I. BIRON.

THE ancient inhabitants of Norway and Denmark, collectively taken, were distin­guished by the name of NORMANS. Their situation near the coast of the sea, and the ad­vantages which that element presented to them beyond all which they could expect, from a rough soil, in a cold climate, led them at an early period to the science and practice of navigation. They built their vessels with the best of oak, and constructed them in such a manner as to encounter the storms and bil­lows of the northern ocean. They covered them with decks and furnished them with high forecastles and sterns. They made use of sails as well as oars, and had learned to [Page 48] trim their sails to the wind, in almost any di­rection. In these arts, of building ships and of navigation, they were superior to the peo­ple bordering on the Mediterranean sea, who depended chiefly on their oars, and used sails only with a fair wind.

About the end of the eighth and beginning of the ninth century, the Normans made themselves famous by their predatory excur­sions. England, Scotland, Ireland, the Ork­ney and Shetland islands, were objects of their depredations; and, in one of their piratical expeditions, (A. D. 861) they discovered an island, which from its lofty mountains, cov­ered with ice and snow, obtained the name of Iceland. In a few years after they planted a colony there, which was continually aug­mented by migrations from the neighbouring countries. Within the space of thirty years (889) a new country, situate on the west, was discovered, and from its verdure during the summer months received the name of Greenland. This was deemed so import­ant an acquisition, that, under the conduct of ERIC RAUDE, or REDHEAD, a Danish chief, it was soon peopled.

The emigrants to these new regions were still inflamed with the passion for adventure [Page 49] and discovery. An Icelander of the name HERIOLF and his son BIRON ^* made a voyage every year to different countries, for the sake of traffic. About the beginning of the elev­enth century (1001) their ships were separat­ed by a storm. When Biron arrived in Nor­way, he heard that his father was gone to Greenland, and he resolved to follow him; but another storm drove him to the southwest, where he discovered a flat country, free from rocks, but covered with thick woods; and an island near the coast.

He made no longer stay at either of these places than till the storm abated; when by a northeast course he hasted to Greenland. The discovery was no sooner known there, than LEIF the son of Eric, who, like his father, had a strong desire to acquire glory by adven­tures, equipped a vessel, carrying twenty five men; and, taking Biron for his pilot, sailed (1002) in search of the new country.

His course was southwest. On the first land which he saw, he found nothing but flat rocks and ice, without any verdure. He there­fore gave it the name of Helleland, which sig­nifies [Page 50] rocky. Afterward he came to a level shore, without any rocks, but overgrown with woods, and the sand was remarkably white. This he named Markland, or woody. Two days after, he saw land again, and an island ly­ing before the northern coast of it. Here he first landed; and thence sailing westward, round a point of land, found a creek or river into which the ship entered.

On the banks of this river, were bushes bearing sweet berries; the air was mild, the soil fertile, and the river well stored with fish, among which were very fine salmon. At the head of this river was a lake, on the shore of which they resolved to pass the winter, and erected huts for their accommodation. One of their company, a German named Tyrker, having straggled into the woods, found grapes; from which, he told them that in his country, they made wine. From this circumstance Leif, the commander of the party, called the place Winland dat gode, the good wine country.

An intercourse being thus opened between Greenland and Winland, several voyages were made, and the new country was further ex­plored. Many islands were found near the coast, but not a human creature was seen till [Page 51] the third summer (1004) when three boats constructed with ribs of bone, fastened with thongs or twigs and covered with skins, each boat containing three men, made their appear­ance. From the diminutive size of these people the Normans denominated them Skrae­lings, ^* and inhumanly killed them all but one; who escaped and collected a larger num­ber of his countrymen, to make an attack on their invaders. The Normans defended their ships with so much spirit, that the assailants were obliged to retire.

After this, a colony of Normans went and settled at Winland, carrying on a barter trade with the Skraelings for furs; but a controver­sy arose in the colony, which induced some to return to Greenland. The others dispersed and mixed with the Skraelings.

In the next century (1121) Eric, Bishop of Greenland, went to Winland, with a bene­volent design to recover and convert his coun­trymen who had degenerated into savages. This prelate never returned to Greenland; nor was any thing more heard of Winland, for several centuries.

[Page 52]This account of the discovery of Winland is taken from Pontoppidan's history of Nor­way, Crantz's history of Greenland, and a late history of northern voyages by Dr. John Reinhold Forster. The facts are said to have been collected from "a great number of Icelandic manuscripts by Thormond Thor­foeus, Adam von Bremen, Arngrim Jonas and many other writers, so that it is hardly possi­ble to entertain the least doubt concerning the authenticity of the relation."

Pontoppidan says that "they could see the sun full six hours in the shortest day;" but Crantz tells us that "the sun rose on the short­est day at eight of the clock," and Forster that "the sun was eight hours above the ho­rizon," from which he concludes, that Win­land must be found in the 49th degree of northern latitude; and from its being in a southwesterly direction from Greenland, he supposes that it is either a part of Newfound­land or some place on the northern coast of the gulf of St. Lawrence; but whether grapes are found in either of those countries he cannot say. However, he seems so fully persuaded of the facts, that he gives it as his opinion, that the Normans were, strictly speaking, the [Page 53] first discoverers of America, nearly five centu­ries before Columbus.

From a careful perusal of the first accounts of Newfoundland, preserved by those painful collectors Hakluyt and Purchas, and of other memoirs respecting that island and the coast of Labrador; and from inspecting the most approved maps of those regions, particularly one, in the American Atlas, delineated agreea­bly to the actual surveys of the late celebrated navigator Capt. James Cook, the following observations occur.

On the N. E. part of Newfoundland, which is most directly accessible from Greenland, there is a long range of coast, in which are two bays, the one called Gander Bay, and the other the Bay of Exploits. Before the mouth of the former, among many smaller, there lies one large island called Fogo; and before the mouth of the latter, another, called The New World. Either of these will sufficiently an­swer to the situation described in the account of Biron's second voyage. Into each of these bays, runs a river, which has its head in a lake, and both these lakes lie in the 49th de­gree of north latitude.

The earliest accounts of Newfoundland after its discovery and the establishment of a fishery [Page 54] on its coasts, have respect chiefly to the lands about Trinity and Conception bays, between the parallels of 48° and 49°. These lands are represented as producing strawberries, whortle­berries, raspberries, gooseberries, pears, wild cherries, and hazle nuts, in very great plenty. The rivers are said to have been well stored with salmon and trouts. The natives, who inhabited a bay lying to the northward of Trinity and came occasionally thither in their canoes, are described as broad breasted and upright, with black eyes, and without beards; the hair on their heads was of dif­ferent colours; some had black, some brown and others yellow. In this variety they dif­fered from the other savages of North Ame­rica, who have uniformly black hair, un­less it be grown grey with age.

The climate is represented as more mild in the winter than that of England; but much colder in the spring, by reason of the vast islands of ice which are driven into the bays or grounded on the banks.

On the north eastern coast of Labrador, between the latitudes of 53° and 56°, are ma­ny excellent harbours and islands. The seas are full of cod, the rivers abound with salmon; [Page 55] and the climate is said to be more mild than in the Gulf of St. Lawrence.

Nothing is said in any of these accounts of vines or grapes, excepting that some which were brought from England had thriven well. If any evidence can be drawn from a compari­son between the countries of Newfoundland and New-England it may be observed; that all the above mentioned fruits and berries are found in the northern and eastern parts of New-England as far as Nova Scotia, in the latitudes of 44° and 45°; and that grapes, (vitis vulpina, vitis labrusca) are known to grow wherever these fruits are found.

Du Monts in his voyage to Acadia, in 1608, speaks of grapes in several places; and they were in such plenty on the isle of Orleans in lat. 47° that it was first called the island of Bacchus. ^* Though there is no direct and pos­itive testimony of grapes in the island of New­foundland, it is by no means to be concluded that there were none. Nor is it improbable that grapes, though once found there, might have been so scarce, as not to merit notice, in such general descriptions, as were given by the first English adventurers.

[Page 56]The distance between Greenland and New­foundland is not greater than between Iceland and Norway; and there could be no more difficulty in navigating the western than the eastern parts of the northern Ocean, with such vessels as were then in use, and by such sea­men as the Normans are said to have been; though they knew nothing of the magnetic needle.

Upon the whole, though we can come to no positive conclusion in a question of such remote antiquity; yet there are many cir­cumstances to confirm, and none to disprove the relation given of the voyages of Biron. ^* But if it be allowed that he is entitled to the honour of having discovered America before Columbus, yet this discovery cannot in the least detract from the merit of that cele­brated navigator. For there is no reason to suppose that Columbus had any knowledge of the Norman discoveries; which long be­fore his time were forgotten, and would per­haps never have been recollected, if he had [Page 57] not, by the astonishing exertions of his genius and his persevering industry, effected a dis­covery of this continent, in a climate more friendly to the views of commercial adven­turers.

Even Greenland itself, in the fifteenth century, was known to the Danes and Nor­mans only by the name of lost Greenland; and they did not recover their knowledge of it, till after the English had ascertained its existence by their voyages to discover a N. W. passage to the Pacific Ocean, and the Dutch had coasted it in pursuit of whales.

II. MADOC

THIS person is supposed to have discov­ered America, and brought a colony of his countrymen hither, before the discovery made by Columbus. The story of his emigration from Wales is thus related by Hakluyt, whose book was first published in 1589; and a sec­ond edition of it in 1600.

"The voyage of Madoc, the son of Owen Gwynneth, Prince of North Wales, to the West Indies in the year 1170; taken out of the history of Wales lately published by M. David Powel Doctor of Divinitie."

"After the death of Owen Gwynneth, his sons fell at debate who should inherit after him. For the eldest son born in matrimony Edward or Iorweth Drwydion was counted unmeet to govern, because of the maime upon his face; and Howel, that took upon him all the rule, was a base son begotten of an Irish woman. Therefore David gathered all the power he could and came against Howel, and fighting with him, slew him; and afterward enjoyed quietly the whole land of North [Page 59] Wales, until his brother Iorweth's son came to age.

"MADOC, another of Owen Gwynneth his sons left the land in contention between his brethren and prepared certain ships with men and munition, and sought adventures by sea, sailing west, and leaving the coast of Ireland so far north that he came to a land unknown, where he saw many strange things.

"This land must needs be some part of that country of which the Spaniards affirm themselves to be the first finders, since Han­no's time. [ ^* For by reason and order of cos­mographie, this land to the which Madoc came, must needs be some part of Nova His­pania or Florida.] Whereupon it is manifest that that country was long [before] by Brit­tains discovered, afore [either] Columbus [or Americus Vesputius] led any Spaniards thither.

"Of the voyage and return of that Madoc there be many fables feigned, as the common people do use, in distance of place and length of time, rather to augment than diminish, but sure it is that there he was. And after he had returned home and declared the pleasant and [Page 60] fruitful countries that he had seen without in­habitants; and upon the contrary part, for what wild and barren ground his brethren and nephews did murther one another, he prepar­ed a number of ships and got with him such men and women as were desirous to live in quietness; and taking leave of his friends, took his journey thitherwards again.

"Therefore it is to be presupposed, that he and his people inhabited part of those coun­tries; for it appeareth, by Francis Lopez de Gomara, that in Acuzamil, and other places, the people honoured the cross. Whereby it may be gathered, that Christians had been there before the coming of the Spaniards. But because this people were not many, they followed the manners of the land they came to, and used the language they found there.

"This Madoc arriving in that western country unto the which he came in the year 1170, left most of his people there, and re­turning back for more of his own nation, ac­quaintance and friends, to inhabit that fair and large country, went thither again, with ten sails, as I find noted by Gutyn Owen. I am of opinion that the land whereto he came, was [Page 61] some part of [Mexico; ^* the causes which make me think so be these.

"1. The common report of the inhabit­ants of that country, which affirm that their rulers descended from a strange nation, that came thither from a far country; which thing is confessed by Mutezuma King of that coun­try, in an oration made for quieting of his people at his submission to the King of Cas­tile; Hernando Cortez being then present, which is laid down in the Spanish chronicles of the conquest of the West Indies.

"2. The British words and names of places used in that country even to this day do argue the same; as when they talk to­gether, they use the word Gwrando, which is hearken or listen. Also they have a certain bird with a white head, which they call penguin, that is white head. But the island of Corroeso, the river of Guyndor, and the white rock of Penguyn, which be all British or Welch words, do manifestly shew that it was that country, which Madoc and his peo­ple inhabited."]

" Carmina Meredith filii Rhesi mentionem facientia de Madoco filio Oweni Gwynnedd et [Page 62] de sua navigatione in terras incognitas. Vixit hic Meredith circiter annum Domini 1477.

These verses I received of my learned friend, M. William Camden.

The same in English.

In this extract from Hakluyt is contained all the original information which I have been able to find respecting the supposed discovery of America by the Welch. The account itself is confused and contradictory. The country discovered by Madoc is said to be "without inhabitants;" and yet the people whom he carried thither "followed the man­ners of the land, and used the language they found there." Though the Welch emigrants lost their language, yet the author attempts to prove the truth of his story by the preserva­tion of several Welch words in the American tongues. Among these he is unfortunate in [Page 63] the choice of " penguin a bird with a white head;" all the birds of that name on the American shores having black or dark brown heads, and the name penguin is said to have been originally pinguedine, from their excessive fatness. ^*

Among the proofs which some late writers have adduced in support of the discovery of America by Madoc is this, that a language resembling the Welch was spoken by a tribe of Indians in North-Carolina, and that it is still used by a nation situate on some of the western waters of the Missisippi. If that part of the account preserved by Hakluyt be true, that the language was lost, it is vain to offer an argument of this kind in support of the truth of the story; but a question may here arise, How could any report of the loss of their language have been transmitted to Europe at so early a period?

An attempt has lately been made to ascer­tain the truth of this piece of history by Dr. John Williams. I have not seen the book itself, but if the Critical Reviewers may be credited, ^† no new facts have been adduced. [Page 64] It is remarked by them, that "if Madoc once reached America, it is difficult to explain how he could return home, and it would be more improbable that he should arrive in America a second time; of which there is not the slightest evidence." They also observe, that "if Madoc sailed westward from Wales, the currents would rather have carried him to Nova Scotia than to the southward."

The mentioning of Nova Scotia reminds me of some words in the native language of that country which begin with two syllables resembling the name of Madoc. ^* A sachem of the Penobscot tribe who lived in the end of the last and in the beginning of the present century bore the name of Madokawando. A village on Penobscot river was called Mada­wankee. One branch of the river St. John which runs into the bay of Funda is Medoc­tack and another is Medocscenecasis. The ad­vocates of this opinion may avail themselves as far as they can of this coincidence, but in my apprehension it is too precarious to be the basis of any just conclusion.

After all that has been, or can be said on the subject, we must observe with the Criti­cal [Page 65] Reviewers, that, "if Madoc left Wales and discovered any other country it must al­ways remain uncertain where that country is." Dr. Robertson thinks, if he made any discovery at all, it might be Madeira or one of the Azores. ^*

The book of Hakluyt, in which the original story is preserved, was written in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and in the time of her contro­versy with Spain. The design of his bringing forward the voyage of Madoc appears, from what he says of Columbus, to have been, the assert­ing of a discovery prior to his, and conse­quently the right of the Crown of England to the sovereignty of America; a point at that time warmly contested between the two nations. The remarks which the same au­thor makes on several other voyages, evident­ly tend to the establishment of that claim. But if the story of Biron be true, which (though Hakluyt has said nothing of it) is better authenticated than this of Madoc, the right of the Crown of Denmark is, on the principle of prior discovery, superior to either of them.

Perhaps the whole mystery may be unveil­ed, if we advert to this one circumstance, the [Page 66] time when Hakluyt's book was first published. National prejudice might prevail even with so honest a writer, to convert a Welch fable into a political argument, to support, against a powerful rival, the claim of his sovereign to the dominion of this continent.

III. ZENO.

IT is well known that the Venetians were reckoned among the most expert and ad­venturous of the maritime nations. In that re­public, the family of ZENO or ZENI is not only very ancient, and of high rank; but celebrated for illustrious achievements. Nicolo Zeno, having exhibited great valour in a war with the Genoese, conceived an ardent desire, agreeably to the genius of his nation, to trav­el; that he might, by his acquaintance with foreign nations and languages, render himself more illustrious and more useful. With this view he equipped a vessel at his own expense, and sailed through the straits of Gibraltar to the northward, [A. D. 1380] with an in­tention to visit Britain and Flanders; but by a storm which lasted many days, he was cast away on the coast of Frisland.

The Prince of the country Zichmni (or as Purchas spells it Zichmui) finding Zeno an expert seaman, gave him the command of his fleet, consisting of thirteen vessels, of which two only were rowed with oars; one was a ship, and the rest were small barks. With [Page 68] this fleet, he made conquests and depredations in Ledovo and Ilofo and other small islands; several barks laden with fish being a part of his capture.

Nicolo wrote to his brother Antonio Zeno at Venice, inviting him to Frisland, whither he went, and being taken into the service of Zichmni, continued with him fourteen years. The fleet sailed on an expedition to Estland, where they committed great ravages; but hear­ing that the King of Norway was coming against them with a superior fleet, they departed; and were driven by a storm on shoals, where part of the fleet was wrecked, and the rest were sav­ed on Grisland, "a great island but not inhab­ited."

Zichmni then determined to attack Iceland, which belonged to the King of Norway; but finding it well fortified and defended, and his fleet being diminished, he retired and built a fort in Bress, one of seven small islands, where he left Nicolo and returned to Frisland.

In the next spring Zeno, with three small barks, sailed to the northward on discovery, and arrived at Engroenland; where he found a monastery of Friars, and a Church dedicated to St. Thomas, situate near a volcano, and [Page 69] heated by warm springs flowing from the mountain.

After the death of Nicolo, which happen­ed in about four years, Antonio succeeded him in the command of the fleet; and the prince Zichmni, aiming at the sovereignty of the sea, undertoook an expedition westward, be­cause that some fishermen had discovered rich and populous islands in that quarter.

The report of the fishermen was, that above a thousand miles westward from Frisland, to which distance they had been driven by a tem­pest, there was an island call Estotiland, which they had discovered twenty six years before; that six men in one boat were driven upon the island, and being taken by the inhabitants were brought into a fair and populous city; that the King of the place sent for many in­terpreters, but none was found who could understand the language of the fishermen, ex­cept one who could speak Latin, and he had formerly been cast ashore on the island; that on his reporting their case to the King, he detained them five years, in which time they learned the language; that one of them visited divers parts of the island, and reported, that it was a very rich country, [Page 70] abounding with all the commodities of the world; that it was less than Iceland, but far more fruitful, having in the middle a very high mountain, from which originated four rivers.

The inhabitants were described as very in­genious, having all mechanic arts. They had a peculiar kind of language and letters; and in the King's library were preserved Latin books, which they did not understand. They had all kinds of metals (but especially gold, with which they mightily abounded. ^*) They held traffic with the people of Engroenland, from whence they brought furs, pitch and brimstone. They had many great forests, which supplied them with timber for the building of ships, houses and fortifications. The use of the loadstone was not known; but these fishermen having the mariner's compass, were held in so high estimation, that the King sent them with twelve barks to a country at the southward, called Drogio; where the most of them were killed and devoured by cannibals; but one of them saved himself by showing the savages a way of tak­ing [Page 71] fish by nets, in much greater plenty than by any other mode before known among them. This fisherman was in so great demand with the princes of the country, that they frequently made war on each other for the sake of gaining him. In this manner he pass­ed from one to another, till in the space of thirteen years, he had lived with twenty five different princes; to whom he communicated his "miraculous" art of fishing with nets.

He thus became acquainted with every part of the country, which he described to be so extensive as to merit the name of a new world. The people were rude and ignorant of the use of clothing, though their climate was cold, and afforded beasts for the chace. In their hunting and wars they used the bow and the lance; but they knew not the use of metal.

Farther to the southwest the air was said to be more temperate and the people more civil. They dwelt in cities, built temples, and worshipped idols to whom they offered human victims; and they had plenty of gold and silver.

The fisherman having become fully ac­quainted with the country meditated a return. Having fled through the woods to Drogio, [Page 72] after three years some boats arrived from Es­totiland in one of which he embarked for that country; and having acquired considera­ble property he fitted out a bark of his own and returned to Frisland.

Such was the report of the fisherman; up­on hearing of which Zichmni resolved to equip his fleet and go in search of the new country; Antonio Zeno being the second in command. But "the preparation for the voyage to Estotiland was begun in an evil hour; the fisherman who was to have been the pilot died three days before their depar­ture."

However, taking certain mariners who had sailed with the fisherman, Zichmni began the intended voyage. When he had sailed a small distance to the westward, he was overtaken by a storm which lasted eight days, at the end of which they discovered land, which the natives called Icaria. They were numerous and for­midable and would not permit him to come on shore. From this place they sailed six days to the westward with a fair wind; but a heavy gale from the southward drove them four days before it, when they discovered land, in which was a volcano. The air was mild and temperate, it being the height of summer. [Page 73] They took a great quantity of fish, of sea fowl and their eggs. A party who penetrated the country as far as the foot of the volcano, found a spring, from which issued "a certain water, like pitch, which ran into the sea." They discovered some of the inhabitants who were of small stature and wild; and who, at the approach of the strangers, hid themselves in their caves. Having found a good harbour; Zichmni intended to make a settlement; but his people opposing it, he dismissed part of the fleet under Zeno who returned to Frisland.

The particulars of this narrative were first written by Antonio Zeno, in letters to his brother Carlo, at Venice; from some fragments of which, a compilation was made by Fran­cisco Marcolini, and preserved by Ramusio. It was translated by Richard Hakluyt, and printed in the third volume of the second edition of his collections, page 121, &c. From it Ortelius has made an extract in his Theatrum orbis.

Dr. Forster has taken much pains to exam­ine the whole account, both geographically and historically. The result of his inquiry is, that Frisland is one of the Orkneys; that Porland is the cluster of islands called Faro; and that Estland is Shetland.

[Page 74]At first indeed he was of opinion that "the countries described by the Zenos actually ex­isted at that time, but had since been swal­lowed up by the sea, in a great earthquake." ^* This opinion he founded on the probability that all the high islands in the middle of the sea are of volcanic original; as is evident with respect to Iceland and the Faro islands in the North Sea; the Azores, Teneriffe, Madeira, the Cape de Verds, St. Helena and Ascension in the Atlantic; the Society Islands, Otaheite, Easter, the Marquesas, and other islands in the Pacific. This opinion he was induced to relinquish, partly because "so great a re­volution must have left behind it some histo­rical vestiges or traditions;" but, principally, because his knowledge of the Runic language suggested to him a resemblance between the names mentioned by Zeno and those which are given to some of the islands of Orkney, Shetland, Faro and the Hebrides.

However presumptuous it may appear to call in question the opinion of so learned and diligent an inquirer, on a subject, which his philological and geographical knowledge [Page 75] must enable him to examine with the greatest precision; yet, from the search which I have had opportunity to make, it appears probable to me that his first opinion was right, as far as it respects Frisland, and perhaps Porland. My reasons are these:

1. Dr. Forster says that Frisland was "much larger than Iceland;" ^* and Hakluyt, in his account of Zeno's voyage, speaks of it as "bigger than Ireland." ^† Neither of these accounts can agree with the supposition of its being one of the Orkneys; for Iceland is 346 miles long and 200 wide. Ireland is 310 in length, and 184 in breadth; but Pomona, the mainland of the Orkneys, is but 22 miles long and 20 wide.

2. Frisland was seen by Martin Frobisher in each of his three voyages to and from Greenland in the years 1576, 1577, and 1578. ^§ In his first voyage he took his de­parture from Foula, the westernmost of the Shetland Islands, in lat. 60° 30′, and after sailing W. by N. fourteen days, he made the land of Frisland, "bearing W. N. W. distant 16 leagues, in lat. 61°." In his second voyage he sailed from the Orkneys W. N. W. twen­ty [Page 76] six days, before he came "within making of Frisland;" which he thus describes.

"July 4th. We made land perfect, and knew it to be Frisland. Found ourselves in lat. 60½° and were fallen in with the south­ernmost part of this land. It is thought to be in bigness not inferior to England; and is called of some authors West Frisland. I think it lieth more west than any part of Europe. It extendeth to the north very far, as seemed to us; and appeareth by a description set out by two brethren Nicolo and Antonio Zeni; who being driven off from Ireland about 200 years since, were shipwrecked there. They have in their sea charts described every part, and, for so much of the land as we have sailed along, comparing their charts with the coast, we find it very agreeable. All along this coast the ice lieth as a continual bulwark, and so defendeth the country, that those who would land there incur great danger." ^† In his third voyage he found means to land on the island. The inhabitants fled and hid themselves. Their tents were made of skins and their boats were like those of Greenland. From these well authenticated accounts of [Page 77] Frisland, and its situation so far westward of the Orkneys and Shetland, it seems impossible that Dr. Forster's second opinion can be right.

3. One of the reasons which led the Doctor to give up his first opinion, that these lands once existed, but had disappeared, was, that so great a revolution must have left some vestige behind. If no person escaped to tell the news, what better vestige can there be, than the existence of shoals or rocks, in the places where these islands once were known to be? In a map prefixed to Crantz's history of Green­land, there is marked a very extensive shoal between the latitudes of 59° and 60°, called "The sunken land of Buss." Its longitude is between Iceland and Greenland, and the author speaks of it in these words, "Some are of opinion that Frisland was sunk by an earth­quake; and that it was situate in those parts where the sunken land of Buss is marked in the maps; which the seamen cautiously a­void, because of the shallow ground and tur­bulent waves." ^*

Respecting Buss Island I have met with no other account than what is preserved by Pur­chas ^† in his abridgment of the journal of [Page 78] James Hall's voyages from Denmark to Greenland. In his first voyage [A. D. 1605] he remarks thus, "Being in the latitude of 59°½ we looked to have seen Busse Island; but I do verily suppose the same to be placed in a wrong latitude in the marine charts." In his second voyage [1606] he saw land which he "supposed to be Busse Island lying more to the westward than it is placed in the ma­rine charts," and the next day, viz. July 2d. he writes, "we were in a great current set­ting S. S. W. which I suppose to set between Busse Island and Frisland over toward Ameri­ca."

In a fourth voyage made in 1612 by the same James Hall, from England, for the dis­covery of a N. W. passage, of which there is a journal written by John Gatonbe and pre­served in Churchill's Collections, ^* they kept a good look out both in going and returning for the island of Frisland but could not see it. In a map prefixed to this voyage, Frisland is laid down between the latitude of 61° and 62°; and Buss in the latitude of 57°. In Gaton­be's journal the distance between Shetland and Frisland is computed to be 260 leagues, the [Page 79] southernmost part of Frisland and the north­ernmost part of Shetland are said to be in the same latitude. There is also a particular map of Frisland preserved by Purchas ^* in which are delineated several towns and cities; the two islands of Ilofo and Ledovo are laid down to the westward of it, and another called Stro­mio to the eastward.

In a map of the North Seas prefixed to an anonymous account of Greenland, in Church­ill's Collection ^† we find Frisland laid down in the latitude 62, between Iceland and Greenland.

We have then no reason to doubt the exis­tence of these islands as late as the beginning of the last century; at what time they dis­appeared is uncertain, but that their place has since been occupied by a shoal, we have also credible testimony.

The appearance and disappearance of islands in the northern sea is no uncommon thing. Besides former events of this kind there is one very recent. In the year 1783, by means of a volcanic eruption, two islands were produc­ed in the sea near the S. E. coast of Iceland. One was supposed to be so permanent, that the [Page 80] King of Denmark sent and took formal pos­session of it as part of his dominions; but the Ocean, paying no regard to the territorial claim of a mortal sovereign, has since reabsorbed it in his watery bosom. ^*

These reasons incline me to believe that Dr. Forster's first opinion was well founded, as far as it respects Frisland.

He supposes Porland to be the cluster of islands called Faro ^†. But Porland is said to lie south ^‡ of Frisland; whereas the Faro Islands lie northwest of Orkney, which he sup­poses to be Frisland. The learned Doctor, who is in general very accurate, was not aware of this inconsistency.

