SELECT SENTENCES.

VI. THE FOX AND THE GOAT.

A Fox and a Goat, travelling together in a very sul­try day, found themselves exceedingly thirsty; when, looking round the country in order to discover a place where they might probably meet with water, they at length descried a clear spring at the bottom of a well. They both eagerly descended; and, having sufficiently al­layed their thirst, began to consider how they should get out. Many expedients for that purpose were mutually proposed and rejected. At last the crafty Fox cried out with great joy—I have a thought just struck into my mind, which, I am confident, will extricate us out of our difficulty: Do you, said he to the Goat, only rear your­self up upon your hinder-legs, and rest your fore feet against the side of the well. In this posture I will climb up to your head, from whence I shall be able, with a spring, to reach the top: and when I am once there, [Page 19] you are sensible it will be very easy for me to pull you out by the horns. The simple Goat liked the proposal well, and immediately placed himself as directed; by means of which, the Fox, without much difficulty, gain­ed the top. And now, said the goat, give me the assist­ance you promised. Thou old fool, replied the Fox, hadst thou but half as much brains as beard, thou wouldst never have believed that I would hazard my own life to save thine. However, I will leave with thee a piece of advice, which may be of service to thee hereafter, if thou shouldst have the good fortune to make thy escape: —Never venture into a well again, before thou hast well considered how to get out of it.

VII. THE FOX AND THE STORK.

THE Fox, though in general more inclined to roguery than wit, had once a strong inclination to play the wag with his neighbor the Stork. He accordingly invited her to dinner in great form; but, when it came up­on the table, the Stork found it consisted entirely of dif­ferent soups, served up in broad shallow dishes, so that she could only dip in the end of her bill, but could not possibly sati [...]fy her hunger. The Fox lapped it up very readily; and, every now and then addressing himself to his guest, desired to know how she liked her entertain­ment; hoped that every thing was seasoned to her mind; and protested he was very sorry to see her eat so spar­ingly. The Stork, perceiving she was played upon, took no notice of it, but pretended to like every dish ex­tremely; and, at parting, pressed the Fox so earnestly to return her visit, that he could not in civility refuse. The day arrived, and he repaired to his appointment; but, to his great mortification, when dinner appeared, he found it composed of minced meat, served up in long narrow-necked glasses; so that he was only tantalized with the sight of what it was impossible for him to taste. The Stork thrust in her long bill, and helped herself very plentifully; then, turning to Reynard, who was eagerly licking the outside of a jar where some sauce had been spilled—I am very glad, said she; smiling, that you seem to have so good an appetite; I hope you will make as hearty a dinner at my table as I did the [Page 20] other day at yours. Reynard hung down his head, and looked very much displeased. Nay, nay, said the Stork, don't pretend to be out of humor about the matter; they that cannot take a jest should never make one.

VIII. THE COURT OF DEATH.

DEATH, the king of terrors, was determined to choose a prime minister; and his pale courtiers, the ghastly train of diseases, were all summoned to at­tend; when each preferred his claim to the honor of this illustrious office. Fever urged the numbers he de­stroyed; cold Palsey set forth his pretensions by shaking all his limbs; and Dropsy, by his swelled unwieldy car­case. Gout hobbled up, and alledged his great power in racking every joint; and Asthma's inability to speak was a strong, though silent, argument in favor of his claim. Stone and Cholic pleaded their violence; Plague, his rapid progress in destruction; and Consumption, though slow, insisted that he was sure. In the midst of this contention, the court was disturbed with the noise of music, dancing, feasting and revelry; when immedi­ately entered a lady, with a bold lascivious air, and a flushed and jovial countenance: she was attended on one hand by a troop of cooks and Bacchanals; and, on the other, by a train of wanton youths and damsels, who danced half-naked to the softest musical instruments: her name was INTEMPERANCE. She waved her hand, and thus addressed the crowd of Diseases; Give way, ye sickly band of pretenders, nor dare to vie with my superior merits in the service of this great monarch. Am not I your parent? the author of your beings? Do ye not derive the power of shortening human life almost wholly from me? Who then so fit as myself for this important office?—The grisly monarch grinned a smile of approbation, placed her at his right hand, and she immediately became his prime favorite and principal minister.

IX. THE PARTIAL JUDGE.

A FARMER came to a neighboring lawyer, expressing great concern for an accident which he said had [Page 21] just happpened. One of your oxen, continued he, has been gored by an unlucky bull of mine: and I should be glad to know how I am to make you reparation. Thou art a very honest fellow, replied the Lawyer, and wilt not think it unreasonable that I expect one of thy oxen in return. It is no more than justice, quoth the Farmer, to be sure: but what did I say? I mistake. It is your bull that has killed one of may oxen. Indeed! says the Lawyer; that alters the case: I must inquire into the affair; and if—And IF! said the Farmer—the business I find would have been concluded without an IF, had you been as ready to do justice to others as to exact it from them.

X. THE SICK LION, THE FOX, AND THE WOLF.

A LION having surfeited himself with seasting too lu­xuriously on the carcase of a wild boar, was seized with a violent and dangerous disorder. The beasts of the forest flocked in great numbers to pay their respects to him upon the occasion, and scarce one was absent ex­cept the Fox. The Wolf, an ill-natured and malicious beast, seized this opportunity to accuse the Fox of pride, ingratitude, and dissaffection to his majesty. In the midst of this invective the Fox entered: who, having heard part of the Wolf's accusation, and observing the Lion's countenance to be kindled into wrath, thus ad­ro [...]tly excused himself, and retorted upon his accuser: I see many here, who, with mere lip service, have pre­tended to show you their loyalty; but, for my part, from the moment I heard of your majesty's illness, neglecting useless compliments, I employed myself day and night to inquire among the most learned physicians an infallible remedy for your disease, and have at length happily been informed of one. It is a plaister made of part of a Wolf's skin, taken warm from his back, and laid to your majesty's stomach. This remedy was no sooner proposed, than it was determined that the experiment should be tried: and, whilst the operation was performing, the Fox, with a sarcastic smile, whispered this useful maxim in the Wolf's ear— If you would be safe from harm yourself, learn for the future not to meditate mischief against others.

XI. DISHONESTY PUNISHED.

AN usurer, having lost an hundred pounds in a bag, promised a reward of ten pounds to the person who should restore it. A man having brought it to him, de­manded the reward. The usurer loath to give the re­ward now that he had got the bag, alleged, after the bag was opened, that there were an hundred and ten pounds in it when he lost it. The usurer being called before the judge, unwarily acknowledged that the seal was broke open in his presence, and that there were no more at that time but a hundred pounds in the bag. "You say," says the judge, "that the bag you lost had a hundred and ten pounds in it." "Yes, my lord," "Then," replied the judge, "this cannot be your bag, as it contained but a hundred pounds: therefore the plaintiff must keep it till the true owner appears; and you must look for your bag where you can find it."

XII. THE PICTURE.

SIR WILLIAM LELY, a famous painter in the reign of Charles I. agreed before-hand for the price of a pic­ture he was to draw for a rich London Alderman, who was not indebted to nature either for shape or face. The picture being finished, the alderman endeavored to beat down the price, alleging, that if he did not pur­chase it, it would [...]ie on the painter's hand. "That's your mistake," says Sir William; "for I can sell it at double the price I demand." "How can that be," says the alderman, "for 'tis like nobody but myself?" "True," replied Sir William; "but I will draw a tail to it, and then it will be an excellent monkey." Mr Alderman, to prevent being exposed, paid down the money demanded, and carried off the picture.

XIII. THE TWO BEES.

ON a fine morning in May, two bees set forward in quest of honey; the one wise and temperate, the other careless and extravagant. They soon arrived at a garden enriched with aromatic herbs, the most fragrant flowers, and the most delicious fruits. They regaled themselves for a time on the various dainties that were [Page 23] spread before them; the one loading his thigh at inter­vals with provisions for the hive against the distant win­ter; the other revelling in sweets, without regard to any thing but his present gratification. At length they found a wide-mouthed phial, that hung beneath the bough of a peach-tree, filled with honey ready temper­ed, and exposed to their taste in the most alluring man­ner. The thoughtless epicure, spite of all his friend's re­monstrances, plunged headlong into the vessel, resolving to indulge himself in all the pleasures of sensuality. The philosopher, on the other hand, sipped a little with cau­tion; but, being suspicious of danger, flew off to fruits and flowers; where, by the moderation of his meals, he improved his relish for the true enjoyment of them. In the evening, however, he called upon his friend, to in­quire whether he would return to the hive; but found him surfeited in sweets, which he was as unable to leave as to enjoy. Clogged in his wings, enfeebled in his feet, and his whole frame totally enervated, he was but just able to bid his friend adieu, and to lament with his latest breath, that though a taste of pleasure might quicken the relish of life, an unrestrained indulgence is inevitable destruction.

XIV. BEAUTY AND DEFORMITY.

A YOUTH, who lived in the country, and who had not acquired, either by reading or conversation, any knowledge of the animals which inhabit foreign regions, came to Manchester to see an exhib [...]ion of wild beasts. The size and figure of the elephant struck him with awe; and he viewed the rhinoceros with astonishment. But his attention was soon drawn from these animals, and directed to another of the most elegant and beauti­ful form; and he stood contemplating with silent admi­ration the glossy smoothness of his hair; the blackness and regularity of the streaks with which he was marked, the symmetry of his limbs, and, above all, the placid sweetness of his countenance. What is the name of this lovely animal, said he to the keeper, which you have placed near one of the ugliest beasts in your collection, as if you meant to contrast beauty with deformity? Be­ware, young man, replied the intelligent keeper, of be­ing [Page 24] so easily captivated with external appearance. The animal which you admire is called a tyger; and, notwith­standing the meekness of his looks, he is fierce and sa­vage beyond description: I can neither terrify him by correction, nor [...]ame him by indulgence. But the other beast, which you despise, is in the highest degree docile, affectionate, and useful. For the benefit of man, he tra­verses the sandy deserts of Arabia, where drink and pa­sture are seldom to be sound; and will continue six or se­v [...] d [...]ys without sustenance, yet still patient of labor. Hi [...] [...]ir is manufactured into cloathing; his flesh is deemed wholesome nourishment; and the milk of the female is much valued by the Arabs. The camel, there­fore, for [...]uch is the name given to this animal, is more worthy of your admiration than the tyger; notwith­standing the ineleg [...]nce of his make, and the two bunch­es upon his back. For mere external beauty is of little estimation; and deformity, when associated with ami­able dispositions and useful qualities, does not preclude our respect and approbation.

XV. REMARKABLE INSTANCE OF FRIENDSHIP.

DAMON and Pythias, of the Pythagorean sect in philosophy, lived in the time of Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily. Their mutual friendship was so strong, that they were ready to die for one another. One of the two (for it is not known which) being condemned to death by the tyrant, obtained leave to go into his own country to settle his affairs, on condition that the other should consent to be imprisoned in his stead, and put to death for him, if be did not return before the day of execution. The attention of every one, and especially of the tyrant himself, was excited to the highest pitch, as every body was curious to see what should be the event of so strange an affair. When the time was almost clapsed, and he who was gone did not appear, the rash­ness of the other, whose sanguine friendship had put him upon running so seemingly desperate a hazard, was universally blamed. But he still declared, that he had not the least shadow of doubt in his mind of his friend's [...]ity. The event [...]wed how well he knew him. He [...] in due time, and surrendered himself to that [Page 25] fate which he had no reason to think he should escape; and which he did not desire to escape by leaving his friend to suffer it in his place. Such fidelity softened even the savage heart of Dionysius himself. He pardon­ed the condemned; he gave the two friends to one ano­ther, and begged that they would take himself in for a third.

XVI. DIONYSIUS AND DAMOCLES.

DIONYSIUS, the tyrant of Sicily, showed how far he was from being happy, even whilst he abounded in riches, and all the pleasures which riches can procure. Damocles, one of his flatterers, was complimenting him upon his power, his treasures, and the magnificence of his royal state, and affirming that no monarch ever was greater or happier than he. "Have you a mind, Da­mocles," says the king, "to taste this happiness, and know by experience what my enjoyments are, of which you have so high an idea?" Damocles gladly accepted the offer. Upon which the king ordered, that a royal banquet should be prepared, and a gilded couch placed for him, covered with rich embroidery, and side-boards loaded with gold and silver plate of immense value. Pa­ges of extraordinary beauty were ordered to wait on him at table, and to obey his commands with the great­est readiness and the most profound submission. Neither ointments, chaplets of flowers, nor rich perfumes were wanting. The table was loaded with the most exquisite delicacies of every kind. Damocles fancied himself a­mongst the gods. In the midst of all his happiness, he sees let down from the roof, exactly over his neck, as he lay indulging himself in state, a glittering sword hung by a single hair. The sight of destruction thus threatening him from on high, soon put a stop to his joy and revelling. The pomp of his attendance, and the glitter of the carved plate, gave him no longer any pleasure. He dreads to stretch forth his hand to the table; he throws off the chaplet of roses; he hastens to remove from his dangerous situation; and at last begs the king to restore him to his former humble condition, having no desire to enjoy any longer such a dreadful kind of happiness.

XVII. CHARACTER OF CATILINE.

LUCIUS CATILINE, by birth a Patrician, was by na­ture endowed with superior advantages both bodily and mental; but his dispositions were corrupt and wick­ed. From his youth, his supreme delight was in vio­lence, slaughter, rapine, and intestine confusions; and such works were the employment of his earliest years. His constitution qualified him for bearing hunger, cold, and want of sleep, to a degree exceeding belief. His mind was daring, subtle, unsteady. There was no cha­racter which he could not assume and put off at plea­sure. Rapacious of what belonged to others, prodigal of his own, violently bent on whatever became the ob­ject of his pursuit. He possessed a considerable share of eloquence, but little solid knowledge. His insatiable temper was ever pushing him to grasp at what was im­moderate, romantic, and out of his reach.

About the time of the disturbances raised by Sylla, Catiline was seized with a violent lust of power; nor did he at all hesitate about the means, so he could but at­tain his purpose of raising himself to supreme dominion. His restless spirit was in a continual ferment, occasion­ed by the confusion of his own private affairs, and by the horrors of his guilty conscience; both which he had brought upon himself by living the life above described. He was encouraged in his ambitious projects by the ge­neral corruption of manners which then prevailed a­mongst a people infected with two vices, not less oppo­site to one another in their natures than mischievous in their tendencies; I mean, Luxury and Avarice.

XVIII. AVARICE AND LUXURY.

THERE were two very powerful tyrants engaged in a perpetual war against each other: the name of the first was Luxury, and of the second Avarice. The aim of each of them was no less than universal monarchy over the hearts of mankind. Luxury had many gen­erals under him, who did him great service; as Plea­sure, Mirth, Pomp, and Fashion. Avarice was like­wise very strong in his officers, being faithfully served by Hunger, Industry, Care, and Watchfulness: he had [Page 27] likewise a privy-counsellor who was always at his elbow, and whispering something or other in his ear: the name of this privy-counsellor was Poverty. As Avarice con­ducted himself by the counsels of Poverty, his antago­nist was entirely guided by the dictates and advice of Plenty, who was his first counsellor and minister of state, that concerted all his measures for him, and ne­ver departed out of his sight. While these two great rivals were thus contending for empire, their conquests were very various. Luxury got possession of one heart, and Avarice of another. The father of a family would often range himself under the banners of Avarice, and the son under those of Luxury. The wife and husband would often declare themselves on the two different parties; nay, the same person would very often side with one in his youth, and revolt to the other in his old age. Indeed the wise men of the world stood neuter; but, alas! their numbers were not considerable. At length, when these two potentates had wearied them­selves with waging war upon one another, they agreed upon an interview, at which neither of their counsellors were to be present. It is said that Luxury began the parley; and, after having represented the endless state of war in which they were engaged, told his enemy, with a frankness of heart which is natural to him, that he believed they two should be very good friends, were it not for the instigations of Poverty, that pernicious counsellor, who made an ill use of his ear, and filled him with groundless apprehensions and prejudices. To this Avarice replied, that he looked upon Plenty (the first minister of his antagonist) to be a much more destructive counsellor than Poverty; for that he was perpetually suggesting pleasures, banishing all the necessary cautions against want, and, consequently, undermining those principles on which the government of Avarice was founded. At last, in order to an accommodation, they a­greed upon this preliminary; that each of them should immediately dismiss his privy-counsellor. When things were thus far adjusted towards a peace, all other dif­ferences were soon accommodated; insomuch that for the future they resolved to live as good friends and con­federates, and to share between them whatever con­quests [Page 28] were made on either side. For this reason, we now find Luxury and Avarice taking possession of the same heart, and dividing the same person between them. To which I shall only add, that since the dis­carding of the counsellors above mentioned, Avarice supplies Luxury in the room of Plenty, as Luxury prompts Avarice in the place of Poverty.

XIX. HERCULES's CHOICE.

WHEN Hercules was in that part of his youth in which it was natural for him to consider what course of life he ought to pursue, he one day retired into a desert, where the silence and solitude of the place very much favored his meditations. As he was musing on his present condition, and very much perplexed in himself on the state of life he should choose, he saw two women of a larger stature than ordinary approaching towards him. One of them had a very noble air and graceful deportment; her beauty was natural and easy, her person clean and unspotted, her eyes cast towards the ground with an agreeable reserve, her motion and behavior full of modesty, and her raiment as white as snow. The other had a great deal of health and flo­ridness in her countenance, which she had helped with an artificial white and red; and she endeavored to appear more graceful than ordinary in her mien, by a mixture of affectation in all her gestures. She had a wonderful confidence and assurance in her looks, and all the variety of colours in her dress that she thought were the most proper to shew her complexion to ad­vantage. She cast her eyes upon herself, then turned them on those that were present, to see how they liked her; and often looked on the figure she made in her own shadow. Upon her nearer approach to Hercules, she stepped before the other lady, who came forward with a regular composed carriage; and, running up to him, accosted him after the following manner:

"My dear Hercules," says she, "I find you are very much divided in your thoughts upon the way of life that you ought to choose: be my friend, and fol­low me; I will lead you into the possession of pleasure, and o [...]t of the reach of pain, and remove you from all [Page 29] the noise and disquietude of business. The affairs of either war or peace shall have no power to disturb you. Your whole employment shall be to make your life ea­sy, and to entertain every sense with its proper gratifi­cations. Sumptuous tables, beds of roses, clouds of perfumes, concerts of music, crowds of beauties, are all in readiness to receive you. Come along with me into this region of delights, this world of pleasure, and bid farewel for ever to care, to pain, to business."

Hercules, hearing the lady talk after this manner, de­sired to know her name; to which she answered, "My friends, and those who are well acquainted with me, call me Happiness; but my enemies, and those who would injure my reputation, have given me the name of Pleasure."

By this time the other lady was come up, who ad­dressed herself to the young hero in a very different manner.

