands at market will not enable the planter to produce this by manure. Was the supply still to depend on Virginia and Maryland alone, as its culture becomes more difficult, the price would rise, so as to enable the planter to surmount those difficulties and to live. But the western country on the Mississippi, and the midlands of Georgia, having fresh and fertile lands in abundance, and a hotter sun, will be able to undersell these two states, and will oblige them to abandon the rais­ing tobacco altogether. And a happy obligation for them it will be. It is a culture productive of infinite wretchedness. Those employed in it are in a continual state of exertion beyond the pow­er of nature to support. Little food of any kind is raised by them; so that the men and animals on these farms are badly fed, and the earth is ra­pidly impoverished. The cultivation of wheat is the reverse in every circumstance. Besides cloathing the earth with herbage, and preserving [Page 244] its fertility, it feeds the labourers plentifully, re­quires from them only a modrate toil, except in the season of harvest, raises great numbers of animals for food and service, and diffuses plenty and happiness among the whole. We find it easier to make an hundred bushels of wheat than a thousand weight of tobacco, and they are worth more when made. The weavil indeed is a formidable obstacle to the cultivation of this grain with us. But principles are already known which must lead to a remedy. Thus a certain de­gree of heat, to wit, that of the common air in summer, is necessary to hatch the egg. If subterra­nean granaries, or others, therefore, can be con­trived below that temperature, the evil will be cur­ed by cold. A degree of heat beyond that which hatches the egg we know will kill it. But in aiming at this we easily run into that which produces pu­trefaction. To produce putrefaction, however, three agents are requisite, heat, moisture, and the external air. If the absence of any one of these be secured, the other two may safely be admitted. Heat is the one we want. Moisture then, or external air, must be excluded. The former has been done by exposing the grain in kilns to the action of fire, which produces heat, and extracts moisture at the same time: the lat­ter, by putting the grain into hogsheads cover­ing it with a coat of lime, and heading it up. In this situation its bulk produced a heat suf­ficient to kill the egg; the moisture is suffered to remain indeed, but the external air is exclud­ed. [Page 245] A nicer operation yet has been attempted; that is, to produce an intermediete temperature of heat between that which kills the egg, and that which produces putrefaction. The thresh­ing the grain as soon as it is cut, and laying it in its chaff in large heaps, has been found very nearly to hit this temperature, though not per­fectly, nor always. The heap generates heat sufficient to kill most of the eggs, whilst the chaff commonly restrains it from rising into putrefac­tion. But all these methods abridge too much the quantity which the farmer can manage, and enable other countries to undersell him which are not infested with this insect. There is still a desideratum then to give with us decisive tri­umph to this branch of agriculture over that of tobacco.—The culture of wheat, by enlarging our pasture, will render the Arabian horse an article of very considerable profit. Experience has shewn that ours is the particular climate of America where he may be raised without dege­neracy. Southwardly the heat of the sun occa­sions a deficiency of pasture, and nothwardly the winters are too cold for the short and fine hair, the particular sensibility and constitutiou of that race. Animals transplanted into unfriendly cli­mates, either change their nature and acquire new fences against the new difficulties in which they are placed, or they multiply poorly and be­come extinct. A good foundation is laid for their propagation here by our possessing already great numbers of horses of that blood, and by a decid­ed [Page 246] taste and preference for them established among the people. Their patience of heat with­out injury, their superior wind, fit them better in this and the more southern climates even for the drudgeries of the plough and waggon. North­wardly they will become an object only to persons of taste and fortune, for the saddle and light car­riages. To those, and for these uses, their fleet­ness and beauty will recommend them.—Besides these there will be other valuable substitutes when the cultivation of tobacco shall be discontinued, such as cotton in the eastern parts of the state, and hemp and flax in the western.

It is not easy to say what are the articles ei­ther of necessity, comfort, or luxury, which we cannot raise, and which we therefore shall be un­der a necessity of importing from abroad, as eve­ry thing hardier than the olive, and as hardy as the fig, may be raised here in the open air. Su­gar, coffee and tea, indeed, are not between these limits; and habit having placed them among the necessaries of life with the wealthy part of our citizens, as long as these habits remain we must go for them to those countries which are able to furnish them.

THE weights, measures, and the currency of the hard money? Some details relating to ex­change with Europe?

Our weights and measures are the same which are fixed by acts of parliament in England.—How it has happened that in this as well as the other American states the nominal value of coin, was made to differ from what it was in the coun­try we had left, and to differ among ourselves too, I am not able to say with certainty. I find that in 1631 our house of burgesses desired of the privy council in England, a coin debased to twenty five per cent: that in 1645 they for­bid dealing by barter for tobacco, and establish­ed the Spanish piece of eight at six shillings, as the standard of their currency: that in 1655 they changed it to five shillings sterling. In 1680 they sent an address to the king, in conse­quence of which, by proclamation in 1683, he fixed the value of French crowns, rixdollars and pieces of eight at six shillings, and the coin of New-England at one shilling. That in 1710, 1714, 1727, and 1762, other regulations were made, which will be better presented to the eye stated in the form of a table as follows:

[Page 249] The first sympton of the depreciation of our present paper-money, was that of silver dollars selling at six shillings, which had before been worth but five shillings and nine-pence. The as­sembly thereupon raised them by law to six shil­lings. As the dollar is now likely to become the money-unit of America, as it passes at this rate in some of our sister states, and as it facilitates their computation in pounds and shillings, & e converso, this seems to be more convenient than its former denomination. But as this particular coin now stands higher than any other in the proportion of 133⅓ to 125, or 16 to 15, it will be necessary to raise the others in proportion.

THE public income and expences?

The nominal amount of these varying constantly and rapidly, with the constant and rapid depreci­ation of our paper money, it becomes impracticable to say what they are. We find ourselves cheated in every essay by the depreciation intervening be­tween the declaration of the tax and its actual re­ceipt. It will therefore be more satisfactory to consider what our income may be when we shall [Page 250] find means of collecting what our people may spare. I should estimate the whole taxable pro­perty of the state at an hundred millions of dol­lars, or thirty millions of pounds our money. One per cent. on this, compared with any thing we ever yet paid, would be deemed a very heavy tax. Yet I think that those who manage well, and use reasonable economy, could pay one and a half per cent▪ and maintain their household comfortably in the mean time, without aliening any part of their principle, and that the people would submit to this willingly for the purpose of supporting their present contest. We may say then, that we could raise, and ought to raise, from one million to one million and a half of dollars annually, that is from three hundred to four hundred and fifty thousand pounds, Virgi­nia money.

Of our expences it is equally difficult to give an exact state, and for the same reason. They are mostly stated in paper money, which varying continually, the legislature endeavours at every session, by new corrections, to adapt the nominal sums to the value it is wished they would bear. I will state them therefore in real coin, at the point at which they endeavour to keep them.

