THAT the religion of Jesus is the greatest ornament of our nature, and a source of sublime pleasures to men, will not be denied, by any, who know its author, understand its nature, or have felt its happy effects. The influence of chris­tianity has the directest tendency to correct the errors of the heart, and to make the life better. Its doctrines and precepts are calculated to make us what we should be, to God, ourselves, and our fellow-men, in every relation of human life.

[Page 6] IT is, notwithstanding, very apparent, that, through the malignity of its opposers, christianity has been loaded with reproach­es and calumnies; and especially with the odium of being unfriendly to peace and good government, and an enemy to Caesar. Hence, the public instructors of this reli­gion, were stigmatized with every oppro­brious character; as turbulent fellows, sowers of sedition and strife, and treated by some, as common enemies to mankind.

THESE calumnies were greatly occasion­ed by the rigorous attachment of the Jews to a system of ceremonial observances; in opposition to which, and agreeably to the purity and plainness of gospel worship, the apostles taught a glorious liberty in Christ, and charged christian professors not to be entangled again with that yoke of bondage.

To wipe away the odium of these groundless assertions from the best of causes, and to prevent a misconstruction of that liberty into licentiousness, which [Page 7] the apostles had preached among the peo­ple; the author of this epistle takes occa­sion, in the chapter where our text is re­corded, to enjoin subjection to civil govern­ment on all classes of men: and he enfor­ces this duty, from the important consider­ation of its being an ordinance of God. Hence, "Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God."

THUS, though civil government be a na­tural ordinance, it is also of divine appoint­ment: therefore subjection to it, is enjoin­ed, not only "for wrath," or fear of pun­ishment; but from christian motives, and "for conscience sake."

I PRESUME that the apostle does not here treat of the form of government, nor of the manner in which persons ought to be invested with power; but of the origin and rise of government itself; which he says is of God, and ordained by him.—Sometimes the way, in which persons arrive at pow­er, [Page 8] is by usurpation and oppression; and such generally govern in a tyrannical and oppressive manner. This was the case at the time to which our text and context re­fer. This is no otherwise of God; than as he permits it, for the punishment of national offences against himself. And though it must be acknowledged, that people have a perfect right to reform such a government at pleasure; yet when the means of refor­mation and such as would justify resistance are not at all in their power, it is then their duty to submit so far, as may not of­fend conscience; because government in some shape or other, is absolutely necessa­ry to the existence of society.

To this purpose we may suppose, the apostle spoke, when he said, "The powers that be, are ordained of God: and whoso­ever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordi­nance of God: and shall receive to them­selves damnation."

THE scriptures do not seem to direct men, to any one particular mode or form of [Page 9] government, the exclusion of others. We are left to make choice of that mode of go­vernment, that may be most agreeable to our own minds; whether Monarchy, Aris­tocracy, or Democracy. The dictates of reason and common sense teach us, that all men are originally equal and free▪ that by the voice of the people, which we are to revere as the voice of God; some men ought to be raised from the common level and invested with power, to act in the ca­pacity of Rulers.

THE sacred page is very explicit in af­fording us information concerning the source of civil authority, which is of God: and concerning its end among men, which is their good: hence Rulers are called God's ministers, and his ministers for good: and lastly concerning our duty to govern­ment; which is subjection to it, and honor to its administrators. Agreeably to this view, the apostle farther enforces our duty to government by the words of our text; which informs us, what rulers are in the end and ought to be in the exercise of their [Page 10] office. FOR RULERS ARE NOT A TERROR TO GOOD WORKS, BUT TO THE EVIL.—They are a terror, but not to good men. Whatever terror may appear about civil government, there is nothing in its genu­ine nature and design, of which a virtuous and well doing citizen need be afraid. Ru­lers are a terror to bad members of society only. The necessity of civil Government arises from the wickedness of men. Dis­orderly persons are enemies to society; their conduct tends to injure mankind, and to dissolve the social union. Rulers are ap­pointed for the protection of mankind, and the preservation of the social union; therefore they are a terror to disorderly persons only.