"Hercules," says she, "I offer myself to you, be­cause I know your are descended from the gods, and give proofs of that descent by your love to virtue, and application to the studies proper for your age. This makes me hope you will gain, both for yourself and me, an immortal reputation. But, before I invite you into my society and friendship, I will be open and sin­cere with you, and must lay down this as an established truth, that there is nothing truly valuable which can be purchased without pains and labor. The gods have set a price upon every real and noble pleasure. If you would gain the favor of the Deity, you must be at the pains of worshipping him; if the friendship of good men, you must study to oblige them; if you would be honored by your country, you must take care to serve it. In short, if you would be eminent in war or peace, you must become master of all the qualifications that can make you so. These are the only terms and condi­tions upon which I can propose happiness." The god­dess of Pleasure here broke in upon her discourse: "You see," said she, "Hercules, by her own confes­sion, the way to her pleasures is long and difficult; whereas that which I propose is short and easy." "A­las." said the other lady, whose visage glowed with [Page 30] passion, made up of scorn and pity, "what are the pleasures you propose? To eat before you are hungry, drink before you are athrist, sleep before your are tired; to gratify appetites before they are raised, and raise such appetites as nature never planted. You never heard the most delicious music, which is the praise of one's self; nor saw the most beautiful object, which is the work of one's own hands. Your votaries pass away their youth in a dream of mistaken pleasures, while they are hoarding up anguish, torment, and remorse, for old age.

"As for me, I am the friend of gods and of good men, an agreeable companion to the artizan, an house­hold guardian to the fathers of families, a patron and protector of servants, an associate in all true and gene­rous friendships. The banquets of my votaries are ne­ver costly, but always delicious; for none eat and drink at them who are not invited by hunger and thirst. Their slumbers are sound, and their wakings cheerful. My young men have the pleasure of hearing themselves praised by those who are in years; and those who are in years, of being honored by those who are young. In a word, my followers are favored by the gods, be­loved by their acquaintance, esteemed by their country, and, after the close of their labors, honored by po­sterity."

We know, by the life of this memorable hero, to which of these two ladies he gave up his heart; and I believe every one who reads this, will do him the ju­stice to approve his choice.

XX. WILL HONEYCOMB's SPECTATOR.

MY friend Will Honeycomb has told me, for above this half year, that he had a great mind to try his hand at a Spectator, and that he would fain have one of his writing in my works. This morning I received from him the following letter; which, after having rec­tified some little orthographical mistakes, I shall make a present of to the public.

The ladies will see by this letter, what have I often told them, that Will is one of those old-fashioned men of wit and pleasure of the town, that shows his parts by raillery on marriage, and one who has often tried his fortune that way without success. I cannot however dismiss this letter, without observing that the true story on which it is built does honor to the sex; and that in [Page 34] order to abuse them, the writer is obliged to have [...] course to dream and fiction.

XXI. ON GOOD BREEDING.

A FRIEND of yours and mine has very justly defined good breeding to be, "the result of much good sense, some good nature, and a little self-denial for the sake of others, and with a view to obtain the same indul­gence from them." Taking this for granted, (as I think it cannot be disputed) it is astonishing to me, that any body, who has good sense and good nature, can es­sentially fail in good breeding. As to the modes of it, indeed, they vary according to persons, places, and cir­cumstances, and are only to be acquired by observation and experience; but the substance of it is every where and eternally the same. Good manners are, to particu­lar societies, what good morals are to society in gene­ral; their cement, and their security. And, as laws are enacted to enforce good morals, or at least to prevent the ill effects of bad ones; so there are certain rules of civility, universally implied and received, to enforce good manners and punish bad ones. And, indeed, there seems to me to be less difference, both between the crimes and punishments, than at first one would imagine. The immoral man, who invades another's property, is justly hanged for it; and the ill-bred man, who, by his ill manners, invades and disturbs the quiet and comforts of private life, is by common consent as justly banished so­ciety. Mutual complaisances, attentions, and sacrifices of little conveniences, are as natural an implied compact between civilized people, as protection and obedience are between kings and subjects; whoever, in either case, violates that compact, justly forfeits all advantages ari­sing from it. For my own part, I really think that, next to the consciousness of doing a good action, that of doing a civil one is the most pleasing: and the epithet which I should covet the most, next to to that of Aristi­des, would be that of well-bred. Thus much for good-breeding in general: I will now consider some of the various modes and degrees of it.

Very few, scarcely any, are wanting in the respect which they should show to those whom they acknow­ledge [Page 35] to be highly their superiors; such as crowned heads, princes, and public persons of distinguished and eminent posts. It is the manner of showing that respect which is different. The man of fashion and of the world, expresses it in its fullest extent; but naturally, easily, and without concern: whereas a man who is not used to keep good company, expresses it awkwardly; one sees that he is not used to it, and that it costs him a great deal; but I never saw the worst-bred man li­ving, guilty of lolling, whistling, scratching his head, and such like indecencies, in company that he respected. In such companies, therefore, the only point to be at­tended to is, to show that respect, which every body means to show, in an easy, unembarrassed, and grace­ful manner. This is what observation and experience must teach you.

In mixed companies, whoever is admitted to make part of them, is, for the time at least, supposed to be upon a footing of equality with the rest; and, conse­quently, as there is no one principal object of awe and respect, people are apt to take a greater latitude in their behavior, and to be less upon their guard; and so they may, provided it be within certain bounds, which are upon no occasion to be transgressed. But upon these occasions, though no one is entitled to distinguished marks of respect, every one claims, and very justly, every mark of civility and good breeding. Ease is al­lowed, carelessness and negligence are strictly for­bidden. If a man accosts you, and talk to you ever so dully or frivolously, it is worse than rudeness, it is brutality, to show him, by a manifest inattention to what he says, that you think him a fool or a block­head, and not worth hearing. It is much more so with regard to women; who, of whatever rank they are, are intitled, in consideration of their sex, not only to an attentive, but an officious, good breeding from men. Their little wants, likings, dislikes, preferences, anti­pathies, and fancies, must be officiously attended to, and, if possible, guessed at and anticipated, by a well-bred man. You must never usurp to yourself those con­veniencies and gratifications which are of common right; such as the best places, the best dishes, &c. but, on the [Page 36] contrary, always decline them yourself, and offer them to others; who, in their turns, will offer them to you; so that, upon the whole, you will, in your turn, enjoy your share of the common right. It would be endless for me to enumerate all the particular instances in which a well-bred man shows his good breeding in good com­pany; and it would be injurious to you to suppose, that your own good sense will not point them [...]ut to you, and then your own good nature will recommend, and your self-interest enforce, the practice.

There is a third sort of good breeding, in which people are the most apt to fail, from a very mistaken notion that they cannot fail at all. I mean with re­gard to one's most familiar friends and acquaintances, or those who really are our inferiors; a [...]d there, undoubt­edly, a greater degree of ease is not only allowable but proper, and contributes much to the comforts of a pri­vate social life. But ease and freedom have their bounds, which must by no means be violated. A cer­tain degree of neglience and carelessness becomes in­jurious and insulting, from the real or supposed inferio­rity of the persons; and that delightful liberty of con­versation among a few friends, is soon destroyed, as li­berty often has been, by being carried to licentiousness. But example explains things best; and I will put a pretty strong case. Suppose you and me alone toge­ther; I believe you will allow that I have as good a right to unlimited freedom in your company, as either you or I can possibly have in any other; and I am apt to believe, too, that you would indulge me in that free­dom as far as any body would. But, notwithstanding this, do you imagine that I should think there were no bounds to that freedom? I assure you I should not think so; and I take myself to be as much tied down by a certain degree of good manners to you, as by other degrees of them to other people. The most familiar and intimate habitudes, connections, and friendships, require a degree of good breeding both to preserve and cement them. The best of us have our bad sides; and it is as imprudent as it is ill-bred, to exhibit them. I shall not use ceremony with you; it would be misplaced between us; but I shall certainly observe that degree of [Page 37] good breeding with you which is, in the first place, de­cent, and which, I am sure, is absolutely necessary to make us like one another's company long.

XXII. ADDRESS TO A YOUNG STUDENT.

YOUR parents have watched over your helpless in­fancy, and conducted you, with many a pang, to an age at which your mind is capable of manly improve­ment. Their solicitude still continues, and no trouble nor expence is spared in giving you all the instructions and accomplishments which may enable you to act your part in life, as a man of polished sense and confirmed virtue. You have, then, already contracted a great debt of gratitude to them. You can pay it by no other method but by using the advantages which their good­ness has afforded you.

If your own endeavors are deficient, it is in vain that you have tutors, books, and all the external apparatus of literary pursuits. You must love learning, if you would possess it. In order to love it, you must feel its delights; in order to feel its delights, you must apply to it, however irksome at first, closely, constantly, and for a considerable time. If you have resolution enough to do this, you cannot but love learning; for the mind al­ways loves that to which it has been long, steadily, and voluntarily attached. Habits are formed, which render what was at first disagreeable, not only pleasant, but necessary.

Pleasant, indeed, are all the paths which lead to po­lite and elegant literature. Yours, then, is surely a lot particularly happy. Your education is of such a sort, that its principal scope is to prepare you to receive a refined pleasure during your life. Elegance, or delicacy of taste, is one of the first objects of a classical discipline; and it is this fine quality which opens a new world to the scholar's view. Elegance of taste has a connection with many virtues, and all of them virtues of the most amiable kind. It tends to render you at once good and agreeable. You must therefore be an enemy to your own enjoyments, if you enter on the discipline which leads to the attainment of a classical and liberal educa­tion, with reluctance. Value duly the opportunities you [Page 38] enjoy, and which are denied to thousands of your fellow creatures.

Without exemplary diligence you will make but a con­temptible proficiency. You may, indeed, pass through the forms of schools and universities, but you will bring nothing away from them of real value. The proper sort and degree of diligence you cannot possess, but by the effects of your own resolution. Your instructor may indeed, confine you within the walls of a school a cer­tain number of hours. He may place books before you, and compel you to fix your eyes upon them; but no authority can chain down your mind. Your thoughts will escape from every external restraint, and, amidst the most serious lectures, may be ranging in the wild pur­suit of trifles or vice. Rules, restraints, commands, and punishments, may, indeed, assist in strengthening your [...]solution; but, without your own voluntary choice y [...]r diligence will not often conduce to your pleasure or advantage. Though this truth is obvious, yet it seems to be a secret to those parents who expect to find their son's improvement increase in proportion to the number of tutors and external assistances which their opulence has enabled them to provide. These assistances, indeed, are sometimes afforded, chiefly that the young heir to a title or estate may indulge himself in idleness and nomi­nal pleasures. The lesson is construed to him, and the exercise written for him by the private tutor, while the hapless youth is engaged in some ruinous pleasure, which, at the same time, prevents him from learning any thing desireable, and leads to the formation of destructive ha­bits, which can seldom be removed.

But the principal obstacle to your improvement at school, especially if you are too plentifully supplied with money, is a perverse ambition of being distinguished as a body of spirit in mischievous pranks, in neglecting the tasks and lessons, and for every vice and irregularity which the puerile age can admit. You will have sense enough, I hope, to discover, beneath the mask of gaiety and good-nature, that malignant spirit of detraction, which endeavors to render the boy who applies to books, and to all the duties and proper business of the school, ridiculous. You will see, by the light of your [Page 39] reason, that the ridicule is misapplied. You will dis­cover, that the boys who have recourse to ridicule, are, for the most part, stupid, unfeeling, ignorant, and vi­cious. Their noisy folly, their bold confidence, their contempt of learning, and their defiance of authority, are, for the most part, the genuine effects of hardened insensibility. Let not their insults and ill-treatment dispirit you. If you yield to them with a tame and ab­ject submission, they will not fail to triumph over you with additional insolence. Display a fortitude in your pursuits, equal in degree to the obstinacy in which they persist in theirs. Your fortitude will soon overcome theirs, which is, indeed, seldom any thing more than the audacity of a bully. Indeed, you cannot go through a school with ease to yourself, and with success, without a considerable share of courage. I do not mean that sort of courage which leads to battles and contentions, but which enables you to have a will of your own, and to pursue what is right, amidst all the persecutions of surrounding enviers, dunces, and detractors. Ridicule is the weapon made use of at school, as well as in the world, when the fortresses of virtue are to be assailed. You will effectually repel the attack by a dauntless spi­rit and unyielding perseverance. Though numbers are against you, yet, with truth and rectitude on your side, you may, though alone, be equal to an army.

By laying in a store of useful knowledge, adorning your mind with elegant literature, improving and esta­blishing your conduct by virtuous principles, you cannot fail of being a comfort to those friends who have sup­ported you, of being happy within yourself, and of be­ing well received by mankind. Honor and success in life will probably attend you. Under all circumstances you will have an internal source of consolation and en­tertainment, of which no sublunary vicissitude can de­prive you. Time will show how much wiser has been your choice than that of your idle companions, who would gladly have drawn you into their association, or rather into their conspiracy, as it has been called, against good manners, and against all that is honorable and useful. While you appear in society as a respectable and va­luable member of it, they will, perhaps, have sacrificed, [Page 40] at the shrine of vanity, pride, extravagance, and false pleasure, their health and their sense, their fortunes and their characters.

XXIII. ADVANTAGES OF, AND MOTIVES TO, CHEERFULNESS.

CHEERFULNESS is, in the first place, the best pro­moter of health. Repining [...] and secret murmurs of heart give imperceptible strokes to those delicate fibres of which the vital parts are composed, and wear out the machine insensibly; not to mention those violent fer­ments which they stir up in the blood, and those irre­gular disturbed motions which they raise in the animal spirits. I scarce remember, in my own observation, to have met with many old men, or with such who (to use our English phrase) 'wear well,' that had not at least a certain indolence in their humor, if not a more than ordinary gaiety and cheerfulness of heart. The truth of it is, health and cheerfulness mutually beget each other; with this difference, that we seldom meet with a great degree of health which is not attended with a certain cheerfulness, but very often see cheerfulness where there is no great degree of health.

Cheerfulness bears the same friendly regard to the mind as to the body: it banishes all anxious care and discontent, soothes and composes the passions, and keeps the soul in a perpetual calm.

If we consider the world in its subserviency to man, one would think it was made for our use; but if we consider it in its natural beauty and harmony, one would be apt to conclude it was made for our pleasure. The sun, which is as the great soul of the universe, and pro­duces all the necessaries of life, has a particular influence in cheering the mind of man, and making the heart glad.

Those several living creatures which are made for our service or sustenance, at the same time either fill the woods with their music, furnish us with game, or raise pleasing ideas in us by the delightfulness of their ap­pearance. Fountains, lakes, and rivers, are as refresh­ing to the imagination, as to the soil through which they pass.

[Page 41]There are writers of great distinction, who have made it an argument for Providence, that the whole earth is covered with green, rather than with any other color, as being such a right mixture of light and shade, that it comforts and strengthens the eye instead of weakening or grieving it. For this reason, several painters have a green cloth hanging near them, to ease the eye upon, after too great an application to their coloring. A famous modern philosopher accounts for it in the fol­lowing manner: All colors that are more luminous, overpower and dissipate the animal spirits which are em­ployed in sight; on the contrary, those that are more obscure do not give the animal spirits a sufficient exer­cise: whereas the rays that produce in us the idea of green, fall upon the eye in such a due proportion, that they give the animal spirits their proper play, and by keeping up the struggle in a just balance, excite a very pleasing and agreeable sensation. Let the cause be what it will, the effect is certain; for which reason the poets ascribe to this particular color the epithet of Cheerful.

To consider further this double end in the works of nature, and how they are at the same time both useful and entertaining, we find that the most important parts in the vegetable world are those which are the most beautiful. These are the seeds by which the several races of plants are propagated and continued, and which are always lodged in flowers or blossoms. Nature seems to hide her principal design, and to be industrious in making the earth gay and delightful, while she is car­rying on her great work, and intent upon her own pre­servation. The husbandman, after the same manner, is employed in laying out the whole country into a kind of garden or landscape, and making everything smile about him, whilst, in reality, he thinks of nothing but of the harvest, and increase which is to arise from it.

We may further observe how Providence has taken care to keep up this cheerfulness in the mind of man, by having formed it after such a manner, as to make it ca­pable of conceiving delight from several objects which seem to have very little use in them; as from the wild­ness of rocks and deserts, and the like grotesque parts of nature. Those who are versed in philosophy may still [Page 42] carry this consideration higher, by observing, that, if matter had appeared to us endowed only with those real qualities which it actually possesses, it would have made but a very joyless and uncomfortable figure; and why has Providence given it a power of producing in us such imaginary qualities, as tastes and colors, sounds and smells, heat and cold, but that man, while he is conver­sant in the lower stations of nature, might have his mind cheered and delighted with agreeable sensations? In short, the whole universe is a kind of theatre filled with ob­jects that either raise in us pleasure, amusement, or ad­miration.

The reader's own thoughts will suggest to him the vicissitude of day and night, the change of seasons, with all that variety of scenes which diversify the face of na­ture, and fill the mind with a perpetual succession of beautiful and pleasing images.

I shall not here mention the several entertainments of art, with the pleasures of friendship, books, conversa­tion, and other accidental diversions of life, because I would only take notice of such enticements to a cheer­ful temper, as offer themselves to persons of all ranks and conditions, and which may sufficiently show us, that Providence did not design the world should be filled with murmurs and repinings, or that the heart of man should be involved in gloom and melancholy.

I the more inculcate this cheerfulness of temper, as it is a virtue in which our countrymen are observed to be more deficient than any other nation. Melancholy is a kind of demon that haunts our island, and often conveys herself to us in an easterly wind. A celebrated French novelist, in opposition to those who begin their romances with the flowery seasons of the year, enters on his story thus: ‘In the gloomy month of November, when the people of England hang and drown themselves, a dis­consolate lover walked out into the fields, &c.’

Every one ought to fence against the temper of his climate or constitution, and frequently to indulge in him­self those considerations which may give him a serenity of mind, and enable him to bear up cheerfully against those little evils and misfortunes which are common to human nature, and which, by a right improvement of [Page 43] them, will produce a satiety of joy, and uninterrupted happiness.

At the same time that I would engage my reader to consider the world in its most agreeable lights, I must own there are many evils which naturally spring up a­midst the entertainments that are provided for us; but these if rightly considered, should be far from overcast­ing the mind with sorrow, or destroying that cheerfulness of temper which I have been recommending. This in­terspersion of evil with good, and pain with pleasure, in the works of nature, is very truly ascribed by Mr. Locke, in his essay on human understanding, to a moral reason, in the following words:

‘Beyond all this, we may find another reason why God hath scattered up and down several degrees of pleasure and pain, in all the things that environ and affect us, and blended them together in almost all that our thoughts and senses have to do with; that we, finding imperfection, dissatisfaction, and want of complete happiness in all the enjoyments which the creatures can afford us, might be led to seek it in the enjoyment of Him, 'with whom there is fulness of joy, and at whose right-hand are pleasures for ever­more.’