Dollars, or 53,571 guineas. This estimate is ex­clusive of the military expence. That varies with the force actually employed, and in time of peace will probably be little or nothing. It is exclu­sive [Page 252] also of the public debts, which are growing while I am writing, and cannot therefore be now fixed. So it is of the maintenance of the poor, which being merely a matter of charity, cannot be deemed expended in the administration of government. And if we strike out the 25,000 dollars for the services of the clergy, which nei­ther makes part of that administration, more than what is paid to physicians, or lawyers, and being voluntary, is either much or nothing as every one pleases. it leaves 225,000 dollars, equal to 48,208 guineas, the real cost of the apparatus of government with us. This divided among the actual inhabitants of our country, comes to about two-fifths of a dollar, 21d. sterling, or 42 sols, the price which each pays annually for the protection of the residue of his property, and the other ad­vantages of a free government. The public reve­nues of Great-Britain divided in like manner on its inhabitants would be 16 times greater. Deduct­ing even the double of the expences of govern­ment, as before estimated, from the million and a half of dollars which we before supposed might be annually paid without distress, we may conclude that this state can contribute one million of dol­lars annually towards supporting the federal ar­my, paying the federal debt, building a federal navy, or opening roads, clearing rivers, forming safe ports, and other useful works.

To this estimate of our abilities, let me add a word as to the application of them. if, when [Page 253] cleared of the present contest, and of the debts with which that will cha [...]ge us, we come to mea­sure force hereafter with any European power. Such events are devoutly to be deprecated. Young as we are, and with such a country be­fore us to fill with people and with happiness, we should point in that direction the whole genera­tive force of nature, wasting none of it in efforts of mutual destruction. It should be our endea­vour to cultivate the peace and friendship of every nation, even of that which has injured us most, when we shall have carried our point against her. Our interest will be to throw open the doors of commerce, and to knock off all its shackles, giving perfect freedom to all persons for the vent of whatever they may chuse to bring into our ports, and asking the same in theirs. Never was so much false arithmetic employed on any subject, as that which has been employed to persuade nations that it is their interest to go to war. Were the money which it has cost to gain, at the close of a long war, a little town, or a little territory, the right to cut wood here, or to catch fish there, expended in improving what they already possess, in making roads, opening rivers, building ports, improving the arts, and finding employment for their idle poor, it would render them much stronger, much wealthier and happier. This I hope will be our wisdom. And, perhaps, to remove as much as possible the occa­sions of making war, it might be better for us to [Page 254] abandon the ocean altogether, that being the element whereon we shall be principally exposed to jostle with other nations: to leave to others to bring what we shall want, and to carry what we can spare. This would make us invulnerable to Europe, by offering none of our property to their prize, and would turn all our citizens to the cultivation of the earth; and, I repeat it again, cultivators of the earth are the most vir­tuous and independent citizens. It might be time enough to seek employment for them at sea, when the land no longer offers it. But the actual habits of our countrymen attach them to com­merce. They will exercise it for themseves. Wars then must sometimes be our lot; and all the wise can do, will be to avoid that half of them which would be produced by our own follies and our own acts of injustice; and to make for the other half the best preperations we can. Of what nature should these be? A land army would be useless for offence, and not the best nor safest instrument of defence. For either of these purposes, the sea is the field on which we should meet an Euro­pean enemy. On that element it is necessary we should possess some power. To aim at such a navy as the geater nations of Europe possess, would be a foolish and wicked waste of the ener­gies of our countrymen. It would be to pull on our own heads that load of military expence which makes the European labourer go supper­less to bed, and moistens his bread with the sweat of his brows. It will be enough if we enable [Page 255] ourselves to prevent insults from those nations of Europe which are weak on the sea, because circumstances exist, which render even the strong­er ones weak as to us. Providence has placed their richest and most defenceless possessions at our door▪ has obliged their most precious com­merce to pass as it were in review before us. To protect this, or to assail, a small part only of their naval force will ever be risqued across the Atlantic. The dangers to which the elements expose them here are too well known, and the greater dangers to which they would be exposed at home were any general calamity to involve their whole fleet. They can attack us by de­tachment only; and it will suffice to make our­selves equal to what they may detach. Even a smaller force than they may detach will be ren­dered equal or superior by the quickness with which any check may be repaired with us, while losses with them will be irreparable till too late. A small naval force then is sufficient for us, and a small one is necessary. What this should be, I will not undertake to say. I will only say, it should by no means be so great as we are able to make it. Suppose the million of dollars, or 300,000 pounds, which Virginia could annually spare without distress, to be applied to the creat­ing a navy. A single year's contribution would build, equip, man, and send to sea a force which should carry 300 guns. The rest of the confe­deracy, exerting themselves in the same propor­tion, would equip in the same time 1500 guns [Page 256] more. So that one year's contributions would set up a navy of 1800 guns. The British ships of the line average 76 guns; their frigates 38. 1800 guns then would form a [...]leet of 30 ships, 18 of which might be of the line, and 12 frigates. Allowing 8 men, the British average, for every gun, their annual expence, including subsistence, cloathing, pay, and ordinary repairs, would be about 1280 dollars for every gun, or 2,304,000 dollars for the whole. I state this only as one year's possible exertion, without deciding whe­ther more or less than a year's exertion should be thus applied.

The value of our lands and slaves, taken con­junctly, doubles in about twenty years. This arises from the multiplication of our slaves, from the extension of culture, and increased demand for lands. The amount of what may be raised will of course rise in the same proportion.

THE histories of the state, the memorials published in its name in the time of its being a colony, and the pamphlets relating to its interior or exterior affairs present or antient?

Captain Smith, who next to Sir Walter Ra­leigh may be considered as the founder of our [Page 257] colony, has written its history, from the first ad­ventures to it till the year 1624. He was a mem­ber of the council, and afterwards president of the colony; and to his efforts principally may be ascribed its support against the opposition of the natives. He was honest, sensible, and well informed; but his style is barbarous and uncouth. His history, however, is almost the only source from which we derive any knowledge of the in­fancy of our state.

The reverend William Stith, a native of Vir­ginia, and president of its college, has also writ­ten the history of the same period, in a large oc­tavo volume of small print. He was a man of classical learning, and very exact, but of no taste in style. He is inelegant, therefore, and his de­tails often too minute to be tolerable, even to a native of the country, whose history he writes.

Beverley, a native also, has run into the other extreme; he has comprised our history, from the first propositions of Sir Walter Raleigh to the year 1700, in the hundredth part of the space which Stith employs for the fourth part of the period.

Sir William Keith has taken it up at its earliest period, and continued it to the year 1725. He is agreeable enough in style, and passes over events of little importance. Of course he is short, and would be preferred by a foreigner.

During the regal government, some contest arose on the exaction of an illegal fee by govern­or Dinwiddie, and doubtless there were others on other occasions not at present recollected. It [Page 258] is supposed, that these are not sufficiently inter­esting to a foreigner to merit a detail.

