REVIVED from the ashes of our ruinous conflagra­tion, can we behold the anniversary of that im­portant day, when we escaped from our subjugation to a transatlantic government, without singular plea­sure, or without triumphant joy? Or can we be de­void of a heart felt gratitude to him, who, with res­pect to nations as well as individuals, has the power, and the right, to create and to destroy?

Seventeen times has the globe on which we tread measured its annual orbit, since our worthy Delegates, in Congress assembled, after detailing the intolerable grievances we suffered, under a foreign domination, declared these United Colonies of America free and independent States. The return of the fourth day of July shall, therefore, ever be hailed as the birth day of freedom, in these American climes.

[Page 4] How illustrious was that band of patriots? how worthy to be had in everlasting remembrance? firm was their courage—sublime their wisdom. The per­tinence, the weight and energy of the addresses of their excellent predecessors to men of different coun­tries, while they had the highest influence on the colo­nial sufferers, had convinced mankind of the righte­ousness and importance of our cause; those only ex­cepted who were blinded by their imaginary interest. We rewarded them with our sincerest praises. But in them was not placed all our confidence. While we strove to prepare for an arduous and dreaded con­flict, we devoutly cried to him for aid, who is infinite­ly superiour to all terrestial monarchs. We trusted that the justice of Heaven would not see us crushed by the sword of vengeance, drawn by pride against the weak and helpless; nor our equitable claims con­founded.

What indeed, on this side heaven, had we, on which we could place any rational hope of succour? Al­most totally destitute as we were of the implements of war, and more destitute of men who had experi­ence in martial service; do we not look back with astonishment to the season, when this people dared to engage in the unequal conflict? Awfully were hu­man probabilities thought to be against us, when we rose up in opposition to that nation of Europe, which was most inured to battles and conquest; whose bur­nished [Page 5] arms have seldom had any considerable respit from the horrid scenes of war. These we presumed to oppose in the field, although they were seconded and assisted by a formidable host of the mercenary Hessian murderers, and by the blood thirsty savages of the American wilds. Great was the enthusiasm which flamed in the breasts of the oppressed colonists; and next to miraculous the unity of all ranks, in opposi­tion to arbitrary and tyrannick rule.

Heaven commiserated our distress; inspired our citizens to rise in arms; and in mercy provided a generous and illustrious leader to our armies, no less eminent in council than intrepid in the field. Provi­dent of the lives of his troops, and anxious to promote their happiness; he knew how to annoy and weary our invaders, without risking too much. May his vigorous, persevering, patient and successful services be written in indelible characters on the hearts of grateful Americans. And, at the head of this nation, may he worthily preside, till he shall behold it no lon­ger in its infancy, but one among the most flourishing and oppulent in the world. This he will consider as his sufficient reward.

I must not dare to shed a damp upon the joy of this festal day, by calling your attention to any of the mournful tragick scenes which the war presented.—But may the dear memory of those numerous patri­ots [Page 6] long live in our breasts, who watered the plant of Liberty with their richest blood. And may the warm gratitude of the nation be manifested, by the most sub­stantial tokens, to their dearest connections, so long as they are not beyond the reach of our beneficence.

Rich and manifold are the advantages and blessings attending our liberation and independence; of some of the principal of them you will permit me to re­mind you.

Instead of being bound by laws enacted by a legisla­tive body on the eastern side of the broad atlantic, where the people are necessarily ignorant of our local circumstances, and who were fond of alleviating their own burdens by increasing ours; we are taxed and go­verned, by rulers of our own electing, who naturally care for our welfare, and who must expect to bear their part of the public charges, in proportion to their comparative ability. Laws will be accommodat­ed to the exigencies of the whole Union, and of the distinct Commonwealths. Government will be ad­ministered, not by those hungry harpies from Europe, put into office by a foreign monarch, to stop their im­portunate solicitations, without regard to merit or de­merit: but by those who are well known and ap­proved by the people, and to them responsible. In cases of dangerous invasion, our defence will not be the secondary concern of a court separated from us by [Page 7] an ocean of a thousand leagues; but the primary at­tention of the most approved politicians and defend­ers selected from the midst of ourselves.