In the account which Hakluyt has given of Martin Frobisher's third voyage, we find that one of his ships, the Buss of Bridgewater, in her return fell in with land, 50 leagues S. E. of Frisland "which (it is said) was never found before" the southernmost part of which lay in latitude 57°½. Along the coast of this land, which they judged to extend 25 leagues, they sailed for three days. ²⁵ The existence of [Page 81] this land, Dr. Forster seems to doubt; but yet allows that "if it was then really discovered it must have sunk afterwards into the sea, as it has never been seen again; or else these navigators must have been mistaken in their reckoning."

If such an island or cluster of islands did exist in the situation described by Frobisher, it might be the Porland of Zeno; for the southernmost part of Frisland lay in the lat­itude of 60°½; the southernmost part of this land in 57°½ in a direction S. E. from it. It was probably called Buss, by the English, from the name of Frobisher's vessel which discover­ed it.

The only proof which can now be produc­ed of this fact must be the actual existence of rocks and shoals in or near the same place. Of this, it is happily in my power to produce the evidence of two experienced shipmasters, of incontestible veracity, now living. The first is Isaac Smith of Malden, near Boston, from whose log book I have made the follow­ing extract. "In a voyage from Petersburg to Boston, in the ship Thomas and Sarah, be­longing to Thomas Russell, Esq. of Boston, Merchant, Thursday, August 11, 1785, course [Page 82] W. N. W. wind W. S. W. At 4 A. M. discovered a large rock a head, which for some time we took to be a ship under close reefed topsail. At 7, being within two miles, saw breakers under our lee, on which account wore ship. There are breakers in two places bearing S. E; one a mile, the other two miles from the rock. It lies in lat. 57° 38′; lon­gitude West from London 13° 36′; and may be discovered five leagues off. We sounded and had 56 fathom. The rock appears to be about 100 yards in circumference and 50 feet above water. It makes like a hay stack, black be­low and white on the top." The other is Nathaniel Goodwin, of Boston, who, in his homeward passage from Amsterdam, on the 15th of August 1793, saw the same rock. According to his observation, (which however on that day was a little dubious) it lies in lat. 57° 48′ and lon. 13° 46′. He passed within two miles of it to the southward and saw breakers to the northward of it. Its appear­ance he describes in the same manner with Smith.

From these authorities I am strongly in­clined to believe that the shoal denominat­ed "the sunken land of Buss" is either a [Page 83] part of the ancient Frisland or of some island in its neighbourhood; and that the rock and ledges seen by Smith and Goodwin, belonged to the cluster once called Porland. If these conclusions be admitted, there can be no sus­picion of fiction in the story of Zeno, as far as it respects Prince Zichmni, and his expedi­tions. Shetland may then well enough agree with Estland, which is described by Hakluyt as lying "between Frisland and Norway." ^*

The only place which in Zeno's relation is called by the same name, by which it is now known, is Iceland; though there can be no doubt that Engroenland, or Engroveland, is the same with Greenland; where, according to Crantz, there was once a church dedicated to St. Thomas, and situate near a volcano and a hot spring. ^†

But the question is, where shall we find Estotiland? Dr. Forster is positive that "it cannot be any other country, than Winland (discovered in 1001) where the Normans made a settlement." The Latin books seen there by the fisherman, he supposes to have been the library of Eric, Bishop of Greenland, who went thither in the twelfth century to [Page 84] convert his countrymen. He is also of opi­nion that this fisherman had the use of the magnetic needle which began to be known in Europe about the year 1302, before the time of the Zenos. He also thinks that the country called Drogio is the same with Florida.

In some of the old maps, particularly in Sanson's French Atlas, the name Estotiland is marked on the country of Labrador; but the pompous description of it by the fisher­man, whether it be Labrador or Newfound­land, exceeds all the bounds of credibility, and abuses even the licence of a traveller. The utmost extent of Zichmni's expedition, in consequence of the fisherman's report, could not be any farther westward than Greenland, to which his description well agrees. The original inhabitants were short of stature, half wild and lived in caverns; and between the years 1380 and 1384 they had extirpated the Normans and the monks of St. Thomas.

The discovery of Estotiland must therefore rest on the report of the fisherman; but the description of it, of Drogio, and the Coun­try S. W. of Drogio must be ranked in the fabulous history of America; and would pro­bably [Page 85] have been long since forgotten, if Chris­topher Columbus had not made his grand dis­covery; from the merit of which, his rivals and the enemies of the Spanish nation have uniformly endeavoured to detract.

IV. CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.

THE adventures which have been al­ready spoken of were more the result of acci­dent than design; we are now entering on one, founded in science and conducted by judg­ment; an adventure, which whether we re­gard its conception, its execution, or its con­sequences, will always reflect the highest hon­our on him, who projected it.

About the middle of the fifteenth century, when the Portuguese under the conduct of Prince Henry, and afterward of King John II. were pushing their discoveries along the wes­tern shore of Africa, to find a passage by the south to India; a genius arose, whose memory has been preserved with veneration in the pages of history, as the instrument of enlarging the region of science and commerce, beyond any of his predecessors. CHRISTOPHER CO­LUMBUS, a native of the Republic of Genoa, was born in the year 1447, and at the age of fourteen entered on a seafaring life, as the proper sphere, in which his vigorous mind was destined to perform exploits which [Page 87] should astonish mankind. ^* He was educated in the sciences of Geometry and Astronomy, which form the basis of navigation; and he was well versed in Cosmography, History and Philosophy. His active and enterprising ge­nius, though it enabled him to comprehend the old systems, yet would not suffer him to rest in their decisions, however sanctified by time or by venerable names; but determined to examine them by actual experiment, he first visited the seas within the polar circle, and afterward those parts of Africa, which the Portuguese had discovered, as far as the coast of Guinea; and by the time that he had at­tained the age of thirty seven, he had from his own experience received the fullest con­viction, that the opinion of the ancients respecting the torrid and frigid zones was void of any just foundation.

When an old system is found erroneous in one point, it is natural to suspect it of farther imperfections; and when one difficulty is overcome, others appear less formidable. Such was the case with Columbus; and his views were accelerated by an incident, which threat­ened [Page 88] to put an end to his life. During one of his voyages, the ship in which he sailed took fire, in an engagement with a Venetian galley, and the crew were obliged to leap into the sea, to avoid perishing in the flames. In this extremity, Columbus, by the help of a floating oar, swam upwards of two leagues to the coast of Portugal near Lisbon, and met with a welcome reception from many of his countrymen who were settled there.

At Lisbon, he married the daughter of Perestrello, an old seaman, who had been con­cerned in the discovery of Porto Santo and Madeira; from whose journals and charts, he received the highest entertainment. Pur­suing his inquiries in Geography, and observ­ing what slow progress the Portuguese made in their attempts to find a way round Africa to India, "he began to reflect that as the Portuguese travelled so far southward, it were no less proper to sail westward," and that it was reasonable to expect to find the desired land in that direction.

It must here be remembered, that India was in part known to the ancients, and that its rich and useful productions had for many centuries been conveyed into Europe, either [Page 89] by caravans through the desarts of Syria and Arabia; or by the way of the Red Sea, through Egypt, into the Mediterranean. ^* This lucrative commerce had been successive­ly engrossed by the Phenicians, the Hebrews, the Egyptians, the Assyrians, the Palmyrenes, the Arabians, the Genoese and the Venetians. The Portuguese were then seeking it by at­tempting the circumnavigation of Africa; and their expectation of finding it in that di­rection was grounded on ancient historical traditions, that a voyage had been formerly made by the orders of Necho King of Egypt, from the Red Sea, round the southern part of Africa to the straits of Hercules; and that the same route had been traversed by Hanno the Carthaginian, by Eudoxus the Egyptian, and others. The Portuguese had consumed about half a century in making va­rious attemps, and had advanced no farther, on the western coast of Africa, than just to cross the Equator, when Columbus conceived his great design of finding India in the west.

The causes which led him to entertain this idea are distinguished by his son, the writer of his life, into these three; "natural reason, [Page 90] the authority of writers, and the testimony of sailors."

By the help of "reason," he argued in this manner: That the earth and sea composed one globe or sphere. This was known by observing the shadow of the earth in lunar eclipses. Hence he concluded that it might be travelled over from east to west, or from west to east. It had been explored to the east by some European travellers as far as Cipango, or Japan; and as far westward as the Azores or Western Islands. The remaining space, though now known to be more than half, he supposed to be but one third part of the cir­cumference of the globe. If this space were an open sea, he imagined it might be easily sailed over; and if there were any land extend­ing eastwardly beyond the known limits of Asia, he supposed that it must be nearer to Spain by the west, than by the east. For, it was then a received opinion that the conti­nent and islands of India extended over one third part of the circumference of the globe; that another third part was comprehended between India and the western shore of Spain; therefore it was concluded, that the eastern part of India must be as near to Spain [Page 91] as the western part. This opinion though now known to be erroneous, yet being then admitted as true, made it appear to Columbus very easy and practicable to discover India in the west. He hoped also that between Spain and India, in that direction, there might be found some islands; by the help of which, as resting places in his voyage, he might the better pursue his main design. The probabil­ity of the existence of land in that Ocean, he argued, partly from the opinion of philoso­phers, that there was more land than sea on the surface of the globe; and partly from the necessity of a counterpoise in the west, for the immense quantity of land which was known to be in the east.

Another source, from which he drew his conclusion, was, "the authority of learned men," who had affirmed the possibility of sailing from the western coast of Spain, to the eastern bounds of India. Some of the ancient Geographers had admitted this for truth, and one of them ^* had affirmed that forty days were sufficient to perform this navigation. These authorities fell in with the theory which Columbus had formed; and having, as early as 1474, communicated his ideas in [Page 92] writing, to Paul a learned physician of Flo­rence, he received from him letters of that date, confirming his opinion and encouraging his design; accompanied with a chart, in which Paul had laid down the city of Quisay (sup­posed to be the capital of China) but little more than two thousand leagues westward from Lisbon, which in fact is but half the distance. Thus, by arguing from true prin­ciples, and by indulging conjectures partly well founded and partly erroneous, Columbus was led to the execution of a plan, bold in its conception, and, to his view, easily practicable; for great minds overlook intermediate obsta­cles, which men of smaller views magnify into insuperable difficulties.

The third ground on which he formed his idea was "the testimony of mariners;" a class of men who at that time, and in that imper­fect state of science, were too prone to mix fable with fact; and were often misled by appearances, which they could not solve. In the sea, between Madcira and the Western Islands, pieces of carved wood and large joints of cane had been discovered, which were sup­posed to be brought by westerly winds. Branch­es of pine trees, a covered canoe, and two hu­man [Page 93] bodies of a complexion different from the Europeans and Africans had been found on the shores of these islands. Some navigators had affirmed, that they had seen islands not more than an hundred leagues westward from the Azores. There was a tradition, that when Spain was conquered by the Moors in the eighth century, seven Bishops, who were exiled from their country, had built seven cities and churches, on an island called An­tilla; which was supposed to be not more than two hundred leagues west of the Canaries; and it was said that a Portuguese ship had once discovered this island, but could never find it again. These stories, partly true and partly fabulous, had their effect on the mind of Columbus. He believed that islands were were to be found, westward of the Azores and Canaries; though according to his theory, they were at a greater distance than any of his contemporaries had imagined. His candour led him to adopt an opinion from Pliny res­pecting floating islands, by the help of which he accounted for the appearances related to him, by his marine brethren. It is not im­probable that the large islands of floating ice, driven from the Polar Seas to the southward; [Page 94] or the Fog Banks, which form many singu­lar appearances resembling land and trees, might have been the true foundation of this opinion and of these reports. ^*

[Page 95]It is not pretended that Columbus was the only person of his age who had acquired these ideas of the form, dimensions and balancing of the globe; but he was one of the few who had begun to think for themselves, and he had a genius of that kind, which makes use of speculation and reasoning only as excite­ments to action. He was not a closet pro­jector, but an enterprising adventurer; and having established his theory on principles, he was determined to exert himself to the utmost, to demonstrate its truth by experi­ment. But deeming the enterprise too great to be undertaken by any but a sovereign state, he first applied (as it is said) to the Republic of Genoa, by whom his project was treated as visionary. ^* He then proposed his plan to [Page 96] John II. King of Portugal, who, though a Prince of good understanding and of an en­terprising disposition, yet was so deeply engag­ed in prosecuting discoveries on the African coast, with a view to find a way to India round that continent; and had been at so vast an ex­pense without any considerable success, that he had no inclination to accept the terms which Columbus proposed. Influenced how­ever by the advice of Calzadilla, a favourite courtier, he privately gave orders to a ship, bound to the islands of Cape de Verd, to at­tempt a discovery in the west; but through ignorance and want of enterprise, the naviga­tors, after wandering for some time in the o­cean and making no discovery, reached their destined port and turned the project of Co­lumbus into ridicule.

Disgusted with this base artifice, he quitted Portugal, and went to Ferdinand, King of Spain, having previously sent his brother to England to solicit the patronage of Henry VII. But being taken by pirates, and detain­ed several years in captivity, Bartholomew had it not in his power to reveal his project to [Page 97] Henry, till Christopher Columbus had suc­ceeded in Spain. Before this could be ac­complished, he had various obstacles to sur­mount; and it was not till after seven years of painful solicitation that he obtained his re­quest.

The objections made to the proposal of Columbus, by the most learned men in Spain, to whom the consideration of it was referred, will give us some idea of the state of geogra­phical science at that time. One objection was, How should he know more than all the wise men and skilful sailors who had existed since the creation? Another was the authori­ty of Seneca, who had doubted whether it were possible to navigate the ocean at any great distance from the shore; but admitting that it were navigable, they imagined, that three years would be required to perform the voyage, which Columbus proposed. A third was, that if a ship should sail westward on a round globe, she would necessarily go down, on the opposite side, and then it would be impossible to return, because it would be like climbing up a hill, which no ship could do with the strongest wind. A fourth objection was grounded on a book of St. Augustine, [Page 98] in which he had expressed his doubt of the existence of antipodes and the possibility of going from one hemisphere to the other. As the writings of this Holy Father had received the sanction of the Church, to contradict him was deemed heresy.

For such reasons, and by such reasoners, the proposal of Columbus was at first rejected; but by the influence of John Perez, a Spanish Priest, and Lewis Santangel, an officer of the King's houshold, Queen Isabella was persuad­ed to listen to his solicitation, and after he had been twice repulsed, to recal him to Court; when she offered to pawn her jewels to defray the expense of the equipment, amount­ing to no more than 2500 crowns; which sum was advanced by Santangel, and the Queen's jewels were saved. Thus, to the generous decision of a female mind, we owe the discovery of America.

The conditions stipulated between Ferdi­nand and Isabella on the one part, and Co­lumbus on the other part, were these: "That he, his heirs and successors, should hold the office of Admiral in all those Islands and Con­tinents which he should discover; that he should be Viceroy and Governor of the same▪ [Page 99] with power of nominating three associates, of whom their majesties should appoint one. That he should have one tenth part of the neat proceeds of all the gold, and silver, pre­cious stones, spice and other merchandise which should be found; that he, or a deputy of his own appointing, should decide all con­troversies respecting the trade; that he should be at one eighth part of the expense of equip­ping the first fleet, and should receive one eighth part of the profits."

The necessary preparations being made, and a year's provision laid in, on the 3d of August, 1492, Columbus sailed from Palos, a port of Spain, on the Mediterranean, with three ves­sels, one of which was called a carrack, and the other two, caravels; ^* having on board, the whole, ninety men. Having passed through the straits of Gibraltar, he arrived at the Canaries, on the 12th of the same month; where he was detained in refitting one of the caravels, and taking in wood and water, till the 6th of September, when he sailed west­ward on his voyage of discovery.

This voyage, which now is considered as an easy and pleasant run, between the latitudes [Page 100] of 20 and 30 degrees, with a trade wind, was then the boldest attempt which had ever been made, and filled the minds of the best seamen with apprehension. They were going direct­ly from home, and from all hope of relief, if any accident should befal them. No friendly port nor human being was known to be in that direction. Every bird which flew in the air, every fish which appeared in the sea, and every weed which floated on its surface, was regarded with the most minute attention, as if the fate of the voyage depended on it. A phenomenon which had never before been observed struck them with terror. The mag­netic needle appeared to vary from the pole: They began to apprehend that their compass would prove an unfaithful guide; and the trade wind, which wafted them along with its friendly wings, they feared would obstruct their return.

To be twenty days at sea, without sight of land, was what the boldest mariner had never before attempted. At the expiration of that time the impatient sailors began to talk of throwing their commander into the ocean, and returning home. Their murmurs reach­ed his ears; but his active mind was never at [Page 101] a loss for expedients, even in the greatest ex­tremity. By soothing, flattery, and artifice, by inventing reasons for every uncommon ap­pearance, by promising rewards to the obedi­ent, and a gratuity to him who should first dis­cover land, in addition to what the King had ordered; and by deceiving them in the ship's reckoning, he kept them on their course for sixteen days longer. In the night of the 11th of October, he himself saw a light, which seemed to be on shore, and in the morning of the 12th, they had the joyful sight of land, which proved to be the island of Guanahana, one of the cluster called Bahamas, in the 25th degree of north latitude.

Thus in the space of thirty six days, and in the 45th year of his age, Columbus complet­ed a voyage which he had spent twenty years in projecting and executing; a voyage which opened to the Europeans a new world; which gave a new turn to their thoughts, to their spirit of enterprise and of commerce; which enlarged the empire of Spain, and stamped with immortality the name of Columbus.

After spending several months in sailing from one island to another in that vast archi­pelago, which, from the mistakes of the age [Page 102] received the name of the West-Indies. Colum­bus returned to Spain with the two smaller vessels, (the larger having been wrecked on the island of Hispaniola) leaving behind him a colony of thirty nine men, furnished with a year's provision, and lodged in a fort which had been built of the timber saved from the wreck. During his passage he met with a violent tempest which threatened him with destruction. In this extremity, he gave an admirable proof of his calmness and foresight. He wrote on parchment an account of his discoveries, wrapped it in a piece of oiled cloth, and inclosed it in a cake of wax, which he put into a tight cask and threw into the sea. Another parchment, secured in the same manner, he placed on the stern, that if the ship should sink, the cask might float, and possibly one or the other might be driven on shore, or taken up at sea by some future navi­gator. But this precaution proved fruitless. He arrived safe in Spain, in March, 1493, and was received with the honours due to his merit.

The account which Columbus gave of his new discoveries, the specimens of gold and other valuable productions, and the sight of [Page 103] the natives which he carried from the West-Indies to Spain, were so pleasing that the court determined on another expedition. But first it was necessary to obtain the sanction of the Pope, who readily granted it; and by an imaginary line, drawn from pole to pole, at the distance of one hundred leagues westward of the Azores, he divided between the crowns of Spain and Portugal, all the new countries already discovered or to be discov­ered; giving the western part to the former, and the eastern to the latter. No provision however was made, in case that they should meet, and their claims should interfere on the opposite side of the globe. The bull, con­taining this famous but imperfect line of de­markation, was signed by Alexander VI. on the second day of May, 1493; and on the 28th of the same month, the King and Queen of Spain, by a written instrument, explained and confirmed the privileges and powers which they had before granted to Columbus, making the office of Viceroy and Governor of the Indies hereditary in his family. On the 25th of September following, he sailed from Cadiz, with a fleet of seventeen ships, great and small, well furnished with all neces­saries [Page 104] for the voyage; and having on board 1500 people, with horses, cattle, and imple­ments to establish plantations.

On Sunday the third of November, he dis­covered an island, to which, in honour of the day, he gave the name of Dominica. After­ward he discovered in succession other islands, which he called Marigalante, Guadaloupe, Montserrat, Redonda, Antigua, St. Martin's, St. Ursula, and St. John. On the 12th of November he came to Navidad, on the North side of Hispaniola, where he had built his fort, and left his colony; but he had the mortification to find, that the people were all dead, and that the fort had been destroyed.

The account given by the natives, of the loss of the colony, was, that they fell into dis­cord among themselves, on the usual subjects of controversy, women and gold; that having provoked a chief, whose name was Canaubo, he came against them with a superior force, and destroyed them; that some of the natives, in attempting to defend them, had been kill­ed, and others were then ill of their wounds; which, on inspection, appeared to have been made with Indian weapons.

Columbus prudently forbore to make any critical inquiry into the matter; but hasted [Page 105] to establish another colony, in a more eligible situation, to the eastward; which he called Isabella, after his royal patroness. He had many difficulties to contend with, besides those which unavoidably attend undertakings of such novelty and magnitude. Nature in­deed was bountiful: the soil and climate pro­duced vegetation, with a rapidity to which the Spaniards had not been accustomed. From wheat sown at the end of January, full ears were gathered at the end of March. The stones of fruit, the slips of vines and the joints of sugar cane sprouted in seven days, and ma­ny other seeds in half the time. This was an encouraging prospect; but the slow ope­rations of agriculture did not meet the views of sanguine adventurers. The numerous fol­lowers of Columbus, some of whom were of the best families in Spain, had conceived hopes of suddenly enriching themselves, by the pre­cious metals of those new regions; and were not disposed, to listen to his recommendations of patience and industry, in cultivating the earth. The natives were displeased with the licentiousness of their new neighbours; who endeavoured to keep them in awe by a dis­play of force. The explosion of fire arms, [Page 106] and the sight of men mounted on horses, were at first, objects of terror; but use had render­ed them less formidable. Columbus, over­burdened with care and fatigue, fell sick, and at his recovery, found a mutiny among his men; which, by a due mixture of resolution and lenity, he had the address to quell. He then endeavoured to establish discipline among his own people, and to employ the natives in cutting roads through the woods. Whilst he was present, and able to attend to business, things went on so prosperously, that he thought he might safely proceed on his dis­coveries.

In his former voyage he had visited Cuba; but was uncertain whether it were an island or a part of some continent. He therefore passed over to its eastern extremity; and coast­ed its southern side, till he found himself en­tangled among a vast number of small islands, which for their beauty and fertility he called the Garden of the Queen; but the dangerous rocks and shoals, which surrounded them, obliged him to stretch farther to the south­ward; by which means, he discovered the island of Jamaica; where he found water and other refreshments for his men, who were [Page 107] almost dead with famine. The hazard, fa­tigue and distress of this voyage, threw him into a lethargic disorder, from which he had just recovered, when he returned to his colo­ny and found it all in confusion; from the same causes which had proved destructive to the first.

In his absence, the licentiousness of the Spaniards had provoked several of the chiefs; four of whom had united to destroy them, and had actually commenced hostilities, in which twenty Spaniards were killed. Co­lumbus collected his people, put them into the best order, and by a judicious combination of force and stratagem gained a decisive victo­ry, to which the horses and dogs did not a little contribute.

At his return to Hispaniola, he had the pleasure of meeting his brother Bartholomew, whom he had not seen for several years, and whom he supposed to have been dead. Bar­tholomew was a man of equal knowledge, ex­perience, bravery and prudence with himself. His patience had endured a severe trial in their long separation. He had many obstacles to surmount, before he could get to England and obtain access to the King. He was at [Page 108] Paris when he heard of the success of his brother's first enterprize; who had gone on the second, before Bartholomew could get to Spain. On his arrival there, and being intro­duced to the court, he was appointed to the command of three ships, which were des­tined to convey supplies to the colony; and he arrived whilst Christopher was absent on his voyage to Cuba and Jamaica. Columbus ap­pointed his brother to command at Isabella, whilst he went into the interior part of the island, to perfect his conquest, and reduce the natives to subjection and tribute.

The Indians were so unused to collect gold dust, in such quantities as their conquerors demanded it, that they offered to plant the immense plains of Hispaniola, and pay an e­quivalent in corn. Columbus was struck with the magnanimity of the proposal; and in con­sequence, moderated the tribute. This did not satisfy the avarice of his fellow adventu­rers, who found means to complain of him to the King's ministers, for his negligence in acquiring the only commodity, which they thought deserved the name of riches. The Indians then desisted from planting their usual quantity of corn, and attempted to subsist [Page 109] chiefly on animal food. This experiment proved injurious to themselves as well as to their conquerors; and it was computed, that within four years, from the first discovery of the island, one third part of its inhabitants perished.

The complaints against Columbus so wrought on the jealous mind of King Ferdi­nand, that John Aguado, who was sent, in 1495, with supplies to the colony, had or­ders to act as a spy on his conduct. This man behaved with so little discretion, as to seek matter of accusation, and give out threats against the Admiral. At the same time, the ships which he commanded, being destroyed by a hurricane, he had no means left to return; till Columbus, knowing that he had enemies at home and nothing to support him but his own merit, resolved to go to Spain, with two caravels; himself in one, and Aguado in the other. Having appointed proper persons to command the several forts; his brother Bar­tholomew to superintend the whole, and his brother James to be next in authority; he set sail on the tenth of March 1496, and after a perilous and tedious voyage, in the tropical [Page 110] latitudes, arrived at Cadiz on the eleventh of June.

His presence at Court, with the gold and other valuable articles which he carried home, removed, in some measure, the prejudices which had been excited against him. But his enemies, though silent, were not idle; and in a court, where phlegm and languor proved a clog to the spirit of enterprize, they found it not difficult to obstruct his views; which, notwithstanding all discouragements, were still pointed to the discovery of a way to India by the west.

He now demanded eight ships, to carry supplies to his colony, and six to go on dis­covery. These demands were complied with, and he began his third voyage on the thir­tieth of May 1498. He kept a course so far to the southward, that not only his men, but his provisions and water suffered greatly from ex­cessive heat. The first land he made after leaving the Isles of Cape de Verd, was a large island which he named Trinidad, from its ap­pearance in the form of three mountains. He then passed through a narrow strait and whirl­pool into the gulf of Paria; where, observ­ing the tide to be rapid, and the water brack­ish, [Page 111] he conjectured, that the land, on the western and southern sides of the gulf, was part of a continent; and that the fresh water proceeded from some great rivers.

The people on the coast of Paria were whiter than those of the islands. They had about their necks plates of gold and strings of pearl; which they readily exchanged for piec­es of tin and brass, and little bells; and when they were questioned whence they obtained the gold and pearls, they pointed to the west.

The Admiral's provision not allowing him to stay long in this place; he passed again, through that dangerous strait, to which he gave the name of the Dragon's Mouth; and having satisfied himself, that the land on his left was a continent, he steered to the N. W; discovering Margarita and several other islands in his course; and on the thirtieth of August, arrived at the harbour of St. Domingo, in Hispaniola; to which place his brother had removed the colony in his absence, in con­sequence of a plan preconcerted between them.

Wearied with incessant care and watching, in this dangerous voyage, he hoped now to enjoy repose; instead of which he found his colony much reduced by deaths; many of [Page 112] the survivors sick, with a disease, the peculiar consequence of their debauchery; and a large number of them in actual rebellion. They had formed themselves into a body; they had gained over many of the Indians, under pre­tence of protecting them; and they had retir­ed to a distant part of the island, which prov­ed a resort for the seditious and discontented. Their commander was Francis Roldan, who had been Chief Justice of the colony; and their number was so considerable, that Columbus could not command a force sufficient to subdue them. He therefore entered into a negociation, by offering a pardon to those who would submit, and liberty of returning to Spain to those who desired it. These offers, however impolitic, proved successful. Roldan himself accepted them, and persuaded others to do the same; then, being restored to his office, he tried and condemned the refractory, some of whom were put to death.

An account of this mutiny was sent home to Spain by Columbus and another by Rol­dan. Each had their advocates at court, and the cause was heard by the King and Queen. Roldan and his men were accused of adultery, perjury, robbery, murder, and disturbing the [Page 113] peace of the whole island; whilst Columbus was charged with cruelty to individuals, aim­ing at independence, and engrossing the tribute. It was insinuated, that not being a native of Spain, he had no proper respect for the noble fami­lies, who had become adventurers; and that the debts due to them could not be recovered. It was suggested, that if some remedy were not speedily applied, there was danger that he would revolt, and join with some other Prince; and that to compass this design, he had con­cealed the real wealth of the colony, and pre­vented the conversion of the Indians to the Catholic faith.

These insinuations prevailed on the jea­lousy of Ferdinand, and even staggered the constancy of Isabella. They resolved to ap­point a judge, who should examine facts on the spot; and if he should find the Admiral guilty, to supersede him. For this purpose they sent Francis Bovadilla, a man of noble rank, but whose poverty alone recommended him to the office. Furnished with these pow­ers, he arrived at St. Domingo, when Colum­bus was absent; took lodgings in his house; invited accusers to appear against him; seized on his effects, and finally sent him and both [Page 114] his brothers to Spain in three different ships, but all loaded with irons.