The petition of the council and burgesses of Virginia to the king, their memorial to the lords, and remonstrance to the commons in the year 1764, began the present contest; and these having proved ineffectual to prevent the passage of the stamp-act, the resolutions of the house of burges­ses of 1765 were passed, declaring the independ­ence of the people of Virginia on the parliament of Great-Britain, in matters of taxation. From that time till declaration of independence by Congress in 1776, their journals are filled with assertions of the public rights.

The pamphlets published in this state on the controverted question were,

• 1766, An Inquiry into the rights of the Bri­tish Colonies, by Richard Bland.
• 1769, The Monitor's Letters, by Dr. Arthur Lee.
• 1774, ^* A summary View of the rights of Bri­tish America.
• 1774, Considerations, &c. by Robert Carter Nicholas.

Since the declaration of independence this state has had no controversy with any other, ex­cept with that of Pennsylvania, on their common boundary. Some papers on this subject passed between the executive and legislative bodies of the two states, the result of which was a happy accommodation of their rights.

[Page 259] To this account of our historians, memorals, and pamphlets, it may not be unuseful to add a chronological catalogue of American state-pa­pers, as far as I have been able to collect their titles. It is far from being either complete or correct. Where the title alone, and not the pa­per itself, has come under my observation, I can­not answer for the exactness of the date. Some­times I have not been able to find any date at ali, and sometimes have not been satisfied that such a paper exists. An extensive collection of papers of this description has been for some time in a course of preparation by a gentleman ^* fully equal to the task, and from whom, therefore, we may hope ere long to receive it. In the mean time accept this as the result of my labours, and as clos­ing the tedious detail which you have so unde­signedly drawn upon yourself.