I. THE BAD READER.

JULIUS had acquired great credit at Cambridge by his compositions. They were elegant, animated, and judicious; and several prizes, at different times, had been adjudged to him. An oration, which he delivered the week before he left the university, had been honor­ed with particular applause; and, on his return home, he was impatient to gratify his vanity, and to extend his reputation, by having it read to a number of his father's literary friends.

A party was therefore collected; and, after dinner, the manuscript was produced. Julius declined the office of reader, because he had contracted a hoarseness on his journey; and a conceited young man, with great for­wardness, offered his services. Whilst he was settling himself on his seat, licking his lips, adjusting his mouth, hawking, hemming, and making other ridiculous prepa­rations for the performance which he had undertaken, a profound silence reigned through the company, the uni­ted effect of attention and expectation. The reader at length began; but his tone of voice was so shrill and dis­sonant, his utterance so vehement, his pronunciation so affected, his emphasis so injudicious, and his accents were so improperly placed, that good manners alone restrained the laughter of the audience. Julius was all this while upon the rack, and his arm was more than once extend­ed to snatch his composition from the coxcomb who de­livered it. But he proceeded, with full confidence in his own elocution; uniformly overstepping, as Shakespeare expresses it, the modesty of nature.

When the oration was concluded, the gentlemen re­turned their thanks to the author; but the compliments which they paid him were more expressive of politeness and civility, than of a conviction of his merit. Indeed, The beauties of his composition had been converted, by bad reading, into blemishes; and the sense of it rendered [Page 45] obscure, and even unintelligible. Julius and his father could not conceal their vexation and disappointment; and the guests, perceiving that they laid them under a painful restraint, withdrew, as soon as decency permit­ted, to their respective habitations.

II. RESPECT DUE TO OLD AGE.

IT happened at Athens, during a public representation of some play exhibited in honor of the commonwealth, that an old gentleman came too late for a place suitable to his age and quality. Many of the young gentlemen, who observed the difficulty and confusion he was in, made signs to him that they would accommodate him if he came where they sat. The good man bustled through the crowd accordingly: but when he came to the seats to which he was invited, the jest was, to sit close, and expose him as he stood out of countenance, to the whole audience. The frolic went round all the Athenian benches. But on those occasions there where also par­ticular places assigned for foreigners. When the good man skulked towards the boxes appointed for the Lace­demonians, that honest people, more virtuous than po­lite, rose up all to a man, and with greatest respect received him among them. The Athenians being sud­denly touched with a sense of the Spartan virtue and their own degeneracy, gave a thunder of applause; and the old man cried out, "The Athenians understand what is good, but the Lacedemonians practise it."

III. PIETY TO GOD RECOMMENDED TO THE YOUNG.

WHAT I shall first recommend, is piety to God. With this I begin, both as the foundation of good morals, and as a disposition particularly graceful and becoming in youth. To be void of it, argues a cold heart, desti­tute of some of the best affections which belong to that age. Youth is the season of warm and generous emotions. The heart should then spontaneously rise into the ad­miration of what is great; glow with the love of what is fair and excellent; and melt at the discovery of tenderness and goodness. Where can any object be found so proper to kindle those affections as the Father of the universe, and the Author of all felicity? Un­moved [Page 46] by veneration, can you contemplate that gran­deur and majesty which His works every where display? Untouched by gratitude, can you view that profusion of good which, in this pleasing season of life, His bene­ficent hand pours around you? Happy in the love and affection of those with whom you are connected, look up to the Supreme Being, as the inspirer of all the friendship which has ever been shown you by others; himself your best and your first friend: formerly, the supporter of your infancy, and the guide of your child­hood; now, the guardian of your youth, and the hope of your coming years. View religious homage as a natural expression of gratitude to him for all his goodness. Consider it as the service of the God of your fathers; of him to whom your parents devoted you; of him whom, in former ages, your ancestors honored; and by whom they are now rewarded and blessed in hea­ven. Connected with so many tender sensibilities of soul, let religion be with you, not the cold and barren offspring of speculation, but the warm and vigorous dic­tate of the heart.

IV. MODESTY AND DOCILITY.

To piety, join modesty and docility, reverence of your parents, and submission to those who are your su­periors in knowledge, in station, and in years. De­pendence and obedience belong to youth. Modesty is one of its chief ornaments; and has ever been esteemed a presage of rising merit. When entering on the career of life, it is your part not to assume the reins as yet into your hands; but to commit yourselves to the guidance of the more experienced, and to become wise by the wisdom of those who have gone before you. Of all the follies incident to youth, there are none which either de­form its present appearance, or blast the prospect of its future prosperity, more than self-conceit, presumption, and obstinacy. By checking its natural progress in im­provement, they fix it in long immaturity; and fre­quently produce mischiefs which can never be repaired. Yet these are vices too commonly found among the young. Big with enterprise, and elated by hope, they resolve to trust for success to none but themselves. Full [Page 47] of their own abilities, they deride the admonitions which are given them by their friends, as the timorous sugge­stions of age. Too wise to learn, too impatient to deli­berate, too forward to be restrained, they plunge, with precipitant indiscretion, into the midst of all the dan­gers with which life abounds.

V. SINCERITY.

IT is necessary to recommend to you sincerity and truth. These are the basis of every virtue. That dark­ness of character, where we can see no heart; those foldings of art, through which no native affection is allowed to penetrate, present an object unamiable in every season of life, but particularly odious in youth. If, at an age when the heart is warm, when the emotions are strong, and when nature is expected to show herself free and open, you can already smile and deceive, what are we to look for when you shall be longer hackneyed in the ways of men; when interest shall have completed the obduration of your heart, and experience shall have improved you in all the arts of guile? Dissimulation in youth is the forerunner of perfidy in old age. Its first appearance is the fatal omen of growing depravity and future shame. It degrades parts and learning, obscures the lustre of every accomplishment, and si [...]ks you into contempt with God and man. As you value, therefore, the approbation of heaven or the esteem of the world, cultivate the love of truth. In all your proceedings be direct and consistent. Ingenuity and candor possess the most powerful charm; they bespeak universal favor, and carry an apology for almost every failing. The path of truth is a plain and safe path; that of falsehood is a perplexing maze. After the first departure from since­rity, it is not in your power to stop. One artifice una­voidably leads on to another; till, as the intricacy of the labyrinth increases, you are left entangled in your own snare. Deceit discovers a little mind, which stops at temporary expedients, without rising to comprehensive views of conduct. It betrays, at the same time, a da­stardly spirit. It is the resource of one who wants cou­rage to avow his designs, or to rest upon himself. Where­as openness of character displays that genero [...] boldness [Page 48] which ought to distinguish youth. To set out in the world with no other principle than a crafty attention to interest, betokens one who is destined for creeping through the inferior walks of life: but to give an early preference to honor above gain, when they stand in competition; to despise every advantage which cannot be attained without dishonest arts; to brook no mean­ness, and to stoop to no dissimulation; are the indications of a great mind, the presages of future eminence and distinction in life. At the same time, this virtuous sincerity is perfectly consistent with the most prudent vigilance and caution. It is opposed to cunning, not to true wisdom. It is not the simplicity of a weak and im­provident, but the candor of an enlarged a noble mind; of one who scorns deceit, because he accounts it both base and unprofitable; and who seeks no disguise, be­cause he needs none to hide him.

VI. BENEVOLENCE AND HUMANITY.

YOUTH is the proper season for cultivating the be­nevolent and humane affections. As a great part of your happiness is to depend on the connections which you form with others, it is of high importance that you acquire betimes the temper and the manners which will render such connections comfortable. Let a sense of justice be the foundation of all your social qualities. In your most early intercourse with the world, and even in your youthful amusements, let no unfairness be found. Engrave on your mind that sacred rule, of "doing in all things to others according as you wish that they should do unto you." For this end, impress yourselves with a deep sense of the original and natural equality of men. Whatever advantages of birth or fortune you possess, never display them with an ostentatious superiority. Leave the subordinations of rank, to regulate the inter­course of more advanced years. At present it becomes you to act among your companions as man with man. Remember how unknown to you are the vicissitudes of the world; and how often they, on whom ignorant and contemptuous young men once looked down with scorn, have risen to be their superiors in future years. Com­passion is an emotion of which you ought never to be [Page 49] ashamed. Graceful in youth is the tear of sympathy, and the heart that melts at the tale of woe. Let not ease and indulgence contract your affections, and wrap you up in selfish enjoyment. Accustom yourselves to think of the distresses of human life; of the solitary cottage, the dying parent, and the weeping orphan. Never sport with pain and distress in any of your amuse­ments, nor treat even the meanest insect with wanton cruelty.

VII. INDUSTRY AND APPLICATION.

DILIGENCE, industry, and proper improvement of time, are material duties of the young. To no pur­pose are they endowed with the best abilities, if they want activity for exerting them. Unavailing, in this case, will be every direction that can be given them, either for their temporal or spiritual welfare. In youth, the habits of industry are most easily acquired: in youth, the incentives to it are strongest, from ambition and from duty, from emulation and hope, from all the pro­spects which the beginning of life affords. If, dead to these calls, you already languish in slothful inaction, what will be able to quicken the more sluggish current of ad­vancing years? Industry is not only the instrument of improvement, but the foundation of pleasure. Nothing is so opposite to the true enjoyment of life as the relaxed and feeble state of an indolent mind. He who is a stranger to industry may possess, but he cannot enjoy. For it is labor only which gives the relish to pleasure. It is the appointed vehicle of every good to man. It is the indispensable [...]tion of our possessing a sound mind in a sound body. Sloth is so inconsistent with both, that it is hard to determine whether it be a greater foe to virtue, or to health and happiness. Inactive as it is in itself, its effects are fatally powerful. Though it appear a slowly-flowing stream, yet it undermines all that is stable and flourishing. It not only saps the foundation of every virtue, but pours upon you a deluge of crimes and evils. It is like water, which first putrifies by stagnation, and then sends up no [...]ious vapors, and fills the atmosphere with death. Fly, therefore, from idleness, as the certain parent both of guilt and of ruin. And under idleness I [Page 50] include, not mere inaction only, but all that circle of trifling occupations in which too many saunter away their youth; perpetually engaged in frivolous society, or public amusements; in the labors of dress, or the ostentation of their persons.—Is this the foundation which you lay for future usefulness and esteem? By such accomplishments do you hope to recommend yourselves to the thinking part of the world, and to answer the ex­pectation of your friends and your country?—Amuse­ments youth requires; it were vain, it were cruel, to prohibit them. But, though allowable as the relaxation, they are most culpable as the business, of the young. For they then become the gulph of time and the poison of the mind. They foment bad passions. They weaken the manly powers. They sink the native vigor of youth into contemptible effeminacy.

VIII. PROPER EMPLOYMENT OF TIME.

REDEEMING your time from such dangeros waste, seek to fill it with employments which you may review with satisfaction. The acquisition of knowledge is one of the most honorable occupations of youth. The desire of it discovers a liberal mind, and is connected with many accomplishments and many virtues. But, though your train of life should not lead you to study, the course of education always furnishes proper employments to a well-disposed mind. Whatever you pursue, be emulos to excel. Generous ambition, and sensibility to praise, are, especially at your age, among the marks of virtue. Think not that any affluence of fortune, or any eleva­tion of rank, exempts you from the duties of applica­tion and industry. Industry is the law of our being; it is the demand of nature, of reason, and of God. Re­member always, that the years which now pass over your heads leave permanent memorials behind them. From your thoughtless minds they may escape; but they remain in the remembrance of God. They form an important part of the register of your life. They will hereafter bear testimony, either for or against you, at that day, when, for all your actions, but particularly for the employments of youth, you most give an account to God.—Whether your future course is destined to be- [Page 51] long or short, after this manner it should commence; and, if it continue to be thus conducted, its conclusion, at what time soever it arrives, will not be inglorious or unhappy.

IX. THE TRUE PATRIOT.

ANDREW DORIA of Genoa, the greatest sea-captain of the age he lived in, set his country free from the yoke of France. Beloved by his fellow-citizens, and sup­ported by the emperor Charles V. it was in his power to assume sovereignty without the least struggle. But he preferred the virtuous satisfaction of giving liberty to his countrymen. He declared in public assembly, that the happiness of seeing them once more restored to li­berty, was to him a full reward for all his services: that he claimed no pre-eminence above his equals, but remit­ted to them absolutely to settle a proper form of govern­ment. Doria's magnanimity put an end to factions that had long vexed the state: and a form of government was established with great unanimity, the same that, with very little alteration, subsists at present. Doria lived to a great age, beloved and honored by his countrymen; and, without ever making a single step out of his rank as a private citizen, he retained to his dying hour great in­fluence in the republic. Power, founded on love and gratitude, was to him more pleasant than what is found­ed on sovereignty. His memory is reverenced by the Genoese; and, in their histories and public monuments, there is bestowed on him the most honorable of all titles —FATHER of his COUNTRY, and RESTORER of its LIBERTY.

X. ON CONTENTMENT.

CONTENTMENT produces, in some measure, all those effects which the alchymist usually ascribes to what he calls the PHILOSOPHER'S STONE; and if it does not bring riches, it does the same thing by banishing the desire of them. If it cannot remove the disquietudes arising out of a man's mind, body, or fortune, it makes him easy under them. It has indeed a kindly influence on the soul of man, in respect of every being to whom he stands related. It extinguishes all murmur, repining, and in­gratitude [Page 52] towards that Being who has allotted him his part to act in this world. It destroys all inordinate am­bition, and every tendency to corruption, with regard to the community wherein he is placed. It gives sweetness to his conversation, and a perpetual serenity to all his thoughts.

Among the many methods which may be made use of for the acquiring of this virtue. I shall only mention the two following. First of all, a man should always consider how much he has more than he wants; and se­condly, how much more unhappy he might be than he really is.

First of all, a man should always consider how much he has more than he wants. I am wonderfully pleased with the reply which Aristippus made to one who con­doled him upon the loss of a farm: "Why," said he, "I have three farms still, and you have but one; so that I ought rather to be afflicted for you, than you for me." On the contrary, foolish men are more apt to consider what they have lost than what they possess; and to fix their eyes upon those who are richer than themselves, ra­ther than on those who are under greater difficulties. All the real pleasures and conveniencies of life lie in a narrow compass; but it is the humor of mankind to be always looking forward, and straining after one who has got the start of them in wealth and honor. For this reason, as there is none can be properly called rich, who have not more than they want; there are few rich men in any of the politer nations but among the middle sort of people, who keep their wishes within their fortunes, and have more wealth than they know how to enjoy. Persons of a higher rank live in a kind of splendid poverty; and are perpetually wanting, because, instead of acquiescing in the solid pleasures of life, they endeavor to outvie one another in shadows and appearances. Men of sense have at all times beheld with a great deal of mirth this silly game that is playing over their heads; and, by contract­ing their desires, enjoy all that secret satisfaction which others are always in quest of. The truth is, this ridicu­lous chace after imaginary pleasures cannot be sufficient­ly exposed, as it is the great source of those evils which generally undo a nation. Let a man's estate be what it [Page 53] wil [...], he is a poor man if he does not live within it, and naturally sets himself to sale to any one that can give him his price. When Pittacus, after the death of his brother, who had left him a good estate, was offered a great sum of money by the king of Lydia, he thanked him for his kindness, but told him he had already more by half than he knew what to do with. In short, con­tent is equivalent to wealth, and luxury to poverty; or, to give the thought a more agreeable turn, "Con­tent is natural wealth," says Socrates; to which I shall add, Luxury is artificial poverty. I shall therefore re­commend to the consideration of those who are always aiming after superfluous and imaginary enjoyments, and will not be at the trouble of contracting their desires, an excellent saying of Bion the philosopher, namely, "That no man has so much care, as he who endeavors af­ter the most happiness."

In the second place, every one ought to reflect how much more unhappy he might be than he really is. The former consideration took in all those who are sufficiently provided with the means to make themselves easy; this regards such as actually lie under some pressure or mis­fortune. These may receive great alleviation from such a comparison as the unhappy person may make between himself and others, or between the misfortune which he suffers, and greater mi [...]fortunes which might have befal­len him.

I like the story of the honest Dutchman, who, upon breaking his leg by a fall from the main-mast, told the standers by, it was a great mercy that it was not his neck. To which, since I have got into quotations, give me leave to add the saying of an old philosopher, who, after having invited some of his friends to dine with him, was r [...]led by his wife that came into the room in a pas­sion, and threw down the table that stood before them: "Every one," says he, "has his calamity, and he is a happy man that has no greater than this." We find an instance to the same purpose in the life of Doctor Ham­mond, written by Bishop Fell. As this good man was troubled with a complication of distempers, when he had the gout upon him, he used to thank God that it was [Page 54] not the stone; and when he had the stone, that he had not both these distempers on him at the same time.

I cannot conclude this essay without observing, that there was never any system besides that of Christianity, which could effectually produce in the mind of man, the virtue I have been hitherto speaking of. In order to make us contented with our condition, many of the professed philosophers tell us, that our discontent only hurts ourselves, without being able to make any altera­tion in our circumstances; others, that whatever evil be­fals us, is derived to us by a fatal necessity, to which the gods themselves are subject; while others very gravely tell the man who is miserable, that it is necessary he should be so to keep up the harmony of the universe, and that the scheme of Providence would be troubled and per­verted were he otherwise. These and the like considera­tions rather silence than satisfy a man. They may show him that his discontent is unreasonable, but are by no means sufficient to relieve it. They rather give despair than consolation. In a word, a man might reply to one of these comforters, as Augustus did to his friend who advised him not to grieve for the death of a person whom he loved, because his grief could not fetch him again: "It is for that very reason," said the emperor, "that I grieve."

On the contrary, religion bears a more tender regard to human nature. It prescribes to every miserable man the means of bettering his condition; nay, it shows him, that the bearing of his afflictions as he ought to do, will naturally end in the removal of them. It makes him easy here, b [...]cause it can make him happy hereafter.

XI. TRANSMIGRATIONS OF A MONKEY.

WILL HONEYCOMB, who loves to show upon occa­sion all the little learning he has picked up, told us yes­terday at the club, that he thought there might be a great deal said for the transmigration of souls, and that the eastern parts of the world believed in that doctrine to this day. Sir Paul Rycaut, says he, gives us an account of several well-disposed Mahometans that pur­chase the freedom of any little bird they see confined to a cage; and think they merit as much by it, as we [Page 55] should do here by ransoming any of our countrymen from their captivity at Algiers. You must know, says Will, the reason is, because they consider every animal as a brother or sister in disguise; and therefore think themselves obliged to extend their charity to them, though under such mean circumstances. They will tell you, says Will, that the soul of a man, when he dies, immediately passes into the body of another man, or of some brute, which he resembled in his humor, or his fortune, when he was one of us.