When we speak of our advantages, that import­ant one should not be forgotten, our being a nation so locally detached from every other civilized part of the world, and from all the powerful nations, that we can perceive little danger of ever being annoyed by their forces. The difficulty of carrying on the oper­ations of war at a great distance from home, may be considered as our safety.

While connected with Greatbritain, the miseries of war were often our lot; because they were often the lot of that kingdom. In our new situation, we may already observe the advantage of being unconcerned in the police of Europe. Scarcely a nation in that quarter of the world can navigate at all, without dan­ger of falling a prey to their declared enemies; while the thirteen stripes can traverse the ocean with perfect security, as we are not at war with any nation.

We may add, that the immense duties and incum­brances on our trade, were formerly severe deductions from the gains of industrious Americans; and impo­sitions unjust, and scarcely supportable. But similar duties, now more wisely and equally laid; are com­paratively but little felt; and are the means of sup­porting our excellent form of national government.

[Page 8] The time is arrived, when the sons of Columbia can glory in a national character, respected by man­kind. Instead of being afflicted colonies, despised and insulted by their parent state; we are a people as much enlightened, and perhaps as wisely governed, as any now existing on the globe. Our liberties, civil and sacred, are perfectly exercised. These rights of men were never before so happily understood and enjoyed by any nation.

Devout gratitude to heaven should burn within us, while we commemorate these blessed advantages.—And doubtless we ought with pleasure to recollect the friendship of that powerful nation, and of that unfor­tunate monarch, who made our cause their own, in our late struggle for our rights: who generously made us important loans, at a time when our need was greatest; and when it was uncertain whether we should ever be able to repay them; who furnished formidable fleets and armies gratis, to cooperate with our feeble arms; and to whom we owe, if not our independence itself, yet, at least the shortening of the calamities of a horrid war. Their ships and troops assisted at the taking of the second whole British army which fell into our hands; the consequence of which was a speedy peace. If animosity against the people of a neighbouring island was a motive to this extraordi­nary beneficence, it was not the less serviceable to us; nor does it less demand our gratitude to heaven.

[Page 9] O Louis! Little didst thou realise what was fore­told by some, that thy subjects, fighting by our side to obtain for us the rights of men, would embibe the spirit of Americans; and so be led to conspire to strip thee of thy despotick rule. Happy had it been for thee—happy, perhaps, for themselves, had they been content with their first revolution. Though degrad­ed from the highest seat of arbitrary power, to the condition of an officer at the head of the executive department; still thou hadst some chance for happi­ness; which ought by thee to have been more wisely cultivated. But, like Haman's, thy fate was feared, when thou hadst begun to fall.

Not that we mean to justify the bloody measures machinated against thee, and many others, by a self­created assembly; a club which has had, it seems, too much influence over the delegated rulers of France; contrary to the dictates of conscience; contrary to those of political wisdom, and of common sense.

Unhappy Republick! thy sufferings excite our deep commiseration. If it were possible, how gladly would we deliver thee from persecution, confusion and blood! But alas, thou hast not had the wisdom, or else not the power, to follow those entirely who have afforded thee a good example in changing their government. While we execrate the hostile conduct of despots around thee, and highly approve thy design of gaining and securing [Page 10] the rights of men; we blush at the sanguinary and barbarous proceedings of some of thy citizens. Could nothing appease their rage against thy ci devant King, nor against others who were suspected to be averse to thy noble design! Nothing short of the lamp iron and the guillotine? Are they aware how this furious conduct, shouldst thou finally prevail, will weaken the hands of those nations, which, in future, shall wish, and groan, to be freed from the galling fetters of ty­rants? Having thy history before them, will they not be tempted to hug their chains, rather than risk such horrible scenes as attend thy emancipation?—But I forbear. Whatever we say of individuals, the faithful historian must, in future, enable us to judge how far we may safely censure, or applaud, thy na­tional conduct.

The introduction of a new government in this coun­try ought to be reflected on with the greater satisfac­tion, as we did not, so much as in one instance, stain it with the blood of our fellow citizens. Needless and useless severities against enemies ought ever to be a­voided. Nor ought political heresy in sentiment, any more than theological, to receive capital punishment: nor perhaps any other.