The master of the ship in which the Admiral sailed had so much respect for him, that, when he had got to sea, he offered to take off his fetters; but Columbus nobly declared, that he would permit that honour to be done him, by none but his sovereign. In this hu­miliating confinement, he was delivered to Fonseca, Bishop of Badajos, who had been the chief instigator of all these rigorous proceed­ings, and to whom had been committed the affairs of the Indies.

Not content with robbing Columbus of his liberty, this prejudiced ecclesiastic would have deprived him of his well earned reputation of having first discovered the new continent. With the accusations which Columbus had sent home against Roldan, he had transmitted an account of the discovery of the coast of Paria, which he justly supposed to be part of a continent. Ojeda, an active officer, who had sailed with Columbus in his second voy­age, was at court when these dispatches arriv­ed, and saw the draught of the discovery, with the specimens of gold and pearls, which the Admiral had sent home. Being a favourite [Page 115] of Fonseca, he easily obtained leave to pursue the discovery. Some merchants of Seville were prevailed upon to equip four ships; with which, in 1499, Ojeda followed the track of Columbus, and made land on the coast of Paria. Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine merchant, well skilled in geography and navigation, accompanied Ojeda in this voyage; and by publishing the first book and chart, describing the new world, obtained the hon­our of having it called AMERICA. This however did not happen till after the death of Columbus. Several other adventurers fol­lowed the same track, and all supposed that the continent which they had seen, was part of India.

As soon as it was known, that Columbus was arrived at Cadiz, (Nov. 5, 1500) in the disgraceful situation abovementioned, the King and Queen, ashamed of the orders which they had given, commanded him to be released, and invited him to court, where they apologized for the misbehaviour of their new Governor, and not only promised to recal him, but to restore to the Admiral all his effects. Co­lumbus could not forget the ignominy. He preserved the fetters, hung them up in his [Page 116] apartment, and ordered them to be buried in his grave.

Instead of reinstating him in his government according to the original contract, the King and Queen sent Ovando, to Hispaniola, to supersede Bovadilla; and only indulged Co­lumbus in pursuing his darling project, the discovery of India by the west, which he still hoped to accomplish. He sailed again from Cadiz, on the fourth of May, 1502; with four vessels, carrying one hundred and forty men and boys; of which number were his brother Bartholomew and his son Ferdinand, the writer of his life.

In his passage to the Caribbee islands, he found his largest vessel, of seventy tons, unfit for the service; and therefore went to St. Do­mingo, in hope of exchanging it for a better, and to seek shelter from a storm which he saw approaching. To his infinite surprize and mortification, Ovando would not admit him into the port. A fleet of thirty ships was then ready to sail for Spain, on board of which Roldan and Bovadilla were prisoners. Co­lumbus informed Ovando, of the prognostics which he had observed, which Ovando disre­garded, and the fleet sailed. Columbus then [Page 117] laid three of his vessels, under the lee of the shore; and, with great difficulty, rode out the tempest. His brother put to sea; and by his great naval skill saved the ship in which he sailed. Of the fleet bound to Spain, eighteen ships were lost, and in them perished Roldan and Bovadilla.

The enemies of Columbus gave out that he had raised this storm by the art of magic; and such was the ignorance of the age, that the story was believed: What contributed the more to its credit, was, that one of the worst ships of the fleet, on board of which were all the effects which had been saved from the ru­ined fortune of Columbus, was the first which arrived in Spain. The amount of these effects was "four thousand pesos of gold, each of the value of eight shillings." The remark which Ferdinando Columbus makes on this event, so destructive to the accusers of his father, is, "I am satisfied, it was the hand of GOD, who was pleased to infatuate them; that they might not hearken to good advice; for had they arrived in Spain, they had never been punished, as their crimes deserved; but rath­er favoured and preferred as being the Bishop's friends." ^*

[Page 118]After this storm, and another which fol­lowed it, Columbus having collected his lit­tle squadron, sailed on discovery toward the continent; and, steering to the southwest, came to an island called Guanania, twelve leagues from the coast of Honduras; where he met with a large covered canoe, having on board several pieces of cotton cloth of divers colours, which the people said they had brought from the westward. The men were armed with swords of wood, in which sharp flints were strongly fixed. Their provision was maize and roots, and they used the ber­ries of cocoa as money. When the Admiral inquired for gold, they pointed to the west, and when he asked for a strait by which he might pass through the land, they pointed to the east. From the specimens of coloured cloth, he imagined, that they had come from India; and he hoped to pass thither, by the strait which they described. Pursuing his course to the east and south, he was led to the gulf of Darien; and visited several harbours among which was one which he called Porto Bello; but he found no passage extending through the land. He then returned to the westward; and landed on the coast of Vera­gua; [Page 119] where the beauty and fertility of the country invited him to begin a plantation, which he called Belem; but the natives, a fierce and formidable race, deprived him of the honour of first establishing a colony on the continent, by killing some of his people and obliging him to retire with the others.

At sea, he met with tempestuous weather of long continuance; in which his ships were so shattered, that with the utmost difficulty he kept them above water, till he ran them ashore on the island of Jamaica. By his extraordinary address, he procured from the natives two of their largest canoes; in which two of his most faithful friends, Mendez and Fiesco, accompanied by some of his sailors and a few Indians, embarked for His­paniola. After encountering the greatest dif­ficulties, in their passage, they carried tidings of his misfortune to Ovando, and solicited his aid. The merciless wretch detained them eight months, without an answer; during which time, Columbus suffered the severest hardships, from the discontent of his compa­ny, and the want of provisions. By the hos­pitality of the natives, he at first received such supplies, as they were able to spare; but the [Page 120] long continuance of these guests had dimin­ished their store, and the insolence of the mu­tineers gave a check to their friendship. In this extremity, the fertile invention of Co­lumbus suggested an expedient which proved successful. He knew that a total eclipse of the moon was at hand, which would be visi­ble in the evening. On the preceding day, he sent for the principal Indians, to speak with them, on a matter of the utmost importance. Being assembled, he directed his interpreter to tell them, that the GOD of heaven, whom he worshipped, was angry with them, for withold­ing provision from him, and would punish them with famine and pestilence; as a tok­en of which, the moon would, in the even­ing, appear of an angry and bloody colour. Some of them received his speech with ter­ror, and others with indifference; but when the moon rose, and the eclipse increased as she advanced from the horizon, they came in crowds, loaded with provision, and begged the Admiral to intercede with his GOD, for the removal of his anger. Columbus retired to his cabin; and when the eclipse began to go off, he came out and told them, that he had pray­ed to his GOD, and had received this answer; [Page 121] that if they would be good for the future, and bring him provision as he should want, GOD would forgive them; and as a token of it, the moon would put on her usual brightness. They gave him thanks, and promised com­pliance; and whilst he remained on the island there was no more want of provision.

At the end of eight months, Ovando sent a small vessel to Jamaica, with a cask of wine, two flitches of bacon, and a letter of compli­ment and excuse, which the officer deliver­ed; and without waiting for an answer, weighed his anchor the same evening and sail­ed back to Hispaniola. The men who adhered to Columbus and were with him on board the wrecks, wondered at the sudden departure of the vessel, by which they expected deliverance. Columbus, never at a loss for an evasion, told them that the caravel was too small to take the whole company, and he would not go with­out them. This fiction had the desired effect; those who adhered to him resumed their pa­tience; but the mutineers became so insolent that it was necessary to subdue them by force. In the contest ten of them were killed. Por­ras, their leader, was made prisoner and the others escaped. Bartholomew Columbus [Page 122] and two others of the Admiral's party were wounded, of whom one died.

The fugitives, having lost their leader, thought it best to submit; and on the next day sent a petition to the Admiral, confessing their fault, and promising fidelity. This promise they confirmed by an oath, of which the imprecation was singular; "they re­nounced, in case of failure, any absolution from Priest, Bishop, or Pope, at the time of their death; and all benefit from the sacraments of the Church; consenting to be buried like heathens and infidels in the open field." The Admiral received their submission, provided that Porras should continue prisoner, and they would accept a commander of his appoint­ment, as long as they should remain on the island.

At length a vessel, which Mendez had been permitted to buy, with the Admiral's money, at Hispaniola, came to Jamaica, and took them off. On their arrival at St. Do­mingo (August 13, 1504) Ovando affected great joy, and treated the Admiral with a show of respect; but he liberated Porras, and threat­ened with punishment the faithful adherents of Columbus. As soon as the vessel was re­fitted, [Page 123] the Admiral took leave of his treach­erous host, and, with his brother, son, and servants, embarked for Spain. After a long and distressing voyage, in which the ship lost her masts, he arrived at St. Lucar, in May 1505.

His patroness Isabella had been dead about a year; and with her, had expired all the favour which he ever enjoyed in the Court of Ferdinand. Worn out with sickness and fatigue, disgusted with the insincerity of his Sovereign, and the haughtiness of his courtiers, Columbus lingered out a year in fruitless so­licitation for his violated rights; till death relieved him from all his vexations. He died at Valadolid, on the twentieth of May, 1506, in the 59th year of his age; and was buried in the cathedral of Seville, with this inscrip­tion on his Tomb.

Translated thus.

In the life of this remarkable man there is no deficiency of any quality which can [Page 124] constitute a truly great character. ^* His genius was penetrating, and his judgment solid. He had acquired as much knowledge of the sciences as could be obtained at that day; and he corrected what he had learned, by his own observations. His constancy and patience were equal to the most hazard­ous undertakings. His fortitude surmount­ed many difficulties; and his invention ex­tricated him out of many perplexities. His prudence enabled him to conceal or subdue his own infirmities; whilst he took advan­tage of the passions of others, adjusting his behaviour to his circumstances; temporiz­ing, or acting with vigour, as the occasion required.

His fidelity to the ungrateful Prince, whom he served, and whose dominions he enlarged, must render him forever conspicuous as an example of justice; and his attachment to the Queen, by whose influence he was raised and supported, will always be a monument of his gratitude.

To his other excellent qualities may be add­ed his piety. He always entertained, and on [Page 125] proper occasions expressed, a reverence for the Deity, and a firm confidence in his care and protection. In his declining days, the conso­lations of religion were his chief support; and his last words were, "Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit."

The persecution and injustice which he suffered, may be traced up to the contract, which he insisted on, before he engaged in the plan of discovery. That a foreigner should attain so high a rank as to be Viceroy for life, and that the honour of an Admiral should be hereditary in his family, to the ex­clusion of all the nobles of Spain, was more than their pride and jealousy could endure; and they constantly endeavoured to depreciate his merit; the only foundation on which his honours were erected.

There is a story recorded by Peter Martyr, a contemporary historian, which exemplifies their malice, and his ingenuity in rising supe­rior to it. After the death of the Queen, the nobility affected to insinuate, that his discov­eries were more the result of accident and good fortune, than of any well concerted measures. One day at a public dinner, Columbus having borne much insulting raillery on that head, [Page 126] at length called for an egg, and asked whether any of them could set it upright on its little end. They all confessed it to be impossible. Columbus striking it gently, flatted the shell till it stood upright on the table. The com­pany, with a disdainful sneer, cryed out, "Any body might have done it."—"Yes (said Columbus) but none of you thought of it; so I discovered the Indies, and now every pilot can steer the same course. Many things appear easy when once performed, though before, they were thought impossible. Remember the scoffs that were thrown at me, before I put my design in execution. Then it was a dream, a chimera, a delusion; now it is what any body might have done as well as I." When this story was told to Ferdinand, he could not but admire the grandeur of that spirit, which at the same time he was endeav­ouring to depress.

Writers of different countries have treated the character of Columbus according to their prejudices, either national or personal. It is surprising to observe, how these prejudices have descended; and that even at the distance of three centuries, there are some, who affect to deny him the virtues for which he was con­spicuous, [Page 127] and the merit of originating a dis­covery, which is an honour to human reason. His humanity has been called in question, because he carried dogs to the West Indies, and employed them in extirpating the natives. The truth is, that in his second expedition he was accompanied by a number of gentle­men of the best families in Spain; and many more would have gone if it had been possible to accommodate them. These gentlemen car­ried with them "horses, asses and other beasts, which were of great use in a new plantation." The conflict which Columbus had with the natives was in consequence of the disorderly conduct of these Spaniards; who, in his ab­sence, had taken their goods, abused their women and committed other outrages, which the Indians could not endure, and therefore made war upon them. In this war he found his colony engaged, when he returned from his voyage to Cuba; and there was no way to end it, but by pursuing it with vigour. With two hundred Spaniards, of whom twen­ty were mounted on "horses followed by as many dogs," he encountered a numerous body of Indians, estimated at one hundred thousand, on a large plain. He divided his men into [Page 128] two parties, and attacked them on two sides: the noise of the fire arms, soon dispersed them, and the horses and dogs prevented them from rallying; and thus a complete victory was obtained. In this instance alone, were the dogs used against the natives. They nat­urally followed their masters into the field, and the horses to which they were accustom­ed; but to suppose that Columbus transported them to the West Indies, with a view to de­stroy the Indians, appears altogether idle, when it is considered that the number is rec­koned only at twenty. Excepting in this instance, where he was driven by necessity, there is no evidence, that he made war on the natives of the West Indies; on the contrary, he endeavoured as far as possible to treat them with justice and gentleness. The same can­not be said of those who succeeded him.

Attempts have also been made to detract from his merit, as an original discoverer of the New World. The most successful candidate, who has been set up as a rival to him, is MARTIN BEHAIM of Nuremberg in Ger­many. His claim to a prior discovery has been so well contested, and the vanity of it so fully exposed by the late Dr. Robertson, that [Page 129] I should not have thought of adding any thing to what he has written, had not a memoir ap­peared in the second volume of the Transac­tions of the American Philosophical Society ^* at Philadelphia, in which the pretensions of Behaim are revived by M. OTTO; who has produced some authorities which he had ob­tained from Nuremberg, an imperial city of Germany, and which appear to him, "to establish in the clearest manner a discovery of America anterior to that of Columbus."

It is conceded that Behaim was a man of learning and enterprise; that he was contem­porary with Columbus, and was his friend; that he pursued the same studies and drew the same conclusions; that he was employed by King John II. in making discoveries; and, that he met with deserved honour for the im­portant services which he rendered to the crown of Portugal. But, there are such dif­ficulties attending the story of his discovering America, as appear to me insuperable. These I shall state; together with some remarks on the authorities produced by M. Otto.

The first of his authorities contains several assertions which are contradicted by other his­tories; [Page 130] ^* (1.) That Isabella, daughter of John, King of Portugal, reigned after the death of Philip, Duke of Burgundy, surnamed the Good. (2.) That to this lady, when regent of the Dutchy of Burgundy and Flanders, Behaim paid a visit in 1459. And (3.) that having informed her of his designs, he pro­cured a vessel in which he made the discovery of the island of Fayal, in 1460.

It is true that Philip. Duke of Burgundy and Flanders, surnamed the Good, married Isabella the daughter of John I. King of Por­tugal; but Philip did not die till 1467, and was immediately succeeded by his son Charles, surnamed the Bold, then thirty four years of age. There could therefore have been no interregnum, nor female regent after the death of Philip; and if there had been, the time of Behaim's visit will not correspond with it; that being placed in 1459, eight years before the death of Philip. Such a mistake, in point of fact, and of chronology, is sufficient to induce a suspicion that the "archives of Nuremberg" are too deficient in accuracy to be depended on as authorities.

[Page 131]With respect to the discovery of Fayal, in 1460, M. Otto acknowledges that it is "con­trary to the received opinion;" and well he might; for the first of the Azores, St. Maria, was discovered in 1431; the second, St. Mi­chael, in 1444; the third, Terceira, in 1445; and before 1449, the islands, St. George, Graciosa, Fayal and Pico, were known to the Portuguese. ^* However true it may be that Behaim settled in the island of Fayal, and liv­ed there twenty years; yet his claim to the discovery of it must have a better foundation than the "archives of Nuremberg," before it can be admitted.

The genuine account of the settlement of Fayal, and the interest which Behaim had in it, is thus related by Dr. Forster, a German author of much learning and good credit.

"After the death of the infant Don Henry [which happened in 1463,] the island of Fayal was made a present of by [his sister] Isabella, Dutchess of Burgundy, to Jobst von Hurter, a native of Nuremberg. Hurter went in 1466, with a colony of more than 2000 Flem­ings of both sexes, to his property, the isle of Fayal. The Dutchess had provided the Flem­ish [Page 132] emigrants with all necessaries for two years, and the colony soon increased. About the year 1486, Martin Behaim married a daugh­ter of the Chevalier Jobst von Hurter, and had a son by her named Martin.—Jobst von Hurter, and Martin Behaim, both natives of Nuremberg, were Lords of Fayal and Pico." ^*

The date of the supposed discovery of Ame­rica, by Behaim, is placed by M. Otto, in 1484, eight years before the celebrated voyage of Columbus. In the same year we are told ^† that Alonzo Sanchez de Huelva was driven by a storm to the westward for twenty nine days; and saw an island, of which at his re­turn he gave information to Columbus. From both these supposed discoveries this conclu­sion is drawn, "That Columbus would never have thought of this expedition to America, had not Behaim gone there before him." Whether it be supposed that Behaim and Sanchez sailed in the same ship, or that they made a discovery of two different parts of A­merica, in the same year, it is not easy to un­derstand from the authorities produced; but [Page 133] what destroys the credibility of this plausible tale, is, that Columbus had formed his theo­ry, and projected his voyage, at least ten years before; as appears by his correspondence with Paul, a learned physician of Florence, which bears date in 1474. ^* It is uncertain at what time Columbus first made his application to the King of Portugal, to fit him out for a western voyage; but it is certain that after a negociation with him on the subject, and after he had found out the secret and unsuccessful attempt, which had been made to anticipate a discovery; he quitted that kingdom in dis­gust, and went into Spain, in the latter end of the year 1484. The authority of these facts is unquestioned; and from them it fully appears, that a prior discovery of America, by Behaim or Sanchez, made in 1484, could not have been the foundation of the enterprise of Columbus.

M. Otto speaks of letters written by Be­haim in 1486, in the German language, and preserved in the "archives of Nuremberg" which support this claim to a prior discovery. As these letters are not produced, no certain opinion can be formed concerning them; but [Page 134] from the date of the letters, and from the voyages which Behaim actually performed in the two preceding years, we may with great probability suppose, that they related to the discovery of Congo, in Africa; to which Be­haim has an uncontroverted claim.

I will now state the facts relative to this event, partly from the authorities cited by M. Otto; and partly from others.

Dr. Robertson places the discovery of Con­go and Benin in 1483, and with him Dr. Forster agrees. The authors of the modern universal history ^* speak of two voyages to that coast; the first in 1484, the second in 1485; both of which were made by Diego Cam, ^† who is said to have been one of the most expert sailors and of an enterprising gen­ius. From the chronicle of Hartman Schedl, as quoted by M. Otto, we are informed, that Behaim sailed with Cam, in these voyages, which are described in the following terms. "These two, by the bounty of heaven, coast­ing along the southern ocean, and having [Page 135] crossed the equator, got into the other hem­isphere; where, facing to the eastward, their shadows projected toward the south, and right hand." No words could be more completely descriptive of a voyage from Portugal to Con­go, as any person may be satisfied by inspect­ing a map of Africa; but how could M. Otto imagine that the discovery of America was accomplished in such a voyage as this? "Hav­ing finished this cruize (continues Schedl) in the space of 26 months, they returned to Por­tugal, with the loss of many of their seamen, by the violence of the climate." This latter circumstance also agrees very well with the climate of the African coast; ^* but Schedl says not a word of the discovery of America.

M. Otto goes on to tell us "that the most positive proof of the great services rendered to the crown of Portugal by Behaim, is the rec­ompense bestowed on him by King John II; who, in the most solemn manner, knighted him, in the presence of all his court." Then follows a particular detail of the ceremony of installation, as performed on the 18th of Feb­ruary, 1485, and M. Otto fairly owns that this was "a reward for the discovery of Con­go." [Page 136] Now let us bring the detached parts of the story together.

Behaim was knighted on the 18th of Feb­ruary, 1485, for the discovery of Congo, in which he had been employed 26 months pre­ceding; having within that time made two voyages thither, in company with Diego Cam. It will follow then that the whole of the pre­ceding years, 1484 and 1483, were taken up in these two voyages. This agrees very well with the accounts of the discovery of Congo, in Robertson and Forster, and does not disa­gree with the modern universal history, as far as the year 1484 is concerned; which unfor­tunately is the year assigned for Behaim's dis­covery of "that part of America called Brasil, and his sailing even to the straits of Magel­lan."

The only thing in M. Otto's memoir which bears any resemblance to a solution of this difficulty is this. "We may suppose that Behaim, engaged in an expedition to Congo, was driven by the winds to Fernam­bouc, and from thence by the currents tow­ard the coast of Guiana." But suppositions without proof will avail little; and supposi­tions against proof will avail nothing. The [Page 137] two voyages to Congo are admitted. The course is described; and the time is determin­ed; and both these are directly opposed to the supposition of his being driven by winds and currents to America. For if he had been driven out of his course and had spent "sever­al years in examining the American islands, and discovering the strait which bears the name of Magellan;" and if one of those years was the year 1484, then he could not have spent 26 months preceding February, 1485, in the discovery of Congo; but of this we have full and satisfactory evidence; the discov­ery of America therefore must be given up.

There is one thing further in this memoir which deserves a particular remark, and that is the reason assigned by M. Otto, for which the King of Portugal declined the proposal of Columbus to sail to India by the west. "The refusal of John II. is a proof of the knowl­edge which that politic prince had already procured, of the existence of a new continent, which offered him only barren lands, inhabit­ed by unconquerable savages." This knowl­edge is supposed to have been derived from the discoveries made by Behaim. But, not to urge again the chronological difficulty with [Page 138] which this conjecture is embarrassed, I will take notice of two circumstances in the life of Columbus, which militate with this idea. The first is, that when Columbus had pro­posed a western voyage to King John, and he declined it, "The King, by the advice of one Doctor Calzadilla, resolved to send a caravel privately, to attempt that which Columbus had proposed to him; because in case those countries were so discovered, he thought him­self not obliged to bestow any great reward. Having speedily equipped a caravel, which was to carry supplies to the islands of Cabo Verde, he sent it that way which the Admiral propos­ed to go. But those whom he sent wanted the knowledge, constancy and spirit of the Admiral. After wandering many days upon the sea, they turned back to the islands of Cabo Verde, laughing at the undertaking, and saying it was impossible there should he any land in those seas." ^*

Afterward, "the King being sensible how faulty they were whom he had sent with the caravel, had a mind to restore the Admiral to his favour, and desired that he should renew the discourse of his enterprize; but not being [Page 139] so diligent to put this in execution, as the Admiral was in getting away, he lost that good opportunity; the Admiral, about the end of the year 1484, stole away privately out of Portugal for fear of being stopped by the King." This account does not agree with the supposition of a prior discovery.

The other circumstance is an interview which Columbus had with the people of Lis­bon, and the King of Portugal, on his return from his first voyage. For it so happened that Columbus on his return was by stress of weather obliged to take shelter in the port of Lisbon; and as soon as it was known that he had come from the Indies, "the people thronged to see the natives whom he had brought and hear the news; so that the cara­vel would not contain them. Some of them praising God for so great a happiness; others storming that they had lost the discovery through their King's incredulity."

When the King sent for Columbus, "he was doubtful what to do; but to take off all suspicion that he came from his conquests, he consented." At the interview, "the King offered him all that he stood in need of for the service of their Catholic Majesties, though [Page 140] he thought, that forasmuch as he had been a Captain in Portugal, that conquest belonged to him. To which the Admiral answered, that he knew of no such agreement, and that he had strictly observed his orders, which were not to go to the mines of Portugal, [the gold coast] nor to Guinea." ^* Had John II. heard of Behaim's voyage to a western conti­nent, would he not have claimed it by priority of discovery, rather than by the commission which Columbus had formerly borne in his service? Had such a prior discovery been made, could it have been concealed from the people of Lisbon? And would they have been angry that their King had lost it by his in­credulity? These circumstances appear to me to carry sufficient evidence, that no discov­ery of America prior to that of Columbus had come to the knowledge of the King of Portugal.

In answer to the question "Why are we searching the archives of an imperial city for the causes of an event, which took place in the western extremity of Europe?" M. Otto gives us to understand, that "from the four­teenth to the sixteenth centuries, the Germans [Page 141] were the best geographers, the best historians and the most enlightened politicians." Not to detract from the merit of the German lite­rati of those ages, I think we may give equal credit to a learned German author of the pre­sent age, Dr. John Reinhold Forster; who appears to have a thorough understanding of the claims not only of his own countrymen, but of others. In his indefatigable researches into the discoveries which have been made by all nations, though he has given due credit to the adventures of Behaim in Congo and Fayal, yet he has not said one word of his visiting America; which he certainly would have done, if in his opinion there had been any foundation for it.

V. JOHN CABOT AND SEBASTIAN CABOT.

THE economical disposition of Henry VII, King of England, induced him to pre­serve tranquillity in his dominions, which greatly contributed to the increase of com­merce and manufactures; and to bring thith­er merchants from all parts of Europe. The Lombards and the Venetians were remarkably numerous; the former of whom had a street in London appropriated to them and called by their name. ^*

Among the Venetians resident there at that time was JOHN CABOT, a man perfectly skil­led in all the sciences requisite to form an ac­complished mariner. ^† He had three sons, Lewis, SEBASTIAN and Sanctius, ^‡ all of whom he educated in the same manner. Lewis and Sanctius became eminent men, and settled, the one at Genoa, the other at Venice. Of Se­bastian a farther account will be given.

The famous discovery made by Columbus caused great admiration and much discourse, [Page 150] in the court of Henry, and among the merch­ants of England. To find a way to India by the west, had long been a problem with men of science as well as a desideratum in the mer­cantile interest. The way was then supposed to be opened; and the specimens of gold, which Columbus had brought home, excited the warmest desire of pursuing that discovery.

Cabot, by his knowledge of the globe, sup­posed that a shorter way might be found from England to India, by the northwest. Hav­ing communicated his project to the King, it was favourably received; and on the fifth of March 1496, a commission was granted to "John Cabot, and his three sons, their heirs and deputies, giving them liberty to sail to all parts of east, west, and north, under the royal banners, and ensigns; to discover coun­tries of the heathen, unknown to christians; to set up the King's banners there; to occupy and possess as his subjects, such places as they could subdue; giving them the rule and ju­risdiction of the same, to be holden on condi­tion of paying to the King, as often as they should arrive at Bristol, (at which place only they were permitted to arrive) in wares and merchandise, one fifth part of all their gains; [Page 151] with exemption from all customs and duties on such merchandise as should be brought from their discoveri [...]."

After the granting of this commission, the King gave orders for fitting out two caravels for the purpose of the discovery. These were victualled at the public expense; and freight­ed by the merchants of London and Bristol, with coarse cloths and other articles of traffic. The whole company consisted of three hundred men.

With this equipment, in the beginning of May 1497, ^† John Cabot and his son Sebas­tian sailed from Bristol towards the north­west, till they reached the latitude of 58°; where meeting with floating ice, and the weather being severely cold, they altered their course to the southwest; not expecting to find any land, till they should arrive at Cathay, the northern part of China, from whence they intended to pass southward to India.

[Page 152]On the 24th of June, very early in the morning, they were surprized with the sight of land; which, being the first that they had seen, they called Prima Vista. The descrip­tion of it is given in these words. "The island which lieth out before the land, he cal­led St. John, because it was discovered on the day of St. John, the Baptist. The inhabitants of this island wear beasts' skins. In their wars, they use bows, arrows, pikes, darts, wooden clubs, and slings. The soil is barren in some places and yieldeth little fruit; but is full of white bears and stags, far greater than ours. It yieldeth plenty of fish, and those very great, as seals and salmons. There are soles above a yard in length; but especially there is great abundance of that kind of fish which the savages call Bacalao. (Cod.) In the same island are hawks and eagles, as black as ravens; also partridges. The inhab­itants had great plenty of copper." ^†

This land is generally supposed to be some part of the island of Newfoundland; and Dr. Forster thinks that the name, Prima Vista, was afterward changed to Bona Vista, now the northern cape of Trinity bay, in Latitude 48° [Page 153] 50.′ Peter Martyr's account is, that Cabot called the land, Bacalaos; and there is a small island off the south cape of Trinity bay, which bears that name. Mr. Prince, in his chronol­ogy, (citing Galvanus for an authority) says, that the land discovered by Cabot was in lati­tude 45°. If this were true, the first discovery was made on the peninsula of Nova Scotia; and as they coasted the land northward, they must have gone into the gulf of St. Lawrence, in pursuit of their northwest passage.