As I was wondering what this profusion of learning would end in, Will told us that Jack Freelove, who was a fellow of whim, made love to one of those ladies who throw away all their fondness on parrots, monkeys, and l [...]-dogs. Upon going to pay her a visit one morning, he write a very pretty epistle upon this hint. Jack, says he, was conducted into the parlor, where he diverted himself for some time with her favorite monkey, which was chained in one of the windows; till at length ob­serving a pen and ink lie by him, he writ the following letter to his mistress, in the person of the monkey; and upon her not coming down so soon as he expected, le [...]t it in the window, and went about his business.

The lady, soon after coming into the parlor, and seeing her monkey look upon a paper with great ear­nestness, took it up, and to this day is in some doubt, says Will, whether it was written by Jack or the mon­key.

XII. JOURNAL of the LIFE of ALEXANDER SEVERUS.

ALEXANDER rose early. The first moments of the day were consecrated to private devotion: but, as he deemed the service of mankind the most acceptable wor­ship of the gods, the greatest part of his morning hours was employed in council; where he discussed public af­fairs, and determined private causes, with a patience and discretion above his years. The dryness of business was enlivened by the charms of literature; and a por­tion of time was always set apart for his favorite stu­dies of poetry, history, and philosophy. The works of Virgil and Horace, the republics of Plato and Cicero, formed his taste, enlarged his understanding, and gave him the noblest ideas of man and of government. The [Page 59] exercises of the body succeeded to those of the mind; and Alexander, who was tall, active, and robust, sur­passed most of his equals in the gymnastic arts. Re­freshed by the use of the bath, and a slight dinner, he resumed, with new vigor, the business of the day; and, till the hour of supper, the principal meal of the Romans, [...]e was attended by his secretaries, with whom he read and answered the multitude of letters, memo­rials, and petitions, that must have been addressed to the master of the greatest part of the world. His table was served with the most frugal simplicity; and when­ever he was at liberty to consult his own inclination, the company consisted of a few select friends, men of learn­ing and virtue. His dress was plain and modest; his demeanor courteous and affable. At the proper hours, his palace was open to all his subjects: but the voice of a crier was heard, as in the Eleusinian mysteries, pro­nouncing the same salutary admonition,—"Let none enter these holy walls, unless he is conscious of a pure and innocent mind."

XIII. CHARACTER OF JULIUS CAESAR.

CAESAR was endowed with every great and noble quality that could exalt human nature, and give a man the ascendant in society: formed to excel in peace as well as war, provident in council, fearless in action, and executing what he had resolved with an amazing cele­rity; generous beyond measure to his friends, placable to his enemies; and for parts, learning, eloquence, scarce inferior to any man. His orations were admired for two qualities, which are seldom found together, strength and elegance. Cicero ranks him among the greatest orators that Rome ever bred: and Quintilian says, that he spoke with the same force with which he fought; and if he had devoted himself to the bar, would have been the only man capable of rivaling Cicero. Nor was he a master only of the politer arts, but conversant also with the most abstruse and critical parts of learning; and a­mong other works which he published, addressed two books to Cicero on the analogy of language, or the art of speaking and writing correctly. He was a most li­beral patron of wit and learning, wheresoever they were [Page 60] found; and out of his love of those talents, would rea­dily pardon those who had employed them against him­self; rightly adjudging, that by making such men his friends, he should draw praises from the same fountain from which he had been aspersed. His capital passions were ambition and love of pleasure; which he indulged in their turns to the greatest excess: yet the first was always predominant; to which he could easily sacrifice all the charms of the second, and draw pleasure even from toils and dangers, when they ministered to his glory. For he thought Tyranny, as Cicero says, the greatest of goddesses; and had freque [...]tly in his mouth a verse of Euripides, which expressed the image of his soul, That if right and virtue were ever to be violated, they were to be violated for the sake of reigning. This was the chief end and purpose of his life; the scheme that he had formed from his early youth: so that, as Cato truly declared of him, he came with sobriety and meditation to the subversion of the republic. He used to say, that there were two things necessary to acquire and to support power—soldiers and money; which yet depend mutually [...] each [...]ther: with money, there­fore, he provided soldiers, and with soldiers extorted money; and was, of all men, the most rapacious in plun­dering both friends and foes; sparing neither prince nor state, nor temple, nor even private persons, who were known to possess any share of treasure. His great abi­lities would necessarily have made him one of the first citizens of Rome; but disdaining the condition of a subject, he could never rest till he had made himself a monarch. In acting this last part, his usual prudence seemed to fail him; as if the height to which he was mounted had turned his head, and made him giddy: for, by a vain ostentation of his power, he destroyed the stability of it; and, as men shorten life by living too fast, so, by an intemperance of reigning, he brought his reign to a violent end.

XIV. ON MISPENT TIME.

I WAS yesterday comparing the industry of man with that of other creatures; in which I could not but ob­serve, that, notwithstanding we are obliged by duty to [Page 61] keep ourselves in constant employ, after the same man­ner as inferior animals are prompted to it by instinct, we fall very short of them in this particular. We are here the more inexcusable, because there is a greater variety of business to which we may apply ourselves. Reason opens to us a large field of affairs, which other creatures are not capable of. Beasts of prey, and, I be­lieve, of all other kinds in their natural state of being, divide their time between action and rest. They are always at work or sleep. In short, their waking hours are wholly taken up in seeking after their food, or in consuming it. The human species only, to the great reproach of our natures, are filled with complaints, that "the day hangs heavy or them," that "they do not know what to do with themselves," that "they are at a loss how to pass away their time;" with many of the like shameful murmurs, which we often find in the mouths of those who are styled reasonable beings. How monstrous are such expressions among creatures who have the labors of the mind, as well as those of the body, to furnish them with proper employments; who, besides the business of their proper callings and profes­sions, can apply themselves to the duties of religion, to meditation, to the reading of useful books, to dis­course; in a word, who may exercise themselves in the unbounded pursuits of knowledge and virtue, and every hour of their lives make themselves wiser or better than they were before!

After having been taken up for some time in this course of thought, I diverted myself with a book, ac­cording to my usual custom, in order to unbend my mind before I went to sleep. The book I made use of on this occasion was Lucian, where I amused my thoughts for about an hour among the dialogues of the dead; which in all probability produced the following dream:

I was conveyed, methought, into the entrance of the infernal regions, where I saw Rhadamanthus, one of the judges of the dead, seated on his tribunal. On his left hand stood the keeper of Erebus, on his right the keeper of Elysium. I was told he sat upon women that day, there being several of the sex lately arrived, who [Page 62] had not yet their mansions assigned them. I was sur­prised to hear him ask every one of them the same ques­tion, namely, What they had been doing? Upon this question being proposed to the whole assembly, they stared one upon another, as not knowing what to an­swer. He then interrogated each of them separately. Madam, says he to the first of them, you have been up­on the earth about fifty years: what have you been do­ing there all this while? Doing, says she; really I do not know what I have been doing; I desire I may have time given me to recollect. After about half an hour's pause, she told him that she had been playing at crimp; upon which Rhadamanthus beckoned to the keeper on his left hand to take her into custody. And you, Ma­dam, says the judge, that look with such a soft and lan­guishing air: I think you set out for this place in your nine-and-twentieth year, what have you been doing all this while? I had a great deal of business on my hands, says she, being taken up the first twelve years of my life in dressing a jointed baby, and all the remaining part of it in reading plays and romances. Very well, says he, you have employed your time to good purpose. Away with her. The next was a plain country-woman: Well, mistress, says Rhadamanthus, and what have you been doing? An't please your worship, says she, I did not live quite forty years; and in that time brought my husband seven daughters, made him nine thousand cheeses, and left my eldest girl with him to look af­ter his house in my absence; and who, I may venture to say, is as pretty a housewife as any in the country. Rhadamanthus smiled at the simplicity of the good wo­man, and ordered the keeper of Elysium to take her in­to his care. And you, fair lady, says he, what have you been doing these five-and-thirty years? I have been doing no hurt, I assure you, Sir, said she. That is well, said he; but what good have you been doing? The lady was in great confusion at this question; and not knowing what to answer, the two keepers leaped out to seize her at the same time; the one took her by the hand to convey her to Elysium, the other caught hold of her to carry her away to Erebus. But Rhada­manthus observing an ingenuous modesty in her counte­nance [Page 63] and behavior, bid them both let her loose, and set her aside for re-examination when he was more at leisure. An old woman, of a proud and sure look, presented herself next at the bar; and being asked what she had been doing? Truly, said she, I lived three­score and ten years in a very wicked world, and was so angry at the behavior of a parcel young flirts, that I passed most of my last years in condemning the follies of the times. I was every day blaming the silly conduct of people about me, in order to deter those I conversed with from falling into the like errors and miscarriages. Very well, says Rhadamanthus, but did you keep the same watchful eye over your own actions? Why truly, says she, I was so taken up with publishing the faults of others, that I had no time to consider my own. Ma­dam, says Rhadamathus, be pleased to file off to the left, and make room for the venerable matron that stands behind you. Old gentlewoman, says he, I think you are fourscore; you have heard the question; what have you been doing so long in the world? Ah, Sir, says she, I have been doing what I should not have done; but I had made a firm resolution to have changed my life, if I had not been snatched off by an untimely end. Madam, says he, you will please to follow your leader: and, spying another of the same age, interroga­ted her in the same form. To which the matron re­plied, I have been the wife of a husband who was as dear to me in his old age as in his youth. I have been a mother, and very happy in my children, whom I en­deavored to bring up in every thing that is good. My eldest son is blest by the poor, and beloved by every one that knows him. I lived within my own family, and left it much more wealthy than I found it. Rhada­manthus, who knew the value of the old lady, smiled upon her in such a manner, that the keeper of Elysium, who knew his office, reached out his hand to her. He no sooner touched her, but her wrinkles vanished, her eyes sparkled, her cheeks glowed with blushes, and she appeared in full bloom and beauty. A young wo­man, observing that this officer who conducted the happy to Elysium, was so great a beautifier, longed to be in his hands; so that, pressing through the crowd, [Page 64] she was the next that appeared at the bar: and being asked what she had been doing the five and twenty years that she had passed in the world? I have endeavored, says she, ever since I came to years of discretion, to make myself lovely, and gain admirers. In order to it, I past my time in bottling up May-dew, inventing white­washes, mixing colors, cutting out patches, consulting my glass, suiting my complexion—Rhadamanthus, with­out hearing her out, gave the sign to take her off. Upon the approach of the keeper of Erebus, her color faded, herface was puckered up with wrinkles, and her whole person lost in deformity.

I was then surprised with a distant sound of a whole troop of females that came forward, laughing, singing, and dancing. I was very desirous to know the recep­tion they would meet with, and withal was very ap­prehensive that Rhadamanthus would spoil their mirth: but at their nearer approach, the noise grew so very great that it awakened me.

I lay some time reflecting in myself on the oddness of this dream; and could not forbear asking my own heart, what I was doing? I answered myself that I was writing GUARDIANS. If my readers make as good a use of this work as I design they should, I hope it will never be imputed to me as work that is vain and unprofitable.

I shall conclude this paper with recommending to them the same short self-examination. If every one of them frequently lays his hand upon his heart, and con­siders what he is doing, it will check him in all the idle, or, what is worse, the vicious, moments of life; lift up his mind when it is running on in a series of indifferent actions, and encourage him when he is engaged in those which are virtuous and laudable. In a word, it will very much alleviate that guilt which the best of men have reason to acknowledge in their daily confessions, of "leaving undone those things which they ought to have done, and of doing those things which they ought not to have done."

XV. CHARACTER OF FRANCIS I.

FRANCIS died at Rambouillet, on the last day of March, in the fifty-third year of his age, and the thirty-third of his reign.—During twenty-eight years of that time, an avowed rivalship subsisted between him and the Em­peror: which involved, not only their own dominions, but the greater part of Europe, in wars, prosecuted with more violent animosity, and drawn out to a greater length, than had been known in any former period. Many circumstances contributed to both. Their ani­mosity was founded in opposition of interest, heightened by personal emulation, and exasperated, not only by mutual injuries, but by reciprocal insults. At the same time, whatever advantage one seemed to possess towards gaining the ascendant, was wonderfully ballanced by some favorable circumstance peculiar to the other. The Emperor's dominions were of great extent; the French King's lay more compact: Francis governed his king­dom with absolute power; that of Charles was limited, but he supplied the want of authority by address: the troops of the former were more impetuous and enter­prising; those of the latter, better disciplined, and more patient of fatigue.

The talents and abilities of the two monarchs were as different as the advantages which they possessed, and contributed no less to prolong the contest between them. Francis took his resolutions suddenly; prosecuted them, at first, with warmth; and pushed them into execution with a most adventurous courage: but, being destitute of the perseverance necessary to surmount difficulties, he often abandoned his designs, or relaxed the vigor of pursuit, from impatience, and sometimes from levity. Charles deliberated long, and determined with coolness: but, having once fixed his plan, he adhered to it with inflexible obstinacy; and neither danger, nor discourage­ment, could turn him aside from the execution of it.

The success of their enterprises was as different as their characters, and was uniformly influenced by them. Francis, by his impetuous activity, often disconcerted the Emperor's best-laid schemes; Charles, by a more calm, but steady prosecution of his designs, checked the [Page 66] rapidity of his rival's career, and baffled or repulsed his most vigorous efforts. The former, at the opening of a war or of a campaign, broke in upon his enemy with the violence of a torrent, and carried all before him; the latter, waiting until he saw the force of his rival be­gan to abate, recovered, in the end, not only all that he had lost, but made new acquisitions. Few of the French monarch's attempts towards conquest, whatever promi­sing aspect they might wear at first, were conducted to an happy issue; many of the Emperor's enterprises even after they appeared desperate and impracticable, termi­nated in the most prosperous manner.

The degree, however, of their comparative merit and reputation, has not been fixed, either by a strict scrutiny into their abilities for government, or by an impartial consideration of the greatness and success of their under­takings; and Francis is one of those monarchs, who occupy a higher rank in the temple of fame, than ei­ther their talents or performances intitle them to hold. This pre-eminence he owed to many different circum­stances. The superiority which Charles acquired by the victory of Pavia, and which, from that period, he pre­served through the remainder of his reign, and was so ma­nifest, that Francis's struggle against his exorbitant and growing dominion, was viewed by most of the other powers, not only with the partiality which naturally arises from those who gallantly maintain an unequal con­test, but with the favor due to one, who was resisting a common enemy, and endeavoring to set bounds to a monarch equally formidable to them all. The charac­ters of princes, too, especially among the cotempo­raries, depend, not only upon their talents for govern­ment, but upon their qualities as men. Francis, not­withstanding the many errors conspicuous in his foreign policy and domestic administration, was, nevertheless, humane, beneficent, generous. He possessed dignity without pride, affability free from meanness, and cour­tesy exempt from deceit. All who had access to know him, and no man of merit was ever denied that privilege, respected and loved him. Captivated with his personal qualities, his subjects forgot his defects as a monarch; and, admiring him as the most accomplished and amiable [Page 67] gentleman in his dominions, they hardly murmured at acts of mal-administration, which, in a prince of less en­gaging dispositions, would have been deemed unpardon­able.

This admiration, however, must have been temporary only, and would have died away with the courtiers who bestowed it; the illusion arising from his private virtues must have ceased, and posterity would have judged of his public conduct with its usual impartiality; but ano­ther circumstance prevented this; and his name hath been transmitted to posterity with increasing reputation. Science, and the arts, had, at that time, made little pro­gress in France. They were just beginning to advance beyond the limits of Italy, where they had revived, and which had hitherto been their only seat. Francis took them immediately under his protection, and vied with Leo himself in the zeal and munificence with which he encouraged them. He invited learned men to his court, he conversed with them familiarly, he em­ployed them in business, he raised them to offices of dignity, and honored them with his confidence. That race of men, not more prone to complain when denied the respect to which they fancy themselves intitled, than apt to be pleased when treated with the distinction which they consider as their due, thought they could not exceed in gratitude to such a benefactor, and strained their invention, and employed all their ingenuity, in panegyric.

Succeeding authors, warmed with their descriptions of Francis's bounty, adopted their encomiums, and re­fined upon them. The appellation of FATHER OF LET­TERS, bestowed upon Francis, hath rendered his memory sacred among historians; and they seem to have regard­ed it as a sort of impiety, to uncover his infirmities, or to point out his defects. Thus Francis, notwithstanding his inferior abilities, and want of success, hath more than equalled the fame of Charles. The virtues which he possessed as a man, have intitled him to greater admira­tion and praise, than have been bestowed upon the ex­tensive genius, and fortunate arts, of a more capable, but less amiable rival.

XVI. THE SUPPER AND GRACE.

A SHOE coming loose from the fore-foot of the thill-horse, at the beginning of the ascent of mount Taurira, the postillion dismounted, twisted the shoe off, and put it in his pocket: as the ascent was of five or six miles, and that horse our main dependence, I made a point of having the shoe fastened on again, as well as we could; but the postillion had thrown away the nails, and the hammer in the chaise-box being of no great use without them, I submitted to go on.

He had not mounted half a mile higher, when, coming to a flinty piece of road, the poor devil lost a second shoe, and from off his other fore-foot. I then got out of the chaise in good earnest; and, seeing a house about a quarter of a mile to the left-hand, with a great deal to do I prevailed upon the postilion to turn up to it. The look of the house, and every thing about it, as we drew nearer, soon reconciled me to the disaster. It was a little farm-house, surrounded with about twenty acres of vineyard, about as much corn; and close to the house, on one side, was a potagerie of an acre and a half, full of every thing which could make plenty in a French peasant's house: and, on the other side, was a little wood which furnished wherewithal to dress it. It was about eight in the evening when I got to the house: so I left the postillion to manage his point as he could; and, for mine, I walked directly into the house.

The family consisted of an old gray-headed man and his wife, with five or six sons and sons-in-law and their several wives, and a joyous genealogy out of them.

They were all sitting down together to their lentil-soup; a large wheaten loaf was in the middle of the table; and a flagon of wine at each end of it promised joy through the stages of the repast—'twas a feast of love.

The old man rose up to meet me, and, with a respect­ful cordiality, would have me sit down at the table. My heart was set down the moment I entered the room: so I sat down at once like a son of the family; and to in­vest myself in the character as speedily as I could, I in­stantly borrowed the old man's knife, and taking up the [Page 69] loaf, cut myself a hearty luncheon; and, as I did it, I saw a testimony in every eye, not only of an honest welcome, but of a welcome mixed with thanks that I had not seemed to doubt it.

Was it this; or tell me, Nature, what else it was that made this morsel so sweet—and to what magic I owe it, that the draught I took of their flagon was so de­licious with it, that it remains upon my palate to this hour?