CIVIL Fathers of the State, I am well convinced I have not been invited to this desk to explain State policy, or to investi­gate the government of nations. Any at­tempt of this kind would be arrogance in me, and a reflection upon the professional knowledge of the leaders of New-Hamp­shire. I hope therefore, I shall not be un­derstood [Page 11] in that unfavorable light, while I beg leave to submit to your candid atten­tion, a few observations, in which I shall endeavor to show, how, or by what means, Rulers are a terror to bad members of so­ciety, and to them only. After which, I shall conclude, with some suitable improve­ment. I proceed then to observe,

1 st. THAT a good plan of government greatly tends to make rulers a terror to bad members of society, and to them only.

WHEN a constitution is founded on the true principles of moral government, the existence of a God, and the propriety of religious worship and formed according to the principles of equal liberty; virtuous rulers act with freedom and spirit against vice; virtuous citizens are encouraged; and the vicious part of society alone, are dismayed, and fear the consequences of such a fair foundation, for the administration of justice, in the suppression of immorality and vice.

[Page 12] WHEN there are any remarkable defects in a form of government, bad men have their eyes fixed on those, as open, though back doors, at which they escape with im­punity, in the practice of vice. Every good man, can boldly plead the benefits, and advantages of a good constitution; and the ruler can with grace and propriety, protect him in the enjoyment of them. On the other hand, bad men are ever ready to plead the defects, and greatest imperfecti­ons of a bad constitution, in favor of their licentious conduct; and in such cases, it is not always possible, nor easy at any time for the most virtuous rulers on earth to prevent bad consequences.

THE baneful influence of a bad plan of government seldom opens the door, for one species of oppression, and injustice, alone. Persecution for conscience sake, oppression in civil liberty, with acts of common in­justice, and private injury, generally go together. They flow from the same source; are carried on by the same means; and are [Page 13] equally subservient in their turn, to the same wicked purposes of designing men.

A GOOD constitution is formed for the preservation of men in their natural rights, and is calculated to secure them against the most distant fears of an invasion, upon what is valuable to men; whether as mem­bers of civil, or religious society, and is the best and most necessary foundation for the formation of good laws. Which in the

2 d. PLACE, are equally necessary to en­able rulers to be a terror to disorderly members of society. A code of laws, in unison with a good constitution, form­ed upon the voice of the people, is similar to a fortress upon a rock: It raises rulers above enemies to order and good govern­ment; and gives them every advantage, to display dignity and terror; or clemency and favor, as the happiness of society, or justice and reason may require.

THE protection of life, liberty and pro­perty, is the principal object of law and go­vernment. [Page 14] Could these be preserved with­out government, there would be no need of laws. These blessings are so insepara­bly connected, that one cannot be fully en­joyed without the rest. When liberty is lost, life grows insiped, and is not worth the wearing; for, in that case, we have nothing we can call our own. A lust af­ter power and property, is natural to men in general, and a prevailing passion with bad men. It is therefore evident, that these important blessings, are exposed to constant invasion by such characters; and laws are absolutely necessary for their pre­servation. The more just and reasonable laws are; the more secure, may we sup­pose, the innocent and industrious citizen is, in the quiet and peaceable possession of all his rights, and enjoyments. In this view, laws are no terror to a good man; they are his safety, designed for his hap­piness as a man, and his prosperity as a member of society.

THE vicious and disorderly only, are a­fraid of good laws. For as the instru­ments [Page 15] of death, in the day of battle, are kept constantly pointed against the enemy; so are good laws directed against evil doers, as enemies to the common good. They are made to lay such characters under pro­per restraints, or to punish them, when the power of restraint fails to prevent their criminalty. In this respect, the law is not made for the righteous; but for the law­less and disobedient.

GOOD laws have, therefore, penalties an­nexed, suited to the nature and aggravati­on of crimes. The ablest Legislators in apportioning punishments in law to offen­ces, must be guided by reason, and the de­gree of injury which they carry, in their nature and consequences, to society. To punish with less severity, than the nature of the offence requires, may be construed as an encouragement to offenders: To let the punishment exceed the nature of the crime, is to establish iniquity by law: be­sides to extend capital punishments beyond due bounds, frustrates their design, by destroying their terror, in making them too [Page 16] familiar to our minds: all extremes should be avoided.

YET no system of laws can be so per­fect, as to leave no room for after amend­ments. Time and experience in the ap­plication of certain laws in society, best discover their imperfection, or their worth. In some instances, acts formed by very wise legislatures, have been found to have very different effects, from what were original­ly intended in their formation. Among such must be numbered all laws of human authority, establishing a preference of re­ligious tenets and denominations. This conduct, according to the history of past ages, has ever been found, so far from an­swering the promotion of real religion and benevolence: that it has been, a fertile source of ecclesiastic oppression, and blood­shed.—Such laws have a tendency to con­tract, and distort the mind, to destroy be­nevolence in the heart, and preclude free­dom of enquiry from the human under­standing. God alone, is lord over the con­science, and good laws never, never assume the reins of government over it.