• Pro Johanne Caboto et siliis suis super terra incognita investi­ganda.
  1496, Mar. 5. 11. H. 7.
  12. Ry. 595. 3. Hakl. 4. 2. Mem. Am. 409.
• Billa signata anno 13.
  1498, Feb. 3. 13. H. 7.
  Henrici septimi. 3. Hakluyt's Voiages 5.
• De potestatibus ad terras incog­nitas investigandum.
  1502, Dec. 19. 18. H. 7.
  13. Ry­mer. 37.
• Commission de Francedil;ois I.
  1540, Oct. 17.
  à Jacques Catier pour l'esta­blislement du Canada. L'Es­carbot. 397. 2. Mem. Am. 416.
• [Page 260] An act against the exaction of money,
  1548, 2. E. 6.
  or any other thing, by any officer for license to traf­fique into Iseland and New­foundland, made in An. 2. Edwardi sexti. 3. Hakl. 13 [...].
• The letters-patent granted by her Majestie to Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
  1578, June. 11. 20. El.
  knight, for the in­habiting and planting of our people in America. 3. Hakl. 135.
• Letters-patents of Queen Eliza­beth to Adrian Gilbert and others,
  1583, Feb. 6.
  to discover the north­west passage to China. 3. Hakl. 96.
• The letters-patent granted by the Queen's majestie to M. Walter Raleigh,
  1584, Mar. 25. 26. El.
  now knight, for the discovering and plant­ing of new lands and coun­tries, to continue the space of six years and no more. 3. Hakl. 243.
• An assignment by Sir Walter Raleigh for continuing the action of inhabiting and plant­ing his people in Virginia.
  Mar. 7. 31. El.
  Hakl. 1st. ed. publ. in 1589, p. 815.
• [Page 261] Letters de Lieutenant General de l'Acadie & pays circon­voisins pour le Sieur de Monts.
  1603, Nov. 8.
  L'Escarbot. 417.
• Letters-patent to Sir Thomas Gates,
  1606, Apr. 10. 4. Jac. 1.
  Sir George Somers and others, for two several colonies to be made in Vir­ginia and other parts of Ame­rica. Stith. Apend. No. 1.
• An ordinance and constitution enlarging the council of the two colonies in Virginia and America,
  1607, Mar. 9. 4. Jac. 1.
  and augmenting their authority, M. S.
• The second charter to the trea­surer and company for Virgi­nia,
  1609, May 23. 7. Jac. 1.
  erecting them into a body politick. Stith. Ap. 2.
• Letters-patents to the E. of Northampton,
  1610, Apr. 10. Jac. 1.
  granting part of the island of Newfound­land. 1. Harris. 861.
• A third charter to the treasurer and company for Virginia.
  1611, Mar. 12. 9. Jac. 1.
  Stith. Ap. 3.
• A commission to Sir Walter Raleigh.
  1617, Jac. 1.
  Qu.?
• Commissio specialis concernens le garbling herbae Nocotianae.
  1620, Apr. 7. 18. Jac. 1.
  17. Rym. 190.
• [Page 262] A proclamation for restraint of the disordered trading of to­bacco.
  1620, June 29. 18. Jac. 1.
  17. Rym. 233.
• A grant of New-England to the council of Plymouth.
  1620, Nov. 3. Jac. 1.
• An ordinance and constitution of the treasurer,
  1621, July 24. Jac. 1.
  council and company in England, for a council of state and general assembly in Virginia. Stith. Ap. 4.
• A grant of Nova Scotia to Sir William Alexander.
  1621, Sep. 10. 20. Jac. 1.
  2. Mem. de l'Amerique. 193.
• A proclamation prohibiting in­terloping and disorderly tra­ding to New England in Ame­rica.
  1622, Nov. 6. 20. Jac. 1.
  17. Rym. 416.
• De Commissione speciali Wil­lelmo Jones militi directa.
  1623, May 9. 21. Jac. 1.
  17. Rym. 490.
• A grant to Sir Edmund Ployden,
  1623.
  of New Albion. Mentioned in Smith's examination. 82.
• De Commissione Henrico vice­comiti Mandevill & aliis.
  1624, July 15. 22. Jac. 1.
  17. Rym. 609.
• De Commissione speciali con­cernenti gubernationem in Virginia.
  1624, Aug. 26. 22. Jac. 1.
  17. Rym. 618.
• A proclamation concerning to­bacco.
  1624, Sep. 29. 22. Jac. 1.
  17. Rym. 621.
• [Page 263] De concessione demiss,
  1624, Nov. 9. 22. Jac. 1.
  Edwar­do Ditchfield et aliis. 17. Rym. 633.
• A proclamation for the utter prohibiting the importation and use of all tobacco which is not of the proper growth of the colony of Virginia and the Somer islands,
  1625, Mar. 2. 22. Jac. 1.
  or one of them. 17. Rym. 6 [...]8.
• De commissione directa Georgio Yardeley militi et aliis.
  1625, Mar. 4. 1. Car. 4
  18. Rym. 311.
• Proclamatio de herba Nicotia­nà.
  1625, Apr. 9. 1. Car. 1.
  18. Rym. 19.
• A proclamation for settlinge the plantation of Virginia.
  1625, May 13. 1. Car. 1.
  18. Rym. 72.
• A grant of the soil,
  1625, July 12.
  barony, and domains of Nova Scotia to Sir Wm. Alexander of Min­strie. 2. Mem. Am. 226.
• Commissio directa Johanni Wolstenholme militi et aliis.
  1626, Jan. 31. 2. Car. 1.
  18 Ry. 831.
• A proclamation touching tobac­co.
  1626, Feb. 17. 2. Car. 1.
  Ry. 848.
• A grant of Massachuset's bay by the council of Plymouth to Sir Henry Roswell and others.
  1627, Mar. 19. qu [...]2. Car. 1.
• [Page 264] De concessione commissionis specialis pro concilio in Vir­ginia.
  1627, Mar. 26. 3. Car. 1.
  18. Ry. 980.
• De proclamatione de signatione de tobacco.
  1627, Mar. 30. 3. Car. 1.
  18. Ry. 886.
• De proclamatione pro ordina­tione de tobacco.
  1627, Aug. 9. 3. Car. 1.
  18. Ry. 920.
• A confirmation of the grant of Massachuset's bay by the crown.
  1628, Mar. 4. 3. Car. 1.
• The capitulation of Quebec.
  1629, Aug. 19.
  Champlain part. 2. 216. 2. Mem. Am. 489.
• A proclamation concerning to­bacco.
  1630, Jan. 6. 5. Car. 1.
  19. Ry. 235.
• Conveyance of Nova Scotia (Port-royal excepted) by Sir William Alexander to Sir Claude St. Etienne Lord of la Tour and of Uarre and to his son Sir Charles de St. Etinne Lord of St. Dennis­court,
  1630, April 30.
  on condition that they continue subjects to the king of Scotland under the great seal of Scotland.
• A proclamation forbidding the disorderly trading with the salvages in New-England in America,
  1630-31, Nov. 24. 6. Car. 1.
  especially the fur­nishing the natives in those [Page 265] and other parts of America by the English with weapons and habiliments of warre. 19. Ry. 210. 3. Rushw. 82.
• A proclamation prohibiting the selling arms,
  1630, Dec. 5. 6. Car. 1.
  &c. to the sava­ges in America. Mentioned 3. Rushw. 75.
• A grant of Connecticut by the council of Plymouth to the E.
  1632, Car. 1.
  of Warwick.
• A confirmation by the crown of the grant of Connecticut [said to be in the petty-bag office in England.
  163 [...], Car. 1.
  ]
• A conveiance of Connecticut by the E.
  1631, Mar. 19. 6. Car. 1.
  of Warwick to Lord Say and Seal and others. Smith's examination, Appen­dix No. 1.
• A special commission to Edward Earle of Dorsett and others for the better plantation of the colony of Virginia.
  1631, June 27. 7. Car. 1.
  19. Ry. 301.
• Litere continentes promission­em regis ad tradenum cast­rum et habitationem de Ke­bec in Canada ad regem Francorum.
  1631, June 29. 7. Car. 1.