If the supper was to my taste, the grace which fol­lowed was much more so.

When supper was over, the old man gave a knock upon the table with the haft of his knife, to bid them prepare for the dance. The moment the signal was gi­ven, the women and girls ran altogether into the back apartment to tie up their hair, and the young men to the door to wash their faces, and change their sabots, (WOODEN SHOES;) and in three minutes every soul was ready, upon a little esplanade before the house, to begin. The old man and his wife came out last, and placing me betwixt them, sat down upon a sopha of turf by the door.

The old man had some fifty years ago been no mean performer upon the vielle; and at the age he was then of, touched it well enough for the purpose. His wife sung now-and-then a little to the tune, then intermitted, and joined her old man again, as their children and grandchildren danced before them.

It was not till the middle of the second dance, when, for some pauses in the movement wherein they all seem­ed to look up, I fancied I could distinguish an elevation of spirit different from that which is the cause or the effect of simple jollity. In a word, I thought I beheld religion mixing in the dance; but, as I had never seen her so engaged, I should have looked upon it now as one of the illusions of an imagination which is eternally misleading me, had not the old man, as soon as the dance ended, said, that this was their constant way; and that all his life long, he made it a rule, after supper was over, to call out his family to dance and rejoice; be­lieving, he said, that a cheerful and contented mind was the best sort of thanks to heaven that an illiterate pea­sant could pay.—Or a learned prelate either, said I.

XVII. RUSTIC FELICITY.

MANY are the silent pleasures of the honest peasant, who rises cheerfully to his labor.—Look into his dwell­ing,—where the scene of every man's happiness chiefly lies:—he has the same domestic endearments,—as much joy and comfort in his children, and as flatter­ing hopes of their doing well,—to enliven his hours and glad his heart, as you could conceive in the most afflu­ent station.—And I make no doubt, in general, but if the true account of his joys and sufferings were to be balanced with those of his betters,—that the upshot would prove to be little more than this;—that the rich man had the more meat,—but the poor man the better stomach;—the one had more luxury,—more able physi­cians to attend and set him to rights;—the other, more health and soundness in his bones, and less occasion for their help;—that after these two articles betwixt them were balanced,—in all other things they stood upon a level:—that the sun shines as warm,— the air blows as fresh,—and the earth breathes as fragrant upon the one as the other; and that they have an equal share in all the beauties and real benefits of nature.

XVIII. HOUSE OF MOURNING.

LET us go into the house of mourning, made so by such afflictions as have been brought in merely by the common cross accidents and disasters to which our con­dition is exposed,—where, perhaps, the aged parents sit broken hearted, pierced to their souls with the folly and indiscretion of a thankless child—the child of their prayers, in whom all their hopes and expectations cen­tered:—perhaps a more affecting scene—a virtuous fa­mily lying pinched with want, where the unfortunate support of it having long struggled with a train of mis­fortunes, and bravely sought up against them,—is now piteously borne down at the last—overwhelmed with a cruel blow which no forecast or frugality could have prevented.—O God! look upon his afflictons—Behold him distracted with many sorrows, surrounded with the tender pledges of his love, and the partner of his cares [Page 71] —without bread to give them; unable, from the remem­brance of better days, to dig—to beg, ashamed.

When we enter into the house of mourning such as this —it is impossible to insult the unfortunate even with an improper look—Under whatever levity and dissipation of heart such objects catch our eyes,—they catch like­wise our attentions, collect and call home our scattered thoughts, and exercise them with wisdom. A transient scene of distress, such as is here sketched, how soon does it furnish materials to set the mind at work? how neces­sarily does it engage it to the consideration of the mi­series and misfortunes, the dangers and calamities, to which the life of man is subject? By holding up such a glass before it, it forces the mind to see and reflect upon the vanity—the perishing condition and uncertain tenure, of every thing in this world. From reflections of this serious cast, how insensibly do the thoughts carry us farther?—and from considering what we are,—what kind of world we live in, and what evil befals us in it, how naturally do they set us to look forward at what possibly we shall be?—for what kind of world we are intended—what evils may befal us there—and what provision we should make against them here whilst we have time and opportunity? If these lessons are so inseper­able from the house of mourning here supposed—we shall find it a still more instructive school of wisdom when we take a view of the place in that more affecting light in which the wise man seems to confine it in the text; in which, by the house of mourning, I believe he means that particular scene of sorrow, where there is lamentation and mourning for the dead. Turn in hi­ther, I beseech you, for a moment. Behold a dead man ready to be carried out, the only son of his mo­ther, and she a widow. Perhaps a still more affecting spectacle, a kind and indulgent father of a numerous family lies breathless—snatched away in the strength of his age—torn in an evil hour from his children and the bosom of a disconsolate wife. Behold much people of the city gathered together to mix their tears, with set­tled sorrow in their looks, going heavily along to the house of mourning, to perform that last melancholy of­fice, which, when the debt of nature is paid, we are [Page 72] called upon to pay to each other. If this sad occasion which leads him there, has not done it already, take notice, to what a serious and devout frame of mind e­very man is reduced the moment he enters THIS gate of affliction. The busy and fluttering spirits, which in the house of mirth were wont to transport him from one di­verting object to another—see how they are fallen! how peaceably they are laid! In this gloomy mansion, full of shades and uncomfortable damps to seize the soul— see, the light and easy heart, which never knew what it was to think before, how pensive it is now, how soft, how susceptible, how full of religious impressions, how deeply it is smitten with a sense and with a love of vir­tue! Could we, in this crisis, whilst this empire of rea­son and religion lasts, and the heart is thus exercised with wisdom and busied with heavenly contemplations— could we see it naked as it is—stripped of its passions, unspotted by the world, and regardless of its pleasures —we might then safely rest our cause upon this single evidence, and appeal to the most sensual, whether Solo­mon has not made a just determination here, in favor of the house of mourning? not for its own sake, but as it is fruitful in virtue, and becomes the occasion of so much good. Without this end, sorrow, I own, has no use but to shorten man's days—nor can gravity, with all its studied solemnity of look and carriage, serve any end but to make one half of the world merry, and im­pose upon the other.

I. THE HONOR AND ADVANTAGE OF A CONSTANT ADHERENCE TO TRUTH.

PETRARCH, a celebrated Italian poet, who flourished about four hundred years ago, recommended himself to the confidence and affection of Cardinal Colonna, in whose family he resided, by his candor and strict regard to truth. A violent quarrel occurred in the household of this nobleman; which was carried so far, that recourse was had to arms. The Cardinal wished to know the foundation of this affair; and, that he might be able to decide with justice, he assembled all his people, and obli­ged them to bind themselves, by a most solemn oath on the Gospels, to declare the whole truth. Every one, without exception, submitted to this determination; even the bishop of Luna, brother to the Cardinal, was not excused. Petrarch, in his turn, presenting himself to take the oath, the cardinal closed the book, and said, AS TO YOU, PETRARCH, YOUR WORD IS SUFFICIENT.

II. IMPERTINENCE IN DISCOURSE.

THIS kind of impertinence is a habit of talking much without thinking.

A man who has this distemper in his tongue shall en­tertain you, though he never saw you before, with a long story in praise of his own wife; give you the par­ticulars of his last night's dream, or the description of a feast he has been at, without letting a single dish escape him. When he is thus entered into conversation, he grows very wise; descants upon the corruption of the times and the degeneracy of the age we live in; from which, as his transitions are somewhat sudden, he falls upon the price of corn, and the number of strangers that are in town. He undertakes to prove, that it is better putting to sea in summer than in winter, and that rain is neces­sary to produce a good crop of corn; telling you, in the same breath, that he intends to plough up such a [Page 74] part of his estate next year, that the times are hard, and that a man has much ado to get through the world. His whole discourse is nothing but hurry and incohe­rence. He acquaints you, that Demippus had the lar­gest torch at the feast of Ceres; asks you, if you re­member how many pillars are in the music-theatre; tells you that he took physic yesterday; and desires to know what day of the month it is. If you have patience to hear him, he will inform you what festivals are kept in August, what in October, and what in December.

When you see such a fellow as this coming towards you, run for your life. A man had much better be vi­sited by a fever; so painful is it to be fastened upon by one of this make, who takes it for granted that you have nothing else to do but to give him a hearing.

III. CHARACTER OF ADDISON AS A WRITER.

As a describer of life and manners, Mr Addison must be allowed to stand perhaps the first in the first rank. His humor is peculiar to himself; and is so happily dif­fused, as to give the grace of novelty to domestic scenes and daily occurrences. He never O'ERSTEPS THE MO­DESTY OF NATURE, nor raises merriment or wonder by the violation of truth. His figures neither divert by dis­tortion, nor amaze by aggravation. He copies life with so much fidelity, that he can hardly be said to invent; yet his exhibitions have an air so much original, that it is difficult to suppose them not merely the product of imagination.

As a teacher of wisdom, he may be confidently fol­lowed. His religion has nothing in it enthusiastic or superstitious; he appears neither weakly credulous nor wantonly sceptical; his morality is neither dangerously lax, nor implacably rigid. All the enchantments of fancy, and all the cogency of argument, are employed to recommend to the reader his real interest, the care of pleasing the Author of his being. Truth is shown some­times as the phantom of a vision, sometimes appears half-veiled in an allegory, sometimes attracts regard in the robes of fancy, and sometimes steps forth in the con­fidence of reason. She wears a thousand dresses, and in all is pleasing.

[Page 75]His prose in the model of the middle style; on grave subjects not formal, on light occasions not groveling; pure without scrupulosity, and exact without apparent elaboration; always equable, and always easy, without glowing words or pointed sentences. His page is al­ways luminous, but never blazes in unexpected splen­dor. It seems to have been his principal endeavor to avoid all harshness and severity of diction; he is there­fore sometimes verbose in his transitions and connections, and sometimes descends too much to the language of conversation; yet, if his language had been less idioma­tical, it might have lost somewhat of its genuine Angli­cism. What he attempted he performed: he is never feeble, and he did not wish to be energetic; he is never rapid, and he never stagnates. His sentences have nei­ther studied amplitude nor affected brevity; his periods, though not diligently rounded, are voluble and easy.— Who ever wishes to attain an English style, familiar but not coarse, and elegant but not ostentatious, must give his days and nights to the volumes of Addison.

IV. PLEASURE AND PAIN.

THERE were two families, which, from the beginning of the world, were as opposite to each other as light and darkness. The one of them lived in heaven, and the other in hell. The youngest descendant of the first fa­mily was Pleasure; who was the daughter of Hap­piness, who was the child of Virtue, who was the off­spring of the Gods. These, as I said before, had their habitation in heaven. The youngest of the opposite fa­mily was Pain; who was the son of Misery, who wa [...] the child of Vice, who was the offspring of the Furies. The habitation of this race of beings was in hell.

The middle station of nature between these two op­posite extremes was the earth, which was inhabited by creatures of a middle kind; neither so virtuous as the one, nor so vicious as the other, but partaking of the good and bad qualities of these two opposite families. Jupiter, considering that this species, commonly called MAN, was too virtuous to be miserable, and too vicious to be happy, that he might make a distinction between the good and the bad, ordered the two youngest of the [Page 76] above mentioned families (Pleasure, who was the daugh­ter of Happiness; and Pain, who was the son of Mise­ry) to meet one another upon this part of nature; ha­ving promised to settle it upon them both, provided they could agree upon the division of it, so as to share man­kind between them.

Pleasure and Pain were no sooner met in their new habitation, but they immediately agreed upon this point. That Pleasure should take possession of the virtuous, and Pain of the vicious part of that species which was given up to them. But, upon examining to which of them any individual they met with belonged, they found each of them had a right to him; for that, contrary to what they had seen in their old places of residence, there was no person so vicious who had not some good in him, nor any person so virtuous who had not in him some evil. The truth of it is, they generally found, upon search, that in the most vicious man, Pleasure might lay claim to an hundredth part, and that in the most virtuous man Pain might come in for at least two thirds.. This they saw would occasion endless disputes between them, unless they could come to some accommodation. To this end, there was a marriage proposed between them, and at length concluded. Hence it is that we find Pleasure and Pain are such constant yoke-fellows, and that they either make their visits together, or are never far asunder. If Pain comes into a heart, he is quickly followed by Pleasure; and if Pleasure enters, you may be sure Pain is not far off.

But notwithstanding this marriage was very conve­nient for the two parties, it did not seem to answer the intention of Jupiter in sending them among mankind. To remedy, therefore, this inconvenience, it was sti­pulated between them by article, and confirmed by the consent of each family, that, notwithstanding they here possessed the place indifferently, upon the death of every person, if he were fond to have in him a certain pro­portion of evil, he should be dispatched into the infernal regions by a passport from Pain, there to dwell with Mi­sery, Vice, and the Furies; or, on the contrary, if he had in him a certain proportion of good, he should be [Page 77] dispatched into heaven by a passport from Pleasure, there to dwell with happiness, Virtue, and the Gods.

V. SIR ROGER DE COVERLY'S FAMILY.

HAVING often received an invitation from my friend Sir Roger de Coverly to pass away a month with him in the country, I last week accompanied him thi­ther, and am settled with him for some time at his country-house, where I intend to form several of my en­suing speculations. Sir Roger, who is very well ac­quainted with my humor, lets me rise and go to bed when I please, dine at his own table or in the chamber as I think fit, sit still and say nothing without bidding me be merry. When the gentlemen of the country come to see him, he only shows me at a distance. As I have been walking in his fields, I have observed them steal­ing a sight of me over the hedge, and have heard the knight desiring them not to let me see them, for that I hated to be stared at.

I am the more at ease in Sir Roger's family, because it consists of sober and staedy persons; for as the knight is the best master in the world, he seldom changes his ser­vants; and as he is beloved by all about him, his ser­vants never care for leaving him; by which means his do­mestics are all in years, and grown old with their ma­ster. You would take his valet-de-chambre for his bro­ther, his butler is gray-headed, his groom is one of the gravest men I have ever seen, and his coachman has the looks of a privy-counsellor. You see the goodness of the master even in the old house-dog, and in a gray pad that is kept in the stable with great care and tenderness out of regard to his past services, though he has been use­less for several years.

I could not but observe, with a great deal of pleasure, the joy that appeared in the countenances of these an­cient domestics upon my friend's arrival at his country-seat. Some of them could not refrain from tears at the sight of their old master; every one of them pressed for­ward to do something for him, and seemed discouraged if they were not employed. At the same time the good old knight, with a mixture of the father and the master of the family, tempered the inquiries after his own af­fairs [Page 78] with several kind questions relating to themselves. This humanity and good-nature engages every body to him; so that when he is pleasant upon any of them, all his family are in good humor, and none so much as the person whom he diverts himself with: on the contrary, if he coughs, or betrays any infirmity of old age, it is easy for a stander-by, to observe a secret concern in the looks of all his servants.

My worthy friend has put me under the particular care of his butler, who is a very prudent man, and, as well as the rest of his fellow-servants, wonderfully desi­rous of pleasing me, because they have often heard their master talk of me as of his particular friend.

My chief companion, when Sir Roger is diverting himself in the woods or the fields, is a very venerable man, who is ever with Sir Roger, and has lived at his house, in the nature of a chaplain above thirty years. This gentleman is a person of good sense and some learn­ing, of a very regular life and obliging conversation: he heartily loves Sir Roger, and knows that he is very much in the old knight's esteem; so that he lives in the family rather as a relation than a dependant.

I have observed in several of my papers, that my friend Sir Roger, amidst all his good qualities, is some­thing of a humorist; and that his virtues, as well as imperfections, are as it were tinged by a certain extra­vagance, which makes them particularly HIS, and dis­tinguishes them from those of other men. This cast of mind, as it is generally very innocent in itself, so it renders his conversation highly agreeable, and more de­lightful than the same degre of sense and virtue would appear in their common and ordinary colors. As I was walking with him last night, he asked me how I li­ked the good man whom I have just now mentioned? and, without staying for my answer, told me, that he was afraid of being insulted with Latin and Greek at his own table; for which reason he desired a particular friend of his at the university to find him out a clergy­man rather of plain sense than much learning, of a good aspect, a clear voice, a sociable temper; and, if pos­sible, a man that understood a little of back-gammon. My friend, says Sir Roger, found me out this gentle­man; [Page 79] who, besides the endowments required of him, is, they tell me, a good scholar, though he does not show it. I have given him the parsonage of the parish; and because I know his value, have settled upon him a good annuity for life. If he outlives me, he shall find that he was higher in my esteem than perhaps he thinks he is. He has now been with me thirty years; and though he does not know I have taken notice of it, has never in all that time asked any thing of me for himself, though he is every day soliciting me for something in behalf of one or other of my tenants his parishioners. There has not been a law-suit in the parish since he has lived among them. If any dispute arises, they apply them­selves to him for the decision: if they do not acquiesce in his judgment, which I think never happened above once or twice at most, they appeal to me. At his first settling with me, I made him a present of all the good sermons which have been printed in English; and only begged of him, that every Sunday he would pronounce one of them in the pulpit. Accordingly he has digested them into such a series, that they follow one another naturally, and make a continued system of practical divinity.

As Sir Roger was going on in his story, the gentle­man we were talking of came up to us; and upon the Knight's asking him who preached to-morrow (for it was Saturday night,) told us the Bishop of St Asaph in the morning, and Dr South in the afternoon. He then showed us his list of preachers for the whole year; where I saw, with a great deal of pleasure, Archbishop Tillotson, Bishop Saunderson, Dr Barrow, Dr Calamy, with several living authors who have published discour­ses of practical divinity. I no sooner saw this venerable man in the pulpit, but I very much approved of my friend's insisting upon the qualifications of a good aspect and a clear voice; for I was so charmed with the grace­fulness of his figure and delivery, as well as with the discourses he pronounced, that I think I never passed any time more to my satisfaction. A sermon repeated after this manner, is like the composition of a poet in the mouth of a graceful actor.

VI. THE FOLLY OF INCONSISTENT EXPECTATIONS.

THIS world may be considered as a great mart of commerce, where fortune exposes to our view va­rious commodities, riches, ease, tranquillity, fame, in­tegrity, knowledge. Every thing is marked at a settled price. Our time, our labor, our ingenuity, is so much ready money which we are to lay out to the best advan­tage. Examine, compare, choose, reject: but stand to your own judgment; and do not, like children, when you have purchased one thing, repine that you do not possess another which you did not purchase. Such is the force of well-regulated industry, that a steady and vigorous exertion of our faculties, directed to one end, will ge­nerally insure success. Would you, for instance, be rich? Do you think that single point worth the sacrificing every thing else to? You may then be rich. Thou­sands have become so from the lowest beginnings, by toil, and patient diligence, and attention to the minutest ar­ticles of expence and profit. But you must give up the pleasures of leisure, of a vacant mind, of a free unsuspi­cious temper. If you preserve your integrity, it must be a coarse-spun and vulgar honesty. Those high and lofty notions of morals which you brought with you from the schools must be considerably lowered, and mixed with the baser alloy of a jealous and worldly-minded pru­dence. You must learn to do hard, if not unjust things; and, for the nice embarrassments of a delicate and inge­nuous spirit, it is necessary for you to get rid of them as fast as possible. You must shut your heart against the muses, and be content to feed your understanding with plain household truth. In short, you must not attempt to enlarge your ideas, or polish your taste, or refine your sentiments; but must keep on in one beaten track, with­out turning aside either to the right hand or to the left.— "But I cannot submit to drudgery like this—I feel a spirit above it." 'Tis well: be above it then; only do not repine that you are not rich.