[Page 17] BUT ideas of religious liberty should ne­ver be carried so far, as to drop religion al­together from government. To do this, is to drop the idea of the existence of God. For, the immutable and eternal principles of reason concur with revelation, in de­claring, that God is an object of religious worship. We cannot realize his existence, without admitting his existence as an object of worship. To deny either, is to deny both, and at once destroys the foun­dation of conscience, and all moral obliga­tion with it. No oath could be adminis­tered in a society of this complexion. A government of this character is a govern­ment for absolute atheists only. No man can plead liberty of conscience, thus far, without pleading against the very existence of conscience at the same time; and surely it must be erroneous to argue for such a conscience, as does not consist with the existence of a moral world.—But not to digress.

WHEN experience, which has discovered the errors of some laws, has clearly evinc­ed [Page 18] the unnecessary nature of others; it may be proper to expunge such, from the re­cords of legislation. To continue laws of less importance, than can be carried into execution by the ruler, with dignity and reason, is tempting subjects to treat law with contempt, and speak evil of dignities. If they are continued, and not carried into execution; they may sink into oblivion, in the minds of good men, and may some­times be improved, by vicious and design­ing men, to injure the best of citizens. From these and the like observations, it appears very obvious, that the promotion of knowledge and literature, is a proper object of law and government. It has the greatest influence, to cultivate morali­ty and virtue. Where the improve­ment of the human mind is overlooked, by those who ought to promote it; the people sink into ignorance and vice, and ripen fast for barbarity and bondage.

ACCORDINGLY, in those states where the means of knowledge are supported by good laws, the people are enlightened: They [Page 19] know the excellency of virtue, and the odi­ousness of vice: They love and practise the former: They hate and despise the latter, as highly injurious to society—good laws are therefore essentially necessary.—They are a defence to society: are calcu­lated to promote the happiness of man­kind: wear the stamp of reason: are a­greeable to the spirit of the constitution; are founded upon the voice of the people. They encourage knowledge, virtue, indus­try, and oeconomy: They discourage ig­norance, vice, and indolence; and when properly administered, are a terror to bad men. This naturally suggests in the

3 d. PLACE, that rulers are a terror to disorderly persons, by the justice and fidel­ity of their administrations. When these are wanting in rulers, the best laws on earth, may be wrested to injure and con­demn the innocent, and to exculpate and even reward the guilty. In some instan­ces, bad men fear not, so much the right­eousness of the law, as they do the hones­ty of the judge. Hence, the proverb, "A [Page 20] man guilty of a crime, fears a judge, con­scious of uprightness."

THE loss, arising from remissness in men of power, and from unfaithfulness in pub­lic officers, cannot be restored by the good­ness of the laws, nor by the excellency of a constitution; but the deficiencies of laws, and imperfections in a form of govern­ment, may be greatly made up, by the faithfulness and justice of rulers, in admi­nistration. To promote the interest of pi­ety is still more in their power, when the constitution and laws harmonise in their favor.

ENERGY, accompanied with justice in go­vernment, is always pleasing to good men: and the contrary affords satisfaction to the basest part of society. ¿To whom under God, the supreme governor, shall the vir­tuous part of the community look, for the exercise of both; but to their rulers? Want of energy in government, is anarchy, and want of justice, oppression; but integrity preserves from both evils. Should the [Page 21] days come when the eyes of the judge can be blinded by a gift; or men in place be swayed by prejudice and party spirit; then may we see wickedness in the place of judg­ment; and in the place of righteousness, that iniquity is there.—"When laws are well made, they should be inflexibly ex­ecuted."

A GOOD degree of a disinterested and pub­lic spirit is an important idea, to constitute a faithful and honest ruler. Man is not made for himself. The apostle, forbids looking to our own things on a narrow scale, and enjoins, that we extend our views to the things of others. Of all men on earth, a ruler in a democratic government, is the least made for himself: And with a lustre peculiar to his office, he shines un­der the influence of a disinterested concern, for the public good.