  19. Ry. 303.
• Traité entre le roy Louis XIII.
  1632, Mar. 29. 8. Car. 1.
  et Charles roi d'Angleterre [Page 266] pour la restitution de la nou­velle France, la Cadie et Ca­nada et des navires et mer­chandises pris de part et d'au­tre. Fait a St. Germain. 19. Ry. 361. 2. Mem. Am. 5.
• A grant of Maryland to Caecili­us Calvert,
  1632, June 20. 8. Car. 1.
  baron of Balti­more in Ireland.
• A petition of the planters of Vir­ginia against the grant to lord Baltimore.
  1633, July 3. 9. Car. 1.
• Order of council upon the dis­pute between the Virginia planters and lord Baltimore.
  1633, July 3.
  Votes of repres. of Pennsyl­vania. V.
• A proclamation to prevent a­buses growing by the unor­dered retailing of tobacco.
  1633, Aug. 13. 9. Car. 1.
  Mentioned 3. Rushw. 191.
• A special commission to Tho­mas Young to search, disco­ver and find out what parts are not yet inhabited in Vir­ginia and America and other parts thereunto adjoining.
  1633, Sept. 23. 9. Car. 1.
  19. Ry. 472.
• A proclamation for preventing of the abuses growing by the unordered retailing of tobac­co.
  1633, Oct. 13. 9. Car. 1.
  19. Ry. 474.
• [Page 267] A proclamation restraining the abusive venting of tobacco.
  1633, Mar. 13. Car. 1.
  19. Rym. 522.
• A proclamation concerning the landing of tobacco,
  1634, May 19. 10. Car. 1.
  and also forbidding the planting there­of in the king's dominions. 19. Ry. 553.
• A commission to the Archbi­shop of Canterbury and 11 others,
  1634. Car. 1.
  for governing the A­merican colonies.
• A commission concerning tobac­co.
  1634, June 19. 10. Car. 1.
  M. S.
• A commission from Lord Say,
  1635, July 18. 11. Car. 1.
  and Seal, and others, to John Winthrop to be governor of Connecticut. Smith's App.
• A grant to Duke Hamilton.
  1635, Car. 1.
• De commissione speciali Johanni Harvey militi pro meliori re­gemine coloniae in Virginia.
  1636, Apr. 2. 12. Car. 1.
  20. Ry. 3.
• A proclamation concerning to­bacco.
  1637, Mar. 14. Car. 1.
  Title in 3. Rush. 617.
• De commissione speciali Georgio domino Goring et aliis con­cessâ concernente venditio­nem de tobacco absque li­centiâ regiâ.
  1636-7, Mar. 16. 12. Car. 1.
  20. Ry. 116.
• A proclamation against disor­derly transporting his Maje­sty's [Page 268] subjects to the plantations within the parts of America.
  1637, Apr. 30. 13. Car. 1.
  20. Ry. 143. 3. Rush. 409.
• An order of the privy council to stay 8 ships now in the Thames from going to New-England.
  1637, May 1. 13. Car. 1.
  3. Rush. 409.
• A warrant of the Lord Admiral to stop unconformable mini­sters from going beyond sea.
  1637, Car. 1.
  3. Rush. 410.
• Order of council upon Clai­borne's petition against Lord Baltimore.
  1638, Apr. 4. Car. 1.
  Votes of repre­sentatives of Pennsylvania. vi.
• An order of the king and coun­cil that the attorney-general draw up a proclamation to prohibit transportation of pas­sengers to New-England with­out license.
  1638, Apr. 6. 14. Car. 1.
  3. Rush. 718.
• A proclamation to restrain the transporting of passengers and provisions to New-England without license.
  1638, May 1. 14. Car. 1.
  20. Ry. 223.
• A proclamation concerning to­bacco.
  1639, Mar. 25. Car. 1.
  Title 4. Rush. 1060.
• A proclamation declaring his majesty's pleasure to continue his commission and letters pa­tents for licensing retailers of tobacco.
  1639, Aug. 19. 15. Car. 1.
  20. Ry. 348.
• [Page 269] De commissione speciali Henri­co Ashton armiger [...] et aliis ad amovendum Henricum Haw­ley gubernatorem de Barba­does.
  1639, Dec. 16 15. Car. 1.
  20. Ry. 357.
• A proclamation concerning re­tailers of tobacco.
  1639, Car. 1.
  4. Rush. 966.
• De constitutione gubernatoris et concilii pro Virginia.
  1641, Aug. 9. 17. Car. 1.
  20. Ry. 484.
• Articles of union and confede­racy entered into by Massa­chusetts,
  1643, Car. 1.
  Plymouth, Connecti­cut and New-haven. 1. Neale. 223.
• Deed from George Fenwick to the old Connecticut jurisdic­tion.
  1644, Car. 1.
• An ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parlia­ment, for exempting from custom and imposition all commodities exported for, or imported from New-England, which has been very prosper­ous and without any public charge to this state, and is like­ly to prove very happy for the propagation of the gospel in those parts. Tit. in Amer. Li­brary 90. 5. No date. But [Page 270] seems by the neighbouring ar­ticles to have been in 1644.
• An act for charging of tobacco brought from New-England with custom and excise.
  1644, June 2 [...]. Car. 2.
  Title in American library. 99. 8.
• An act for the advancing and regulating the trade of this commonwealth.
  1644, Aug. 1. Car. 2.
  Tit. Amer. libr. 99. 9.
• Grant of the Northern neck of Virginia to Lord Hopton,
  Sep. 18. 1. Car. 2.
  Lord Jermyn, Lord Culpeper, Sir John Berkley, Sir Willi­am Moreton, Sir Dudly Wy­att, and Thomas Culpeper.
• An act prohibiting trade with the Barbadoes,
  1650, Oct. 3. 2. Car. 2.
  Virginia, Bermu­das and Antego. Scobell's Acts. 1027.
• A declaration of Lord Wil­loughby,
  1650, Car. 2.
  governor of Barba­does, and of his council, against an act of parliament of 3d of October 1650. 4. Polit. register. 2. cited from 4. Neal. hist. of the Puritans. App. No. 12 but not there.
• A final settlement of bounda­ries between the Dutch New Netherlands and Connecti­cut.
  16 [...]0, Car. 2.
• [Page 271] Instructions for Captain Ro­bert Dennis,
  1651, Sept. 26. 3. Car. 2.
  Mr. Richard Bennet, Mr. Thomas Stagge, and Captain William Cla­bourn, appointed commis­sioners for the reducing of Virginia and the inhabitants thereof to their due obedi­ence to the commonwealth of England. 1. Thurloe's state papers. 197.
• An act for increase of shipping and encouragement of the navigation of this nation.
  1651, Oct. 9. 3. Car. 2.
  Scobell's acts. 1449.
• Articles agreed on and con­cluded at James citie in Vir­ginia for the surrendering and settling of that planta­tion under the obedience and government of the com­monwealth of England,
  1651-2, Mar. 12. 4. Car. 2.
  by the commissioners of the council of state, by authori­tie of the parliament of Eng­land, and by the grand as­sembly of the governor, coun­cil, and burgesse of that state. M. S. [Ante. p. 206.]
• An act of indempnitie made at the surrender of the countrey [of Virginia.
  1651-2, Mar. 12. 4. Car. 1.
  ] [Ante. p. 206.]
• [Page 272] Capitulation de Port-Royal.
  1654, Aug. 10.
  Mem. Am. 507.
• A proclamation of the protector relating to Jamaica.
  1655. Car. 2.
  3. Thurl. 75.
• The protector to the commissi­oners of Maryland. A letter.
  1655, Sept. 26. [...]. Car. 3.
  4. Thurl. 55.
• An instrument made at the coun­cil of Jamaica,