Is knowledge the pearl of price? That, too, may be purchased—by steady application, and long solitary hours of study and reflection. Bestow these, and you shall be learned. "But," say the man of letters, "what a hard­ship [Page 81] is it, that many an illiterate fellow, who cannot con­strue the motto of the arms of his coach, shall raise a for­tune and make a figure, while I have little more than the common conveniences of life!" Was it in order to rais [...] a fortune that you consumed the sprightly hours of youth in study and retirement? Was it to be rich that you grew pale over the midnight-lamp, and distilled the sweetness from the Greek and Roman spring? You have then mistaken your path, and ill employed your indu­stry. "What reward have I then for all my labors?" What reward! A large comprehensive soul, well pur­ged from vulgar fears, and perturbations, and prejudices; able to comprehend and interpret the works of man— of God. A rich, flourishing, cultivated mind, pregnant with inexhaustible stores of entertainment and reflection. A perpetual spring of fresh ideas, and the consciou [...] dig­nity of superior intelligence. Good Heaven! and what reward can you ask besides?

"But is it not some reproach upon the oeconomy of Providence that such a one, who is a mean dirty fellow, should have amassed wealth enough to buy half a nation?" Not in the least. He made himself a mean dirty fellow for that very end. He has paid his health, his con­science, his liberty, for it; and will you envy his bar­gain? Will you hang your head and blush in his pre­sence, because he outshines you in equipage and show? Lift up your brow with a noble confidence, and say to yourself, "I have not these things, it is true; but it is because I have not sought, because I have not desired them; it is because I possess something better: I have chosen my lot; I am content and satisfied."

You are a modest man—you love quiet and indepen­dence, and have a delicacy and reserve in your temper which renders it impossible for you to elbow your way in the world, and be the herald of your own merits. Be content, then, with a modest retirement, with the esteem of your intimate friends, with the praises of a blameless heart, and a delicate ingenuous spirit; but resign the splendid distinctions of the world to those who can bet­ter scramble for them.

The man whose tender sensibility of conscience and strict regard to the rules of morality make him scrupu­lous [Page 82] and fearful of offending, is often heard to complain of the disadvantages he lies under in every path of ho­nor and profit. "Could I but get over some nice points, and conform to the practice and opinion of those about me, I might stand as fair a chance as others for dignities and preferment." And why can you not? What hinders you from discarding this troublesome scru­pulosity of yours, which stands so grievously in your way? If it be a small thing to enjoy a healthful mind, (sound at the very core, that does not shrink from the keenest inspection; inward freedom from remorse and pertur­bation; unsullied whiteness and simplicity of manners; a genuine integrity, ‘Pure in the last recesses of the mind;’ if you think these advantages an inadequate recompense for what you resign, dismiss your scruples this instant, and be a slave-merchant, a director—or what you please.

VII. DESCRIPTION OF THE VALE OF KESWICK IN CUMBERLAND.

THIS delightful vale is thus elegantly described by the late ingenious Dr Brown, in a letter to a friend.

In my way to the north from Hagley, I passed through Dovedale; and, to say the truth, was disap­pointed in it. When I came to Buxton, I visited ano­ther or two of their romantic scenes; but these are infe­rior to Dovedale. They are all but poor miniatures of Keswick; which exceeds them more in grandeur than you can imagine; and more, if possible, in beauty than in grandeur.

Instead of the narrow slip of valley which is seen at Dovedale, you have at Keswick a vast amphitheatre, in circumference above twenty miles. Instead of a meagre rivulet, a noble living-lake, ten miles round, of an ob­long form, adorned with a variety of wooded islands. The rocks indeed of Dovedale are finely wild, pointed, and irregular; but the hills are both little and unanima­ted; and the margin of the brook is poorly edged with weeds, morass, and brushwood. But at Keswick, you will, on one side of the lake, see a rich and beautiful landscape of cultivated fields, rising to the eye in fine in­equalities, with noble groves of oak, happily dispersed, [Page 83] and climbing the adjacent hills, shade above shade, in the most various and picturesque forms. On the opposite shore, you will find rocks and cliffs of stupendous height, hanging broken over the lake in horrible grandeur, some of them a thousand feet high, the woods climbing up their steep and shaggy sides, where mortal foot never yet approached. On these dreadful heights the eagles build their nests; a variety of water-falls are seen pouring from their summits, and tumbling in vast sheets from rock to rock in a rude and terrible magnificence: while on all sides of this immense amphitheatre the lofty moun­tains rise round; piercing the clouds in shapes as spiry and fantastic as the very rocks of Dovedale. To this I must add the frequent and bold projection of the cliffs into the lake, forming noble bays and promontories: in other parts they finely retire from it, and often open in ab­rupt chasms or clefts, through which at hand you see rich and uncultivated vales; and beyond these, at va­rious distance, mountain rising over mountain; among which, new prospects presents themselves in mist, till the eye is lost in an agreeable perplexity;

Were I to analyse the two places in their constituent principles, I should tell you, that the full perfection of Keswick consists of three circumstances; beauty, horror, and immensity, united; the second of which alone is found in Dovedale. Of beauty it hath little, nature having left it almost a desert: neither its small extent, nor the diminutive and lifeless form of the hills, admit magnificence; but to give you a complete idea of these three perfections, as they are joined in Keswick, would require the united powers of Claude, Salvator, and Pous­sin. The first should throw his delicate sunshine over the cultivated vales, the scattered cots, the groves, the lake, and wooded islands▪ the second should dash out the horror of the rugged cliffs, the steeps, the hanging woods, and foaming water-falls; while the grand pencil of Poussin should crown the whole with the majesty of the impending mountains.

So much for what I would call the permanent beau­ties of this astonishing scene. Were I not afraid of be­ing [Page 84] tiresome, I could now dwell as long on its varying or accidental beauties. I would sail round the lake, an­chor in every bay, and land you in every promontory and island. I would point out the perpetual change of prospect; the woods, rocks, cliffs, and mountains, by turns vanishing or rising into view: now gaining on the sight, hanging over our heads in their full dimensions, beautifully dreadful: and now, by a change of situation, assuming new romantic shapes; retiring and lessening on the eye, and insensibly losing themselves in an azure mist. I would remark the contrast of light and shade, produced by the morning and evening sun; the one gilding the western, the other the eastern, side of this immense amphitheatre; while the vast shadow projected by the mountains buries the opposite part in a deep and purple gloom, which the eye can hardly penetrate. The natural variety of coloring which the several objects produce, is no less wonderful and pleasing: the ruling tints in the valley being those of azure, green, and gold; yet ever various, arising from an intermixture of the lake, the woods, the grass, and corn-fields: these are finely contrasted by the gray rocks and cliffs; and the whole heightened by the yellow streams of light, the purple hues and misty azure of the mountains. Some­times a serene air and clear sky disclose the tops of the highest hills; at other times, you see the clouds involving their summits, resting on their sides, or descending to their base, and rolling among the valleys, as in a vast furnace. When the winds are high, they roar among the cliffs and caverns like peals of thunder; then, too, the clouds are seen in vast bodies sweeping along the hills in gloomy greatness, while the lake joins the tumult, and tosses like a sea. But, in calm weather, the whole scen [...] becomes new: the lake is a perfect mirror, and the land­scape in all its beauty: islands, fields, woods, rocks, and mountains, are seen inverted, and floating on its surface. I will now carry you to the top of a cliff, where, if you dare approach the ridge, a new scene of astonishment presents itself; where the valley, lake, and islands, seem lying at your feet; where this expanse of water appears diminished to a little pool, amidst the vast and immeasurable objects that surround it; for here the [Page 85] summits of more distant hills appear beyond those you have already seen; and, rising behind each other in suc­cessive ranges and azure groups of craggy and broken steeps, form an immense and awful picture, which can only be expressed by the image of a tempestuous sea of mountains. Let me now conduct you down again to the valley, and conclude with one circumstance more; which is, that a walk by still moon-light (at which time the distant water-falls are heard in all their variety of sound) among these enchanting dales, opens such scenes of de­licate beauty, repose, and solemnity, as exceed all de­scription.

VIII. PITY, AN ALLEGORY.

IN the happy period of the golden age, when all the celestial inhabitants descended to the earth, and convers­ed familiarly with mortals, among the most cherished of the heavenly powers, were twins, the offspring of Jupiter, LOVE and JOY. Wherever they appeared, the flowers sprung up beneath their feet, the sun shone with a brighter radiance, and all nature seemed embellished by their presence.

They were inseparable companions; and their grow­ing attachment was favored by Jupiter, who had de­creed, that a lasting union should be solemnized between them so soon as they were arrived at maturer years. But, in the mean time, the sons of men deviated from their native innocence; vice and ruin over-ran the earth with giant strides; and Astrea, with her train of cele­stial visitants, forsook their polluted abodes. Love alone remained, having been stolen away by Hope, who was his nurse, and conveyed by her to the forests of Arca­dia, where he was brought up among the shepherds. But Jupiter assigned him a different partner, and com­manded him to espouse SORROW the daughter of Atè. He complied with reluctance; for her features were harsh and disagreeable, her eyes sunk, her forehead con­tracted into perpetual wrinkles, and her temples were covered with a wreath of cypress and wormwood.

From this union sprung a virgin, in whom might be traced a strong resemblance to both her parents; but the sullen and unamiable features of her mother were so [Page 86] mixed and blended with the sweetness of her father, that her countenance, though mournful, was highly pleasing. The maids and shepherds of the neighboring plains gathered round, and called her PITY. A red-breast was observed to build in the cabin where she was born: and, while she was yet an infant, a dove, pur­sued by a hawk, flew into her bosom. This nymph had a dejected appearance; but so soft and gentle a mien, that she was beloved to a degree of enthusiasm. Her voice was low and plaintive, but inexpressibly sweet; and she loved to lie, for hours together, on the banks of some wild and melancholy stream, singing to her lute. She taught men to weep, for she took a strange delight in tears; and often, when the virgins of the hamlet were assembled at their evening sports, she would steal in amongst them, and captivate their hearts by her tales, full of a charming sadness. She wore on her head a garland, composed of her father's myrtles, twisted with her mother's cypress.

One day, as she sat musing by the waters of Heli­con, her tears by chance fell into the fountain; and ever since, the Muse's spring has retained a strong taste of the infusion. Pity was commanded by Jupiter to fol­low the steps of her mother through the world, drop­ping balm into the wounds she made, and binding up the hearts she had broken. She follows with her hair loose, her bosom bare and throbbing, her garments torn by the briars, and her feet bleeding with the roughness of the path. The nymph is mortal, for her mother is so; and when she hes fulfilled her destined course upon the earth, they shall both expire together, and LOVE be again united to JOY, his immortal and long-betrothed bride.

IX. ADVANTAGES OF COMMERCE.

THERE is no place in town which I so much love to frequent as the Royal Exchange. It gives me a secret satisfaction, and in some measure gratifies my va­nity as an Englishman, to see so rich an assembly of my countrymen and foreigners consulting together upon the private business of mankind, and making this metropolis a kind of emporium for the whole earth. I must con­fess, [Page 87] I look upon High Change to be a grand council, in which all considerable nations have their representatives. Factors, in the trading world, are what ambassadors are in the politic world. They negociate affairs, conclude treaties, and maintain a good correspondence between those wealthy societies of men that are divided from one another by seas and oceans, or live on the different ex­tremities of a continent. I have often been pleased to hear disputes adjusted between an inhabitant of Japan and an alderman of London, or to see a subject of the Great Mogul entering into a league with one of the Czar of Muscovy. I am infinitely delighted in mixing with these several ministers of commerce, as they are dis­tinguished by their different walks and different lan­guages. Sometimes I am jostled among a body of Ar­menians; sometimes I am lost in a crowd of Jews; and sometimes make one in a group of Dutchmen. I am a Dane, a Swede, or Frenchman, at different times; or rather fancy myself like the old philosopher, who, upon being asked what countryman he was, replied, That he was a citizen of the world.

Nature seemes to have taken a particular care to disse­minate her blessings among the different regions of the world, with an eye to this mutual intercourse and traf­fic among mankind, that the natives of the several parts of the globe might have a kind of dependence upon one another, and be united together by their common inte­rests. Almost every degree produces something peculiar to it. The food often grows in one country and the sauce in another. The fruits of Portugal are corrected by the products of Barbadoes; the infusion of a China plant sweetened with the pith of an Indian cane. The Philippine islands give a flavor to our European bowls. The single dress of a woman of quality is often the pro­duct of an hundred climates. The muff and the fan come together from the different ends of the earth. The scarf is sent from the torrid zone, and the tippet from beneath the pole. The brocade petticoat rises out of the mines of Peru, and the diamond necklace out of the bowels of Ind [...]stan.

If we consider our own country in its natural prospect, without any of the benefits and advantages of commerce, [Page 88] what a barren uncomfortable spot of earth falls to our share? Natural historians tell us, that no fruit grows ori­ginally among us besides hips and haws, acorns and pig-nuts, with other delicacies of the like nature: that our climate, of itself, and without the assistance of art, can make no farther advances towards a plum than a sloe, and carries an apple to no greater perfection than a crab: that our melons, our peaches, our figs, our apri­cots, and our cherries, are strangers among us, import­ed in different ages, and naturalized in our English gar­dens; and that they would all degenerate and fall away into the trash of our own country, if they were wholly neglected by the planter, and left to the mercy of our sun and soil.

Nor has traffic more enriched our vegetable world than it has improved the whole face of nature among us. Our ships are laden with the harvest of every climate; our tables are stored with spices, and oils, and wines; our rooms are filled with pyramids of china, and adorn­ed with the workmanship of Japan; our morning's draught comes from the remotest corners of the earth: we repair our bodies by the drugs of America, and repose ourselves under Indian canopies. My friend Sir Andrew calls the vineyards of France our gardens; the spice-islands, our hot-beds; the Persians, our silk-weavers; and the Chinese, our potters. Nature, indeed, furnishes us with the bare necessaries of life; but traffic gives us a great variety of what is useful, and at the same time supplies us with every thing that is convenient and ornamental. Nor is it the least part of this our happiness, that, while we enjoy the remotest products of the north and south, we are free from those extremities of weather which give them birth; that our eyes are refreshed with the green fields of Britain, at the same time that our palates are feasted with fruits that rise between the tropics.

For these reasons, there are not more useful members in a commonwealth than merchants. They knit man­kind together in a mutual intercourse of good offices, di­stribute the gifts of nature, find work for the poor, add wealth to the rich, and magnificence to the great. Our English merchant converts the tin of his own country in­to gold, and exchanges his wool for rubies. The Maho­m [...]tans [Page 89] are cloathed in our British manufacture, and the inhabitants of the frozen zone warmed with the fleeces of our sheep.

X. ON PUBLIC SPEAKING.

MOST foreign writers who have given any charac­ter of the English nation, whatever vices they ascribe to it, allow, in general, that the people are naturally modest. It proceeds, perhaps, from this our national virtue, that our orators are observed to make use of less gesture or action than those of other countries. Our preachers stand stock-still in the pulpit, and will not so much as move a finger to set off the best sermons in the world. We meet with the same speaking statues at our bars, and in all public places of debate. Our words flow from us in a smooth continued stream, without those strainings of the voice, motions of the body, and majesty of the hand, which are so much celebrated in the orators of Greece and Rome. We can talk of life and death in cold blood, and keep our temper in a discourse which turns upon every thing that is dear to us. Though our zeal breaks out in the finest tropes and figures, it is not able to stir a limb about us.

It is certain that proper gestures and exertions of the voice cannot be too much studied by a public orator. They are a kind of comment to what he utters; and enforce every thing he says, with weak hearers, better than the strongest argument he can make use of. They keep the audience awake, and fix their attention to what is deli­vered to them; at the same time that they show the speaker is in earnest, and affected himself with what he so passionately recommends to others.

We are told, that the great Latin orator very much impaired his health by the vehemence of action with which he used to deliver himself. The Greek orator was likewise so very famous for this particular in rheto­ric, that one of his antagonists, whom he had banished from Athens, reading over the oration which had pro­cured his banishment, and seeing his friends admire it, could not forbear asking them, If they were so much affected by the bare reading of it, how much more they [Page 90] would have been alarmed, had they heard him actually throwing out such a storm of eloquence?

How cold and dead a figure, in comparison of these two great men, does an orator often make at the British bar, holding up his head with the most insipid serenity, and stroking the sides of a long wig that reaches down to his middle? Nothing can be more ridiculous than the [...]tures of most of our English speakers. You see som [...] of them running their hands into their pockets as far as ever they can thrust them, and others looking with great attention on a piece of paper that has nothing writ­ten on it: you may see many a smart rhetorician turn­ing his hat in his hands, moulding it into several differ­ent cocks, examining sometimes the lining of it, and sometimes the button, during the whole course of his harangue. A deaf man would think he was cheapen­ing a beaver, when perhaps he is talking of the fate of the British nation. I remember, when I was a young man, and used to frequent Westminster-hall, there was a counsellor who never pleaded without a piece of pack­thread in his hand, which he used to twist about a thumb or finger all the while he was speaking: the wags of those days used to call it the thread of his discourse, for he was not able to utter a word without it. One of his clients, who was more merry than wise, stole it from him one day in the midst of his pleading; but he had better have let it alone, for he lost his cause by the est.