BUT I proceed to remark

4 thly. THAT penetration and abilities in judgment, are no less necessary to make [Page 22] rulers a terror to evil doers; than a faith­ful and honest heart. The word of God pronounces misery upon the nation, whose rulers are weak-minded. "Wo, unto thee, O land, when thy king is a child." i. e. When he is weak, and devoid of the abil­ities necessary for the effectual discharge of his office. Enemies to peace and order, are not always confined to the class of in­ferior parts. Weakness does not always accompany wickedness; though we may re­ally wish it forever might. The latter is no infallible evidence of the former. We can easily conceive of a very vicious mind, endowed with great segacity, and force of understanding. Besides, the advantages of a good education, are not bestowed on friends to morality and virtue, to the exclusion of others: these favors are frequently flung away, on men of dishonest hearts, and make them able in eloquence, and con­spicuously great in argument. Rulers have often to combat powerful opponents. Men of inferior abilities, however honest in heart, are not equal to confront with dignity, and to confound with clearness, the sophis­tical [Page 23] arguments which may be advanced in favor of wickedness. Want of abilities in rulers, has an evident tendency to bring government into contempt; and a con­temptible government, is hardly ever suc­cessful in doing good.

EVEN an offender is not struck with much terror, when he knows, that a well formed harangue, shall prevail, over the credulous and weak, though upright mind of his judge. Moreover, matters of a pub­lic nature, are sometime so complicated, that men of the best abilities, in connex­ion with undissembled faithfulness, find it difficult enough to concert measures an­swerable to the best ends of good govern­ment.

IT was thought a severe judgment upon the Jews, when they made public officers of the meanest of the people; and there is no reason to consider it as any thing less upon any nation.

WHEN God is about to do any thing great, and good for a people; he raises up [Page 24] good and great men to govern in their public councils; but, when he is about to punish a people for their crimes; or to dis­grace them for their transgressions, he has nothing more to do, than to permit the reins of government, to fall into the hands of the weak or the wicked: and in either case, the ruin of the nation is inevitable. We may further observe,

5 thly. THAT rulers are a terror to dis­order and vice, when their characters are adorned with a virtuous life, and conver­sation. The badges of state in a ruler, never appear to such advantage, as when united to the beauty of his virtues.

WE may fear his power in the former, but, can never revere and respect his per­son, without the latter. Vice is the great disturber of public happiness: the devour­ing lion, that goeth about seeking our de­struction: and those rulers alone, support the dignity of their character, and diffuse happiness among mankind, who oppose vice, and encourage virtue: who honor [Page 25] God by keeping his commandments, and subject their power to the sovereign laws of morality and reason.

THE conduct of rulers has a great influ­ence on those, they govern. We natural­ly incline to imitate men in higher spheres of human life. When we have chosen men to govern us, it presupposeth our high esteem of, and expectations from them. We have conferred upon them the highest honors we had to bestow. It is not more natural for children, to look up with re­spect and honor to their parents, than it is for a virtuous people, under an energetic government, to honor and respect virtuous rulers.

BUT, should vice actuate the ruler in his private life; or ambition and avarice pre­vail in his public councils: he sullies his honor—his reputation is lost—his useful­ness destroyed; and the people left to be­wail their disappointment, and to detest the object of their own election, as a terror to [Page 26] good works; but none to the evil. When a selfish and vicious spirit stamps the cha­racter of a ruler, the selfish and vicious ap­proach him, with a familiarity peculiar to a similarity of disposition, and they mutu­ally strengthen each other in their wicked conduct. "The wicked walk on every side, when vile men are exalted." To these observations, permit me to add in the

6 th. PLACE, that a just sense of religion, and the fear of God in a ruler contribute much to the terror of bad men. This is the fountain in the heart from whence all genuine virtue in life flows. How ami­able is the ruler whose goodness as a man we admire and love, more than we dread his power as a magistrate! How pleasing is that obedience, which flows from a unit­ed regard to the excellency of the citizen, and the dignity of his office! Under such impressions, with what solemn, melting, death inspiring eloquence, does king David pray for piety to his son, and successor in the kingdom of Israel! "Give unto Solo­mon [Page 27] my son, a perfect heart to keep thy commandments, thy testimonies, and thy statutes." Nor is he less particular in his charge to Solomon himself. Thus we hear the venerable monarch, with all the pathos of parental affection, soothing his dying pillow, in his last address, to one of the wisest of princes. "And thou, Solomon, my son, know thou the God of thy fath­ers, and serve him with a perfect heart, and willing mind, for the Lord searcheth all hearts, and understandeth all the ima­ginations of the thoughts: If thou seek him, he will be found of thee; but if thou forsake him, he will cast thee off forever."