  1655, Oct. 8. 7. Car. 2.
  Oct. 8, 1655, for the better carrying on of affairs there. 4. Thurl. 17.
• Treaty of Westminster between France and England.
  1655, Nov. 3.
  6. corps diplom. part. 2. p. 121. 2. Mem. Am. 10.
• The assembly at Barbadoes to the protector.
  1656, Mar. 27. 8. Car. 2.
  4. Thurl. 651.
• A grant by Cromwell to Sir Charles de Saint Etienne,
  1656, Aug. 9.
  a baron of Scotland, Crowne and Temple. A French trans­lation of it. 2. Mem. Am. 511.
• A paper concerning the ad­vancement of trade.
  1656, Car. 2.
  5. Thurl. 80.
• A brief narration of the English rights to the Northern parts of America.
  1656, Car. 2.
  5. Thurl. 81.
• Mr. R. Bennet and Mr. S. Mat­thew to Secretary Thurlow.
  1656, Oct. 10. 8. Car. 2.
  5. Thurl. 482.
• [Page 273] Objections against the Lord Bal­timore's patent,
  1656, Oct. 10. 8. Car. 2.
  and reasons why the government of Ma­ryland should not be put into his hands. 5. Thurl. 482.
• A paper relating to Maryland 5.
  1656, Oct. 10. 8. Car. 2.
  Thurl. 483.
• A breviet of the proceedings of the lord Baltimore and his of­ficers and compliers in Mary­land,
  1656, Oct. 10. 8. Car. 2.
  against the authority of the parliament of the common­wealth of England and against his highness the lord protec­tor's authority, laws and go­vernment. 5. Thurl. 486.
• The assembly of Virginia to se­cretary Thurlow.
  1656, Oct. 15. 8. Car. 2.
  5. Thurl. 497.
• The governor of Barbadoes to the protector.
  1657, Apr. 4. 9. Car. 2.
  6. Thurl. 169.
• Petition of the general court at Hartford upon Connecticut for a charter.
  1661, Car. 2.
  Smith's exam. App. 4.
• Charter of the colony of Con­necticut.
  1662, Apr. 23. 14. Car. 2.
  Smith's exam. App. 6.
• The first charter granted by Charles II.
  1662-3, Mar. 24. April 4. 15. Car. 2.
  to the proprieta­ries of Carolina, to wit, to the Earl of Clarendon, Duke of Albemarle, Lord Craven, [Page 274] Lord Berkeley, Lord Ashley, Sir George Carteret, Sir William Berkeley, and Sir John Colleton. 4. Mem. Am. 554.
• The concessions and agreement of the lords proprietors of the province of New Caesarea,
  1664. Feb. 10.
  or New-Jersey, to and with all and every of the adventurers and all such as shall settle or plant there. Smith's New-Jer­sey. App. 1.
• A grant of the colony of New-York to the Duke of York.
  1664, Mar. 12. 20. Car. 2.
• A commission to Colonel Ni­chols and others to settle dis­putes in New-England.
  1664, Apr. 26. 16. Car. 2.
  Hutch. Hist. Mass. Bay. App. 537.
• The commission to Sir Robert Carre and others to put the Duke of York in possession of New-York,
  1664, Apr. 26.
  New-Jersey, and all other lands thereunto ap­pertaining.
• Sir Robert Carre and others proclamation to the inhabi­tants of New-York, New-Jer­sey, &c. Smith's N. J. 36.
• Deeds of lease and release of New-Jersey by the Duke of [Page 275] York to Lord Berkely and Sir George Carteret.
  1664, June 23, 24. 16. C. 2.
• A conveiance of the Delaware counties to William Penn.
• Letters between Stuyvesant and Colonel Nichols on the Eng­lish right.
  1664, Aug. 19-29, 20-30, 24. Aug. 25. Sept. 4.
  Smith's N. J. 37—42.
• Treaty between the English and Dutch for the surrender of the New-Netherlands.
  1664, Aug. 27.
  Sm. N. J. 42.
• Nicoll's commission to Sir Ro­bert Carre to reduce the Dutch on Delaware bay.
  Sept. 3.
  Sm. N. J. 47.
• Instructions to Sir Robert Carre for reducing of Delaware bay and settling the people there under his majesty's obedience. Sm. N. J. 47.
• Articles of capitulation between Sir Robert Carre and the Dutch and Swedes on Dela­ware bay and Delaware river.
  1664, Oct. 1.
  Sm. N. J. 49.
• The determination of the com­missioners of the boundary between the Duke of York and Connecticut.
  1664, Dec. 1. 16. Car. 2.
  Sm. Ex. Ap. 9.
• [Page 276] The New Haven case.
  1664.
  Smith's Ex. Ap. 20.
• The second charter granted by Charles II.
  1665, June 13-24. 17 Car. 2.
  to the same pro­prieto [...]s of Carolina. 4. Mem. Am. 586.
• Declaration de guerre par la France contre l'Angleterre.
  1666, Jan. 26.
  3. Mem. Am. 123.
• Declaration of war by the king of England against the king of France.
  1666, Feb. 9. 17. Car. 2.
• The treaty of peace between France and England made at Breda.
  1667, July 31.
  7. Corps Dipl. part 1. p. 41. 2. Mem. Am. 32.
• The treaty of peace and alli­ance between England and the United Provinces made at Breda.
  1667, July 31.
  7. Cor. Dip. p. 1. p. 44. 2. Mem. Am. 40.
• Acte de la cession de l'Acadie au roi de France.
  1667-8, Feb. 17.
  2. Mem. Am. 40.
• Directions from the governor and council of New York for a better settlement of the government on Delaware.
  1668, April 2 [...].
  Sm. N. J. 5 [...].
• Lovelace's order for customs at the Hoarkills. Sm.
  1668.
  N. J. 55.
• A confirmation of the grant of [Page 277] the northern neck of Virginia to the Earl of St. Alban's,
  16—May 8, 21. Car. 2.
  Lord Berkeley, Sir William Moreton and John Trethe­way.
• Incorporation of the town of Newcastle or Amstell.
  1672.
• A demise of the colony of Vir­ginia to the Earl of Arling­ton and Lord Culpeper for 31 years.
  1673, Feb. 25. 25. Car. 2.
  M. S.
• Treaty at London between king Charles II.
  1673-4.
  and the Dutch. Article VI.
• Remonstrances against the two grants of Charles II. of North­ern and Southern Virginia. Ment ^d. Beverly. 65.
• Sir George Carteret's instruc­tions to Governor Carteret.
  1674, July 13.
• Governor Andros's proclama­tion on taking possession of Newcastle for the Duke of York.
  1674, Nov. 9.
  Sm. N. J. 78.
• A proclamation for prohibiting the importation of commodi­ties of Europe into any of his majesty's plantations in Africa,
  1675, Oct. 1. 27. Car. 2.
  Asia, or America, which were not laden in Eng­land: and for putting all other laws relating to the [Page 278] trade of the plantations of effectual execution.
• The concessions and agreements of the proprietors,
  1676, Mar. 3.
  freehold­ers an inhabitants of the pro­vince of West-New-Jersey in America Sm. N. J. App. 2.
• A deed quintipartite for the di­vision of New-Jersey.
  1676, July. 4.
• Letter from the proprietors of New-Jersey to Richard Harts­horne.
  1676, Aug. 18.
  Sm. N. J. 80.
• Proprietors instructions to James Wasse and Richard Harts­horne. Sm. N. J. 83.
• The charter of king Charles II.
  1676, Oct. 10. 23. Car. 2.
  to his subjects of Virginia. M. S.
• Cautionary epistle from the trus­tees of Byllinge's part of New-Jersey.
  1676.
  Sm. N. J. 84.
• Indian deed for the lands be­tween Rankokas creek and Timber creek,
  1677, Sept. 10.
  in New-Jersey.
• Indian deed for the lands from Oldman's creek to Timber creek,