XI. THE INDIAN AND BRITISH OFFICER.

DURING the last war in America, a company of the Delaware Indians attacked a small detachment of the British troops, and defeated them. As the Indians had greatly the advantage of swiftness of foot, and were eager in the pursuit, very few of the fugitives escaped; and those who fell into the enemy's hands were treated with a cruelty of which there are not many examples even in that country. Two of the Indians came up with a young officer, and attacked him with great fury. As they were armed with a kind of battle-axe, which they call a tomahawk, he had no hope of e­scape, and thought only of selling his life as dearly as [Page 91] he could: but just at this crisis another Indian came up, who seemed to be advanced in years, and was armed with a bow and arrows. The old man instantly drew his bow; but after having taken his aim at the officer, he suddenly dropped the point of his arrow, and interposed between him and his pursuers, who were about to cut him in pieces. They retired with respect. The old man then took the officer by the hand, soothed him into confidence by caresses; and, having conducted him to his hut, treated him with a kindness which did honor to his professions. He made him less a slave than a companion, taught him the language of the country, and instructed him in the rude arts that are practised by the inhabitants. They lived together in the most cordial amity; and the young officer found nothing to regret, but that sometimes the old man fixed his eyes upon him, and, having regarded him for some minutes with a steady and silent attention, burst into tears. In the mean time the spring returned; and the Indians having recourse to their arms, again took the field. The old man, who was still vigorous, and well able to bear the fatigues of war, set out with them, and was accom­panied by his prisoner. They marched above 200 leagues across the forest, and came at length to a plain where the British forces were encamped. The old man shew­ed his prisoner the tents at a distance; at the same time remarked his countenance with the most diligent atten­tion. "There," says he, "are your countrymen; there is the enemy who wait to give us battle. Re­member that I hav [...] saved thy life, that I have taught thee to construct a canoe, and to arm thyself with a bow and arrows; to surprise the beaver in the forest, to wield the tomahawk, and to scalp the enemy. What wast thou when I first took thee to my hut? Thy hands were those of an infant; they were fit neither to pro­cure thee sustenance nor safety. Thy soul was in utter darkness; thou wast ignorant of every thing; and thou owest all things to me. Wilt thou then go over to thy nation, and take up the hatchet against us?" The offi­cer replied, "That he would rather lose his own life than take away that of his deliverer." The Indian then bending down his head, and covering his face with both [Page 92] his hands, stood some time silent; then looking ear­nestly at his prisoner, he said, in a voice that was at once softened by tenderness and grief, "Hast thou a father?" "My father," said the young man, "was alive when I left my country." "Alas," said the In­dian, "how wretched must he be!" He paused a mo­ment, and then added, "Dost thou know that I have been a father?—I am a father no more—I saw my son fall in battle—he fought at my side—I saw him expire; but he died like a man.—He was covered with wounds when he fell dead at my feet—but I have revenged him!" He pronounced these words with the utmost vehemence; his body shook with an universal tremor; and he was almost stifled with sighs that he would not suffer to escape him. There was a keen restlessness in his eye; but no tear would flow to his relief. At length he became calm by degrees; and turning towards the east, where the sun was then rising, "Dost thou see," said he to the young officer, "the beauty of that sky, which sparkles with prevailing day? and hast thou pleasure in the sight?" "Yes," replied the young of­ficer, "I have pleasure in the beauty of so fine a sky." "I have none," said the Indian; and his tears then found their way. A few minutes after he showed the young man a magnolia in full bloom. "Dost thou see that beautiful tree?" says he: "and dost thou look up­on it with pleasure?" "Yes replied the officer, "I do look with pleasure upon that beautiful tree."—"I have pleasure in looking upon it no more," said the In­dian hastil [...]; and immediately added, "Go, return to thy countrymen, that thy father may still have plea­sure when he sees the sun rise in the morning, and the trees blossom in the spring."

XII. ON THE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL.

AMONG other excellent arguments for the immortali­ty of the soul, there is one drawn from the perpetual progress of the soul to its perfection, without a possibility of ever arriving at it; which is a hint that I do not remember to have seen opened and improved by others who have written on this subject, though it seem [...] to me to carry a great weight with it. How can [Page 93] it enter into the thoughts of man, that the soul, which is capable of such immense perfections, and of receiving new improvements to all eternity, shall fall away into nothing almost as soon as it is created! Are such abi­lities made for no purpose? A brute arrives at a point of perfection that he can never pass: in a few years he has all the endowments he is capable of; and were he to live ten thousand more, would be the same thing he is at present. Were a human soul thus at a stand in her accomplishments; were her faculties to be full blown, and incapable of farther enlargements; I could imagine it might fall away insensibly, and drop at once into a state of annihilation. But can we believe a thinking being, that is in a perpetual progress of improvements, and travelling on from perfection to perfection, after having just looked abroad into the works of its Creator, and made a few discoveries of His infinite goodness, wisdom, and power, must perish at her first setting out, and in the very beginning of her inquiries?

Man, considered in his present state, does not seem born to enjoy life, but to deliver it down to others. This is not surprising to consider in animals, which are formed for our use, and can finish their business in a short life. The silk-worm, after having spun her task, lays her eggs and dies. But in this life man can never take in his full measure of knowledge; nor has he time to subdue his passions, establish his soul in virtue, and come up to the perfection of his nature, before he is hurried off the stage. Would an infinitely wise Being make such glorious creatures for so mean a purpose? Can he delight in the production of such abortive intel­ligences, such short-lived reasonable beings? Would he give us talents that are not to be exerted? capacities that are never to be gratified? How can we find that wisdom which shines through all his works, in the for­mation of man, without looking on this world as only a nursery for the next; and believing that the several generations of rational creatures, which rise up and dis­appear in such quick successions, are only to receive their first rudiments of existence here, and afterwards to be transplanted into a more friendly climate, where they may spread and flourish to all eternity.

[Page 94]There is not, in my opinion, a more pleasing and triumphant consideration in religion than this, of the per­petual progress which the soul makes towards the per­fection of its nature without ever arriving at a period in it. To look upon the soul as going on from strength to strength; to consider that she is to shine, with new accessions of glory, to all eternity; that she will be still adding virtue to virtue, and knowledge to know­ledge; carries in it something wonderfully agreeable to that ambition which is natural to the mind of man. Nay, it must be a prospect pleasing to God himself, to see his creation for ever beautifying in his eyes, and drawing nearer to him, by greater degrees of resem­blance.

Methinks this single consideration, of the progress of a finite spirit to perfection, will be sufficient to extin­guish all envy in inferior natures, and all contempt in superior. That cherubim, which now appears as a God to a human soul, knows very well that the period will come about in eternity, when the human soul shall be as perfect as he himself now is; nay, when she shall look down upon that degree of perfection as much as she now falls short of it. It is true, the higher nature still advances, and by that means preserves his distance and superiority in the scale of being; but he knows, that, how high soever the station is of which he stands possessed at present, the inferior nature will at length mount up to it, and shine forth in the same degree of glory.

With what astonishment and veneration may we look into our souls, where there are such hidden stores of virtue and knowledge, such inexhausted sources of per­fection! We know not yet what we shall be, nor will it ever enter into the heart of man to conceive the glo­ry that will be always in reserve for him. The soul, considered in relation to its Creator, is like one of those mathematical lines that may draw nearer to another for all eternity, without a possibility of touching it: and can there be a thought so transporting, as to consider ourselves in these perpetual approaches to Him who is not only the standard of perfection but of happiness?

XIII. OF THE VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD BY COMMODORE ANSON.

WHENEVER France or Spain happens to be at war with England, the shock given to Europe is felt at the extremities of the earth. If the industry and boldness of the modern nations of Europe give them an advantage over the rest of the world, and over the ancients in ge­neral, it is owing to their maritime expeditions. Men are not so much surprised, as perhaps they should be when they see come out of the ports of a few inconsi­derable provinces, unknown to the civilized nations of antiquity, fleets of such a construction, that a single ves­sel of them would have utterly destroyed all the ship­ping of the ancient Greeks and Romans. On the one hand, these fleets go beyond the Ganges, in order to engage each other in the view of the most powerful em­pires, who stand by, the unconcerned spectators of the dire effects of an art which they have not hitherto ac­quired: On the other, they go beyond America, to con­tend with each other for slaves in the New World.

The success is rarely proportionable to the greatness of the enterprizes; not only because it is impossible to see all the obstacles which may arise, but because ade­quate means are scarce ever made use of.

Admiral Anson's expedition proves, how much a man of sense and resolution may perform, though his prepa­rations may be very inadequate to the danger of his undertaking.

Before so many nations had engaged in a war in or­der to decide whether the daughter of the Emperor Charles VI. should succeed her father, there subsisted a war between Spain and England about a ship: That war cost both parties ten thousand times more than the worth of what had given rise to it.

The ministry of London, in the year 1739, sent Ad­miral Vernon to Mexico. He there destroyed Porto-Bello; but he failed in his attempt upon Carthagena. It was intended, at the same time, that George Anson should fall upon Peru by the South Sea, in order, if possible, to ruin, or at least to weaken, the vast empire which Spain had acquired in that part of the world, by [Page 96] both ends. Anson was created commodore, that is, commander of a squadron; there were given to him five vessels, a sort of a small frigate of eight guns with about one hundred men on board, and two ships loaded with provisions and merchandise: these two ships were in­tended to carry on commerce, under the protection of the convoy; for it is peculiar to the English nation to mix traffic with warlike operations. Aboard the squa­dron were fifteen hundred seamen, with two hundred and sixty superannuated invalids, and two hundred new-raised recruits. He steers his course to the island of Madeira, which belongs to Portugal; he advances to the isles of Cape Verde, and sails by the coast of Brazil. His crew refreshed themselves in a little island named St. Catharine, which is covered with never fading verdure, and abounds with fruit through every season of the year. This island is twenty-seven de­grees beyond the tropic of Cancer. The commodore, after having coasted along the cold and uncultivated country of Patagonia, entered the Straits Le Maire about the end of February 1741; thus did he pass above a hundred degrees of latitude in less than five months. The little sloop or frigate of eight guns, named the Trial, was the first vessel of the kind that ventured to double Cape Horn: She afterwards seized, in the South Sea, a Spanish ship of six hundred tons, the crew of which little expected to have been taken in the Pacific Ocean by a ship from England.

However, upon doubling Cape Horn, after having passed the Straits Le Maire, Anson's squadron was shat­tered and dispersed by violent tempests. One half of the men aboard perished by an inveterate scurvy. The vessel of the commodore, being separated from the rest, put in at the desert island of Fernandes, which lies high­er up the South Sea towards the tropic of Capricorn. A rational reader, who beholds with horror the prodi­gious efforts which mortals make in order to render themselves and their fellow-creatures unhappy, will per­haps receive some satisfaction upon being informed that George Anson, finding the climate of this island ex­ceeding mild, and the soil equally fertile, sowed in it pulse and fruits, the seed of which he brought with him [Page 97] from England; by which means it, in a short time, be­came a plentiful country. Certain Spaniards, who touched there some time after, being, in the course of the war carried prisoners into England, formed an opi­nion, that Anson alone was capable of repairing the ra­vages of war by such an attention to the general good of mankind, and returned him thanks as their benefac­tor. Let me be allowed to soften, by such circum­stances as these, the melancholy tenor of history, which is almost one continued narrative of murders and cala­mities.

Anson, whose vessel carried sixty guns, being joined by another of his ships of war, and by the little frigate called the Trial, took several considerable prizes in crui­sing near the island of Fernandes; but, having soon af­ter advanced towards the Equator, he ventured to at­tack the town of Paita, upon the coast of America. He neither made use of his ships of war, nor of his men, in executing this bold and hazardous attempt: The expe­dition was performed by fifty soldiers in a boat with oars. They landed during the night. The sudden sur­prise, the confusion, and the darkness, redoubled, mul­tiplied, and increased the danger. The governor, the garrison, and the inhabitants, fled on every side. In the mean time, the fifty English, without molestation, carried off the treasures which they found in the custom-house, and in private houses, during the space of three days. Some black slaves, a species of animals who al­ways become the property of the first that seize them, not having fled, assisted the English in carrying off the wealth of their former masters. Anson caused Paita to be burnt to ashes, and then set sail; having plundered the Spnaiards with as much ease as they, in past ages, plundered the Americans. Spain loft fifteen hundred thousand piasters by the fire; the English gained about one hundred and eighty thousand; which, added to the former captures, greatly enriched the squadron. The great number of men carried off by the scurvy, left the bulk of the treasures to the survivers. This little squa­dron came afterwards opposite to Panama, upon the coast where pearls are dived for, and advanced to Aca­pulco, at the back of Mexico. The government of Ma­drid [Page 98] was then not aware of the risk it ran of losing that vast region of the world. If Admiral Vernon, who be­sieged Carthagena upon the opposite sea, had succeeded, he might have assisted Commodore Anson. Thus, the isthmus of Panama would have been taken by the Eng­lish, both upon the right and left, and the Spaniards deprived of the very center of their American domini­ons.

Anson, who had but two ships remaining, the rest having been destroyed by tempests, confined all his en­terprises, and his sanguine hopes, to the taking of a large galleon which Mexico sends every year to the island of Manilla in the Chinese seas. Manilla is one of the Philippine islands, so called because they were dis­covered during the reign of Philip II.

This galleon, laden with silver, would not have set sail if the English had been seen upon the coasts; and it did not leave the port till a considerable time after their departure. The commodore, therefore, crossed the Pacific ocean, and all the climates between the Tropic and the Equator. Avarice, rendered honora­ble by fatigue and danger, made him traverse the globe with his two remaining men of war. The scurvy con­tinued to afflict the sailors upon these seas; and, as one of the two vessels leaked on every side, they were ob­liged to abandon and set fire to it, lest the wreck should be thrown upon some of the Spanish islands, and become of use to the inhabitants: The soldiers and sailors be­longing to this vessel were taken on board Anson's. At that time the only vessel that was left of his whole squa­dron was his own ship, called the Centurion, which carried sixty guns, and was accompanied by two ten­ders. The Centurion escaped alone from so many dan­gers, but in a very shattered condition; and, having none but sick men on board, very fortunately touched at one of the Marianne islands called Tinian, which was at that time quite uninhabited. Not long before, it contained no less than thirty thousand souls; but the greatest part of the inhabitants had been swept away by an epidemic disease, and the survivers had been removed to another island by the Spaniards.

The crew owed its preservation to the island of Ti­nian. [Page 99] That island, which surpassed Fernandes in ferti­lity, abounded on all sides with wood, springs, and ri­vulets, tame animals, fruits, pulse, and every thing ne­cessary for food, the conveniencies of life, and for refit­ting the vessel. But the most extraordinary thing found there, was a sort of a tree, the taste of whose fruit resem­bled that of the best bread, a real treasure, which, if it could be transplanted to our climate, would be greatly preferable to those riches, which owe all their worth to opinion, and which men go in quest of to the end of the earth, through so many dangers and difficulties.

From this island he went to that of Formosa; he then bent his course towards China, to Macao, at the entrance of the river Canton, in order to repair his on­ly remaining vessel.

The commodore, having completely refitted his ship at Macao by the assistance of the Chinese, and having taken on board some Indian sailors, and some Hollan­ders, whom he thought to be useful men, put to sea again.

At length, upon the ninth of June, 1743, the so much wished-for Spanish ship was descried. It advanced to­wards Manilla, having but sixty-four guns; the crew consisted of five hundred and fifty men fit for action: the treasure which it carried amounted only to about fifteen hundred thousand piasters in silver, with cochi­neal and other merchandise; because the whole trea­sure, which is generally double that sum, had been di­vided into two equal parts, and one half was carried by another galleon.

The commodore had but two hundred and forty men on board the Centurion. The captain of the galleon, perceiving the enemy, chose rather to venture the trea­sure, than forfeit his reputation by flying before an En­glishman; for which reason, he hoisted as much sail as possible, in order to come up with and engage him.

The eager desire of seizing riches, a passion much stronger than the principle of duty, which directs to preserve them for the sovereign, the experience of the English, and the skilful operations of the commodore, procured him the victory. Only two of his men were killed in the fight; the galleon lost sixty-seven, who [Page 100] were slain upon deck, and eighty-four were wounded. The number of his crew still surpassed that of the com­modore's: however, he thought proper to strike. The conqueror returned to Canton with this rich prize. He there maintained the honor of his country, by refusing to pay the imposts exacted by the Emperor of China from all foreign ships: he insisted that a man of war was not subject to them. His conduct overawed the Chinese. The governor of Canton gave him audience, to which he was conducted through two ranks of sol­diers, whose number amounted to ten thousand; after which he returned to his own country, by the Sunda islands and the Cape of Good Hope. Having thus sailed round the world victorious, he landed in England the 4th of June 1744, after a voyage of three years and a half.

XIV. ON PEDANTRY.

PEDANTRY, in the common sense of the word, means an absurd ostentation of learning, and stiffness of phra­seology, proceeding from a misguided knowledge of books, and a total ignorance of men.

But I have often thought, that we might extend its signification a good deal farther; and, in general, ap­ply it to that failing, which disposes a person to obtrude upon others subjects of conversation relating to his own business, studies, or amusements.

In this sense of the phrase, we should find pedants in every character and condition of life. Instead of a black coat and a plain shirt, we should often see pedantry ap­pear in an embroidered suit and Brussels lace; instead of being bedaubed with snuff, we should find it breath­ing perfumes; and, in place of a book-worm, crawling through the gloomy cloisters of an university, we should mark it in the state of a gilded butterfly, buzzing through the gay region of the drawing-room.

Robert Daisy, Esq is a pedant of this last kind. When he tells you that his ruffles cost twenty guineas a pair; that his buttons were the first of the kind, made by one of the most eminent artists in Birmingham; that his buckles were procured by means of a friend at Pa­ris, and are the exact pattern of those worn by the [Page 101] Comte d' Artois; that the loop of his hat was of his own contrivance, and has set the fashion to half a dozen of the finest fellows in town: when he descants on all these particulars, with that smile of self-complacency which sits for ever on his cheek, he is as much a pedant as his quondam tutor, who recites verses from Pindar, tells stories from Herodotus, and talks for an hour on the energy of the Greek particles.

But Mr. Daisy is struck dumb by the approach of his brother Sir Thomas, whose pedantry goes a pitch higher, and pours out all the intelligence of France and Italy, whence the young Baronet is just returned, after a tour of fifteen months over all the kingdoms of the continent. Talk of music, he cuts you short with the history of the first singer at Naples; of painting, he runs you down with a description of the gallery at Florence; of architecture, he overwhelms you with the dimensions of St Peter's, or the grand church at Antwerp; or, if you leave the province of art altogether, and introduce the name of a river or hill, he instantly deluges you with the Rhine, or makes you dizzy with the height of Aet­na, or Mount Blanc.

Miss will have no difficulty of owning her great aunt to be a pedant, when she talks all the time of dinner on the composition of the pudding, or the seasoning of the mince-pies; or enters into a disquisition on the figure of the damask table-cloth, with a word or two on the thrift of making one's own linen: but the young lady will be surprised when I inform her, that her own history of last Thursday's assembly, with the episode of Lady Di's feather, and the digression to the qualities of Mr Frizzle the hair-dresser, was also a piece of downright pe­dantry.

Mrs Caudle is guilty of the same weakness, when she recounts the numberless witticisms of her daughter Em­my, describes the droll figure her little Bill made yester­day at trying on his first pair of breeches, and informs us, that Bobby has got seven teeth, and is just cutting an eighth, though he will be but nine months old next Wednesday at six o'clock in the evening. Nor is her pedantry less disgusting, when she proceeds to enume­rate the virtues and good qualities of her husband; [Page 102] though these last species is so uncommon, that it may, perhaps, be admitted into conversation for the sake of novelty.