¿ What heart, that is not hard as adamant, can read the following description of a pious ruler, and not feel the sensations of delight and joy? "The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me; he that ruleth among men, must be just, ruling in the fear of God; and he shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun aris­eth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth [Page 28] by clear shining after rain." Civil rulers of this character, are here justly represent­ed extensive blessings, as the sun and rain to society. The influence of their exam­ples, flowing from a just sense of religion and the fear of God; will resemble the cherishing beams of the sun, and satisfying showers of rain descending from the emi­nence of their station, to nourish and fruc­tify mankind. Good people will esteem them ministers of heaven, and ordained of God for good.—They are nursing fathers to the church of God: Setting a high va­lue upon their own rights, as christian members of society, they are ever ready to defend the sacred rights of others.—Real­izing the worth of religion to the commu­nity, they do nothing to hinder; but every thing in their power, and consistent with their office, to promote its general spread and preservation. Conscious that the na­tion cannot be long happy, or free, with­out its benign aid; they are willing and even zealous to encourage instructors of morality and religion. Being highly fa­vored [Page 29] with the advantages of christianity themselves, they dread as an unpardonable crime, the neglect of transmitting its bless­ed precepts, to succeeding generations. Be­ing preserved from ignorance and infideli­ty they fear the dismal consequences of suf­fering the youth in a community, to grow up under the disadvantages, peculiar to nations, not favored with public in­struction. You will pardon my zeal, ye civil Fathers of the State; if I say that the fear of God is a protecting, and nursing parent, for order and good government.—It unites the several parts of society, by the strongest ties of benevolence and love—it disposes all orders of men, to be faith­ful to their engagements abroad, honest and industrious at home—it sweetens the power of the ruler, and effectually se­cures a conscientious obedience from the ruled. From this mutual harmony, arise the strength, beauty, honor, and safety of a nation; and public happiness is a promised blessing. "For righteousness ex­alteth a nation."

[Page 30] ON the other hand, ¿ What is it that ripens a nation for ruin? The sacred ora­cles concur with the experience of all ages in informing us, that "sin is a reproach to any people." The voice of the most high is, "If ye be willing and obedient, ye shall eat the good of the land; but if ye refuse and rebel, ye shall be destroyed."

THE conduct of providence, to public communities in this world, is frequently very different, from that which he dispenses to individuals. A veil of darkness covers the face of providence, in dispensing pros­perity and adversity, to particular persons in this life. Sometimes a man of distinguish­ed goodness, is oppressed with afflictions and poverty; while another is triumphant in wickedness, and possesses more than his heart can enjoy. There is, however, ano­ther life, in which all this apparent differ­ence, may be adjusted. But, in a general way, national sins are punished with nati­onal calamities; and when vice becomes predominant among rulers; the infection [Page 31] goes by an easy descent, to the lower ranks of the people, and tends to their destructi­on. A disorder, in the vitals of the com­munity is soon discovered in its remotest members, and indicates the political system to be in a mournful decay. Once more, in the

7th PLACE, the eminent nature of their office, affords rulers every necessary advan­tage, to discourage wicked and unreasona­ble men in the practice of immorality. They are God's deputies on earth.—They represent his moral government among men.—"They are called gods."—And it is said, that God standeth in their assembly, as in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the gods. They are called gods, from the power with which they are cloathed by the people, from God, to make laws. They are awful, from their appoint­ment by providence, to sit in judgment, and deliberately doom to death at the bar of justice. They are irresistible, to carry into the fullest execution, every degree of [Page 32] punishment prescribed by law, where gov­ernment is in force and energy. Thus, civil rulers, whether legislative, judicial, or exe­cutive, are representatives of the Supreme Ruler, whom the prophet styles, our Judge, our Lawgiver, and our King.—The more agreeable the administration of government is, to the moral perfections of God, the greater is its terror to wicked members of society. And as it is an unquestionable truth, that God is terrible, to immoral men, both in time and eternity: it is equally obvious that rulers inspired with the spirit of their office, are a terror to in­jurious men, in every department of the community. Miserable and wicked men on­ly, wish there were no God; and they are of the same description who wish there were no government.