The best accounts of the voyage preserved by Hakluyt and Purchas, say nothing of the latitude of Prima Vista; but speak of their sailing northward after they had made the land, as far as 67°. Stowe, in his chroni­cle, ^† says it was on the "north side of Terra de Labrador." This course must have car­ried them far up the strait which separates Greenland from the continent of America.

Finding the land still stretching to the northward, and the weather very cold in the month of July; the men became uneasy, and the commanders found it necessary to return to Bacalaos. Having here refreshed them­selves, they coasted the land southward, till [Page 154] they came into the same latitude with the straits of Gibraltar 36°, or according to some, no farther than 38°, when their provisions falling short, they returned to England; bringing three of the Savages as a present to the King. "They were clothed with the skins of beasts, and lived on raw flesh; but after two years, were seen in the King's court clothed like Englishmen, and could not be discerned from Englishmen." ^*

Nothing more is said of John Cabot, the father; and some historians ascribe the whole of this discovery to Sebastian only; but at the time of this voyage he could not have been more than twenty years old; when, though he might accompany his father, yet he was too young to undertake such an expedition him­self. The voyage having produced no spe­cimens of gold; and the King being engaged in a controversy with Scotland, no farther encouragement was given to the spirit of dis­covery.

After the King's death, Sebastian Cabot was invited to Spain, and was received in a respectful manner by King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella. In their service he sailed on [Page 155] a voyage of discovery to the southern parts of the New Continent; and having visited the coast of Brasil, entered a great river to which he gave the name of Rio de la Plata. He sailed up this river one hundred and twen­ty leagues; and found it divided into many branches; the shores of which were inhab­ited by numerous people.

After this, he made other voyages, of which no particular memorials remain. He was honoured by Ferdinand, with a commission of Grand Pilot; and was one of the council of the Indies. His residence was in the city of Se­ville. His character was gentle, friendly and social. His employment was the drawing of charts; on which he delineated all the new discoveries made by himself and others. Peter Martyr speaks of him as his friend, with whom he loved familiarly to converse. ^*

In his advanced age, he returned to Eng­land, and resided at Bristol. By the fav­our of the Duke of Somerset, he was intro­duced to King Edward VI, who took great delight in his conversation, and settled on him a pension of £166. 13 s. 4 d. per annum for [Page 156] life. He was appointed governor of a compa­ny of merchants, associated for the purpose of making discoveries of unknown countries. ^* This is a proof of the great esteem, in which he was held as a man of knowledge and ex­perience in his profession. He had a strong persuasion that a passage might be found to China, by the northeast, and warmly patronis­ed the attempt made by Sir Hugh Willough­by in 1553 to explore the northern seas, for that purpose. There is still extant a com­plete set of instructions drawn and subscribed by Cabot, for the direction of the voyage to Cathay, which affords the clearest proof of his sagacity and penetration. ^† But though this, as well as all other attempts of the kind, proved ineffectual to the principal end in view, yet it was the means of opening a trade with Russia, which proved very beneficial to the company.

The last account which we have of Sebastian is, that in 1556, when the company were send­ing out a vessel called the Search-thrift, under the command of Stephen Burrough, for dis­covery; the Governour made a visit on board; [Page 157] which is thus related in the journal of the voyage as preserved by Hakluyt. ^*

"The 27th of April, being Monday, the Right Worshipful Sebastian Cabota came a­board our pinnace, at Gravesend; accompani­ed with divers gentlemen and gentlewomen; who, after they had viewed our pinnace, and tasted of such cheer as we could make them, went ashore, giving to our mariners right lib­eral rewards. The good old gentleman Mas­ter Cabota gave to the poor most liberal alms, wishing them to pray for the good fortune and prosperous success of the Search-thrift, our pinnace. And then at the sign of St. Chris­topher, he and his friends banqueted; and made me and them that were in the company great cheer; and for very joy that he had to see the towardness of our intended discovery, he entered into the dance himself, among the rest of the young and lusty company; which being ended, he and his friends departed, most gently commending us to the governance of Almighty GOD."

According to the calculation of his age by Dr. Campbell, he must at that time have been about eighty years old.

[Page 158]He was one of the most extraordinary men of the age in which he lived. By his inge­nuity and industry, he enlarged the bounds of science and promoted the interest of the English nation. Dr. Campbell supposes it was he who first took notice of the variation of the magnetic needle. ^* It had been observ­ed in the first voyage of Columbus to the West Indies; though probably Cabot might not have known it, till after he had made the same discovery.

VI. JAMES CARTIER.

THOUGH the English did not prose­cute the discovery made by the Cabots, nor avail themselves of the only advantages which it could have afforded them; yet their neigh­bours of Brittany, ^* Normandy and Biscay wisely pursued the track of those adventurers and took vast quantities of cod on the banks of Newfoundland.

In 1524, John Verazzani, a Florentine, in the service of France, ranged the coast of the new continent from Florida to Newfound­land, and gave it the name of New France. In a subsequent voyage he was cut to pieces and devoured by the savages.

It is remarkable that the three great Euro­pean kingdoms Spain, England and France, made use of three Italians to conduct their dis­coveries: Columbus, a Genoese; Cabot, a Venetian; and Verazzani, a Florentine. This is a proof that among the Italians there were at that time persons superior in maritime knowledge to the other nations of Europe; [Page 160] though the penurious spirit of those repub­lics, their mutual jealousy and petty wars, made them overlook the benefits resulting from ex­tensive enterprises, and leave the vast regions of the new world to be occupied by others.

The voyages of Verazzani having produc­ed no addition to the revenue of France; all further attempts to perfect his discoveries were laid aside; but the fishery being found conducive to the commercial interest, it was at length conceived, that a plantation in the neighbourhood of the banks might be advan­tageous. This being represented to King Francis I, by Chabot the Admiral, JAMES CARTIER ^* of St. Malo, was commissioned to explore the country, with a view to find a place for a colony. ^†

On the 20th of April 1534, he sailed from St. Malo with two ships of sixty tons, and 122 men; and on the tenth of May came in sight of Bonavista, on the island of Newfoundland. But the ice which lay along the shore obliged him to go southward; and he entered a har­bour to which he gave the name of St. Catha­rine; ^‡ where he waited for fair weather, and fitted his boats.

[Page 161]As soon as the season would permit he sail­ed northward, and examined several harbours and islands, on the coast of Newfoundland; in one of which he found such a quantity of birds, that in half an hour, two boats were loaded with them; and after they had eaten as many as they could, five or six barrels full were salted for each ship. This place was called Bird Island.

Having passed Cape de Grat, the northern extremity of the land; he entered the straits of Bellisle and visited several harbours on the opposite coast of Labrador, one of which he called Cartier's Sound. The harbour is de­scribed as one of the best in the world; but the land is stigmatized as the place to which Cain was banished; no vegetation being pro­duced among the rocks, but thorns and moss. Yet, bad as it was, there were inhabitants in it, who lived by catching seals, and seemed to be a wandering tribe. ^*

In circumnavigating the great island of New­foundland, they found the weather in gener­al cold; but when they had crossed the gulf in a southwesterly direction to the continent, they came into a deep bay, where the climate [Page 162] was so warm, that they named it Baye de Cha­leur, or the Bay of Heat. Here were several kinds of wild berries, roses and meadows of grass. In the fresh waters they caught sal­mon in great plenty.

Having searched in vain for a passage through the bay, they quitted it, and sailed along the coast, eastward, till they came to the smaller bay of Gaspè; where they sought shelter from a tempest, and were detained twelve days in the month of July. In this place Cartier performed the ceremony of taking possession for the King of France. A cross of thirty feet high was erected on a point of land. On this cross was suspended a shield, with the arms of France and the words Vive le Roy de France. Before it, the people kneeled, un­covered; with their hands extended, and their eyes lifted toward heaven. The natives, who were present, beheld the ceremony at first with silent admiration; but after a while, an old man, clad in a bear's skin, made signs to them that the land was his, and that they should not have it, without his leave. They then informed him by signs, that the cross was intended only as a mark of direction, by which they might again find the port; and [Page 163] they promised to return the next year, and to bring iron and other commodities.

They thought it proper however to con­ciliate the old man's good will, by entertaining him on board the ship and making him sev­eral presents; by which means, they so pre­vailed on him, that he permitted Cartier to carry two of his sons, young men, to France, on the security of a promise that he would bring them back, at his return the next spring.

From Gaspè, he sailed so far into the Great River, afterward called St. Lawrence, as to discover land on the opposite side; but the weather being boisterous, and the current set­ting against him, he thought it best to return to Newfoundland, and then to France; where he arrived safe in the harbour of St. Malo on the fifth of September.

The discoveries made in this voyage excit­ed farther curiosity; and the Vice Admiral Melleraye represented Cartier's merits to the King, so favourably, as to procure for him a more ample equipment. Three ships, one of 120, one of 60 and one of 40 tons, were destined to perform another voyage, in the ensuing spring; and several young men of dis­tinction [Page 164] entered as volunteers, to seek adven­tures in the new world. When they were ready to sail, the whole company, after the example of Columbus, went in procession to church, on Whitsunday, where the Bishop of St. Malo pronounced his blessing on them. They sailed on the 19th of May 1535. Meet­ing with tempestuous weather, the ships were separated; and did not join again, till Cartier in the largest ship arrived at Bird Island; where he again filled his boats with fowls, and on the 26th of July was joined by the other ves­sels.

From Bird Island they pursued the same course as in the preceding summer; and hav­ing come into the gulf on the western side of Newfoundland, gave it the name of St. Law­rence. Here they saw abundance of whales. Passing between the island of Assumption (since called Anticosti) and the northern shore, they sailed up the great river, till they came to a branch on the northern side, which the young natives who were on board called Saguenay; the main river they told him would carry him to Hochelaga, the capital of the whole country.

After spending some time in exploring the northern coast, to find an opening to the [Page 165] northward; in the beginning of September, he sailed up the river and discovered several islands; one of which, from the multitude of filberts, he called Coudres; and another, from the vast quantity of grapes, he named Bacchus, (now Orleans.) This island was full of inhabitants who subsisted by fishing.

When the ships had come to anchor be­tween the N. W. side of the island and the main, Cartier went on shore with his two young Savages. The people of the country were at first afraid of them; but hearing the youths speak to them in their own language, they became sociable, and brought eels and other fish, with a quantity of Indian corn in ears, for the refreshment of their new guests; in return for which, they were pre­sented with such European baubles as were pleasing to them.

The next day, Donacona, the prince of the place, came to visit them, attended by twelve boats; but keeping ten of them at a distance, he approached with two only, containing six­teen men. In the true spirit of hospitality, he made a speech, accompanied with signifi­cant gestures, welcoming the French to his country and offering his service to them. The [Page 166] young savages, Taignoagni and Domagaia answered him, reporting all which they had seen in France, at which he appeared to be pleased. Then approaching the Captain, who held out his hand, he kissed it, and laid it round his own neck, in token of friendship. Cartier, on his part, entertained Donacona with bread and wine, and they parted mutu­ally pleased.

The next day Cartier went up in his boat to find a harbour for his ships; the season being so far advanced that it became necessary to secure them. At the west end of the isle of Bacchus, he found "a goodly and pleasant sound, where is a little river and haven; a­bout three fathom deep at high water." To this he gave the name of St. Croix, and de­termined there to lay up his ships.

Near this place was a village called Stada­cona, of which Donacona was the Lord. It was environed with forest trees, some of which bore fruit; and under the trees, was a growth of wild hemp. As Cartier was returning to his ships, he had another specimen of the hospitable manners of the natives. A com­pany of people, of both sexes, met him on the shore of the little river, singing and danc­ing [Page 167] up to their knees in water. In return for their courtesy, he gave them knives and beads; and they continued their music till he was beyond hearing it.

When Cartier had brought his ships to the harbour and secured them, he intimated his intention to pass in his boats up the river to Hochelaga. Donacona was loth to part with him; and invented several artifices to pre­vent his going thither. Among others, he contrived to dress three of his men in black and white skins, with horns on their heads and their faces besmeared with coal, to make them resemble infernal spirits. They were put into a canoe and passed by the ships; brandishing their horns and making an unin­telligible harrangue. Donacona, with his people, pursued and took them, on which they fell down as if dead. They were carried ashore into the woods, and all the savages fol­lowed them. A long discourse ensued, and the conclusion of the farce was, that these demons had brought news from the God of Hochelaga, that his country was so full of snow and ice, that whoever should adventure thither would perish with the cold. The artifice afforded diversion to the French, but [Page 168] was too thin to deceive them. Cartier de­termined to proceed; and on the 19th of September, with his pinnace and two boats, began his voyage up the river to Hochelaga.

Among the woods on the margin of the river were many vines loaded with ripe grapes, than which nothing could be a more welcome sight to Frenchmen, though the fruit was not so delicious as they had been used to taste in their own country. Along the banks were many huts of the natives; who made signs of joy as they passed; presented them with fish; piloted them through narrow channels; car­ried them ashore on their backs, and helped them to get off their boats when aground. Some presented their children to them, and such as were of proper age were accepted.

The water at that time of the year being low, their passage was rendered difficult; but by the friendly assistance of the natives they surmounted the obstructions. On the 28th of September they passed the rapids between the islands in the upper part of the lake An­golême, (now called St. Peters) and on the second of October they arrived at the island of Hochelaga; where they had been expected, and preparations were made to give them a [Page 169] welcome reception. About a thousand per­sons came to meet them, singing and dancing, the men on one side, the women on the other, and the children in a distinct body. Presents of fish and other victuals were brought, and in return were given knives, beads and other trinkets. The Frenchmen lodged the first night in their boats, and the natives watched on the shore, dancing round their fires during the whole night.

The next morning Cartier, with twenty five of his company, went to visit the town, and were met on the way by a person of dis­tinction, who bad them welcome. To him they gave two hatchets and two knives, and hung over his neck a cross which they taught him to kiss. As they proceeded, they passed through groves of oak, from which the acorns were fallen and lay thick on the ground. Af­ter this they came to fields of ripe corn, some of which was gathered. In the midst of these fields was situate the town of Hochelaga.

It was of a round form, encompassed with three lines of palisades, through which was one entrance, well secured with stakes and bars. On the inside was a rampart of timber, to which were ascents by ladders, and heaps [Page 170] of stones were laid in proper places for defence. In the town were about fifty long huts built with stakes and covered with bark. In the mid­dle of each hut was a fire, round which were lodging places, floored with bark and covered with skins. In the upper part was a scaffold, on which they dried and preserved their corn. To prepare it for eating, they pounded it in wooden mortars, and having mixed it with wa­ter, baked it on hot stones. Besides corn they had beans, squashes and pumpkins. They dried their fish and preserved them in troughs. These people lived chiefly by tillage and fish­ing, and seldom went far from home. Those on the lower parts of the river were more giv­en to hunting, and considered the Lord of Hochelaga as their sovereign, to whom they paid tribute.

When the new guests were conducted to an open square in the centre of the town; the females came to them, rubbing their hands and faces, weeping with joy at their arrival, and bringing their children to be touched by the strangers. They spread mats for them on the ground, whilst the men seated them­selves in a large circle on the outside. The King was then brought in a litter, on the [Page 171] shoulders of ten men, and placed on a mat next to the French Captain. He was about fifty years old, and had no mark of distinction but a coronet made of porcupine's quills dyed red; which he took off and gave to the Cap­tain, requesting him to rub his arms and legs which were trembling with a palsy. Several persons, blind, lame, and withered with age, were also brought to be touched; as if they supposed that their new guests were messeng­ers from heaven invested with a power of healing diseases. Cartier gratified them as well as he could, by laying his hands on them and repeating some devotional passages from a service book, which he had in his pocket; ac­companying his ejaculations with significant gestures, and lifting up his eyes to heaven. The natives attentively observed and imitated all his motions.

Having performed this ceremony, he desir­ed the men, women and children to arrange themselves in separate bodies. To the men he gave hatchets, to the women beads, and to the children rings. He then ordered his drums and trumpets to sound, which highly pleased the company and set them to dancing.

[Page 172]Being desirous of ascending the hill, under which the town was built, the natives con­ducted them to the summit; where they were entertained with a most extensive and beauti­ful prospect of mountains, woods, islands and waters. They observed the course of the riv­er above, and some falls of water in it; and the natives informed them that they might sail on it for three months; that it ran through two or three great lakes, beyond which was a sea of fresh water, to which they knew of no bounds; and that on the other side of the mountains there was another river which ran in a contrary direction to the southwest, through a country full of delicious fruits and free from snow and ice; that there was found such metal as the Captain's silver whistle and the haft of a dagger belonging to one of the company which was gilt with gold. Being shewn some copper, they pointed to the north­ward, and said it came from Saguenay. To this hill Cartier gave the name of Montreal, which it has ever since retained.

The visit being finished, the natives accom­panied the French to their boats, carrying such as were weary on their shoulders. They were loth to part with their guests, and fol­lowed [Page 173] them along the shore of the river to a considerable distance.

On the fourth of October, Cartier and his company departed from Hochelaga. In pass­ing down the river, they erected a cross on the point of an island, which, with three others, lay in the mouth of a shallow river, on the north side, called Fouetz. On the eleventh they arrived at the Port de St. Croix, and found that their companions had enclosed the ships with a palisade and rampart, on which they had mounted cannon.

The next day Donacona invited them to his residence, where they were entertained with the usual festivity and made the custom­ary presents. They observed that these peo­ple used the leaves of an herb [tobacco] which they preserved in pouches made of skins and smoked in stone pipes. It was very offensive to the French; but the natives valued it as contributing much to the preservation of their health. Their houses appeared to be well supplied with provisions. Among other things which were new to the French, they observed the scalps of five men, spread and dri­ed like parchment. These were taken from their enemies the Toudamani, who came from [Page 174] the south, and were continually at war with them.

Being determined to spend the winter a­mong these friendly people, they traded with them for the provisions which they could spare, and the river supplied them with fish till it was hard frozen.

In December the scurvy began to make its appearance among the natives, and Cartier prohibited all intercourse with them; but it was not long before his own men were taken with it. It raged with uncontroled violence for above two months, and by the middle of February, out of one hundred and ten persons, fifty were sick at once, and eight or ten had died.

In this extremity Cartier appointed a day of solemn humiliation and prayer. A crucifix was placed on a tree, and as many as were able to walk went in procession, through the ice and snow, singing the seven penitential psalms and performing other devotional exercises. At the close of the solemnity Cartier made a vow, that "if it would please God to permit him to return to France, he would go in pilgrim­age to our Lady of Roquemado." But it was necessary to watch as well as pray. To pre­vent [Page 175] the natives from knowing their weak and defenceless state, he obliged all who were able, to make as much noise as possible with axes and hammers; and told the natives that his men were all busily employed, and that he would not suffer any of them to go from the ships till their work was done. The ships were fast frozen up from the middle of No­vember to the middle of March; the snow was four feet deep, and higher than the sides of the ships above the ice. The severity of the winter exceeded all which they had ever experienced; the scurvy still raged; twenty five men had fallen victims to it, and the others were so weak and low in spirits, that they despaired of ever seeing their native country.

In the depth of this distress and despon­dency, Cartier, who had escaped the disease, in walking one day on the ice, met some of the natives, among whom was Domagaia, one of the young men who had been with him to France and who then resided with his coun­trymen at Stadacona. He had been sick with the scurvy, his sinews had been shrunk and his knees swollen, his teeth loose, and his gums rotten; but he was then recovered, [Page 176] and told Cartier of a certain tree, the leaves and bark of which he had used as a remedy. Cartier expressed his wish to see the tree; tel­ling him that one of his people had been affect­ed with the same disorder. Two women were immediately dispatched, who brought ten or twelve branches, and showed him how to pre­pare the decoction; which was thus, "to boil the bark and the leaves; to drink of the liquor every other day; and to put the dregs on the legs of the sick." ^*

This remedy presently came into use, on board the ships; and its good effects were so surprising, that within one week they were completely healed of the scurvy; and some who had venereal complaints of long standing were also cured by the same means.

The severity of winter having continued four months without intermission, at the re­turn [Page 177] of the sun, the season became milder, and in April the ice began to break up. On the third of May, Cartier took possession of the country by erecting a cross, thirty five feet high, on which was hung a shield, bear­ing the arms of France, with this inscription: FRANCISCUS primus, Dei gratiâ, FRANCO­RUM Rex, regnat.

The same day, being a day of festivity, the two young savages, Taignoagni and Domagaia, with Donacona the chief of the place, came on board the ships; and were partly prevailed on and partly constrained to accompany Cartier to France. A handsome present was made to the Family of Donacona, but it was with great reluctance that his friends parted with him; though Cartier promised to bring him again at the end of twelve months. On the sixth of May they sailed from the Port of St. Croix; and having touched at St. Peter's in Newfoundland, they arrived at St. Malo in France the sixth of July 1536.

Whether Cartier performed his vow to God, the history does not tell us; certain it is, however, that he did not perform his promise to his passengers. The zeal for adventures of this kind began to abate. Neither gold nor [Page 178] silver were carried home. The advantages of the fur trade were not fully understood; and the prospect of benefit from cultivation in the short summer of that cold climate, was great­ly overbalanced, by the length and severity of a Canadian winter. The natives had been so often told of the necessity of baptism in or­der to salvation, that on their arrival in France, they were at their own request baptized; but neither of them lived to see their native land again.

The report which Cartier brought home, of the fine country beyond the Lakes, had however made such an impression on the minds of some, that, at the end of four years, another expedition was projected. Francis de la Roche, Lord of Roberval, was commis­sioned by the King as his Lieutenant Govern­or in Canada and Hockelaga; and Cartier was appointed his pilot, with the command of five ships. When they were ready to sail, Roberval had not finished his preparations, and was therefore detained. The King's or­ders to Cartier being positive, he sailed from St. Malo on the 23d of May 1540.

The winds were adverse and the voyage te­dious. The ships were scattered, and did not [Page 179] arrive at the place of their destination till the 23d of August; when they came to the port of St. Croix in the river of Canada.

The first inquiry made by the natives was for their countrymen who had been carried away. The answer was, that Donacona was dead, and that the others had become great Lords, were married in France, and refused to return. Neither sorrow nor resentment were shown on this occasion; but a secret jealou­sy, which had long been working, received strength, from an answer so liable to suspicion.

The history of this voyage being imperfect, it is not possible to say, in what particular manner this jealousy operated. Cartier made another excursion, up the river; and pitched on a place about four leagues above St. Croix to lay up three of his vessels for the winter. The other two he sent back to France, to in­form the King of what they had done; and that Roberval had not arrived.

At the new harbour, which he had chosen for his ships, was a small river, running in a serpentine course to the south. On the east­ern side of its entrance was a high and steep cliff; on the top of which, they built a fort and called it Charleburg. Below, the ships [Page 180] were drawn up and fortified, as they had been in the former winter which he spent here. Not far from the fort were some rocks containing chrystals; which they denominat­ed diamonds; and on the shore were picked up certain specks of a yellow substance, which their imaginations refined into gold. Iron ore was found in abundance; and a kind of black slate, with veins of an apparent metallic substance.

In what manner they passed the winter, the defective accounts which we have do not in­form us. In the spring of the following year, Cartier and his company having heard noth­ing of Roberval; and concluding that they were abandoned by their friends and exposed to perish in a climate the most severe, and a­mong people whose conduct toward them, was totally changed, determined to return to France. Accordingly having set sail, at the breaking up of the ice, they arrived in the harbour of St. John in Newfoundland, some­time in June; where they met Roberval, who, with three ships and two hundred per­sons, male and female, had sailed from Rochelle in April; and were on their way to establish a colony in Canada. Cartier went on board [Page 181] Roberval's ship, and showed him the dia­monds and gold which he had found; but told him that the hostile disposition of the natives had obliged him to quit the country; which however he represented to him as ca­pable of profitable cultivation. Roberval ordered him to return to Canada; but Car­tier privately sailed out of the harbour in the night and pursued his voyage to France.

Mortified and disappointed, Roberval con­tinued some time longer at St. John's before he proceeded, and about the end of July ar­rived at the place which Cartier had quitted. There he erected a fort on a commanding eminence, and another at its foot; in which were deposited all the provision, ammunition, artillery, implements of husbandry and other materials for the intended colony.

In September, two vessels were sent back to France, to carry specimens of chrystal, and fetch provisions for the next year; the stores which they had brought being much reduced. By the help of the fish which they took in the river, and the game which they procured from the savages; and by well hus­banding their provisions, they lingered out a tedious winter, having suffered much from [Page 182] the scurvy, of which about fifty of them died. In addition to this distress, Roberval exer­cised such severity in his government, that one man was hanged, several were laid in irons, and some of both sexes underwent the discipline of the whip.

In April the ice began to break up; and on the fifth of June he proceeded up the riv­er; leaving De Royeze, his Lieutenant, to command in his absence, with orders to em­bark for France, if he should not return by the middle of July.

As the account of the expedition ends here, we can only remark that the colony was broken up; and no farther attempt was made by the French to establish themselves in Can­ada, till after the expiration of half a century. The last account of Roberval is that, in 1549, he sailed with his brother on some voyage of discovery, and never returned.

In this first visit, which the natives of Can­ada received from the Europeans, we have a striking instance of their primitive manners. Suspecting no danger, and influenced by no fear, they embraced the stranger with unaf­fected joy. Their huts were open to receive him, their fires and furs to give warmth and [Page 183] rest to his weary limbs; their food was shar­ed with him or given in exchange for his tri­fles; they were ready with their simple med­icines to heal his diseases and his wounds; they would wade through rivers and climb rocks and mountains to guide him in his way, and they would remember and requite his kind­ness more than it deserved.

Unhappily for them they set too high a value on their new guest. Imagining him to be of a heavenly origin, they were extrava­gant and unguarded in their first attachment, and from some specimens of his superiority, obvious to their senses, they expected more than ought ever to be expected from beings of the same species. But when the mistake was discovered, and the stranger whom they had adored, proved to be no more than human, having the same inferior desires and passions with themselves; especially when they found their confidence misplaced and their generous friendship ill requited; then the rage of jea­lousy extinguished the virtue of benevolence; and they struggled to rid themselves of him, as an enemy, whom they had received into their bosom as a friend.

[Page 184]On the other hand, it was too common for the European adventurer, to regard the man of nature as an inferior being; and whilst he availed himself of his strength and experience, to abuse his confidence, and repay his kindness with insult and injury; to stigmatize him as a heathen and a savage, and to bestow on him the epithets of deceitful, treacherous, and cruel; though he himself had first set the example of these detestable vices.

VII. FERDINANDO DE SOTO.

THE travels and transactions of this adventurer are of so little importance in the history of America that I should not have thought them worthy of much notice; had it not been, that some gentlemen of ingenuity and learning, have had recourse to the expedi­tion of this Spaniard as a means of solving the question respecting the mounds and fortifica­tions, of a regular construction, which within a few years past have been discovered in the thickest shades of the American forest. ^* Though the opinion seems to have been can­didly given up by one of the writers who at­tempted to defend it; yet, as what was publish­ed on the subject may have impressed some persons with an idea that these works were of European fabric, I shall briefly relate the history of Soto's march; and the difficulties which [Page 186] attend the supposition that he was the builder of any of these fortifications.

After the conquest of Mexico and Peru, in the beginning of the sixteenth century, the inextinguishable thirst for gold, which had seized the Spanish adventurers, prompted them to search for that bewitching metal wherever there could be any prospect of finding it. Three unsuccessful attempts had been made in Florida, by Ponce, Gomez, and Narvaez; but because these adventurers did not penetrate the interior parts of the continent; FERDINAN­DO DE SOTO, Governour of Cuba, who had been a companion of the Pizarros in their Peruvian expedition, and had there amassed much wealth, projected a march into Florida, of which country he had the title of Adelan­tado, or President. He sailed from the Port of Havannah May 18, 1539, with nine vessels, six hundred men, ^* two hundred and thirteen horses, and a heard of swine, and arrived on the 30th of the same month in the bay of Espiri­tu Santo, on the western coast of the peninsula of Florida.