  1677, Sept. 27.
  in New-Jersey.
• Indian deed for the lands from Rankokas creek to Assunpink creek,
  1677, Oct. 10.
  in New-Jersey.
• The will of Sir George Carteret,
  1678, Dec. 5.
  [Page 279] so [...] proprietor of East Jersey, ordering the same to be sold.
• An order of the king in council for the better encouragement of all his majesty's subjects in their trade to his majesty's plantations,
  1680, Feb. 16.
  and for the better information of all his majesty's loving subjects in these mat­ters.—Lond. Gaz. No. 1596. Title in Amer. library. 134. 6.
• Arguments against the customs demanded in New West Jer­sey by the governor of New-York,
  1680.
  addressed to the Duke's commissioners. Sm. N. J. 117.
• Extracts of proceedings of the committee of trade and plan­tations; copies of letters,
  1680, June, 14. 23. 25. Oct. 16. Nov. 4. 8. 11. 13. 20. 23. Dec. 16. 1680-1, Jan. 15. 22. Feb. 24.
  re­ports, &c. between the board of trade Mr. Penn, Lord Bal­timore and Sir John Werden, in the behalf of the Duke of York and the settlement of the Pennsylvania boundaries by the L. C. J. North. Votes of Repr. Pennsyl. vii.—xiii.
• A grant of Pennsylvania to Wil­liam Penn.
  1681, Mar. 4. Car. 2.
  Votes of Kepre [...]. Pennsyl. xviii.
• The king's declaration to the [Page 280] inhabitants and planters of the province of Pennsylvania.
  1681, Apr. 2.
  Vo. Repr. Penn. xxiv.
• Certain conditions or concessi­ons agreed upon by William Penn,
  1681, July, 1 [...].
  proprietary and gover­nor of Pennsylvania, and those who are the adventurers and purchasers in the same pro­vince.—Votes of Rep. Penn­sylv. xxiv.
• Fundamental laws of the pro­vince of West New-Jersey.
  1681, Nov. 9.
  Sm. N. J. 126.
• The methods of the commission­ers for settling and regulation of lands in New-Jersey.
  1681-2, Jan. 14.
  Sm. N. J. 130.
• Indentures of lease and release by the executors of Sir George Carteret to William Penn and 11 others,
  1681-2, Feb. 1. 2.
  conveying East Jersey.
• The Duke of York's fresh grant of East New-Jersey to the 24 proprietors.
  1682, Mar. 14.
• The frame of the government of the province of Pennsylva­nia,
  1682. Apr. 2 [...].
  in America. Votes of [...]epr. Penn. xxvii.
• The Duke of York's deed for Pennsylvania.
  1682, Aug. 21.
  Vo. Repr. Penn. xxxv.
• [Page 281] The Duke of York's deed of feoffment of Newcastle and twelve miles circle to Willi­am Penn.
  1682, Aug. 24.
  Vo. Repr. Penn.
• The Duke of York's deed of feoffment of a tract of land 12 miles south from Newcastle to the Whorekills,
  1682, Aug. 24.
  to William Penn. Vo. Repr. Penn. xxxvii.
• A commission to Thomas Lord Culpeper to be lieutenant and governor-general of Virginia.
  1682, Nov. 27. 34. Car. 2.
  M. S.
• An act of union for annexing and uniting of the counties of Newcastle,
  1682, 10th mon. 6th day.
  Jones's and Whorekill's alias Deal, to the province of Pennsylvani [...] ▪ and of naturalization of all fo­reigners in the province and counties aforesaid.
• An act of settlement.
  1682, Dec. 6.
• The frame of the government of the province of Pennsyl­vania and territories thereun­to annexed in America.
  1683, Apr. 2.
• Proceedings of the Com­mittee of trade and plantations in the dispute between Lord Balti­more [Page 282] and Mr. Penn.
  1683, Apr. 17, 27. May 30. June 12. 1684, Feb. 12. July 2, 16, 23. Sept. 30. Dec. 9. 1685, Mar. 17. Aug. 18. 26. Sept. 2. Oct 8 17, 31 Nov 7.
  Vo. R. P. xiii—xviii.
• A commission by the proprie­tors of East-New-Jersey to Robert Barclay to be gover­nor.
  1683, July 17.
  Sm. N. J. 166.
• An order of council for issuing a quo warranto against the charter of the colony of the Massachuset's bay in New-England,
  1683, July 26, 35. Car. 2.
  with his [...]a­jesty's declaration that in case the said corporation of Masschuset's bay shall before prosecution had upon the same quo warranto make a full submission and entire re­signation to his royal pleasure, he will then regulate their charter in such a manner as shall be for his service and the good of that colony. Title in American library. 139. 6.
• A commission to Lord Howard of Effingham to be lieutenant and governor-general of Vir­ginia.
  1683, Sept. 28. 35. Car. 2.
  M. S.
• The humble address of the chief governor,
  1684, May 3.
  council and repre­sentatives of the island of Ne­vis, in the West-Indies, pre­sented to his majesty by Co­lonel [Page 283] Netheway and Captain Jefferson, at Windsor, May 3. 1684. Title in Amer. libr. 142. 3. cites Lond. Gaz. No. 1927.
• A treaty with the Indians at Albany.
  1684, Aug. 2.
• A treaty of neutrality for Ame­rica between France and Eng­land.
  1686, Nov. 16.
  7. Corps Dipl. part 2. p. 44. 2. Mem. Am. 40.
• By the king,
  1687, Jan. 20.
  a proc [...]amation for the more effectual reducing and suppressing of pirates and privateers in America, as well on the sea as on the land in great numbers, committing frequent robberies and pira­cies, which hath occasioned a great prejudice and obstruc­tion to trade and commerce, and given a great scandal and disturbance to our govern­ment in those parts. Title Amer. libr. 147. 2. [...]ites Lond. Gaz. No. 2315.
• Constitution of the council of proprietors of West-Jersey.
  1687, Feb. 12.
  Smith's N. Jersey. 199.
• A confirmation of the grant of the northern neck of Virgi­nia to Lord Culpeper.
  1687, qu. Sept. 27. 4. Jac. 2.
• [Page 284] Governor Coxe's declaration to the council of proprietors of West-Jersey.
  1687, Sept. 5.
  Sm. N. J. 190.
• Provisional treaty of Whitehall concerning America between France and England.
  1687, Dec. 16.
  2. Mem. de l'Am. 89.
• Governor Coxe's narrative re­lating to the division line,
  1687.
  di­rected to the council of pro­prietors of West-Jersey. Sm. App. N. 4.
• The representation of the coun­cil of proprietors of West-Jersey to Governor Burnet.
  1687.
  Smith. App. No. 5.
• The remonstrance and petition of the inhabitants of East-New-Jersey to the king. Sm. App. No. 8.
• The memorial of the proprietors of East-New-Jersey to the Lords of trade. Sm. App. No. 9.
• Agreement of the line of parti­tion between East and West-New-Jersey.
  1688, Sept. 5.
  Sm. N. J. 196.
• Conveyance of the government of West-Jersey and territories by Dr. Coxe,
  1691.
  to the West-Jersey society.
• A charter
  1691, Oct. 7.
  granted by King Wil­liam and Queen Mary to the inhabitants [...] [Page 173] [Page 286] of East and West-Jersey to the king. Sm. App. No. 14.
• Representation of the Lords of trade to the Lords justices.
  1701, Oct. 2.
  Sm. App. No. 13.
• A treaty with the Indians.
  1701.
• Report of Lords of trade to king William of draughts of a com­mission and instructions for a governor of New-Jersey.