IT remains that we finish this discourse by the proposed improvement. And

LET me remark, if I have said any thing in the foregoing observations, worthy the [Page 33] notice of rulers; upon proper reflection, we may find something suitable for the attention of the people. When a society is happy, each member of the community endeavours to know his duty, and to act his part, with fidelity and reason.

MY friends and fellow citizens, since the establishment of a free government does us honor, let us never do dishonor to ourselves, by disobeying its legal and con­stitutional commands. Let us never dis­cover an impatient disposition under the necessary restraints of good government. These restraints are our safety. Resist­ance to a government like ours tends to ruin. Neither let us be meanly jealous of men whose political existence is but temporary, and derived from the people. Let us guard our elections well, and stig­matize with contempt, every mark of bri­bery and corruption. But when we have chosen men to rule by a clear majority, let even the minority trust them with a man­ly [Page 34] charity, and treat them with respect and honor.—This is their due.—It is much to the dishonor of a free community, to resemble an ill bred family, by quarrelling among themselves, or speaking evil of dig­nities. We may rest assured, our rulers have many motives to excite their faithful­ness; but few, very few to lead to the con­trary. Every principle of duty and inter­est conspire to make them what they should be. It cannot be expected, but, that the characters of candidates for places of pow­er and trust, should undergo an inspection by the public eye. If they are found fair, they have the better prospect for public honor, in new elections: but if not; can­didates know that they will, and know that they ought to be neglected, if not de­spised. In a republic, the majesty of the people is great, and their bar tremendous. If we know and exercise the power that belongs to us under God as the founda­tion of government, rulers can never be lost to us, unless they are lost to them­selves. This leads

[Page 35] 2 dly. To observe, that as the promotion of knowledge and literature is an object of law with good rulers; so it also ought to be an object of universal attention among the people. Ignorance is the greatest ene­my to the happiness of any nation. It puts an end to purity of manners, real religion, and good government. Wicked and designing men, go abroad without fear, as beasts of prey in the night, to de­stroy under the clouds of ignorance.—Knowledge is necessary to give us a pro­per view of our rights as men, and of our duty, as members of society.

AN ignorant people, even in the full possession of their rights, are apt to carry liberty into extremes, and soon degenerate into anarchy and confusion. Impatient of delegated power to rule them; they as­sume the reins of government themselves, and as a celebrated statesman observes, make laws for the representatives, debate for the senate, and pass sentence for the [Page 36] judge. ^* When this is the case, the virtue and comfort of a republic are departed.—The principles of Democracy being very pure, are easily corrupted, and need to be carefully preserved on every hand. Licen­tiousness is as great an enemy to its true genius on the one hand, as despotism is on the other. He is as real a political robber, who would fire a nation against a free government by the former, as the ty­rant that would assume government with­out their consent, on the latter. A lust of boundless power and liberty, is the source of both their wickedness. The libertine would fain do what he pleases against good government by corrupting the people; and the despot would fain do what he pleases against good people by corrupt­ing the government: and they unite in being equally destructive to both people and government. Invest a libertine with power and he is a tyrant; divest a tyrant of his power and he is a libertine. The true spirit of Democracy is equally distant [Page 37] from these extremes, and knowledge is the best preservative from them. Where the cultivation of the human mind is neglect­ed it is distressing indeed! Zeal degene­rates into fury—religion into superstition, or atheism—reason into sophistry—cou­rage into cruelty—industry into sloth and avarice—and government into absolute sway. Every enemy to public instruction, is an enemy to the political happiness of his nation, and every opposer of christian­ity is unfriendly to the "best foundation for order and good government in the hearts of men." ^*

AGAIN, let it not be thought inconsist­ent with the spirit of my present duty, or offensive to your delicacy to hint, that it affords satisfaction to every good mind that the necessary expences of good go­vernment be discharged with cheerfulness. "Render to all their due, tribute to whom tribute is due." He that repines at the performance of this part of his duty to [Page 38] government, has not justly estimated its value, and betrays his ignorance of its real worth. The support of government should be without regret in the subject, and bear some degree of useful proportion to the dig­nity of the office and nature of the em­ployment in the ruler; but let us never en­courage the luxury, pomp or ostentation of monarchial governments. These are the ensigns of pride, wickedness and vanity.