[Page 187]Being a soldier of fortune and determined on conquest, he immediately pitched his camp and secured it. A foraging party met with a few Indians who resisted them; two were killed, the others escaped, and reported to their countrymen that the warriors of fire had invaded their territories; upon which the smaller towns were deserted and the natives hid in the woods.

Having met with a Spaniard of the party of Narvaez, who had been wrecked on the coast, and had been twelve years a captive with the Indians, Soto made use of him as a mes­senger to them to inquire for gold and silver; and wherever he could receive any informa­tion respecting these precious metals thither he directed his march.

His manner of marching was this: The horsemen carried bags of corn and other pro­visions; the footmen marched by the side of the horses, and the swine were driven be­fore them. When they first landed they had thirteen female swine, which in two years in­creased to several hundreds; the warmth of the climate being favourable to their propaga­tion, and the forests yielding them a plenty of food.

[Page 188]The first summer and winter were spent in the peninsula of Florida, not far from the bay of Apalache; and in the beginning of the following spring, having sent back his vessels to Cuba for supplies, and left a part of his men at the port, where he expected the ships to return, he marched toward the north and east, in search of a place called Yupaha, where he had been informed there was gold.

In this march he crossed the river Altama­ha and probably the Ogechee, and came, as he was informed, within two days journey of the bay of St. Helena, where the Spaniards had been several years before. In all this march he staid not more than a week in any one place.

He then set his face northward, and having passed a hilly country, came to a district called Chalaque, which is supposed to be the coun­try now called Cherokee, on the upper branch­es of the river Savannah. Thence he turned westward, in search of a place called Chiaha, and in this route he crossed the Allegany ridge, and came to Chiaha, where his horses and men, being excessively fatigued, he rested thirty days. The horses fed in a meadow, and and the people lay under the trees, the weath­er [Page 189] being very hot, and the natives in peace. This was in the months of May and June. During their abode there they heard of a country called Chisca, where was copper and another metal of the same colour. This coun­try lay northward, and a party was sent with Indian guides to view it. Their report was, that the mountains were impassable, and Soto did not attempt to proceed any farther in that direction.

From a careful inspection of the maps in the American Atlas, I am inclined to think that the place where Soto crossed the moun­tains was within the thirty fifth degree of lat­itude. In Delisle's map, a village called Ca­nasaga, is laid down on the N. W. side of the Allegany (or as it is sometimes called) the Apalachian ridge of mountains, in that lati­tude; and Chiaha is said in Soto's journal to be five days westward from Canasagua.

To ascertain the situation of Chiaha we must observe that it is said to be subject to the Lord of Cosa, which is situate on an east­ern branch of the Mobille; and Soto's sick men came down the river from Chiaha in boats. This river could be none but a branch of the Mobille; and his course was then [Page 190] turned toward the south. In this march he passed through Alibama, Talise, Tascalusa, names which are still known and marked on the maps, till he came to the town of Mavil­la, which the French pronounced Mouville and Mabille. It was then a walled town, but the walls were of wood. The inhabitants had conceived a disgust to the Spaniards, which was augmented by an outrage commit­ted on one of their Chiefs, and finally broke out in a severe conflict, in which two thousand of the innocent natives were slain, and many of the Spaniards killed and wounded, and the town was burnt. This was in the latter end of October.

It is probable that Soto intended to pass the winter in the neighbourhood of that vil­lage, if he could have kept on friendly terms with the Indians; for there he could have had a communication with Cuba. There he heard that the vessels which he had sent to Cuba for supplies were arrived at Ochus [Pensacola] where he had agreed to meet them; but he kept this information se­cret, because he had not yet made any dis­coveries which his Spanish friends would think worthy of regard. The country [Page 191] about him was populous and hostile, and, being void of gold or silver, was not an ob­ject for him to possess at the risque of losing his army, of which above an hundred had already perished. He therefore, after stay­ing twenty eight days for the recovery of his wounded, determined on a retreat.

In this retreat it has been supposed that he penetrated northward, beyond the Ohio. The truth is, that he began his march from Mavilla, a village near the mouth of the Mobille, on the 18th of November, and on the 17th of December arrived at Chicaçca, an Indian village of twenty houses, where they remained till the next April.

The distance, the time, the nature of the country, the course and manner of the march, and the name of the village, all con­cur to determine this winter station of Soto to be a village of the Chickesaw Indians, sit­uate on the upper part of the Yasou, a branch of the Mississippi, about eighty leagues northwestward from Mobille, and not less than one hundred and forty leagues, south­westward from the Muskingum, where the great fortifications, which gave rise to this inquiry, are found. From Chicaça, in the [Page 192] spring, he went westward, and crossed a river within the thirty fourth degree of latitude, which he called Rio Grande, and which is now known to be the Mississippi.

On the western side of the Mississippi, af­ter rambling all summer, he spent the next winter, at a place called Autiamque, where he enclosed his camp with a wall of timber, the work of three days only. Within this enclosure he lodged safely during three months; and, in the succeeding spring, the extreme fatigue and anxiety which he had suffered, threw him into a fever, of which he died, May 21, 1542, at Guacoya. To prevent his death from being known to the Indians, his body was sunk in the middle of a river.

His Lieutenant, Louis de Moscosco, con­tinued to ramble on the western side of the Mississippi, till the next summer; when worn with fatigue, disappointment, and loss of men, he built seven boats, called brigantines, on the Mississippi, in which, the shattered remnants, consisting of three hundrd and eleven, return­ed to Cuba, in September 1543. ^*

The place where Soto died is said to have been on the bank of the Red river, a western [Page 193] branch of the Mississippi, in lat. 31°. The place where the remnant of his army built their vessels and embarked for Cuba is called in the journal Minoya. They were seventeen days in sailing down the river, and they computed the distance to be two hundred and fifty leagues. ^*

From this account, faithfully abridged from Purchas and compared with the best maps, I am fully persuaded that the whole country through which Soto travelled on the eastern side of the Mississippi is comprehended with­in Florida, Georgia and South Carolina; and that he never went farther northward than the 35th degree of latitude, which is distant two degrees southward from any part of the Ohio. The conclusion then is, that he could not have been the builder of those fortifica­tions, still remaining in that part of the con­tinent, which lies N. W. of the Ohio. Nor indeed can any works which he erected for the security of his camp be subsisting at this time; for the best of them were made of wood, and were intended to cover his men; and protect his horses and swine, only during one winter.

[Page 194]The works which have so much excited curiosity and conjecture, are far more numer­ous, extensive and durable. They are found in various and distant places, in the interior part of the continent, on both sides of the Mississippi; on the Ohio and its branches; on James and Potowmack rivers in Virginia; in the country of the Six Nations, and on the shores of lake Erie; where they are exceed­ingly numerous.

The most obvious mode of solving the question respecting them, is by inquiry of the present natives. But the structures are too ancient for their tradition; the oldest and wisest men know nothing of their original. The form and materials of these works, indi­cate the existence of a race of men superior to the present race, in improvement, in design, and in that patience which must have accom­panied the labour of erecting them.

Trees which have been found growing on them have been cut down, and, from indubi­table marks, are known to have been upwards of three hundred years old; nor were these the first growth, upon them.

The mounds and ramparts are constructed of earth, and have acquired a firmness and sol­idity, [Page 195] which render it probable that they are the work of some remote age and some other people; who had different ideas of conveni­ence and were better acquainted with the arts of defence; and in fact, were much more nu­merous than the ancestry of those natives, of whom we or our fathers have had any knowledge.

It is to be hoped that the persons who now occupy and are cultivating the lands where these singular buildings are found, will pre­serve, as far as they are able, some, at least, of these monuments of unknown ages; that as they have long resisted the ravages of time, and may possibly baffle the researches of the present generation, they may subsist unimpair­ed as subjects of speculation to our posterity.

VIII. HUMPHREY GILBERT.

AFTER the discovery of Newfound­land by the Cabots, the passion for adventure, among the English, met with many severe checks. But whilst one adventurer after a­nother was returning home from an unsuc­cessful voyage, intended to penetrate unknown seas to China; foreigners were reaping the benefit of their partial discoveries.

Within the first forty years, we have no ac­count of any attempt made by the English to prosecute the discovery of the new continent, except, that in 1536, two vessels containing one hundred and twenty persons, of whom thirty were gentlemen of education and cha­racter, under the conduct of "Master Hore of London" made a voyage to Newfound­land; ^* but they were so ill provided, and knew so little of the nature of the country, that they suffered the extremity of famine. For, notwithstanding the immense quantities of fish and fowl to be found on those coasts; they were reduced so low as to watch the nests of birds of prey and rob them of the fish [Page 197] which they brought to feed their young. To collect this scanty supply, with a mixture of roots and herbs, the men dispersed themselves in the woods, until several of them were miss­ing. It was at first thought that they were devoured by wild beasts; but it was found that they met with a more tragical fate; the stronger having killed the weaker and feasted on their flesh. In the midst of this distress, a French ship arriving with a supply of provi­sions, they took her by force, and returned to England; leaving to the Frenchmen their own smaller vessels, and dividing the provision be­tween them. Complaint of this act of piracy was made to King HENRY VIII: who, knowing the miseries of the unfortunate crew, instead of punishing them, paid the damage out of his own coffers.

Within the succeeding forty years, the English had begun to make some advantage by the fishery; and in 1578, the state of it is thus described. ^* "There are about one hun­dred sail of Spaniards who come to take cod; who make it all wet, and dry it when they come home; besides twenty or thirty more, who come from Biscay to kill whales for train. [Page 198] These be better appointed for shipping and furniture of munition than any other nation, save the English; who commonly are Lords of the harbours. As touching their tonnage, I think it may be near five or six thousand. Of Portugals, there are not above fifty sail, whose tonnage may amount to three thousand, and they make all wet. Of the French na­tion are about one hundred and fifty sail; the most of their shipping is very small, not past forty tons; among which some are great and reasonably well appointed; better than the Portugals, and not so well as the Spaniards; the burden of them may be about seven thou­sand. The English vessels have increased in four years from thirty to fifty sail. The trade which our nation hath to Iceland, maketh, that the English are not there in such num­bers as other nations."

The next year [1579] Queen Elizabeth granted to Sir HUMPHREY GILBERT, a pa­tent for the discovering, occupying and peop­ling of "such remote, heathen and barbarous countries as were not actually possessed by any Christian people." ^* In consequence of this grant, many of his friends joined him, and [Page 199] preparations were made for an expedition, which promised to be highly advantageous. But before the fleet was ready, some declined and retracted their engagements. Gilbert, with a few companions, sailed; but a violent storm, in which one of the ships foundered, caused him to return. This misfortune in­volved him in debt; and he had no way to satisfy the demands of his creditors, but by grants of land in America. By such means, the country was not likely to be peopled, nor the conditions of his patent fulfilled. He was obliged therefore to sell his estate before he could make another attempt; and, after long solicitation, being assisted by some friends, he set sail from Plymouth with five ships, carrying two hundred and sixty men, on the eleventh of June 1583; and on the eleventh of July arrived off the bay of St. John, on the eastern coast of Newfoundland.

Thirty six fishing vessels were then in the harbour, who refused him admittance. He prepared to enter by force of arms; but pre­viously sent in his boat with his commission from Queen Elizabeth; on sight of which they submitted, and he sailed into the port. ^*

[Page 200]The intention of this voyage was to take formal possession of the island, and of the fish­ery on its banks, for the crown of England. This was done in the following manner: ^*

On Monday the fifth of August, Admiral Gilbert had his tent pitched on shore, in sight of all the shipping; and being attended by his own people, summoned the merchants and masters of vessels, both Englishmen and oth­ers, to be present at the ceremony. When they were all assembled, his commission was read, and interpreted to the foreigners. Then a turf and a twig were delivered to him, which he received with a hazle wand. Immediately, proclamation was made, that by virtue of his commission from the Queen, he took posses­sion, for the crown of England, of the har­bour of St. John, and two hundred leagues every way round it.

He then published three laws, for the gov­ernment of the territory. By the first, pub­lic worship was established according to the mode of the church of England. By the sec­ond, the attempting of any thing prejudicial to her Majesty's title was declared treason, ac­cording to the laws of England. By the [Page 201] third, the uttering of words, to the dishonour of her Majesty, was to be punished with the loss of ears and the confiscation of property.

The proclamation being finished, assent and obedience were signified by loud acclama­tions. A pillar was erected, bearing a plate of lead, on which the Queen's arms were en­graven; and several of the merchants took grants of land, in fee farm, on which they might cure their fish, as they had done be­fore.

A tax of provision, by her Majesty's autho­rity, was levied on all the ships. This tax was readily paid; besides which, the Admiral received presents of wine, fruit, and other re­freshments, chiefly from the Portuguese.

This formal possession, taken by Sir Hum­phrey Gilbert, in consequence of the discov­ery by the Cabots, is the foundation of the right and title of the crown of England to the territory of Newfoundland and to the fishery on its banks.

As far as the time would permit, a survey was made of the country; one principal ob­ject of which was the discovery of mines and minerals. The mineralogist was a Saxon, who is characterized as "honest and religious." [Page 202] This man brought to the Admiral first a spe­cimen of iron, then a kind of ore, which, on the peril of his life, he protested to be silver. The Admiral enjoined secrecy, and sent it on board; intending to have it assayed, when they should get to sea.

The company being dispersed abroad, some were taken sick and died; some hid themselves in the woods, with an intention to go home, by the first opportunity; and others cut one of the vessels out of the harbour and carried her off.

On the twentieth of August, the Admiral, having collected as many of his men as could be found, and ordered one of his vessels to stay and take off the sick, set sail with three ships; the Delight, the Hind, and the Squir­rel. He coasted along the southern part of the island, with a view to make Cape Breton and the Isle of Sable; on which last, he had heard that cattle and swine had been landed by the Portuguese, thirty years before.

Being entangled among shoals and involved in fogs, the Delight struck on a sand bank and was lost. Fourteen men only saved them­selves in a boat; the loss of the Saxon refiner was particularly noted, and nothing farther [Page 203] was heard of the silver ore. This misfortune determined the Admiral to return to Eng­land, without attempting to make any farther discoveries, or to take possession of any other part of America. On his passage, he met with bad weather. The Squirrel frigate, in which Sir Humphrey sailed, was overloaded on her deck; but he persisted in taking his passage in her, notwithstanding the remonstrances of his friends, in the Hind, who would have per­suaded him to sail with them. From the circumstance of his returning from his first voyage without accomplishing its object, it had been reported that he was afraid of the sea; had he yielded to the solicitation of his friends, the stigma might have been indelible.

When the wind abated, and the vessels were near enough, the Admiral was seen constantly sitting in the stern with a book in his hand. On the ninth of September, he was seen for the last time; and was heard by the people in the Hind to say, "We are as near heaven by sea as by land." In the following night, the lights of his ship suddenly disappeared. The people in the other vessel kept a good look out for him, during the remainder of the voyage. On the twenty second of September, [Page 204] they arrived, through much tempest and peril, at Falmouth. But nothing more was seen or heard of the Admiral.

Whilst his zeal for the interest of the Crown, and the settlement of its American dominions, has been largely commended; he has been blamed for his temerity in lavishing his own and other men's fortunes in the pros­ecution of his designs. This is not the only instance of a waste of property in consequence of sanguine expectations; which, though ruin­ous to the first adventurers, has produced solid advantages to their successors.

Dr. Forster has a remark on one of the in­cidents of this voyage which is worthy of re­petition and remembrance. "It is very clear (says he) in the instance of the Portuguese having stocked the Isle of Sable with domestic animals, that the discoverers of the new world were men of humanity; desirous of provid­ing for such unfortunate people as might hap­pen to be cast away on those coasts. The false policy of modern times is callous and tyrannical, exporting dogs to devour them. Are these the happy consequences of the so much boasted enlightened state of the present [Page 205] age, and refinement of manners peculiar to our time? Father of mercies, when will philanthropy again take up her abode in the breasts of men, of Christians and the rulers of this earth!"

X. JOHN DE FUCA.

WHEN the existence of a western continent was known to the maritime nations of Europe, one great object of their in­quiry was, to find, through some openings which appeared in it, a passage to India and China. For this purpose several expensive and unsuccessful voyages were made; and ev­ery hint which could throw any light on the subject was eagerly sought and attended to, by those who considered its importance.

JOHN DE FUCA was a Greek, born in the island of Cephalonia in the Adriatic gulf. He had been employed in the service of Spain, in the West Indies, as a mariner and pilot, above forty years. Having lost his fortune, amount­ing (as he said) to sixty thousand ducats, when the Acapulco ship was taken, by Captain Cavendish an Englishman; and being disap­pointed of the recompense which he had ex­pected from the court of Spain; he returned in disgust, to his native country, by the way of Italy; that he might spend the evening of his life, in peace and poverty, among his friends.

[Page 225]At Florence he met with John Douglas, an Englishman, and went with him to Venice. There, Douglas introduced him to Michael Lock, who had been Consul of the Turkey company at Aleppo, and was then occasional­ly resident in Venice. (A. D. 1596.)

In conversation with Mr. Lock, De Fuca gave him the following account of his adven­tures.

"That he had been sent by the Viceroy of Mexico, as pilot of three small vessels, to dis­cover the straits of Anian, on the western coast of America; through which, it was conjectured that a passage might be found, in­to some of the deep bays on the eastern side of the continent. This voyage was frustrated, by the misconduct of the commander, and the mutiny of the seamen.

"In 1592 the Viceroy sent him again, with the command of a caravel and a pinnace, on the same enterprize. Between the latitudes of 47° and 48° N. he discovered an inlet, into which he entered and sailed more than twenty days. At the entrance was a great headland, with an exceeding high pinnacle or spired rock, like a pillar. Within the strait, the land stretched N.W. and N.E. and also E. and S.E. It was [Page 226] much wider within, than at the entrance, and contained many islands. The inhabitants were clad in the skins of beasts. The land appear­ed to be fertile like that of New Spain, and was rich in gold and silver.

"Supposing that he had accomplished the intention of the voyage and penetrated into the North Sea; but not being strong enough, to resist the force of the numerous savages, who appeared on the shores; he returned to Acapulco, before the expiration of the year."

Such was the account given by De Fuca; and Mr. Lock was so impressed with the sin­cerity of the relation and the advantages which his countrymen might derive from a know­ledge of this strait; that he earnestly urged him to enter into the service of Queen Eliza­beth, and perfect the discovery. He succeed­ed so far, as to obtain a promise from the Greek, though sixty years old; that if the Queen would furnish him with one ship, of forty tons, and a pinnace, he would undertake the voyage. He was the more easily per­suaded to this, by a hope that the Queen would make him some recompence for the loss of his fortune by Capt. Cavendish.

[Page 227]Mr. Lock wrote to the Lord Treasurer Cecil, Sir Walter Raleigh and Mr. Hakluyt, requesting that they would forward the scheme, and that one hundred pounds might be advanced to bring De Fuca to England. The scheme was approved; but the money was not advanced. Lock was so much en­gaged in it, that he would have sent him to England at his own expense; but he was then endeavouring to recover at law, his de­mands from the Turkey company, and could not disburse the money. The pilot there­fore returned to Cephalonia; and Lock kept up a correspondence with him, till 1602, when he heard of his death.

Though this account, preserved by Pur­chas, ^* bears sufficient marks of authenticity; yet it has been rejected as fabulous for nearly two centuries; and is treated so even by the very candid Dr. Forster. ^† Recent voyages however, have established the existence of the strait; and De Fuca is no longer to be con­sidered as an impostor; though the gold and silver in his account were but conjectural.

The strait which now bears his name is formed by land, which is supposed to be the [Page 228] continent of America on one side; and by a very extensive cluster of islands on the other. Its southern entrance lies in lat. 48° 20′ N. long. 124° W. from Greenwich, and is about seven leagues wide. On the larboard side, which is composed of islands, the land is very mountainous; rising abruptly in high and sharp peaks. On the starboard side, is a point of land terminating in a remarkably tall rock, called the pillar. Within the entrance, the passage grows wider, extending to the S. E. N. and N. W. and is full of islands. On the E. and N. E. at a great distance are seen the tops of mountains; supposed to be on the continent; but the ships trading for furs have not penetrated far to the eastward; the sea otters being their principal object, and the land furs of small consideration. For this reason, the eastern boundary of the inland sea is not yet fully explored. The strait turns to the N. and N. W. encompassing a large cluster of islands, among which is situate Nootka Sound, and comes into the Pacific ocean again in lat. 51° 15′, long. 128° 40′. This extremity of the strait is called its north­ern entrance, and is wider than the southern.

[Page 229]Another strait has been lately seen which is supposed to be that of De Fonte, a Spanish Admiral, discovered in 1640; the existence of which has also been treated as fabulous. The cluster of islands, called by the British seamen Queen Charlotte's, and by the Americans, Washington's islands, are in the very spot where De Fonte placed the Archipelago of St. Lazarus. ^* The entrance only of this strait has been visited by the fur ships. It lies in lat. 54° 35′ and long. 131° W. ^†

These recent and well established facts may induce us, to treat the relations of former voyages with decent respect. The circum­navigation of Africa by the ancient Phenicians, was for several ages deemed fabulous by the learned Greeks and Romans. But its credi­bility was fully established by the Portuguese discoveries in the fifteenth century. In like manner the discoveries of De Fuca and De [Page 230] Fonte which have long been stigmatized by geographers as pretended, and marked in their maps as imaginary, are now known to have been founded in truth, though from the im­perfection of instruments or the inaccuracy of historians, the degrees and minutes of latitude and longitude were not precisely marked, and though some circumstances in their accounts are but conjectural. Farther discoveries may throw new light on the subject, and though perhaps a N. W. passage, by sea, from the Atlantic into the Pacific may not exist; yet bays, rivers and lakes are so frequent in those northern regions of our continent that an in­land navigation may be practicable.

It has been suggested that the company of English merchants who enjoy an exclusive trade to Hudson's Bay have, from interested motives, concealed their knowledge of its western extremities. Whether there be any just foundation for this censure, I do not pre­tend to determine; but a survey is said to be now making, from which, it is hoped, that this long contested question of a N. W. pass­age will receive a full solution.

XI. BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD.

THE unfortunate issue of Raleigh's at­tempt to make a settlement in America, to­gether with the war with Spain, which con­tinued for several years, gave a check to the spirit of colonizing. In the beginning of the seventeenth century it was revived by BAR­THOLOMEW GOSNOLD, an intrepid mariner in the west of England. At whose expense he undertook his voyage, to the northern part of Virginia, does not appear; but, on the 26th of March 1602, he sailed from Fal­mouth, in Cornwall, in a small bark, with thirty two men. Instead of going by the way of the Canaries and the West Indies, he kept as far north as the winds would permit, and was the first Englishman who came in a direct course to this part of America.

On the 14th of May they made the land, and met with a shallop of European fabric, in which were eight savages, one of whom was dressed in European clothes; from which they concluded that some unfortunate fisher­men of Biscay or Brittany, had been wrecked on the coast.

[Page 232]The next day they had again sight of land, which appeared like an island, by reason of a large sound which lay between it and the main. This sound they called Shole Hope. Near this cape they took a great number of cod, from which circumstance they named the land Cape Cod. It is described as a low sandy shore in the latitude of 42°. The Cap­tain went on shore and found the sand very deep. A young Indian, with plates of copper hanging to his ears, and a bow and arrows in his hand, came to him, and in a friendly man­ner offered his service.

On the 16th, they coasted the land south­erly, and at the end of twelve leagues discov­ered a point, with breakers at a distance; and, in attempting to double it, came suddenly in­to shoal water. To this point of land they gave the name of Point Care; it is now call­ed Sandy Point, and forms the southeastern extremity of the county of Barnstable, in Massachusetts.

Finding themselves surrounded by shoals and breakers, they lay at anchor till they had examined the coast and soundings in their boat; during which time some of the natives made them a visit. One of them had a plate [Page 233] of copper over his breast, a foot in length and half a foot in breadth; the others had pend­ants of the same metal as their ears: they all had pipes and tobacco, of which they were very fond.

In surveying the coast they discovered breakers lying off a point of land, which they denominated Gilbert's Point; it is now call­ed Point Gammon, and forms the eastern side of the harbour of Hyennes.

On the 19th they passed the breach of Gil­bert's Point, in four and five fathoms of water, and anchored a league or more to the west­ward of it. Several hummocks and hills appeared, which at first were taken to be islands; these were the high lands of Barnsta­ble and Yarmouth.

To the westward of Gilbert's Point, ap­peared an opening, which Gosnold imagined to have a communication with the supposed sound which he had seen westward of Cape Cod; he therefore gave it the same name Shole Hope; but finding the water to be no more than three fathoms deep, at the distance of a league, he did not attempt to enter it. From this opening, the land tended to the southwest; and, in coasting it, they came to [Page 234] an island to which they gave the name of Martha's Vineyard. This island is described as "distant eight leagues from Shole Hope, five miles in circuit, and uninhabited; full of wood, vines and berries: here they saw deer and took abundance of cod."

From their station off this island, where they rode in eight fathoms, they sailed on the 24th; and doubled the cape of another island, next to it, which they called Dover cliff: this course brought them into a sound, where they anchored for the night, and the next morning sent their boat to examine another cape, which lay between them and the main, from which projected a ledge of rocks, a mile into the sea, but all above water, and not dan­gerous. Having passed round them, they came to anchor again, in one of the finest sounds, which they had ever seen; and to which they gave the name of Gosnold's Hope. On the northern side of it was the main; and on the southern, parallel to it, at the distance of four leagues, was a large island which they called Elizabeth, in honor of their Queen. On this island they determined to take up their abode; and pitched upon a small woody islet in the middle of a fresh pond, as a safe [Page 235] place to build their fort. A little to the northward of this large island lay a small one half a mile in compass, and full of cedars. This they called Hill's Hap. On the op­posite northern shore appeared another simi­lar elevation to which they gave the name of Hap's Hill.

By this description of the coast it is evident that the sound into which Gosnold entered was Buzzard's Bay. The island which he called Martha's Vineyard, was not that which now goes by that name, but a small island, the easternmost of those which are known by the name of Elizabeth's islands. It is called by the Indians Nenimissett; its present cir­cumference is about four miles, but it has doubtless been diminished since Gosnold's time, by the force of the tides which set into and out of the bay with great rapidity. Its natural productions and pleasant situation an­swer well to his description; and deer are frequently seen and hunted upon it: but none were ever known to have been on the great island, now called Martha's Vineyard; which is above twenty miles in length and was always full of inhabitants. For what reason and at what time the name was trans­ferred [Page 236] from the one to the other, I have not yet learned.

The cliff named Dover is supposed to be the eastern head of a small island which was called by the natives Onky Tonky, and is now corrupted into Uncle Timmy. The rocky ledge is called Rattlesnake Neck. Hill's Hap consists now of two very small islands called Wicpeckets. There is every appear­ance that these were formerly united; and there are now a few cedars on them. Hap's Hill, on the opposite part of the main, is a small elevated island, of an oval form, near the mouth of a river which passes through the towns of Wareham and Rochester. It is a conspicuous object to navigators.

The island on which Gosnold and his com­pany took up their abode, is now called by its Indian name Naushaun, and is the property of the Honourable JAMES BOWDOIN, of Bos­ton, to whom I am indebted for these remarks on Gosnold's journal, which is extant at large in Purchas's collections. ^*

Near the southwest end of Naushaun is a large fresh pond; such an one as answers to Gosnold's description, excepting that there is [Page 237] no islet in the middle of it. The shore is sandy; but what revolution may have taken place within the space of almost two centuries past, we cannot say.

Whilst some of Gosnold's men laboured in building a fort and store house on the small island in the pond, and a flat boat to go to it; he crossed the bay in his vessel and discovered the mouths of two rivers: one was that near which lay Hap's Hill, and the other, that, on the shore of which the town of New-Bedford is now built.

After five days absence, Gosnold returned to the island and was received by his people with great ceremony; on account of an Indian chief and fifty of his men who were there on a visit. To this chief they presented a straw hat and two knives; the hat he little regarded; but the knives were highly valued. They feasted these savages with fish and mustard, and diverted themselves with the effect of the mustard on their noses. One of them stole a target, but it was restored. They did not ap­pear to be inhabitants, but occasional visitants at the island, for the sake of gathering shell­fish. Four of them remained, after the others [Page 238] were gone, and helped the English to dig the roots of sassafras; with which, as well as the furs which they bought of the Indians, the vessel was loaded.