  1701-2, Jan. 6.
  Sm. N. J. 262.
• Surrender from the proprietors of E.
  1702, Apr. 15.
  and W. N. Jersey of their pretended right of go­vernment to her majesty Q. Anne. Sm. N. J. 211.
• The Queen's acceptance of the surrender of government of East and West-Jersey.
  1702, Apr. 17.
  Sm. N. J. 219.
• Instructions to Lord Cornbury.
  1702, Nov. 16.
  Sm. N. J. 230.
• A commission from Queen Anne to Lord Cornbury,
  1702, Dec. 5.
  to be captain-general and gover­nor in chief of New-Jersey. Sm. N. J. 220.
• Recognition by the council of proprietors of the true boun­dary of the deeds of Sept. 10 and Oct. 10,
  1703, June 27.
  1677 (New-Jersey). Sm. N. J. 96.
• [Page 287] Indian deed for the lands above the falls of the Delaware in West-Jersey.
  1703.
• Indian deed for the lands at the head of Rankokus river in West-Jersey.
• A proclamation by Queen Anne for settling and ascertaining the current rates of foreign coins in America.
  1704, June 18.
  Sm. N. J. 281.
• Additional instructions to Lord Cornbury.
  1705, May 3.
  Sm. N. J. 235.
• Additional instructions to Lord Cornbury.
  1707, May 3.
  Sm. N. J. 258.
• Additional instructions to Lord Cornbury.
  1707, Nov. 20.
  Sm. N. J. 259.
• An answer by the council of proprietors for the western division of New-Jersey,
  1707.
  to questions, proposed to them by Lord Cornbury. Sm. N. J. 285.
• Instructions to Colonel Vetch in his negociations with the governors of America.
  1708-9, Feb. 28.
  Sm. N. J. 364.
• Instructions to the governor of New-Jersey and New-York.
  1708-9, Feb. 28.
  Sm. J. 361.
• Earl of Dartmouth's letter to governor Hunter.
  1710, Aug.
• [Page 288] Premieres propositions de la France.
  1711, Apr. 22.
  6. Lamberty, 669. 2. Mem. Am. 341.
• Réponses de la France aux de­manded préliminaries de la Grande-Bretagne.
  1711, Oct. 8.
  6. Lamb. 681. 2. Mem. Amer. 344.
• Demandes préliminaries plus particulieres de la Grande-Bretagne,
  1711, Sept. 27./Oct. 8.
  avec les réponses. 2. Mem. de l'Am. 346.
• L'acceptation de la part de la Grande-Bretagne.
  1711, Sept.27./Oct. 8.
  2. Mem. Am. 356.
• The Queen's instructions to the Bishop of Bristol and Earl of Stafford,
  1711, Dec. 23.
  her plenipoten­tiaries, to treat of a general peace. 6. Lamberty, 744. 2. Mem. Am. 358.
• A memorial of Mr. St. John to the Marquis de Torci,
  1712, May 24./June 10.
  with regard to North America, to commerce, and to the suspen­sion of arms. 7. Recueil de Lamberty 161, 2. Mem. de l'Amer. 376.
• Réponse du roi de France au memoire de Londres.
  1712, June 10.
  7. Lamberty, p. 163. 2. Mem. Am. 380.
• [Page 289] Traité pour une suspension d' armes entre Louis XIV.
  1712, Aug. 19.
  roi de France, & Anne, reigne de la Grande-Bretagne, fait à Paris. 8. Corps Diplom. part. 1. p. 308. 2. Mem. d'Am. 104.
• Offers of France to England,
  1712, Sept. 10
  demands of England, and the answers of France▪ 7. Rec. de Lamb. 491. 2. Mem. Am. 390.
• Traité de paix & d'amitié entre Louis XIV. roi de France,
  1713, Mar. 31./April 11.
  & Anne, reine de la Grande-Bretagne, fait à Utrecht. 15. Corps Diplomatique de Du­mont, 339. id. Latin. 2. Actes & memoires de la pais d' Utrecht, 457. id. Lat. Fr. 2. Mem. Am. 113.
• Traité de navigation & de commerce entre Louis XIV. roi de France,
  1713, Mar. 31./April 11.
  & Anne, reine de la Grande-Bretagne. Fait à Utrecht. 8. Corps. Dipl. part. 1. p. 345. 2. Mem. de l'Am. 137.
• A treaty with the Indians.
  1726.
• The petition of the representa­tives of the province of New-Jersey,
  1728, Jan.
  to have a distinct go­vernor. Sm. N. J. 421.
• [Page 290] Deed of release by the govern­ment of Connecticut to that of New-York.
• The charter granted by George II.
  1732, June 9-20. 5. G. 2.
  for Georgia. 4. Mem. de l'Am. 617.
• Petition of Lord Fairfax,
  1733.
  that a commission might issue for running and marking the di­viding line between his dis­trict and the province of Vir­ginia.
• Order of the King in council for commissioners to survey and settle the said dividing line between the proprietary and royal territory.
  1733, Nov. 29.
• Report of the Lords of trade re­lating to the separating the go­vernment of the province of New-Jersey from New-York.
  Aug. 5.
  Sm. N. J. 423.
• Survey and report of the com­missioners appointed on the part of the crown to settle the line between the crown and Lord Fairfax.
  1737, Aug. 10.
• Survey and report of the com­missioners appointed on the part of Lord Fairfax to settle the line between the crown and him.
  1737, Aug.
• [Page 291] Order of reference of the sur­veys between the crown and Lord Fairfax to the council for plantation affairs.
  1733, Dec. 21.
• Treaty with the Indians of the 6 nations at Lancaster.
  1744, June.
• Report of the council for plan­tation affairs,
  1745, Apr. 6.
  fixing the head springs of Rappahanoc and Patowmac, and a commission to extend the line.
• Order of the king in council confirming the said report of the council for plantation af­fairs.
  1745, Apr. 11.
• Articles préliminaires pour par­venir à la paix,
  1748, Apr. 30.
  signés à Aix­la-Chapelle entre les ministres de France, de la Grande-Bre­tagne, & des Provinces-Unies des Pays-Bas. 2. Mem. de l'Am. 159.
• Declaration des ministres de France,
  1748, May 21.
  de la Grande-Bre­tagne, & des Provinces-Unies des Pays-Bas, pour rectifier les articles I. & II. des pré­liminaires. 2. Mem. Am. 165.
• The general and definitive trea­ty of peace concluded at Aix­la Chapelle.
  1748, Oct. 7-18. 22. G. 2.
  Lon. Mag. 1748. 503. French. 2. Mem. Am. 169.
• [Page 292] A treaty with the Indians.
  1754.
• A conference between Gover­nor Bernard and Indian na­tions at Burlington.
  1758, Aug. 7.
  Sm. N. J. 449.
• A conference between Gover­nor Denny,
  175 [...], Oct, 8.
  Governor Bernard and others, and Indian nations at Easton. Sm. N. J. 455.
• The capitulation of Niagara.
  1759, July 25. 33. G. 2.
• The king's proclamation pro­mising lands to souldiers.
  175—
• The definitive treaty concluded at Paris.
  1763, Feb. 10. 3. G. 3.
  Lo. Mag. 1763. 149.
• A proclamation for regulating the cessions made by the last treaty of peace.
  1763, Oct. 7. G. 3.
  Guth. Geogr. Gram. 623.
• The king's proclamation against settling on any lands on the waters,
  1763.
  westward of the Alle­ghaney.
• Deed from the six nations of Indians to William Trent and others for lands betwixt the Ohio and Monongahela.
  1768, Nov. 3.
  View of the title to Indiana. Phil. Steiner and Cist. 1776.
• Deed from the six nations of Indians to the crown for cer­tain lands and settling a boundary.
  1768, Nov. 5.
  M. S.