LET us my dear countrymen, rejoice this day in the possession of a free govern­ment; where our eyes behold our rulers, not as a terror to good men; but to the evil. While clouds of hereditary rights, shadows of aristocracy, and the darkness of monarchial governments involve other nations in slavery, we are free. Let us rejoice that rays of our rising light and na­tional liberty are darting to other nations and promising a benign influence over the world. O, blessed land of light and liber­ty, where every genius has a spring and acts itself. Our heart should heave with [Page 39] gratitude to God, the giver of every good, and governor of nations!

BUT, let all orders of men guard against the abuse of privileges. When the Jews kept the covenant of their God, they tri­umphed over their enemies. But when they forsook him, he forsook them, and they were carried captives to distant nations. Public vice and irreligion may soon ruin us. The declivity of public vice, is like a decli­vity of ice, and hurls headlong to destruc­tion. It is much easier to shun than to get safe off the slippery precipice. Let not the tables of intemperance, luxury, or gamb­ling, which end in huts, hospitals and gaols, enslave our souls from our God, or steal our time and talents, from our duty. And may we ever stamp that iniquitous spirit of avarice and speculation, wherever it ap­pears, with every sign of contempt, that has lately done dishonor to a principal city ^* in our continent, ruined some private citi­zens, and even threatened to injure our [Page 40] character as a nation. Public virtue and religion are ornaments to the human mind, and cannot fail to show their effects on so­ciety. The boasted glory of ancient Rome is ascribed to her public virtue and her fall to her vices. Her rulers are said to have payed the greatest attention to the public good. They renounced private ease for the welfare of the commonwealth. It was high treason to employ the public revenues for any other purpose than the interest of the republic—she rose—empires depended upon the voice of the senate, and all na­tions revered her resolves.

ON the other hand, her fall in which she left her offspring the slaves of a race of tyrants is ascribed unto the following vices. A selfish mind takes place of a public spirit. Ambition advances by intrigue into pub­lic trust without any regard to merit. In­temperance weakens her bodily strength and debases her once renowned courage—cruel avarice plundered her provinces to support the pride of individuals. All orders of [Page 41] men become venal. The seeds of disorder are universally sown in Rome—her sena­tors betray her—her generals deny their aid, and turn the edge of their swords against her that bear them—she is del­uged in the blood of her own children. The mistress of the word meanly bows—"sues for chains and owns a conqueror." The experience of all nations may teach the necessity of public virtue and religion to give permanency to our government, and to prolong our happiness as a nation.

FINALLY, my fathers in government, if I have not already quite exhausted your patience, suffer me to observe, that as the great concerns of the community are com­mitted to your care, no one class of men has the increase of our happiness, or mise­ry so much in their power. You are a source of universal joy or grief, in propor­tion as you are qualified for, and faithful in your duty or not. "When the right­eous are in authority, the people rejoice—but when the wicked bear rule, the people mourn." ¿ What political blessing can any [Page 42] people reasonably expect from their rulers, that we your constituents may not expect from you, considering your advantages for being a terror to evil doers? ¿ What pains can we feel or fear of political evils? You are acting upon the firm basis of a con­stitution founded under God upon the voice of the people. You are in the possession of a code of excellent laws, with full power to amend whatever your experience and su­perior discernment may see amiss in them.

BY the free suffrage of your fellow citi­zens, you have the fullest evidence of the confidence of your country in your abili­ties and faithfulness for government. A powerful part of the community will con­sider it as ominous of continued prosperi­ty to our state and nation, that you enter on the important business of legislati­on, in the fear of that God, whose minis­ters you are, and whose moral government you represent.

ANIMATED by such noble motives, you will realize the superintending presence of [Page 43] the Supreme Ruler, to whom you are ac­countable in all your deliberations. In this way, you will answer the benevolent design of your honorable office, in being a terror to every species of political wickedness and other vices among men; and a praise to virtue.

ACTING on the political stage of your country under the influence of such sub­lime principles, you will shine as lights while you are on it; and obtain the highest applause of your constituents when you leave it; and O! Fathers, when the mo­ment arrives, that you must forever re­nounce seats of honor on earth, your me­mories will remain embalmed in society when the name of the wicked shall rot.—And the testimony of a good conscience will enlighten your chambers in death—scatter the gloom of the grave—direct and sweeten your passage to seats of honor and glory immortal.

AMEN.