After spending three weeks in preparing a store house, when they came to divide their provision, there was not enough to victual the ship, and to subsist the planters till the ship's return. Some jealousy also arose about the intentions of those who were going back; and after five days consultation they determin­ed to give up their design of planting, and re­turn to England. On the eighteenth of June they sailed out of the bay through the same passage by which they had entered it; and on the twenty third of July they arrived at Ex­mouth, in the west of England.

Gosnold's intention was to have remained with a part of his men, and to have sent Gil­bert, the second in command, to England, for farther supplies; but half of so small a com­pany would not have been a sufficient num­ber to resist the savages, had they been disposed to attack them.

After his return to England he was inde­fatigable in his endeavours to forward the set­settling [Page 239] of a colony in America, and was one of those who embarked in the next expedi­tion for Virginia, where he had the rank of a Counsellor, and where he died in the year 1607.

XII. JOHN SMITH.

THOUGH the early part of the life of this extraordinary man was spent in foreign travels and adventures which have no refer­ence to America; yet the incidents of that period so strongly mark his character, and give such a tincture to his subsequent actions, and are withal so singular in themselves, that no reader (it is presumed) will censure the in­troduction of them here as impertinent.

He was born at Willoughby, in Lincoln­shire, in the year 1579. ^* From the first dawn of reason, he discovered a roving and roman­tic genius, and delighted in extravagant and daring actions among his school fellows. When about thirteen years of age, he sold his books and satchel, and his puerile trinkets, to [Page 241] raise money, with a view to convey himself privately to sea; but the death of his father put a stop for the present to this attempt, and threw him into the hands of guardians, who en­deavoured to check the ardour of his genius, by confining him to a compting house. Being put apprentice to a merchant at Lynn, at the age of fifteen, he at first conceived hopes that his master would send him to sea in his service, but this hope failing, he quitted his master, and with only ten shillings in his pocket, en­tered into the train of a young nobleman who was travelling to France. At Orleans he was discharged from his attendance on lord Bertie, and had money given him to return to Eng­land. With this money he visited Paris, and proceeded to the Low Countries, where he en­listed as a soldier, and learned the rudiments of war, a science peculiarly agreeable to his ardent and active genius. Meeting with a Scots gentleman abroad, he was persuad-to pass into Scotland, with the promise of be­ing strongly recommended to King James; but being baffled in this expectation, he re­turned to his native town, and finding no company there which suited his taste, he built a booth in a wood, and betook himself [Page 242] to the study of military history and tactics, di­verting himself at intervals with his horse and lance; in which exercise he at length found a companion, an Italian gentleman, rider to the earl of Lincoln, who drew him from his syl­van retirement to Tattersal.

Having recovered a part of the estate which his father had left him, he put himself into a better condition than before, and set off again on his travels, in the winter of the year 1596, being then only seventeen years of age. His first stage was Flanders, where meeting with a Frenchman who pretended to be heir to a noble family, he, with his three attendants, prevailed upon Smith to go with them to France. In a dark night they arrived at St. Valery in Picardy, and, by the conni­vance of the ship master, the Frenchmen were carried ashore with the trunks of our young traveller, whilst he was left on board till the return of the boat. In the mean time they had conveyed the baggage out of his reach, and were not to be found. A sailor on board, who knew the villains, generously undertook to conduct him to Mortaine where they lived, and supplied his wants till their arrival at the place. Here he found their friends, from whom he could gain no recompence; but the [Page 243] report of his sufferings induced several persons of distinction to invite him to their houses.

Eager to pursue his travels, and not caring to receive favours which he was unable to re­quite, he left his new friends and went from port to port in search of a ship of war. In one of these rambles, near Dinan, it was his chance to meet one of the villains who had robbed him. Without speaking a word, they both drew; and Smith having wound­ed and disarmed his antagonist, obliged him to confess his guilt before a number of per­sons who had assembled on the occasion. Sat­isfied with his victory, he retired to the seat of an acquaintance, the earl of Ployer, who had been brought up in England, and having received supplies from him, he travelled along the French coast to Bayonne, and from thence crossed over to Marseilles; visiting and observ­ing every thing in his way which had any reference to naval or military architecture.

At Marseilles he embarked for Italy, in company with a rabble of pilgrims. The ship was forced by a tempest into the harbour of Toulon, and afterward was obliged by a contrary wind to anchor under the little island of St. Mary, off Nice, in Savoy. The bigotry of the pilgrims made them ascribe [Page 244] their ill fortune to the presence of a heretic on board. They devoutly cursed Smith, and his Queen Elizabeth, and in a fit of pious rage threw him into the sea. He swam to the island, and the next day was taken on board a ship of St. Malo which had also put in there for shelter. The master of the ship, who was well known to his noble friend the earl of Ployer, entertained him kindly, and carried him to Alexandria in Egypt; from thence he coasted the Levant; and on his return had the high satisfaction of a naval engagement with a Venetian ship, which they took and rifled of her rich cargo. Smith was set on shore at Antibes with a box of a thousand chequins, (about 2000 dollars) by the help of which he made the tour of Italy, crossed the Adriatic and travelled into Stiria, to the seat of Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria. Here he met with an English and an Irish Jesuit who introduced him to lord Eberspaught, baron Kizel and other officers of distinction, and here he found full scope for his genius; for the emperor being then at war with the Turks, he entered into his army as a vol­unteer.

[Page 245]He had communicated to Eberspaught a method of conversing at a distance by signals made with torches, which being alternately shown and hidden a certain number of times, designated every letter of the alphabet. He had soon after an opportunity of making the experiment. Eberspaught being besieged by the Turks in the strong town of Olimpach, was cut off from all intelligence and hope of succour from his friends. Smith proposed his method of communication to baron Kizel, who approved it, and allowed him to put it in practice. ^* He was conveyed by a guard to a hill within view of the town, and sufficiently remote from the Turkish camp. At the dis­play of the signal, Eberspaught knew and an­swered it, and Smith conveyed to him this intelligence, "Thursday night, I will charge [Page 246] on the East; at the alarm sally thou." The answer was "I will." Just before the at­tack, by Smith's advice, a great number of false fires were made on another quarter, which divided the attention of the enemy and gave advantage to the assailants; who, be­ing assisted by a sally from the town, killed many of the Turks, drove others into the river, and threw succours into the place, which obliged the enemy the next day to raise the siege. This well conducted exploit, pro­duced to our young adventurer, the command of a company, consisting of two hundred and fifty horsemen in the regiment of count Mel­drick, a nobleman of Transylvania.

The regiment in which he served being en­gaged in several hazardous enterprizes, Smith was foremost in all dangers and distinguished himself both by his ingenuity and by his val­our; and when Meldrick left the Imperial army, and passed into the service of his native prince, Smith followed him.

At the siege of Regal, the Ottomans derided the slow approaches of the Transylvanian army, and sent a challenge, purporting that the lord Turbisha, to divert the ladies, would fight any single Captain of the Christian troops. [Page 247] The honour of accepting this challenge, being determined by lot, fell on Captain Smith; who, meeting his antagonist on horseback, within view of the ladies on the battlements, at the sound of music began the encounter, and in a short time killed him, and bore away his head in triumph to his general the lord Moyzes.

The death of the chief so irritated his friend Grualgo, that he sent a particular challenge to the conqueror, who, meeting him with the same ceremonies, after a smart combat, took off his head also. Smith then in his turn sent a message into the town, informing the ladies, that if they wished for more diver­sion, they should be welcome to his head, in case their third Champion could take it. This challenge was accepted by Bonamolgro, who unhorsed Smith and was near gaining the victory. But remounting in a critical moment, he gave the Turk a stroke with his faulchion which brought him to the ground, and his head was added to the number. For these singular exploits he was honoured with a military procession, consisting of six thousand men, three led horses, and the Turks' heads on the points of three lances. With this ce­remony [Page 248] Smith was conducted to the pavilion of his general, who, after embracing him, presented him with a horse richly furnished, a scymitar and belt worth three hundred ducats, and a commission to be major in his regiment. The prince of Transylvania, after the capture of the place, made him a present of his picture set in gold, and a pension of three hundred ducats per annum, and moreover granted him a coat of arms bearing three Turks' heads in a shield. The patent was admitted and recorded in the college of Heralds in England, by Sir Henry Segar, garter king at arms. Smith was always proud of this distinguishing honour, and these arms are accordingly blazoned in the frontispiece to his history, with this motto, ‘"Vincere est vivere."’

After this, the Transylvanian army was de­feated by a body of Turks and Tartars near Rotenton, and many brave men were slain, among whom were nine English and Scots officers, who, after the fashion of that day, had entered into this service, from a religious zeal to drive the Turks out of Christendom. Smith was wounded in this battle and lay among the dead. His habit discovered him [Page 249] to the victors as a person of consequence; they used him well till his wounds were heal­ed, and then sold him to the Basha Bogal, who sent him as a present to his mistress Tra­gabigzanda at Constantinople, accompanied with a message, as full of vanity as void of truth, that he had conquered in battle a Bo­hemian nobleman, and presented him to her as a slave.

The present proved more acceptable to the lady than her lord intended. She could speak Italian; and Smith, in that language, not only informed her of his country and quality, but conversed with her in so pleasing a manner as to gain her affections. The connexion prov­ed so tender, that to secure him for herself and to prevent his being ill used or sold again, she sent him to her brother the Basha of Nalbraitz, in the country of the Cambrian Tartars, on the borders of the sea of Asoph. Her pre­tence was, that he should there learn the man­ners and language as well as religion of the Tartars. By the terms in which she wrote to her brother, he suspected her design, and resolved to disappoint her. Within an hour after Smith's arrival he was stripped; his head and beard were shaven, an iron collar was [Page 250] put about his neck; he was clothed with a coat of hair-cloth, and driven to labour among other Christian slaves. He had now no hope of redemption, but from the love of his mis­tress, who was at a great distance, and not like­ly to be informed of his misfortune; the hopeless condition of his fellow slaves could not alleviate his despondency.

In the depth of his distress, an opportunity presented for an escape, which to a person of a less courageous and adventrous spirit would have proved an aggravation of misery. He was employed in threshing, at a grange, in a large field about a league from the house of his tyrant, who in his daily visits treated him with abusive language, accompanied with blows and kicks. This was more than Smith could bear, wherefore watching an opportu­nity when no other person was present, he lev­elled a stroke at him with his threshing in­strument, which dispatched him. Then hid­ing his body in the straw and shutting the doors, he filled a bag with grain, mounted the Basha's horse, and betaking himself to the desart, wandered for two or three days, ig­norant of the way, and so fortunate as not to meet with a single person who might give [Page 251] information of his flight. At length he came to a post erected in a cross road, by the marks on which he found the way to Moscovy, and in sixteen days arrived at Exapolis on the river Don; where was a Russian garrison, the com­mander of which understanding that he was a Christian, received him courteously; took off his iron collar, and gave him letters to the other governors in that region. Thus he travelled through part of Russia and Poland, till he got back to his friends in Transylvania; receiving presents in his way from many per­sons of distinction, among whom he particu­larly mentions a charitable lady, Callamata, being always proud of his connexion with that sex, and fond of acknowledging their fav­ours. At Leipsic he met with his colonel, count Meldrick, and Sigismund, prince of Transylvania, who gave him 1500 ducats to repair his losses. With this money he was enabled to travel through Germany, France, and Spain, and having visited the kingdom of Morocco, he returned by sea to England; having in his passage enjoyed the pleasure of another naval engagement. At his arrival in his native country he had a thousand ducats in his purse, which, with the interest he had [Page 252] remaining in England, he devoted to seek adventures and make discoveries in NORTH AMERICA.

Bartholomew Gosnold having conceived a favourable idea of America, had made it his business, on his return to England, to solicit assistance in prosecuting discoveries. Meet­ing with Captain Smith, he readily entered into his views, the employment being exactly suited to his enterprizing genius. Having en­gaged Edward Maria Wingfield, a merchant, Robert Hunt, a clergyman, and several others, they prevailed upon a number of noblemen, gentlemen, and merchants, to solicit a patent from the crown, by which the adventurers to Virginia became subject to legal direction, and had the support and encouragement of a wealthy and respectable corporation; which was usually styled the South Virginia compa­ny, or the London company, in distinction from the Plymouth company, who superin­tended the affairs of North Virginia. The date of their patent was April 10, 1606, and on the 19th of the following December, three ships, one of one hundred tons, another of forty, and one of twenty, fell down the river Thames for Virginia. The commander was [Page 253] Christopher Newport, an experienced mari­ner. They had on board the necessary per­sons and provisions for a colony; and their orders for government were sealed in a box, which was not to be opened till they should arrive in Virginia.

The ships were kept in the Downs by bad weather six weeks, and afterward had a tem­pestuous voyage. They took the old route by the Canary and Caribbee islands, and did not make the entrance of Chesapeak Bay till the 26th of April 1607. From the begin­ning of their embarkation, there was a jealou­sy and dissention among the company. Smith and Hunt were friends, and both were envied and suspected by the others. Hunt was ju­dicious and patient, his office secured him from insult. Smith was ardent and industri­ous, courteous in his deportment, but liberal in his language. On some suggestions that he intended to usurp the government, and that his confederates were dispersed among the companies of each ship, he was made a prisoner from the time of their leaving the Canaries, and was under confinement when they arrived in the Chesapeak. When the box was opened it was found that Bartholo­mew [Page 254] Gosnold, John Smith, Edward M. Wingfield, Christopher Newport, John Rat­cliff, John Martin, and George Kendal were named to be of the council; who were to chuse a president from among themselves for one year, and the government was vested in them. Matters of moment were to be "examined by a jury, but determined by the major part of the council, in which the president had two voices." When the council was sworn, Wingfield was chosen president, and a decla­ration was made of the reasons for which Smith was not admitted and sworn among the others.

Seventeen days from their arrival were spent in seeking a proper place for their first planta­tion. The southern point of the bay was named Cape Henry, and the northern Cape Charles, in honour of the two sons of King James. To the first great river which they discovered they gave the name of their sove­reign; and the northern point of its entrance was called Point Comfort, on account of the good channel and anchorage which they found there. On the flats they took plenty of oysters, in some of which were pearls; and on the plain they found large and ripe straw­berries, [Page 255] which afforded them a delicious re­past.

Having met with five of the natives, they invited them to their town, Kecoughtan, where Hampton is now built. Here they were feasted with cakes made of Indian corn, and regaled with tobacco and a dance. In return they presented the natives beads and other trinkets. Proceeding up the river, another company of Indians appeared in arms. Their chief, Apamatica, holding in one hand his bow and arrow, and in the other a pipe of tobacco, demanded the cause of their com­ing; they made signs of peace, and were hos­pitably received. On the 13th of May, they pitched upon a peninsula where the ships could lie in six fathom water, moored to the trees, as the place of their intended settlement. Here they were visited by Paspiha, another Indian chief, who being made acquainted with their design, offered them as much land as they wanted, and afterward sent them a deer for their entertainment. On this spot they piched their tents, and gave it the name of James-town.

Every man was now employed either in digging and planting gardens, or making nets, [Page 256] or in cutting and riving timber to relade the ships. The president at first would admit of no martial exercise, nor allow any fortifica­tions to be made excepting the boughs of trees thrown together in the form of a half moon. Captain Newport took Smith and twenty more with him to discover the head of James-river. In six days they arrived at the falls, and erect­ing a cross, as they had at Cape Henry, took possession of the country in the name of King James. In this route they visited POWHA­TAN, the principal Indian chief, or emperor. His town consisted of twelve houses pleasantly situate on a hill; before which were three islands, a little below the spot where Rich­mond is now built. Captain Newport pre­sented a hatchet to this prince, which he gratefully received, and when some of his In­dians murmured at the coming of the Eng­lish among them, he silenced them by saying "why should we be offended? they hurt us not, nor take any thing by force; they want only a little ground which we can easily spare." This appearance of friendship was not much relied on, when at their return to James-town, they found that the company had been surpris­ed at their work by a party of Indians, who [Page 257] had killed one and wounded seventeen others. A double headed shot from one of the ships had cut off a bough of a tree, which falling among the Indians, terrified and dispersed them. This incident obliged the President to alter the plan of the fort, which was now a triangular palisade with a lunette at each an­gle; and five pieces of artillery were mounted on the works, which were completed by the 15th of June. It was also found necessary to exercise the men at arms, to mount guard and be vigilant, for the Indians would surprise and molest stragglers, whilst by their superior a­gility they would escape unhurt.

The ships being almost ready to return, it was thought proper that some decision should be had respecting the allegations against Smith. His accusers affected commiseration, and pre­tended to refer him to the censure of the com­pany in England, rather than to expose him, to a legal prosecution which might injure his reputation or touch his life. Smith, who knew both their malice and their impotence, openly scorned their pretended pity and defied their resentment. He had conducted himself so unexceptionably in every employment which had been allotted to him, that he had [Page 258] rendered himself very popular; and his accus­ers had by a different conduct lost the affec­tions and confidence of the people. Those who had been suborned to accuse him ac­knowledged their fault, and discovered the se­cret arts which had been practised against him. He demanded a trial, and the issue was, that the President was adjudged to pay him two hundred pounds; but when his pro­perty was seized in part of this satisfaction, Smith generously turned it into the common store, for the benefit of the colony. Such an action could not but increase his popularity. Many other difficulties had arisen among them, which, by the influence of Smith, and the exhortations of Hunt, their chaplain, were brought to a seemingly amicable conclu­sion. Smith was admitted to his seat in the council, and on the next Sunday they celebrat­ed the communion. At the same time the Indians came in, and voluntarily desired peace. With the good report of these transactions Newport sailed for England on the 22d of June, promising to return in twenty weeks with fresh supplies.

The colony thus left in Virginia consisted of one hundred and four persons, in very mis­erable [Page 259] circumstances, especially on account of provisions, to which calamity their long voyage did not a little contribute, both as it consumed their stock, and deprived them of the opportunity of sowing seasonably in the spring. Whilst the ships remained, they could barter with the sailors for bread; but after their departure, each man's allowance was half a pint of damaged wheat, and as much barley, per day: the river, which at the flood was salt, and at the ebb was muddy, afforded them their only drink; it also suppli­ed them with sturgeon and shellfish. This kind of food, with their continual labour in the heat of summer, and their frequent watch­ings by night in all weathers, having only the bare ground to lie on with but a slight cov­ering, produced diseases among them; which by the month of September carried off fifty persons, among whom was Captain Gosnold. Those who remained were divided into three watches, of whom not more than five in each were capable of duty at once. All this time the President, Wingfield, who had the key of the stores, monopolized the few refreshments which remained, and was meditating to de­sert the plantation privately in the pinnace, [Page 260] and remove to the West Indies. These things rendered him so hateful to the rest, that they deposed him and elected Ratcliffe in his room; they also removed Kendal from his place in the council, so that by the middle of Septem­ber, three members only were left.

Ratcliffe, being a man of no resolution nor activity, committed the management of affairs abroad to Smith, in whom his confidence was not misplaced. At the same time the Indians in their neighbourhood brought in a plenti­ful supply of such provisions as they had, which revived their drooping spirits; and Smith seeing the necessity of exertion to se­cure themselves, and provide for the approach­ing winter, partly by his animating speeches, but more by his example, set them to work in mowing and binding thatch, and in build­ing and covering houses. In these exercises he bore a large share, and in a short time got a sufficiency of houses to make comfortable lodgings for all the people excepting himself. This being done, and the provisions which the natives had brought in being expended, he picked a number of the best hands and em­barked in a shallop which they had brought [Page 261] from England, to search the country for a­nother supply.

The party which accompanied Smith in this excursion, consisted of six men, well arm­ed, but ill provided with clothing and other necessaries. What was wanting in equipment was to be supplied by resolution and address; and Smith's genius was equal to the attempt. They proceeded down the river to Kecoughtan [Hampton] where the natives, knowing the needy state of the colony, treated them with contempt, offering an ear of corn in exchange for a musket, or a sword, and in like propor­tion for their scant and tattered garments. Finding that courtesy and gentle treatment would not prevail, and that nothing was to be expected in the way of barter, and more­over provoked by their contempt, Smith order­ed his boat to be drawn on shore and his men to fire at them. The affrighted natives fled to the woods, whilst the party searched their houses in which they found plenty of corn; but Smith did not permit his men to touch it; expecting that the Indians would return and attack them. They soon appeared to the number of sixty or seventy, formed into a square carrying their idol OKEE, composed [Page 262] of skins, stuffed with moss and adorned with chains of copper. They were armed with clubs and targets, bows and arrows, and ad­vanced, singing, to the charge. The party re­ceived them with a volley of shot, which brought several of them to the ground and their idol among them; the rest fled again to the woods, from whence they sent a depu­tation to offer peace and redeem their god. Smith, having in his hands so valuable a pledge, was able to bring them to his own terms; he stipulated that six of them should come unarmed, and load his boat with corn, and on this condition he would be their friend and give them hatchets, beads and copper. These stipulations were faithfully performed on both sides; and the Indians in addition presented them with venison, turkies, and other birds; and continued singing and danc­ing till their departure.

The success of this attempt encouraged him to repeat his excursions by land and wa­ter; in the course of which he discovered several branches of James-River, and particu­larly the Chickahamony, from whose fertile banks he hoped to supply the colony with provision. But industry abroad will not make [Page 263] a flourishing plantation without economy at home. What he had taken pains and risqued his life to provide, was carelessly and wanton­ly expended; the traffic with the natives be­ing under no regulation, each person made his own bargain, and by out bidding each other they taught the Indians to set a higher value on their commodities, and to think themselves cheated when they did not all get the same prices. This bred a jealousy and sowed the seeds of a quarrel with them, which the colo­ny were in a poor condition to maintain, be­ing at variance among themselves.

The shallop being again fitted for a trading voyage, whilst Smith was abroad on one of his usual rambles, and the people being dis­contented with the indolence of Ratcliffe, their president, and the long sickness of Mar­tin; Wingfield and Kendal, who had been displaced, took advantage of Smith's absence, and conspired with some malcontents to run away with the vessel and go to England. Smith returned unexpectedly, and the plot was discovered. To prevent its execution, recourse was had to arms, and Kendal was killed. Another attempt of the same kind was made by Ratcliffe himself, assisted by [Page 264] Archer; but Smith found means to defeat this also. He determined to keep possession of the country, the value of which was daily rising in his estimation; not only as a source of wealth to individuals, but as a grand nation­al object; and he knew that great undertak­ings could not be accomplished without la­bour and perseverance.

As the autumn advanced, the waters were covered with innumerable wild fowl; which with the addition of corn, beans, and pump­kins, procured from the Indians, changed hunger into luxury, and abated the rage for abandoning the country. Smith had been once up the river Chickahamony, but because he had not penetrated to its source, exceptions were taken to his conduct as too dilatory. This imputation he determined to remove. In his next voyage, he went so high that he was obliged to cut the trees, which had fall­en into the river, to make his way through as far as his boat could swim. He then left her in a safe place, ordering his men not to quit her until his return; then taking two of them, and two Indians for guides, he proceed­ed in one of their canoes to the meadows at the river's head; and leaving his two men [Page 265] with the canoe, he went with his Indian guides across the meadows. A party of 300 Indians below, had watched the motions of the boat. They first surprized the straggling crew, and made one of them prisoner, from whom they learned that Smith was above. They next found the two men, whom he had left with the canoe, asleep by a fire, and killed them; then having discovered Smith, they wounded him in the thigh with an arrow. Finding himself thus assaulted, and wounded, he bound one of his Indian guides with his garters to his left arm, and made use of him as a shield, whilst he dispatched three of his enemies and wounded some others. He was retreating to his canoe, when regarding his enemies, more than his footsteps, he sudden­ly plunged with his guide into an oozy creek, and stuck fast in the mud. The Indians as­tonished at his bravery did not approach him, till almost dead with cold, he threw away his arms, and begged them to draw him out, which they did and led him to the fire, where his slain companions were lying. This sight admonished him what he was to expect. Be­ing revived by their chafing his benumbed limbs, he called for their chief, Opechanka­now, [Page 266] King of Pamaunkee, to whom he pre­sented his ivory compass and dial. The vi­brations of the needle, and the fly under the glass, which they could see but not touch, afforded them much amusement; and Smith, having learned something of their language, partly by means of that, and partly by signs, entertained them with a description of the nature and uses of the instrument; and gave them such a lecture on the motions of the heavens and earth, as amazed them, and sus­pended for a time, the execution of their pur­pose. At length, curiosity being satiated, they fastened him to a tree, and prepared to dispatch him with their arrows. At this in­stant, the chief holding up the compass, which he esteemed as a divinity, they laid a­side their arms, and forming a military pro­cession, led him in triumph to their village Orapaxe. The order of their march was thus: they ranged themselves in a single file, the King in the midst, before him were borne the arms taken from Smith and his compan­ions; next after the King, came the prisoner, held by three stout savages; and on each side a file of six. When they arrived at the vil­lage, the old men, women, and children, came [Page 267] out to receive them; after some manoeuvres, which had the appearance of regularity, they formed themselves round the King and his prisoner, into a circle, dancing and singing, adorned with paint, furs, and feathers, bran­dishing their rattles, which were made of the tails of rattlesnakes. After three dances, they dispersed, and Smith was conducted to a long hut, guarded by forty men. There he was so plentifully feasted with bread and veni­son, that he suspected their intention was to fatten and eat him. One of the Indians, to whom Smith had formerly given beads, brought him a garment of furs, to defend him from the cold. Another, whose son was then sick and dying, attempted to kill him, but was prevented by the guard. Smith being conducted to the dying youth, told them that he had a medicine at James-town, which would cure him, if they would let him fetch it; but they had another design, which was to surprize the place, and make use of him as a guide. To induce him to perform this ser­vice, they promised him his liberty, with as much land, and as many women, as would content him. Smith magnified the difficulty and danger of their attempt, from the ordnance, [Page 268] mines and other defences of the place, which exceedingly terrified them, and to convince them of the truth of what he told them, he wrote on a leaf of his pocket book, an inven­tory of what he wanted, with some directions to the people at the fort, how to affright the messengers who went to deliver the letter. They returned in three days, reporting the terror, into which they had been thrown, and when they produced the things for which he had written, the whole company were aston­ished at the power of his divination by the speaking leaf.

After this they carried him through several nations, inhabiting the banks of the Potow­mack and Rapahanock, and at length brought him to Pamaunkee; where they performed a strange ceremony, by which they intended to divine, whether his intentions toward them, were friendly or hostile. The manner of it was this: early in the morning a great fire was made in a long house, and a mat spread on each side, on one of which he was placed, and the guard retired. Presently, an Indian priest, hideously painted, and dressed in furs and snake skins, came skipping in, and after a variety of uncouth noises and gestures, drew a circle [Page 269] with meal round the fire. Then came in three more in the same frightful dress, and after they had performed their dance, three others. They all sat opposite to him in a line, the chief priest in the midst. After singing a song, accompanied with the music of their rattles, the chief priest laid down five grains of corn, and after a short speech three more; this was repeated till the fire was encircled. Then continuing the incantation, he laid sticks between the divisions of the corn. The whole day was spent in these ceremonies, with fast­ing; and at night a feast was prepared of the beast meats which they had. The same tricks were repeated the two following days. They told him that the circle of meal represented their country, the circle of corn the sea shore, and the sticks his country; they did not ac­quaint him, or he has not acquainted us with the result of the operation; but he observed that the gunpowder, which they had taken from him, was laid up among their corn, to be planted the next spring.

After these ceremonies, they brought him to the emperor POWHATAN, who received him in royal state, clothed in a robe of racoon skins, seated on a kind of throne, [Page 270] elevated above the floor of a large hut, in the midst of which was a fire; at each hand of the prince, sat two beautiful girls, his daugh­ters, and along each side of the house, a row of his counsellors, painted and adorned with feathers and shells. At Smith's entrance a great shout was made. The Queen of Apa­matox, brought him water to wash his hands, and another served him with a bunch of feathers, instead of a towel. Having feasted him after their manner, a long consultation was held, which being ended, two large stones were brought in, on one of which his head was laid, and clubs were lifted up to beat out his brains. At this critical moment, POCA­HONTAS, the King's favourite daughter, flew to him, took his head in her arms, and laid her own upon it. Her tender intreaties pre­vailed. The king consented that Smith should live, to make hatchets for him, and ornaments for her.