Behold, ye citizens, the genius of Columbia stand­ing triumphant—"fair as the moon, clear as the sun, and terrible as an army with banners." Justice and [Page 11] clemency are in her train—her motto this, Parcere subjec­tis, et debellare superbos. ^* She holds the land of liberty—the glory of the western hemisphere—the asylum and resort of the persecuted sons of freedom through the world.

But what will avail our excellent plan of govern­ment, our freedom, and our boasted privileges, if we have not the wisdom and the virtue which are requisite to secure and perpetuate them? We must not expect to enjoy political happiness in spight of ourselves. That which is born must be carefully nurst, if we wish it to arrive to maturity and masculine vigour.

Our form of government, is said, and not without reason, to be fit only for an enlightened and virtuous people. Then, while we sedulously court the Muses, and encourage erudition, be it the ambition of each of our citizens to cultivate in himself and others every virtue, which strengthens and adorns humanity. Let the laws be religiously obeyed, though they are ordinances of man, for the Lord's sake; and in every respect, that universal righteousness, which exalts a nation, steadily pursued and practised.

Instead of adopting the dissipated and enervating customs of older nations, it is our wisdom to strive to [Page 12] excel in economy, industry and frugality. Thus shall our fair inheritance continue unimpaired, and improv­ing by time, be handed down with advantage remote posterity.

If we glory in our independence, surely it becomes us to conduct ourselves like an independent people. Does it need to be said, that this is not to pursue the insipid fashions, and ape the follies, of those distant nations who live in comparative thraldom? It is not to neglect the advantages given us by God and nature, and strive to shine and glitter in those plumes, which are the marks of slavery.

We should rather be content with the products of our native country, and even glory in arraying our­selves in manufactures of our own. Our various soils should receive a more judicious and spirited cultiva­tion; which will be found capable of producing, not only the necessaries of life in abundance, but most of those curious fruits and luxurious productions, to pro­cure which we imprudently transmit too much of our wealth to remote parts of the globe.

But how are we completely prepared to support and retain our rights, unless care be taken, that our respectability and prowess, as a martial people, be not exchanged for pusilanimity and contemptible weak­ness? Such debility in our nation would invite the [Page 13] continued hostilities of the savage aboriginals, from whose incursions our ancestors, in former times, and many of our nation of late, have so severely suffered. And if any thing could, this would tempt some of the transatlantick nations to insult or invade us.

The use of arms should, therefore, be encouraged, and the military art learned by the young. I flatter myself there is not at present a total neglect of this, in any of the States. There surely is not in that, of which we are a part. The officers of our regiment of militia enjoy the pleasure of observing, that at least one of its companies are laudably and zealously improving themselves in military skill. As in honour of the day they are present, it is presumed the audience will not take it amiss, if we bestow on them a word of con­gratulation and applause. Struck with the uniformity of your neat and brilliant appearance, and pleased with your exact maneuvres, we cordially wish prosperity to your band. While others consume too much of their time in mere trifling and play, we trust you will pro­ceed with your manly exercises, in your hours of leisure, till you arrive to the greatest perfection. We antici­pate for you, in our expectation, the character of An­cient and Honourable. Animated by the noblest pa­triotick motives, may you be prepared for important service, that if providence should ever call you to de­fend your country's rights, you may acquit yourselves with ability and honour.

[Page 14] But, while we contemplate and celebrate those tem­poral good things, with which we find ourselves or our nation blest; we are to remember, that there are blessings to be had, which are far more worthy of our ardent pursuit; as far superiour as heaven is higher than this humble clod of earth; blessings which stand in the near­est connection with our endless felicity. The means of grace and salvation are of incomparably greater import­ance to us, than the best means and prospects of political happiness. What then shall we say of salvation itself?—While, therefore, we conduct ourselves in life as good citizens of a free and flourishing nation, let us seriously consider that it is from the father of lights that all temporal favours come down to us. And as for these our praise ascends to his throne, let us prin­cipally strive to secure to ourselves a citizenship in the new Jerusalem above. So, when all terrestial things shall pass away, like the clouds after rain, we may hope to possess that building of God; the house not made with hands, eternal in the Heavens.