Two days after, Powhatan caused him to be brought to a distant house; where, after another threatening, he confirmed his promise, and told him he should return to the fort, and send him two pieces of cannon, and a grind­stone; for which he would give him the [Page 271] country of Capahousick, and forever esteem him as his son. Twelve guides accompani­ed him, and he arrived at James-town, the next day. According to the stipulation, two guns and a large grindstone were offered them. but having in vain tried to lift them, they were content to let them remain in their place. Smith, however, had the guns loaded, and discharged a volley of stones, at a tree cover­ed with icicles. The report and effect con­founded them; but being pacified with a few toys, they returned, carrying presents to Powhatan and his daughter, of such things as gave them entire satisfaction. After this ad­venture, the young princess, Pocahontas, fre­quently visited the plantation, with her attend­ants, and the refreshments which she brought from time to time proved the means of saving many lives, which otherwise would have been lost.

Smith's return happened at another critical juncture. The colony was divided into parties, and the malcontents, were again preparing to quit the country. His presence a third time, defeated the project; in revenge for which they meditated to put him to death, under pretence that he had been the means of murdering the [Page 272] two men who went with him in the canoe; but by a proper application of valour and strength, he put his accusers under confine­ment, till an opportunity presented for send­ing them as prisoners to England.

The misfortunes and mismanagements of this Virginian colony, during the period here related, seem to have originated partly in the tempers and qualifications of the men who were appointed to command, and partly in the nature and circumstances of the adventure. There could be no choice of men for the ser­vice, but among those who offered themselves; and these were previously strangers to each other, as well as different in their education, qualities and habits. Some of them had been used to the command of ships, and partook of the roughness of the element on which they were bred. It is perhaps, no great compli­ment to Smith, to say that he was the best qualified of them, for command; since the event proved that none of them, who surviv­ed the first sickness, had the confidence of the people in any degree. It is certain that his resolution prevented the abandonment of the place the first year; his enterprizing spi­rit led to an exploration of the country, and [Page 273] acquainted them with its many advantages; his captivity produced an intercourse with the savages; and the supplies gained from them, chiefly by means of his address, kept the peo­ple alive till the second arrival of the ships from England. The Virginians, therefore, justly regard him, if not as the father, yet as the saviour of that infant plantation.

In the winter of 1607, Capt. Newport ar­rived from England in Virginia. The other ship, commanded by Capt. Nelson, which sail­ed at the same time, was dismasted on the American coast, and blown off to the West-Indies. The supplies sent by the company were received in Virginia with the most cor­dial avidity; but the general license given to the sailors, to trade with the savages, proved detrimental to the planters, as it raised the prices of their commodities so high, that a pound of copper would not purchase, what before could be bought for an ounce. New­port himself was not free from this spirit of profusion, so common to seafaring men, which he manifested by sending presents of various kinds to Powhatan, intending thereby to give him an idea of the grandeur of the English nation. In a visit which he made to this [Page 274] prince, under the conduct of Smith, he was received and entertained with an equal show of magnificence; but in trading with the savage chief, he found himself outwitted. Powhatan, in a lofty strain, spoke to him thus: "It is not agreeable to the greatness of such men as we are, to trade like common people for trifles; lay down therefore at once, all your goods, and I will give you the full value for them." Smith perceived the snare, and warned Newport of it; but he, thinking to out brave the savage prince, displayed the whole of his store. Powhatan then set such a price on his corn, that not more than four bushels could be procured; and the neces­sary supplies could not have been had, if Smith's genius, ever ready at invention, had not hit on an artifice which proved successful. He had secreted some trifles, and among them a parcel of blue beads, which, seemingly in a careless way, he glanced in the eyes of Pow­hatan. The bait caught him; and he earn­estly desired to purchase them. Smith, in his turn, raised the value of them, extolling them as the most precious jewels, resembling the colour of the sky, and proper only for the noblest sovereigns in the universe. Powhatan's [Page 275] imagination was all on fire; he made large offers. Smith insisted on more, and at length suffered himself to be persuaded to take be­tween two and three hundred bushels of corn for about two pounds of blue beads, and they parted in very good humour, each one being very much pleased with his bargain. In a subsequent visit to Opecankanough, King of Pamaunkee, the company were entertained with the same kind of splendor and a similar bargain closed the festivity; by which means, the blue beads grew into such estimation, that none but the princes and their families were able to wear them.

Loaded with this acquisition, they return­ed to James-town; where an unhappy fire had consumed several of their houses, with much of their provisions and furniture. Mr. Hunt, the chaplain, lost his apparel and library in this conflagration, and escaped from it with only the clothes on his back. This misfor­tune was severely felt; the ship staying in port fourteen weeks, and reserving enough for the voyage home, so contracted their stock of provisions, that before the winter was gone, they were reduced to great extremity, and many of them died. The cause of the ship's [Page 276] detention for so long a time was this: In searching for fresh water in the neighbour­hood of James-town, they had discovered in a rivulet, some particles of a yellowish ising-glass, which their sanguine imaginations had refined into gold dust. The zeal for this pre­cious matter was so strong, that in digging, washing and packing it to complete the lading of the ship, all other cares were absorbed. This was a tedious interval to Capt. Smith; his judgment condemned their folly, his pa­tience was exhausted, and his passion irritated, and the only recompense which he had for this long vexation was, the pleasure of send­ing home Wingfield and Archer, when the ship departed.

The other ship arrived in the spring, and notwithstanding a long and unavoidable deten­tion in the West-Indies, brought them a com­fortable supply of provisions. They took ad­vantage of the opening season, to rebuild their houses and chapel, repair the palisades, and plant corn for the ensuing summer, in all which works the example and authority of Smith, were of eminent service. Every man of activity was fond of him, and those of a contrary disposition were afraid of him. It [Page 277] was proposed that he should go into the coun­try of the Monacans, beyond the falls of James-river, that they might have some news of the interior parts to send home to the com­pany; but a fray with the Indians detained him at James-town, till the ship sailed for England, laden chiefly with cedar, but not without another specimen of the yellow dust, of which Martin was so fond, that he took charge of the packages himself and returned to England. An accession of above one hun­dred men, among whom were several gold­smiths and refiners, had been made to the col­ony, by the two last ships, and a new mem­ber, Matthew Scrivener, was added to the council.

Having finished the necessary business of the season, and dispatched the ship, another voyage of discovery was undertaken by Capt. Smith and fourteen others. They went down the river (June 10, 1608) in an open barge, in company with the ship, and having parted with her at Cape Henry, they crossed the mouth of the bay, and fell in with a cluster of islands without Cape Charles, to which they gave the name of Smith's Isles, which they still bear. Then re-entering the bay [Page 278] they landed on the eastern neck, and were kindly received by Acomack, the prince of that peninsula, a part of which still bears his name. From thence they coasted the eastern shore of the bay, and landed sometimes on the main, and at other times on the low islands, of which they found many, but none fit for habitation. They proceeded up the bay to the northward and crossed over to the western shore, down which they coasted to the southward, and in this route discovered the mouths of the great rivers, which fall into the bay on that side. One in particular, at­tracted much of their attention, because of a reddish earth which they found there, and from its resemblance to bole-ammoniac, they gave it the name of Bolus-river, and it is so named in all the early maps of the country; but in the later, it bears the Indian name Pa­tapsco; on the north side of which is now the flourishing town of Baltimore. They sailed thirty miles up the Potowmack, with­out seeing any inhabitants; but on entering a creek found themselves surrounded by In­dians who threatened them. Smith prepared for an encounter; but on firing a few guns, the Indians, terrified at the noise, made signs [Page 279] of peace, and exchanged hostages. One of the company was by this means carried to the habitation of their prince, and the whole were kindly used. They learned that it was by direction of Powhatan that the Indians were in arms, and had attempted to surprise them; from this circumstance they were led to sus­pect that Powhatan, had been informed of this expedition, by the discontented part of the colony whom Smith had obliged to stay in the country when they would have desert­ed it.

It was Smith's invariable custom, when he met with the Indians, to put on a bold face, and if they appeared desirous of peace to de­mand their arms, and some of their children as pledges of their sincerity; if they complied, he considered them as friends; if not, as ene­mies. In the course of this voyage, he col­lected some furs, and discovered some colour­ed earths, which the savages used as paints, but found nothing of the mineral kind. At the mouth of the Rappahanock, the boat grounded, and whilst they were waiting for the tide, they employed themselves in sticking with their swords the fishes which were left on the flats. Smith having stuck his sword [Page 280] into a stingray, the fish raised its tail, and with its sharp indented thorn, wounded him in the arm. The wound was extremely painful, and he presently swelled to that degree, that they expected him to die, and he himself gave them orders to bury him on a neighbouring island. But the surgeon, Dr. Russel, having probed the wound; by the help of a certain oil, so allayed the anguish and swelling, that Smith was able to eat part of the fish for his supper. From this occurrence, the place was distinguished by the name of Stingray-Point, which it still bears.

On the 21st of July, they returned to James-town. Having, with the coloured earths which they had found, disguised their boat and streamers, their old companions were alarmed at their approach, with the apprehen­sion of an attack from the Spaniards; this was a trick of Smith's to frighten the old Presi­dent, who had rioted on the public stores, and was building a house in the woods, that he might seclude himself from the sickly, discon­tented, quarrelsome company. On Smith's arrival, they signified their desire of investing him with the government. Ratcliffe being deposed, it fell to him of course; and having [Page 281] recommended Scrivener to preside in his ab­sence, he entered on another voyage of discov­ery, being determined to spare no pains for a full exploration of the country.

From the 24th of July, to the 7th of Sep­tember, with twelve men in an open barge, he ranged the bay of Chesapeak, as far north­ward as the falls of Susquehannah, entering all the rivers that flow into the bay, and ex­amining their shores. In some places, the na­tives were friendly, and in others jealous. Their idea of the strange visitors, was, that they had come "from under the world to take their world from them." Smith's constant endea­vour, was to preserve peace with them; but when he could not obtain corn in the way of traffic, he never scrupled to use threats, and in some cases, violence, and by one or the other method he prevailed so as to bring home a load of provisions for his discontented companions, who without his efforts would not have been able to live. Sickness and death were very frequent, and the latest com­ers, were most affected by the disorders of the climate.

Smith was now established in the presiden­cy, by the election of the council and the re­quest [Page 282] of the company; but the commission gave to a majority of the council the whole power. Newport, at his third arrival, brought over two new members, and Ratcliffe having still a seat, though deposed from the presiden­cy, Smith was obliged in some cases to comply with their opinions, contrary to his own judgment, an instance of which will now be exhibited.

The Virginia company in London, de­ceived by false reports, and misled by their own sanguine imaginations, had conceived an expectation not only of finding precious metals in the country, but of discovering the South Sea, from the mountains at the head of James-river; and it was thought, that the journey thither, might be performed in eight or ten days. For the purpose of making this capi­tal discovery, they put on board Newport's ship, a barge capable of being taken to pieces, and put together again at pleasure. This barge was to make a voyage to the head of the river, then to be carried in pieces across the moun­tains, and to descend the rivers which were supposed to run westward to the South Sea. To facilitate this plan, it was necessary to gain the favour of Powhatan, through whose [Page 283] country the passage must be made; and as means of winning him, a royal present was brought over, consisting of a bason and ewer, a bed and furniture, a chair of state, a suit of scarlet clothes, with a cloak and a crown, all which were to be presented to him in due form; and the crown placed on his head, with as much solemnity as possible. To a person who knew the country and its inhabitants so well as Smith, this project appeared chimeri­cal, and the means whereby it was to be car­ried on, dangerous. With a small quantity of copper and a few beads, he could have kept Powhatan in good humour, and made an ad­vantage of it for the colony, whereas a profu­sion of presents he knew would but increase his pride and insolence. The project of travel­ling over unknown mountains with men already weakened by sickness, and worn out with fatigue, in a hot climate, and in the midst of enemies, who might easily cut off their retreat, was too romantic even for his sanguine and adventrous spirit. His opinion upon the matter cannot be expressed in more pointed language, than he used in a letter to the company. "If the quartered boat was burned to ashes, one might carry her in a bag, [Page 284] but as she is, five hundred cannot, to a navi­gable place above the falls." His dissent however was ineffectual, and when he found that the voice of the council was for execut­ing it, he lent his assistance to effect as much of it as was practicable.

Previously to their setting out, he under­took, with four men only, to carry notice to Powhatan of the intended present, and invite him to come to James-town, that he might receive it there. Having travelled by land twelve miles to Werocomoco, on Pamunky (York) river, where he expected to meet Powhatan, and not finding him there, whilst a messenger was dispatched thirty miles for him; his daughter Pocahontas, entertained Smith and his company with a dance, which for its singularity, merits a particular des­cription.

In an open plain, a fire being made, the gentlemen were seated by it. Suddenly a noise was heard in the adjacent wood, which made them fly to their arms, and seize on two or three old men, as hostages for their own security, imagining that they were betrayed. Upon this the young princess came running to Smith, and passionately embracing him, [Page 285] offered herself to be killed, if any harm should happen to him or his company. Her assur­ances, seconded by all the Indians present, removed their fears. The noise which had alarmed them, was made by thirty girls, who were preparing for the intended ceremony. Immediately they made their appearance, with no other covering than a girdle of green leaves and their skins painted, each one of a different colour. Their leader had a pair of buck's horns on her head, an otter's skin as her gir­dle, and another on one arm; a bow and ar­row in the other hand, and a quiver at her back. The rest of them had horns on their heads, and a wooden sword or staff in their hands. With shouting and singing, they formed a ring round the fire, and per­formed a circular dance for about an hour, after which they retired in the same order as they had advanced. The dance was followed by a feast, at which the savage nymphs were as eager with their caresses as with their at­tendance; and this being ended, they con­ducted the gentlemen to their lodging by the light of fire brands.

The next day Powhatan arrived, and Smith delivered the message from his father, Newport [Page 286] (as he always called him) to this effect. "That he had brought him from the King of England, a royal present, and wished to see him at James-town, that he might deliver it to him; promising to assist him in prosecut­ing his revenge against the Monacans, whose country they would penetrate even to the sea beyond the mountains." To which the sav­age prince with equal subtilty and haughti­ness, answered, "If your King has sent me a present, I also am a King, and am on my own land. I will stay here eight days. Your father must come to me, I will not go to him, nor to your fort. As for the Monacans, I am able to revenge myself. If you have heard of salt water beyond the mountains, from any of my people, they have deceived you." Then with a stick he drew a plan of that region on the ground; and after many compliments the conference ended.

The present being put on board the boats, was carried down James-river and up the Pa­munkee, whilst Newport, with fifty men, went across by land and met the boats, in which he passed the river, and held the proposed inter­view. All things being prepared for the ce­remony of coronation, the present was brought [Page 287] from the boats; the bason and ewer were de­posited, the bed and chair were set up, the scarlet suit and cloak were put on, though not till Namontac (an Indian youth whom Newport had carried to England and brought back again) had assured him that these habili­ments would do him no harm; but they had great difficulty in persuading him to receive the crown, nor would he bend his knee, or incline his head in the least degree. After many attempts, and with actual pressing on his shoulders, they at last made him stoop a little and put it on. Instantly, a signal being given, the men in the boats fired a volley, at which the monarch started with horror, im­agining that a design was forming to destroy him in the summit of his glory; but being assured that it was meant as a compliment, his fear subsided, and in return for the baubles of royalty received from King James, he desired Newport to present him his old fur mantle and deer skin shoes, which in his estimation were doubtless a full equivalent; since all this finery could not prevail on the wary chief to allow them guides for the discovery of the in­land country, or to approve their design of visiting it. Thus disappointed they returned [Page 288] to James-town, determined to proceed with­out his assistance.

Smith, who had no mind to go on such a fruitless errand, tarried at the fort with eighty invalids to relade the ship, whilst Newport with all the council, and one hundred and twenty of the healthiest men, began their transmontane tour of discovery. They pro­ceeded in their boats to the falls at the head of the river; from thence they travelled up the country two days and a half, and discover­ed two towns of the Monacans, the inhabit­ants of which seemed very indifferent toward them, and used them neither well nor ill. They took one of their petty princes and led him bound to guide them. Having perform­ed this march, they grew weary and returned, taking with them in their way back certain portions of earth, in which their refiner pre­tended that he had seen signs of silver. This was all the success of their expedition; for the Savages had concealed their corn, and they could neither persuade them to sell it, nor find it to take it by force. Thus they returned to James-town, tired, disappointed, hungry and sick, and had the additional mortification of being laughed at by Smith for their vain at­tempt.

[Page 289]The Virginia company had not only a view to the discovery of the South Sea, but also to establish manufactures in their colony; and for this purpose had sent over a number of work­men from Poland and Germany, who were skilled in the making pot ashes and glass, as well as pitch and tar. Had the country been full of people, well cultivated and provided with all necessaries for carrying on these works, there might have been some prospect of ad­vantage; but, in a new region, the principal objects are subsistence and defence; these will necessarily occupy the first adventurers to the exclusion of all others. However, Smith was of so generous a disposition, and so indefatiga­ble in doing what he apprehended to be his duty, and in gratifying his employers, that as soon as Newport returned from his fruitless attempt to find the South Sea, he set all, who were able, to work, that he might, if possible, answer the expectation of the company. Those who were skilled in the manufactures, he left under the care of the council, to carry on their works; whilst he took thirty of the most ac­tive with him, about five miles down the riv­er, to cut timber, and make clapboards; this being, as he well knew, an employment the [Page 290] most certain of success. Among these were several young gentlemen, whose hands not having been used to labour, were blistered by the axes, and this occasioned frequent expres­sions of impatience and profaneness. To punish them, Smith caused the number of every man's oaths to be taken down daily, and at night as many canns of water to be poured inside his sleeve. This discipline was no less singular than effectual; it so lessened the number of oaths, that scarcely one was heard in a week, and withal it made them perfectly good humoured, and reconciled them to their labour. At his return to the fort, he found, not only that business had been neglected, but much provision consumed, and that it was necessary for him to undertake another expe­dition for corn. He, therefore, went up the Chickahamony with two boats and eighteen men, and finding the Indians not in a humour for trading, but rather scornful and insolent, he told them that he had come not so much for corn, as to revenge his imprisonment, and the murder of his two men, some time before. Putting his crew in a posture of attack, the Indians fled, and presently sent messengers to treat of peace; for the obtaining which, he [Page 291] made them give him an hundred bushels of corn, with a quantity of fish and fowls; and with this supply he kept the colony from starving, and preserved the ship's provisions for her voyage to England. At her depar­ture, she carried such specimens as could be had of tar, pitch, turpentine, soap ashes, clap­boards, and wainscot; and at Point Comfort, met with Scrivener, who had been up the Pamaunkee for corn, and had got a quantity of pocones, a red root, used in dying; these being taken on board, Capt. Newport returned to England the third time, leaving about two hundred persons in Virginia.

The harvest of 1608, had fallen short both among the new planters and the natives; and the colony was indebted to the inventive ge­nius and indefatigable perseverance of Smith, for their subsistence during the succeeding winter. As long as the rivers were open, he kept the boats continually going among the natives, for such supplies as could be obtain­ed; and he never would return empty, if any thing were to be had by any means in his power. Whilst abroad on these excursions, he and his men were obliged frequently to lodge in the woods, when the ground was [Page 292] hard frozen and covered with snow; and their mode of accomodating themselves was, first to dig away the snow and make a fire; when the ground was dried and warmed, they re­moved the fire to one side, and spread their mats over the warm spot for their bed, using another mat as a screen from the wind; when the ground cooled, they shifted the fire again; by thus continually changing their position they kept themselves tolerably warm through many cold nights; and it was observed, that those who went on this service and submitted to these hardships, were robust and healthy, whilst those who stayed at home were always weak and sickly.

The supplies procured by trading being in­sufficient, and hunger very pressing, Smith ventured on the dangerous project of surpriz­ing Powhatan, and carrying off his whole stock of provisions. This Indian prince, had formed a similar design respecting Smith; and for the purpose of betraying him, had in­vited him to his seat, promising that if he would send men to build him a house, after the English mode, and give him some guns and swords, copper and beads, he would load his boat with corn. Smith sent him three [Page 293] Dutch carpenters, who treacherously revealed to him the design which Smith had formed. On his arrival with forty six men, he found the prince, so much on his guard, that it was impossible to execute his design. Having spent the day in conversation (in the course of which Powhatan had in vain endeavoured to persuade Smith to lay aside his arms, as being there in perfect security) he retired in the evening and formed a design to surprize Smith, and his people at their supper; and had it not been for the affectionate friendship of Pocahontas, it would probably have been effected. This amiable girl, at the risque of her life, stole from the side of her father, and passing in the dark through the woods, told Smith with tears in her eyes of the plot, and then as privately returned. When the In­dians brought in the supper, Smith obliged them to taste of every dish; his arms were in readiness, and his men vigilant; and though there came divers sets of messengers one after another, during the night, under pretence of friendly inquiries, they found them so well prepared, that nothing was attempted, and the party returned in safety.

[Page 294]In a subsequent visit to Opecancanough, by whom he formerly was taken prisoner, this prince put on the semblance of friendship, whilst his men lay in ambush with their bows and arrows. The trick being discovered by one of Smith's party and communicated to him, he resolutely seized the King by his hair, and holding a pistol to his breast, led him trembling to the ambush, and there with a torrent of reproachful and menacing words, obliged him to order those very people not only to lay down their arms, but to load him with provisions. After this, they made an at­tempt to murder him in his sleep, and to poi­son him, but both failed of success. The chief of Paspiha meeting him alone in the woods, armed only with a sword, attempted to shoot him, but he closed with the savage, and in the struggle both fell into the river; where, after having narrowly escaped drown­ing, Smith at last prevailed to gripe him by the throat, and would have cut off his head, but the intreaties of the poor victim prevail­ing on his humanity, he led him prisoner to James-town.

This intrepid behaviour struck a dread into the savages, and they began to believe what [Page 295] he had often told them, that, "his God would protect him against all their power, whilst he kept his promise; which was to preserve peace with them as long as they should refrain from hostilities, and continue to supply him with corn." An incident which occurred about the same time, confirmed their veneration for him. An Indian having stolen a pistol from James-town, two brothers who were known to be his companions were seiz­ed, and one was held as hostage for the other, who was to return in twelve hours with the pistol, or the prisoner was to be hanged. The weather being cold, a charcoal fire was kind­led in the dungeon which was very close, and the vapour had so suffocated the prisoner, that on the return of his brother at the appointed time, with the pistol, he was taken out as dead. The faithful savage lamented his fate in the most distressing agony. Smith, to con­sole him, promised, if they would steal no more, that he should be recovered. On the application of spirits and vinegar, he shewed signs of life, but appeared delirious; this griev­ed the brother as much as his death. Smith undertook to cure him of this also, on the repetition of the promise to steal no more. [Page 296] The delirium being only the effect of the spi­rits which he had swallowed, was remedied by a few hours sleep; and being dismissed, with a present of copper, they went away, be­lieving and reporting that Smith was able to bring the dead to life. The effect was, that not only many stolen things were recovered, and the thieves punished, but that peace and friendly intercourse were preserved, and corn brought in as long as they had any, whilst Smith remained in Virginia.

He was equally severe and resolute with his own men, and finding many of them inclin­ing to be idle, and this idleness in a great measure the cause of their frequent sicknesses and deaths, he made an order, "that he who would not work should not eat, unless he were disabled, by sickness; and that every one who did not gather as much food in a day as he did himself, should be banished." A recent attempt having been made, to run away with the boats, he ordered that the next per­son who should repeat this offence should be hanged. By firmness in the execution of these laws, and by the concurrent force of his own example in labouring continually, and distributing his whole share of European pro­visions [Page 297] and refreshments to the sick, he kept the colony in such order, that, though many of them murmured at his severity, they all be­came very industrious; and withal so healthy, that, of two hundred persons, there died that winter and the next spring no more than seven. In the space of three months they had made a quantity of tar, pitch, and pot ashes; had produced a sample of glass; dug a well in the fort; built twenty new houses; provided nets and wiers for fishing; erected a block house on the isthmus of James-town; anoth­er on Hog Island; and had begun a fortress on a commanding eminence. As the spring came on, they paid such attention to husband­ry, as to have thirty or forty acres cleared and fit for planting; and a detachment had been sent to the southward, to look for the long lost colony of Sir Walter Raleigh, but without success.

Such was the state of the Virginia colony, when Captain Samuel Argal arrived on a trad­ing voyage, and brought letters from the com­pany in England, complaining of their disap­pointment, and blaming Smith as the cause of it. They had conceived an ill opinion of him, from the persons whom he had sent [Page 298] home, who represented him as arbitrary and violent toward the colonists, cruel to the sav­ages, and disposed to traverse the views of the adventurers, who expected to grow rich very suddenly.

There was this disadvantage attending the business of colonization in North America, at that day, that the only precedents which could be had were those of the Spaniards, who had treated the natives with extreme cruelty, and amassed vast sums of gold and silver. Whilst the English adventurers detested the means by which the Spaniards had acquired their riches, they still expected that the same kind of riches might be acquired by other means; it was therefore thought politic, to be gentle in de­meanor and lavish of presents toward the na­tives, as an inducement to them to discover the riches of their country. On these princi­ples the orders of the Virginia company to their servants were framed. But experience had taught Smith, the most discerning and faithful of all whom they had employed, that the country of Virginia would not enrich the adventurers in the time and manner which they expected; yet he was far from abandon­ing it as worthless: his aim, was thoroughly [Page 299] to explore it; and by exploring, he had discov­ered what advantages might be derived from it; to produce which, time, patience, expense and labour, were absolutely necessary. He had fairly represented these ideas to his em­ployers, he had spent three years in their ser­vice, and from his own observations had drawn and sent them a map of the country; and he had conducted their affairs, as well as the na­ture of circumstances would permit. He had had a disorderly, factious, discontented, disap­pointed set of men, to control, by the help of a few adherents; in the face of the native lords of the soil, formidable in their numbers and knowledge of the country, versed in strat­agem, tenacious of resentment, and jealous of strangers. To court them by presents was to acknowledge their superiority, and inflate their pride and insolence. Though savages, they were men and not children. Though desti­tute of science, they were possessed of reason, and a sufficient degree of art. To know how to manage them, it was necessary to be per­sonally acquainted with them; and it must be obvious, that a person who had resided several years among them, and had been a prisoner with them, was a much better judge of the [Page 300] proper methods of treating them, than a com­pany of gentlemen at several thousand miles distance, and who could know them only by report. Smith had, certainly, the interest of the plantation at heart, and by toilsome expe­rience, had just learned how to conduct it; when he found himself so obnoxious to his employers, that a plan was concerted to super­sede him, and reinstate, with a share of autho­rity, those whom he had dismissed from the service.

The Virginia Company had applied to the King to recal their patent and grant another; in virtue of which they appointed Thomas Lord de la Warre, general; Sir Thomas Gates, lieutenant general; Sir George Somers, admiral; Sir Thomas Dale, marshal; Sir Ferdinando Wainman, general of horse; and Captain Newport, (the only one of them who had seen the country) vice-admiral. The ad­venturers having, by the alteration of their pa­tent, acquired a reinforcement both of dignity and property, equipped nine ships; in which were embarked five hundred persons, men, wom­en and children. Gates, Somers, and Newport, had each a commission, investing either of them who might first arrive, with power to call in the [Page 301] old and set up the new commission. The fleet sailed from England in May 1609, and by some strange policy the three commanders were em­barked in one ship. This ship being separated from the others in a storm, was wrecked on the island of Bermuda; another foundered at sea; and when the remaining seven arrived in Virginia, two of which were commanded by Ratcliffe and Archer, they found themselves destitute of authority; though some of them were full enough of prejudice against Smith who was then in command. The ships had been greatly shattered in their passage, much of their provision was spoiled, many of their people were sick; and the season in which they arrived was not the most favourable to their recovery. A mutinous spirit soon broke out, and a scene of confusion ensued; the new comers would not obey Smith, because they supposed his commission to be superseded; the new commission was not arrived, and it was uncertain whether the ship which carried it would ever be seen or heard of. Smith would gladly have withdrawn and gone back to Eng­land, but his honor was concerned in main­taining his authority till he should be regularly superseded; and his spirit would not suffer him [Page 302] to be trampled on by those whom he despised. Upon due consideration, he determined to maintain his authority as far as he was able; waiting some proper opportunity to retire. Some of the most insolent of the new comers, "he laid by the heels." With the more moderate he consulted what was best to be done; and, as a separation seemed to be the best remedy, and it had been in contempla­tion to extend the settlements, some were in­duced to go up to the Falls, others to Nanse­mond, and others to Point Comfort. Smith's year being almost expired, he offered to resign to Martin, who had been one of the old coun­cil, but Martin would not accept the com­mand; he, therefore, kept up the form; and, as much as he could, of the power of govern­ment; till an accident which had nearly proved fatal to his life, obliged him to return to England.

On his return from the new plantation at the Falls; sleeping by night in his boat; a bag of gun powder took fire, and burnt him in a most terrible manner. Awaking in surprise, and finding himself wrapt in flames, he leaped into the water, and was almost drowned, before his companions could recover [Page 303] him. At his return to James-town, in this distressed condition, Ratcliffe and Archer con­spired to murder him in his bed; but the assassin, whom they employed, had not courage to fire a pistol. Smith's old soldiers would have taken off their heads; but he thought it prudent to pass by the offence, and take this opportunity, as there was no surgeon in the country, of returning to England. As soon as his intention was known, the council appointed Mr. Percie to preside in his room; and detained the ship three weeks, till they could write letters, and frame complaints against him. He at length sailed for England, about the latter end of September 1609; much regreted by his few friends, one of whom has left this character of him. "In all his proceedings he made justice his first guide, and experience his second; hating baseness, sloth, pride, and indignity, more than any dangers. He never would allow more for himself than for his soldiers; and upon no danger would send them where he would not lead them himself. He would never see us want what he had, or could by any means get for us. He would rather want than bor­row; or starve, than not pay. He loved action more than words; and hated covetousness [Page 304] and falsehood worse than death. His adven­tures were our lives; and his loss our deaths."

There needs no better testimony to the truth of this character, than what is related of the miserable colony after he had quitted it. Without government, without prudence, careless, indolent, and factious, they became a prey to the insolence of the natives, to the diseases of the climate and to famine. With­in six months, their number was reduced from five hundred to sixty; and when the three commanders, who had been wrecked on Ber­muda, arrived (1610) with one hundred and fifty men in two small vessels, which they had built out of the ruins of their ship, and the cedars which grew on the island; they found the remnant of the colony in such a forlorn condition; that without hesitation, they de­termined to abandon the country, and were sailing down the river; when they met a boat from the Lord De la Warre, who had come with a fleet to their relief. By his persuasion they resumed the plantation, and to this for­tunate incident, may be ascribed the full es­tablishment of the colony of Virginia.

Such a genius as Smith's could not remain idle. He was well known in England, and [Page 305] the report of his valour, and his spirit of ad­venture, pointed him out to a number of merchants, who were engaged in the Ameri­can fishery, as a proper person to make discov­eries on the coast of North Virginia. In April 1614, he sailed from London with two ships, and arrived at the island of Monahigon in latitude 43°½, as it was then computed, where he built seven boats. The design of the voyage was to take whales, to examine a mine of gold, and another of copper, which were said to be there; and if either, or both of these should fail, to make up the cargo with fish and furs. The mines proved a fic­tion, and by long chasing the whales to no purpose, they lost the best season for fishing; but whilst the seamen were engaged in these services; Smith, in one of his boats, with eight men, ranged the coast, east and west, from Penobscot to Cape Cod; bartering with the natives for beaver and other furs, and making observations on the shores, islands, harbours, and head lands, which, at his re­turn to England, he wrought into a map, and presenting it to prince Charles, (afterward the royal martyr) with a request that he would give the country a name, it was for the first time [Page 306] called New-England. The prince also made several alterations in the names which Smith had given to particular places. For instance, he had called the name of that promontory, which forms the eastern entrance of Massa­chusetts bay, Tragabigzanda; after the name of the Turkish lady to whom he had been formerly a slave at Constantinople; and the three islands which lie off the Cape, the Turks Head, in memory of his victory over the three Turkish champions, in his Transyl­vanian adventures. The former, Charles, in filial respect to his mother, called Cape Anne, which name it has ever since retained; the name of the islands has long since been lost; and another cluster to which he gave his own name, Smith's Isles, and which name the prince did not alter, are now, and have for more than a century been called the Isles of Shoals; so that the most pointed marks of his discoveries on the coast of New-England, have, either by his own complaisance to the son of his sovereign, or by force of time and acci­dents become obsolete. When he sailed for England in one of the ships, he left the other behind, to complete her lading, with orders to sell the fish in Spain. The master, Thomas [Page 307] Hunt, decoyed twenty four of the natives on board, and sold them in Spain for slaves. The memory of this base transaction was long preserved among the Americans, and succeed­ing adventurers suffered on account of it.

At Smith's return to England he put in at Plymouth; where relating his adventures, and communicating his sentiments to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, he was introduced to the Plymouth Company of adventurers to North Virginia, and engaged in their service. At London he was invited by the South Virginia company to return to their service; but made use of his engagement with the Plymouth adventurers as an excuse for declining their invitation. From this circumstance it seems, that they had been convinced of his former fidelity, notwithstanding the letters and re­ports which they had formerly received to his disadvantage.

During his stay in London, he had the very singular pleasure of seeing his friend Pocahontas, the daughter of Powhatan. Hav­ing been made a prisoner in Virginia, she was there married to Mr. John Rolfe, and by him was brought to England. She was then about twenty two years of age; her person [Page 308] was graceful, and her deportment gentle and pleasing. She had been taught the English language and the Christian religion, and bap­tized by the name of Rebecca. She had heard that Smith was dead, and knew nothing to the contrary, till she arrived in England.

The fame of an Indian princess excited great curiosity in London; and Smith had the ad­dress to write a handsome letter to the Queen, setting forth the merits of his friend, and the eminent services she had done to him and the colony of Virginia. She was introduced by the lady De la Warre; the Queen and royal family received her with much complacency, and she proved herself worthy of their notice and respect. At her first interview with Smith she called him father; and because he did not immediately return the salutation and call her child, she was so overcome with grief, that she hid her face and would not speak for sometime. She was ignorant of the ridiculous affectation which reigned in the court of James; which forbad Smith assum­ing the title of father, to the daughter of a King; and when informed of it she despised it; passionately declaring, that she loved him as a father, and had treated him as such in [Page 309] her own country, and would be his child wherever she went. The same pedantic af­fectation caused her husband to be looked upon as an offender, for having, though a subject, invaded the mysterious rights of royalty in marrying above his rank. This marriage, however, proved beneficial to the colony, as her father had thereby become a friend to them, and when she came to England, he sent with her Uttamaccomac, one of his trusty counsellors; whom he enjoined to inquire for Smith, and tell him whether he was alive. Another order which he gave him was, to bring him the number of people in England; accordingly, on his landing at Plymouth, the obedient savage began his account by cutting a notch on a long stick for every person whom he saw; but soon grew tired of his employ­ment, and at his return told Powhatan that they exceeded the number of leaves on the trees. A third command from his prince was, to see the God of England, and the King, Queen, and Princes, of whom Smith had told him so much; and when he met with Smith, he desired to be introduced to those personages. He had before this seen the King, but would not believe it; because [Page 310] the person whom they pointed out to him had not given him any thing. "You gave Pow­hatan (said he to Smith) a white dog, but your King has given me nothing." Mr. Rolfe was preparing to return with his wife to Virginia, when she was taken ill and died at Gravesend; leaving an infant son, Thomas Rolfe, from whom are descended several fam­ilies of note in Virginia, who hold their lands by inheritance from her.

Smith had conceived such an idea of the value and importance of the American conti­nent, that he was fully bent on the business of plantation, rather than fishing and trading for furs. In this he agreed with his friend Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and the few other active members of the council of Plymouth, but it had become an unpopular theme. One colo­ny had been driven home from Sagadahock by the severity of the season and the deaths of their leaders. Men who were fit for the business were not easily to be obtained, those who had formerly been engaged were discour­aged, and it required great strength of mind as well as liberality of purse, to set on foot another experiment. After much trouble in endeavouring to unite persons of opposite in­terests, [Page 311] and stimulate those who had sustained former losses, to new attempts, he obtained one ship of two hundred tons, and another of fifty, with which he sailed in 1615. Hav­ing proceeded about one hundred and twenty leagues, they were separated in a storm; the smaller one commanded by Capt. Thomas Dermer pursued her voyage; but Smith hav­ing lost his masts was obliged to put back under a jury mast to Plymouth. There he put his stores on board a small bark of sixty tons, and thirty men, of whom sixteen were to assist him in beginning a new colony.

Meeting with an English pirate, his men would have had him surrender; but though he had only four guns, and the pirate thirty six, he disdained to yield. On speaking with her, he found the commander and some of the crew to be his old shipmates, who had run away with the ship from Tunis, and were in distress for provisions; they offered to put themselves under his command, but he reject­ed the proposal and went on his voyage. Near the Western Islands he fell in with two French pirates; his men were again thrown into a panic, and would have struck, but he threatened to blow up the ship, if they would [Page 312] not fight; and by firing a few running shot, he escaped them also. After this he was met by four French men of war, who had orders from their sovereign to seize pirates. He showed them his commission under the great seal; but they prefidiously detained him whilst they suffered his ship to escape in the night, and return to Plymouth. They knew his enterprising spirit, and were afraid of his mak­ing a settlement in New-England, so near to their colony of Acadia; and they sus­pected, or at least pretended to suspect, that he was the person who hod broken up their fishery at Port Royal (which was really done by Captain Argal) the year before.

When their cruise was finished, they carried him to Rochelle; and notwithstanding their promises to allow him a share of the prizes which they had taken whilst he was with them, they kept him as a prisoner on board a ship at anchor. But a storm arising, which drove all the people below, he took the boat, with an half pike for an oar, thinking to make his escape in the night. The current was so strong that he drifted to sea, and was near perishing. By the turn of the tide he got ashore, on a marshy island, where some [Page 313] fowlers found him in the morning almost dead with cold and hunger. He gave them his boat to carry him to Rochelle, where he learned that the ship which had taken him, with one of her prizes, which was very rich, had been driven on shore in that storm, and lost, with her Captain and one half of the men.

Here he made his complaint to the judge of the Admiralty, and produced such evidence in support of his allegations, that he was treat­ed with fair words; but it does not appear that he got any recompence. He met here and at Bourdeaux with many friends, both French and English, and at his return to Eng­land, published in a small quarto, an account of his two last voyages, with the depositions of the men who were in the ship when he was taken by the French. To this book he prefixed his map of New-England; and in it gave a description of the country, with its many advantages, and the proper methods of rendering it a valuable acquisition to the Eng­lish dominions. When it was printed, he went all over the west of England, giving copies of it to all persons of note; and en­deavouring to excite the nobility, gentry, and [Page 314] merchants, to engage with earnestness in the business of colonizing America. He obtained from many of them fair promises, and was complimented by the Plymouth company with the title of Admiral of New-England. But the former ill success of some too sanguine ad­venturers, had made a deep impression, and a va­riety of cross incidents, baffled all his attempts.

However, his experience and advice were of eminent service to others. The open frank­ness and generosity of his mind led him to give all the encouragement which he could to the business of fishing and planting in New-England; for which purpose, in 1622, he published a book, entitled, "New-England's Tryals" some extracts from which are preserv­ed by Purchas. ^* No man rejoiced more than himself in the establishment of the colo­nies of Plymouth and Massachusetts.

When the news of the massacre of the Vir­ginian planters by the Indians, 1622, arrived in England, Smith was all on fire to go over to revenge the insult. He made an offer to the company that if they would allow him one hundred soldiers and thirty sailors, with the necessary provisions and equipments, he would range the country, keep the natives in [Page 315] awe, protect the planters, and make discover­ies, of the hitherto unknown parts of Ameri­ca; and for his own risque and pains would desire nothing but what he would "produce from the proper labour of the savages." On this proposal the company was divided, but the pusillanimous and avaricious party pre­vailed; and gave him this answer, "that the charges would be be too great; that their stock was reduced; that the planters ought to defend themselves; but, that if he would go at his own expense, they would give him leave, provided he would give them one half of the pillage." Such an answer could be re­ceived only with contempt.

When the King in 1624, instituted a com­mission for the reformation of Virginia, Smith, by desire of the commissioners, gave in a re­lation of his former proceedings in the colony, and his opinion and advice respecting the proper methods of remedying the defects in government, and carrying on the plantation with a prospect of success. ^* These with ma­ny [Page 316] other papers he collected and published, in 1627, in a thin folio, under the title of, "The General History of Virginia, New-England, and the Somer Isles." The narrative part is made up of journals and letters of those who were concerned with him in the plantation, intermixed with his own observations. His intimate friend, Mr. Purchas, had publish­ed most of them two years before in his "Pil­grims."

In 1629, at the request of Sir Robert Cot­ton, he published a history of the early part of his life, entitled, "The true Travels, Adven­tures and Observations of Capt. John Smith." This work is preserved intire, in the second volume of Churchill's collections, and from it, the former part of this account is compiled. In the conclusion he made some addition to the history of Virginia, Bermuda, New-Eng­land and the West Indies, respecting things which had come to his knowledge, after the publication of his general history. He stated the inhabitants of Virginia in 1628 at five thousand, and their cattle about the same number. Their produce was chiefly tobacco; but those few who attended to their gardens had all sorts of fruit and vegetables in great [Page 317] abundance and perfection. From New-Eng­land, they received salted fish; but of fresh fish their own rivers produced enough, beside an infinite quantity of fowl; as their woods did of deer and other game. They had two brew houses; but they cultivated the Indian corn, in preference to the European grain. Their plantations were scattered; some of their houses were palisaded; but they had no fortifications nor ordnance mounted.

His account of New-England is, that the country had been represented by adventurers from the west of England, as rocky, barren and desolate; but that, since his account of it had been published, the credit of it was so raised, that forty or fifty sail went thither an­nually on fishing and trading voyages. That nothing had been done to any purpose in establishing a plantation, till "about an hun­dred Brownists went to New-Plymouth; whose humorous ignorance caused them to endure a wonderful deal of misery, with infi­nite patience."

He then recapitulates the history of his American adventures in the following terms. "Now to conclude the travels and adven­tures of Captain Smith: How first he plant­ed [Page 318] Virginia, and was set ashore with a hundred men in the wild woods; how he was taken prisoner by the savages, and by the King of Pamaunky tied to a tree to be shot to death; led up and down their country, to be shown for a wonder; fatted as he thought for a sac­rifice to their idol, before whom they conjur­ed three days, with strange dances and invoca­tions; then brought before their Emperor Powhatan, who commanded him to be slain; how his daughter Pocahontas saved his life, returned him to James-town, relieved him and his famished company, which was but eight and thirty, to possess those large domi­nions; how he discovered all the several na­tions on the rivers falling into the bay of Ches­apeak; how he was stung almost to death by the poisonous tail of a fish called a stingray; how he was blown up with gunpowder and returned to England to be cured.

"Also how he brought New England to the subjection of the kingdom of Great Brit­tain; his fights with the pirates, left alone among French men of war, and his ship ran from him; his sea fights for the French a­gainst the Spaniards; their bad usage of him; how in France, in a little boat, he escaped [Page 319] them; was adrift all such a stormy night at sea by himself, when thirteen French ships were split or driven on shore by the isle of Rhee, the General and most of his men drowned; when GOD, to whom be all honor and praise, brought him safe on shore to the admiration of all who escaped; you may read at large in his general history of Virginia, the Somer islands and New England."

This was probably his last publication, for he lived but two years after. By a note in Josselyn's voyage, it appears that he died in 1631, at London, in the fifty second year of his age.

It would give singular pleasure to the com­piler of these memoirs, if he could learn from any credible testimony, that Smith ever receiv­ed any recompence for his numerous services and sufferings. The sense which he had of this matter, in 1627, shall be given in his own words. "I have spent five years, and more than five hundred pounds, in the ser­vice of Virginia and New England, and in neither of them have I one foot of land, nor the very house I built, nor the ground I dig­ged with my own hands; but I see those countries shared before me by those who know them only by my descriptions."

XV. HENRY HUDSON

NOTWITHSTANDING the fruitless attempts, which had been made, to find a pas­sage to India, by the north, the idea was not given up; but it was supposed, that under the direction of some prudent, resolute and expe­rienced commander, the object might yet be attained. A society of wealthy and sanguine adventurers, in England, believed the practi­cability of the passage; and with a resolution and liberality almost unexampled, raised the money to carry on this expensive undertaking. They gave the command of the expedition, to HENRY HUDSON, a seaman of enlarged views and long experience; in whose knowl­edge and intrepidity they could safely confide; and whose enterprizing spirit was exceeded by none, and equalled by few of his contem­poraries. ^*

When the ship, which they had destined for the voyage, was ready, Hudson with his crew, according to the custom of seamen in that day, went to church on April 19, 1607, and there partook of the Lord's Supper. ^† On [Page 395] the first of May, he sailed from Gravesend; and on the 21st of June, discovered land, in lat. 73°, on the eastern coast of Greenland, which he called Hold with Hope.

His design was, to explore the whole coast of Greenland, which he supposed to be an island; and, if possible, to pass round it, to the northwest; or else directly under the pole. But having sailed as far as the latitude of 82°, he found the sea obstructed by impenetrable ice; and was obliged to return to England; where he arrived on the 15th of September.

By this voyage, more of the eastern coast of Greenland was explored, than had ever before been known; and the island, afterward called Spitzbergen, was first discovered. It also o­pened the way to the English, and after them to the Dutch, to prosecute the whale fishery in those northern seas.

The next year, ^* the same company of ad­venturers resolved to make another attempt, and sent Hudson again, to find a passage by the northeast. He sailed on the 22d of A­pril 1608. The highest latitude, to which he advanced in this voyage, was 75° 30′. Af­ter having made several attempts, to pass be­tween [Page 396] Spitzbergen and Nova Zembla, which he found impracticable; the season was so far spent, and the winds so contrary, that he had not time to try the strait of Waygats, nor Lumley's Inlet; and therefore thought it his "duty, to save victual, wages and tackle, by a speedy return." He arrived at Gravesend on the 20th of August. ^*

After his return from his second voyage, he went over to Holland and entered into the service of the Dutch. Their East India com­pany fitted out a ship for discovery, and put him into the command. ^† He sailed from Amsterdam on the 25th of March 1609. ^‡

[Page 397]The highest latitude which he made in this voyage was 71° 46′; where he found the sea in the neighbourhood of Nova Zembla so fill­ed with ice, and covered with fogs, that it was impossible to pass the strait of Waygats to the eastward. He therefore tacked and steered westerly, toward Greenland; intending to fall in with Buss Island, which had been seen by one of Frobisher's ships in 1578; but when he came into the latitude where it was laid down, he could not find it.

He then steered southwesterly; passed the banks of Newfoundland among the French ships which were fishing, without speaking with any of them; and sailed along the coast of America. In this route he discovered Cape Cod and landed there; then pursued his course to the south and west; making remarks on the soundings and currents, till he came to the entrance of Chesapeak bay. Here he plied off and on for several days, and then turned again to the northward.

In his return along the coast, on the 28th of August he discovered the great bay, now called Delaware, in the latitude of 39° 5′. In this bay he examined the soundings and [Page 398] currents, and the appearance of the land; but did not go on shore.

From this bay, passing along a low marshy coast skirted with broken islands, on the 2d of September he saw high hills to the northward; which I suppose were the Nev­ersinks in New Jersey.

On the 4th of September, he came to an­chor in "a very good harbour" in the latitude 40° 30′, which is the bay within Sandy Hook. On the 6th, the boat was sent to survey what appeared to be the mouth of a river, distant four leagues. This was the street called the Narrows, between Long Island and Staten Island; here was a good depth of water; and within was a large opening, and a narrow river, to the west; the channel between Ber­gen Neck and Staten Island. As the boat was returning, it was attacked by some of the natives, in two canoes. One man, John Colman, was killed; he was buried on a point of land, which, from that circumstance, was called Colman's point. It is probably Sandy Hook, within which the ship lay.

On the 11th, they sailed through the Nar­rows, and found a "good harbour secure from all winds." The next day, they turned against [Page 399] a N. W. wind, into the mouth of the river, which bears Hudson's name; and came to anchor two leagues within it. On these two days, they were visited by the natives, who brought corn, beans, oysters and tobacco. They had pipes of copper, in which they smoked; and earthen pots, in which they dressed their meat. Hudson would not suffer them to stay on board by night.

From the 12th to the 19th of September, he sailed up the river; which he found about a mile wide and of a good depth, abounding with fish, among which were "great store of salmons." As he advanced, the land on both sides was high, till it became very mountain­ous. This "high land had many points, the channel was narrow, and there were many eddy winds."

From a careful enumeration of the com­puted distances, in each day's run, as set down in the journal, it appears that Hudson sailed fifty three leagues. To this distance, the river was navigable, for the ship; the boat went up eight or ten leagues farther; but found the bottom irregular, and the depth not more than seven feet. It is evident therefore that [Page 400] he penetrated this river, as far as where the city of Albany now stands.

The farther he went up the river, the more friendly and hospitable the natives appeared. They gave him skins in exchange for knives and other trifles. But as he came down, be­low the mountains, the savages were thievish and troublesome, which occasioned frequent quarrels, in which eight or nine of them were killed. The land on the eastern side of the river near its mouth, was called Manahata.

On the 4th of October he came out of the river; and without anchoring in the bay, stood out to sea; and steering directly for Europe, on the 7th of November arrived "in the range of Dartmouth in Devonshire." Here the journal ends.

The discoveries made by Hudson, in this remarkable voyage, were of great mercantile consequence to his employers. It has been said, that he "sold the country, or rather his right to it, to the Dutch." ^* This however is questionable. The sovereigns of England and France laid equal claim to the country, and it is a matter which requires some discussion, whether the Hollanders were, at that time, so [Page 401] far admitted into the community of nations, as to derive rights which would be acknowl­edged by the other European powers. ^* How­ever, whilst they were struggling for exist­ence among the nations, they were growing rich by their mercantile adventures; and this capital discovery, made at their expense, was a source of no small advantage to them. They had, for some time before, cast an eye on the fur trade; and had even bribed some Frenchmen, to admit them into the traffic at Acadia and St. Lawrence. The discovery of Hudson's river, gave them at once, an entrance of above fifty leagues into the heart of the American continent; in a situa­tion, where the best furs could be procured without any interruption from either the French or the English. The place indeed lay within the claim of both these nations: Acadia extended from the latitude of 40° to 48°; and Virginia from 34° to 45°; but the French had made several fruitless attempts to pass southward of Cape Cod; and had but just begun their plantations at Acadia and St. Lawrence. The English had made some ef­forts to establish colonies in Virginia, one of [Page 402] which was struggling for existence, and others had failed, both in the southern and northern division. Besides, King James, by a stroke of policy peculiar to himself, in dividing Virginia, between the North and South Companies, had interlocked each patent with the other; and at the same time interdicted the patentees from planting within one hundred miles of each other. ^* This uncertainty, concurring with other causes, kept the adventurers at such a distance, that the intermediate country, by far the most valuable, lay exposed to the in­trusions of foreigners; none of whom knew better than the Dutch, how to avail them­selves of the ignorance or inattention of their neighbours, in the pursuit of gain.

But whether it can, at this time, be deter­mined or not, by what means the Holland­ers acquired a title to the country; certain it is, that they understood and pursued the ad­vantage which this discovery opened to them. Within four years, a fort and trading house were erected on the spot where Albany is now built; and another fort on the S. W. point of the island, where the city of New-York [Page 403] now stands; by a company of Merchants, who had procured from the States General a patent for an exclusive trade to Hudson's river.

The transactions between Hudson and his Dutch employers are not stated in the ac­counts of his voyages. Dr. Forster says that he offered to undertake another voyage in their service, but that they declined it, upon which he returned to England; and again entered into the service of the Company, who had before employed him.

The former attempts for a northern passage having been made in very high latitudes, it was now determined, to seek for one, by passing to the westward of Greenland, and examining the inlets of the American continent. For this purpose a ship was fitted out, and the command was given to Hudson; but, unhap­pily, the Company insisted that he should take with him as an assistant, one Colburne, a very very able and experienced seaman. Their great confidence in Colburne's skill excited Hudson's envy; and after the ship had fallen down the river, he put him on board a pink, bound up to London, with a letter to the owners, containing the reasons of his con­duct; [Page 404] and then proceeded on his voyage. [April 22, 1610.] This rash step gave the crew an example of disobedience, which was so severely retaliated on himself, as to prove the cause of his ruin.

He went round the north of Scotland, through the Orkney and Faro islands, and on the 11th of May made the eastern part of Iceland. Sailing along its southern shore, in sight of the volcanic mountain Hecla, he put into a harbour in the western part of the island; where he met with a friendly reception from the inhabitants; but found great dissensions among his crew, which he could not appease without much difficulty.

Having doubled the southern promontory of Greenland, he steered N. W. for the Ameri­can continent. In this passage he was so en­tangled with floating ice, that he almost despair­ed of getting clear. But at length, with much labour and peril, he forced his way through the strait and into the bay which bear his name. The farther he advanced, the greater were the murmurings among his men. He removed his mate and boatswain and put others into their places. This discipline not only rendered him more unpopular; but inflamed the displaced officers with bitter resentment against him.

[Page 405]The whole summer having been spent, in examining the eastern and southern extremities of the deep and extensive bay, which he had discovered; in October it was too late to re­turn; the discovery was yet incomplete, and he was loth to leave it. He had taken but half a year's provision from England. It was therefore necessary to husband what was left, and procure more by hunting; which was done in great plenty, by reason of the numer­ous flights of fowl, which succeeded each other through the winter.

In November the ship was frozen up. Soon after the gunner died, and a controversy took place about dividing his clothes. Hudson was partial to Henry Green, a young man of a debauched character, whom he had taken on board; and whose name was not on the ship's books. This young man ungenerously took part with the discontented, and lost Hudson's favour.

They had to struggle with a severe winter, and bad accommodations, which produced scorbutic and rheumatic complaints. These were relieved by a decoction of the buds of a tree filled with a balsamic juice; the liquor was drank, and the buds applied to the swelled joints. This is supposed to have been the Populus balsamifera.

[Page 406]When the spring came on, the birds disap­peared, and their provisions fell short. To still the clamour among the discontented, Hudson injudiciously divided the remaining stores, into equal shares, and gave each man his portion; which some devoured at once and others preserved.

The ship being afloat, he began to sail to­ward the N. W. to pursue the object of his voyage; when, (June 21, 1611) a conspira­cy which had been sometime in fermentation, broke out into open mutiny. The displaced mate and boatswain, accompanied by the in­famous Green and others, rose and took com­mand of the ship. They put Hudson, his son, the carpenter, the mathematician, and five others, most of whom were sick and lame, into the shallop; with a small quantity of meal, one gun and ammunition, two or three spears and an iron pot; and then with the most savage inhumanity turned them adrift. This is the last account of Hudson. Wheth­er he, with his unhappy companions, perished by the sea, by famine, or by the savages, is unknown.

The conspirators put the ship about to the eastward and hasted to get out of the bay. Near Cape Digges, they met with seven canoes of the savages, by whom they were attacked. [Page 407] The perfidious Green was killed, and three others wounded, of whom two died in a few days. The miserable remnant, pursued their course homeward, and suffered much by fam­ine; but at length arrived in Ireland, and from thence got to England.

This account of the unfortunate end of Hudson and the return of the ship, is taken from a narrative written by Abacuc Pricket, ^* whom the mutineers preserved, in hope that by his connexion with Sir Dudley Digges, one of the owners, they should obtain their pardon.

The most astonishing circumstance in this horrid act of cruelty, is the oath, by which the conspirators bound themselves to execute their plot; the form of it is preserved by Pricket, and is in these words.

"You shall swear truth, to GOD, your Prince and Country; you shall do nothing but to the Glory of GOD, and the good of the action in hand, and harm to no man." It is to be hoped, that the absurdity, hypoc­risy, and blasphemy of this transaction will ever be unparalleled in the history of human depravity!