There is pedantry in every disquisition, however ma­sterly it may be, that stops the general conversation of the company. When Silius delivers that sort of lec­ture he is apt to get into, though it is supported by the most extensive information and the clearest discernment, it is still pedantry; and, while I admire the talents of Silius, I cannot help being uneasy at his exhibition of them. In the course of this dissertation, the farther a man proceeds, the more he seems to acquire strength and inclination for the progress. Last night, after supper, Silius began upon Protestantism, proceeded to the Irish massacre, went through the Revolution, drew the cha­racter of King William, repeated anecdotes of Schom­berg, and ended at a quarter past twelve, by delineating the course of the Boyne, in half a bumper of port, upon my best table; which river, happening to overflow its banks, did infinite damage to my cousin Sophy's white sattin petticoat.

In short, every thing, in this sense of the word, is pedantry, which tends to destroy that equality of con­versation which is necessary to the perfect ease and good-humor of the company. Every one would be struck with the unpoliteness of that person's behavior, who should help himself to a whole plate of pease or straw­berries which some friend had sent him for a rarity in the beginning of the season. Now, conversation is one of those good things of which our guests or companions are equally intitled to a share, as of any other consti­tuent part of the entertainment; and it is as essential a want of politeness to engross the one as to monopolize the other.

Besides, it unfortunately happens, that we are very inadequate judges of the value of our own discourse, or the rate at which the dispositions of our company will incline them to hold it. The reflections we make, and the stories we tell, are to be judged of by others, who may hold a very different opinion of their acuteness or their humor. It will be prudent, therefore, to consi­der, that the dish we bring to this entertainment, how­ever [Page 103] pleasing to our own taste, may prove but mode­rately palatable to those we mean to treat with it; and that, to every man, as well as ourselves (except a few very humble ones,) his own conversation is the PLATE OF PEASE OR STRAWBERRIES.

XV. ON THE DEATH OF A YOUNG LADY.

THE consideration of death has always been made use of, by the moralist and the divine, as a powerful incentive to virtue and piety. From the uncertainty of life, they have endeavored to sink the estimation of its pleasures; and if they could not strip the seductions of vice of their present enjoyment, at least to load them with the fear of their end.

Voluptuaries, on the other hand, have, from a similar reflection, endeavored to enhance the value, and per­suade to the enjoyment, of temporal delights. They have advised us to pluck the roses which would other­wise soon wither of themselves; to seize the moments which we could not long command; and, since time was unavoidably fleeting, to crown its flight with joy.

Of neither of these persuasives, whether of the moral or the licentious, the severe or the gay, have the effects been great. Life must necessarily consist of active scenes, which exclude from its general tenor, the leisure of me­ditation and the influence of thought. The schemes of the busy will not be checked by the uncertainty of their event, nor the amusements of the dissipated, be either controlled or endeared by the shortness of their dura­tion. Even the cell of the anchorite, and the cloister of the monk, have their business and their pleasures; for study may become business, and abstraction pleasure, when they engage the mind and occupy the time. A man may even enjoy the present and forget the future, at the very moment in which he is writing of the in­significancy of the former and the importance of the latter.

It were easy to show the wisdom and benignity of Providence—Providence ever wise and benign—in this particular of our constitution; but it would be trite to repeat arguments too obvious not to have been often observed, and too just not to have been always allowed.

[Page 104]But though neither the situation of the world, nor the formation of our minds, allow the thoughts of fu­turity or death a constant or prevailing effect upon our lives, they may surely sometimes, not unseasonably, press upon our imagination; even exclusive of their moral or religious use, there is a sympathetic enjoyment which often makes it not only 'better,' but more delightful, 'to go the house of mourning, than to the house of feasting.'

Perhaps I felt it so, when, but a few days since, I at­tended the funeral of a young lady, who was torn, in the bloom of youth and beauty, from the arms of a fa­ther who doted on her, of a family by whom she was adored: I think I would not have exchanged my feel­ings at the time for all the mirth which gaiety could in­spire, or all the pleasure which luxury could bestow.

Maria was in her twentieth year. To the beauty of her form, and excellence of her natural disposition, a parent equally indulgent and attentive had done the ful­lest justice. To accomplish her person, and to cultivate her mind, every endeavor had been used; and they had been attended with that success which they commonly meet with when not prevented by mistaken fondness or untimely vanity. Few young ladies have attracted more admiration; none ever felt it less: with all the charms of beauty, and the polish of education, the plainest were not less affected, nor the most ignorant less assuming. She died when every tongue was eloquent of her virtues, when every hope was ripening to reward them.

It is by such private and domestic distresses, that the softer emotions of the heart are most strongly excited. The fall of more important personages is commonly di­stant from our observation; but even where it happens under our immediate notice, there is a mixture of other feelings by which our compassion is weakened. The eminently great, or extensively useful, leave behind them a train of interrupted views and disappointed expecta­tions, by which the distress is complicated beyond the simplicity of pity. But the death of one who, like Maria, was to shed the influence of her virtues over the age of a father, and the childhood of her sisters, pre­sents to us a little view of family affliction, which every eye can perceive and every heart can feel. On scenes [Page 105] of public sorrow and national regret, we gaze as upon those gallery-pictures which strike us with wonder and admiration: domestic calamity is like the miniature of a friend, which we wear in our bosoms, and keep for secret looks and solitary enjoyment.

The last time I saw Maria was in the midst of a crowded assembly of the fashionable and the gay, where she fixed all eyes by the gracefulness of her motion, and the native dignity of her mein; yet so tempered was that superiority which they conferred with gentleness and modesty, that not a murmur was heard, either from the rivalship of beauty or the envy of homeliness. From that scene, the transition was so violent to the hearse and the pall, the grave and the sod, that once or twice my imagination turned rebel to my senses: I beheld the objects around me as the painting of a dream, and thought of Maria as still living.

I was soon, however, recalled to the sad reality. The figure of her father bending over the grave of his dar­ling child; the silent suffering composure in which his countenance was fixed; the tears of his attendants, whose grief was light, and capable of tears; these gave me back the truth, and reminded me that I should see her no more. There was a flow of sorrow with which I suffered myself to be borne along, with a melancholy kind of indulgence; but when her father dropped the cord with which he had helped to lay his Maria in the earth, its sound on the coffin chilled my heart, and hor­ror for a moment took place of pity!

It was but for a moment.—He looked eagerly into the grave; made one involuntary motion to stop the as­sistants who were throwing the earth into it; then sud­denly recollecting himself, clasped his hands together, threw up his eyes to heaven; and then first I saw a few tears drop from them. I gave language to all this. It spoke a lesson of faith, and piety, and resignation. I went away sorrowful; but my sorrow was neither un­gentle nor unmanly: cast on this world a glance rather of pity than of enmity; on the next, a look of humble­ness and hope!

I. DESCRIPTION of the AMPHITHEATRE of TITUS.

POSTERITY admires, and will long admire, the awful remains of the amphitheatre of Titus, which so well deserved the epithet of Colossal. It was a building of an elliptic figure, five hundred and sixty-four feet in length, and four hundred and sixty-seven in breadth; founded on fourscore arches; and rising, with four successive or­ders of architecture, to the height of one hundred and forty feet. The outside of the edifice was encrusted with marble, and decorated with statues. The slopes of the vast concave which formed the inside, were filled and surrounded with sixty or eighty rows of seats of marble, co­vered with cushions, and capable of receiving with ease above fourscore thousand spectators. Sixty-four vomito­ries (for by that name the doors were aptly distin­guished) poured forth the immense multitude; and the entrances, passages, and stair-cases, were contrived with such exquisite skill, that each person, whether of the s [...] ­natorial, the equestrian, or the plebeian order, arrived at his destined place, without trouble or confusion.

Nothing was omitted which in any respect could be subservient to the convenience and pleasure of the spec­tators. They were protected from the sun and rain by an ample canopy, occasionally drawn over their heads. The air was continually refreshed by the playing of fountains, and profusely impregnated by the grateful scent of aromatics. In the centre of the edifice, the arena or stage was strewed with the finest sand, and suc­cessively assumed the most different forms. At one mo­ment, it seemed to rise out of the earth like the garden of the Hesperides; at another, it exhibited the rugged rocks and caverns of Thrace. The subterraneous pipes conveyed an inexhaustible supply of water; and what had just before appeared a level plain, might be suddenly converted into a wide lake, covered with armed vessels, and replenished with the monsters of the de [...] ▪

[Page 107]In the decorations of these scenes, the Roman empe­rors displayed their wealth and liberality; and we read, that, on various occasions, the whole furniture of the amphitheatre consisted either of silver, or of gold, or of amber. The poet who describes the games of Carinus, in the character of a shepherd attracted to the capital by the fame of their magnificence, affirms, that the nets designed as a defence against the wild beasts, were of gold wire; that the porticoes were gilded; and that the belt or circle, which divided the several ranks of spectators from each other, was studded with a precious mosaic of beautiful stones.

II. REFLECTIONS IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY.

WHEN I am in a serious humor, I very often walk by myself in Westminster Abbey; where the gloomi­ness of the place, and the use to which it is applied, with the sole [...]nity of the building, and the condition of the people who lie in it, are apt to fill the mind with a kind of melancholy, or rather thoughtfulness, that is not disagreeable. I yesterday passed a whole afternoon in the church-yard, the cloisters, and the church, amusing myself with the tomb-stones and inscriptions which I met with in those several regions of the dead. Most of them recorded nothing else of the buried person, b [...] that he was born upon one day, and died upon another; the whole history of his life being comprehended in these two circumstances, that are common to all mankind. I could not but look upon those registers of existence, whether of brass or marble, as a kind of satire upon the departed persons, who had left no other memorial of themselves, but that they were born, and that they died.

Upon my going into the church, I entertained myself with the digging of a grave; and saw, in every shovelful of it that was thrown up, the fragment of a bone or skull intermixed with a kind of fresh-mouldering earth, that, some time or other, had a place in the composition of an human body. Upon this, I began to consider with myself, what innumerable multitudes of people lay con­fused together, under the pavement of that ancient ca­thedral how men and women, friends and enemies, [Page 108] priests and soldiers, monks and prebendaries, were crum­bled amongst one another, and blended together in the same common mass; how beauty, strength, and youth, with old age, weakness, and deformity, lay undistin­guished in the same promiscuous heap of matter.

After having thus surveyed this great magazine of mortality as it were in the lump, I examined it more par­ticularly by the accounts which I found on several of the monuments which are raised in every quarter of that an­cient fabric. Some of them were covered wich such ex­travagant epitaphs, that, if it were possible for the dead person to be acquainted with them, he would blush at the praises which his friends have bestowed upon him. There are others so excessively modest, that they deliver the character of the person departed in Greek or He­brew, and by that means are not understood once in a twelve month. In the poetical quarter, I found there were poets who had no monuments, and monuments which had no poets. I observed, indeed, that the pre­sent war had filled the church with many of those unin­habited monuments, which had been erected to the me­mory of persons whose bodies were perhaps buried in the pl [...]s of Blenheim, or in the bosom of the ocean.

I could not but be very much delighted with several modern epitaphs, which are written with great elegance of expression and justness of thought, and which there­fore do honor to the living as well as to the dead. As a foreigner is very apt to conceive an idea of the igno­rance or politeness of a nation from the turn of their public monuments and inscriptions, they should be sub­mitted to the perusal of men of learning and genius, be­fore they are put into execution. Sir Cloudesly Shovel's monument has very often given me great offence. In­stead of the brave rough English admiral, which was the distinguishing character of that plain [...]lant man, he is represented on his his tomb by the fi [...]ure of [...], dressed in a long periwig, and reposing himself upon velvet cushions under a canopy of state. The inscription is an­swerable to the monument; for, instead of celebrating the many remarkable actions he had performed in the service of his country; it acquaints us only with the manner of his death, in which it was impossible for him to [Page 109] reap any honor. The Dutch, whom we are apt to despise for want of genius, show an infinitely greater taste in their buildings and works of this nature, than we meet with in those of our own country. The mo­numents of their admirals, which have been erected at the public expence, represent them like themselves, and are adorned with rostral crowns and naval ornaments, with beautiful festoons of sea-weed, shells, and coral.

I know that entertainments of this nature are apt to raise dark and dismal thoughts▪ in timorous minds and gloomy imaginations: but, for my own part, though I am always serious, I do not know what it is to be me­lancholy; and can therefore take a view of nature in her deep and solemn scenes, with the same pleasure as in her most gay and delightful ones. By these means, I can improve myself with objects which others consider with terror.—When I look upon the tombs of the great, every emotion of envy dies in me; when I read the epi­taphs of the beautiful, every inordinate desire goes out; when I meet with the grief of parents upon a tomb-stone, my heart melts with compassion; when I see the tomb of the parents themselves, I consider the vanity of grie­ving after those whom we must quickly follow. When I see kings lying by those who deposed them; when I consider rival wits placed side by side, or the holy men that divided the world with their contests and disputes; I reflect with sorrow and astonishment on the little com­petitions, factions, and debates of mankind. When I read the several dates of the tombs, of some that died yesterday, and some six hundred years ago, I consider that gr [...]at day when we shall all of us be contemporaries, and make our appearance together.

III. The CHARACTER of MARY QUEEN of SCOTS.

To all the charms of beauty, and the utmost [...]egance of external form, Mary added those accomplishments which render their impression irresistible. Polite, affable, insinuating, sprightly, and capable of speaking and of writing with equal ease and dignity. Sudden, however, and violent in all her attachments, because her heart was warm and unsuspicio [...]. Impatient of contradiction, be­cause she had been accustomed from her infancy to be [Page 110] treated as a queen. No stranger, on some occasions, to dissimulation: which, in that perfidious court where she received her education, was reckoned among the neces­sary arts of government. Not insensible to flattery, or unconscious of that pleasure with which almost every wo­man beholds the influence of her own beauty. Formed with the qualities that we love, not with the talents that we admire, she was an agreeable woman rather than an illustrious queen.

The vivacity of her spirit, not sufficiently tempered with sound judgment, and the warmth of her heart, which was not at all times under the restraint of discre­tion, betrayed her both into errors and into crimes. To say that she was always unfortunate, will not account for that long and almost uninterrupted succession of ca­lamities which befel her; we must likewise add, that she was often imprudent. Her passion for Darnly was rash, youthful, and excessive. And, though the sudden transition to the opposite extreme was the natural effect of her ill-requited love, and of his ingratitude, inso­lence, and brutality; yet neither these, nor Bothwell's artful address and important services, can justify her at­tachment to that nobleman. Even the manners of the age, licentious as they were, are no apology for this un­happy passion; nor can they induce us to look on that tragical and infamous scene which followed upon it, with less abhorrence. Humanity will draw a veil over this part of her character, which it cannot approve; and may perhaps prompt some to impute her actions to her situa­tion, more than to her disposition; and to lament the unhappiness of the former, rather than accuse the per­verseness of the latter. Mary's sufferings exceed, both in degree and in duration, those tragical distresses which fancy has feigned to excite sorrow and commiseration; and while we survey them, we are apt altogether to for­get her frailties: we think of her faults with less indig­nation; and approve of our tears, as if they were shed for a person who had attained much nearer to pure virtue.

With regard [...]o the queen's person, a circumstance not to be omitted in writing the history of a female reign, all contemporary authors agree in ascribing to [Page 111] Mary the utmost beauty of countenance, and elegance of shape, of which the human form is capable. Her hair was black, though, according to the fashion of that age, she frequently wore borrowed locks, and of differ­ent colors. Her eyes were a dark gray, her com­plexion was exquisitely fine, and her hands and arms re­markably delicate both as to shape and color. Her sta­ture was of an height that rose to the majestic. She danced, she walked, and rode, with equal grace. Her taste for music was just; and she both sung and played upon the lute with uncommon skill. Towards the end of her life she began to grow fat; and her long con­finement, and the coldness of the houses in which she was imprisoned, brought on a rheumatism, which de­prived her of the use of her limbs. No man, says Bran­tome, ever beheld her person without admiration and love, or will read her history without sorrow.

IV. CHARACTER OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.

THERE are few personages in history who have been more exposed to the calumny of enemies and the adulation of friends, than Queen Elizabeth; and yet there scarce is any whose reputation has been more cer­tainly determined, by the unanimous consent of poste­rity. The unusual length of her administration, and the strong features of her character, were able to o­vercome all prejudices; and, obliging her detractors to abate much of their invectives, and her admirers some­what of their panegyrics, have at last, in spite of politi­cal factions, and, what is more, of religious animosities, produced an uniform judgment with regard to her con­duct. Her vigor, her constancy, her magnanimity, her penetration, vigilance, and address, are allowed to merit the highest praises, and appear not to have been surpas­sed by any person who ever filled a throne: a conduct less rigorous, less imperious, more sincere, more indul­gent to her people, would have been requisite to form a perfect character. By the force of her mind, she con­trolled all her more active and stronger qualities, and prevented them from running into excess. Her heroism was exempted from all temerity, her frugality from ava­rice, her friendship from partiality, her enterprise from [Page 112] turbulency and a vain ambition: she guarded not herself, with equal care or equal success, from lesser infirmities; the rivalship of beauty, the desire of admiration, the jea­lousy of love, and the sallies of anger.

Her singular talents for government were founded equally on her temper and on her capacity. Endowed with a great command over herself, she soon obtained an uncontrolled ascendant over the people, and while she merited all their esteem by her real virtue [...], she also en­gaged their affection by her pretended ones. Few sove­reigns of England succeeded to the throne in more diffi­cult circumstances, and none ever conducted the go­vernment with such uniform success and felicity. [...]hough unacquainted with the practice of toleration, the true secret for managing religious factions, she preserved her people, by her superior prudence, from those confusions in which theological controversy had involved all the neighboring nations: and though her enemies were the most powerful princes of Europe, the most active, the most enterprising, the least scrupulous, she was able, by her vigor, to make deep impressions on their state; her own greatness, meanwhile, remaining untouched and un­impaired.

The wise ministers and brave warriors who flourished during her reign share the praise of her success; but, in­stead of lessening the applause due to her, they make great addition to it. They owed, all of them, their ad­vancement to her choice; they were supported by her constancy; and, with all their ability, they were never able to acquire an undue ascendant over her. In her family, in her court, in her kingdom, she remained equally mistress. The force of the tender passions was great over her, but the force of her mind was still supe­rior; and the combat which her victory visibly cost her, serves only to display the firmness of her resolution, and the loftiness of her ambitious sentiments.

The fame of this princess, though it has surmounted the prejudices both of faction and of bigotry, yet lies still exposed to another predjudice, which is more durable, because more natural; and which, according to the dif­ferent views in which we survey her, is capable either of exalting beyond measure, or diminishing, the lustre of [Page 113] her character. This prejudice is founded on the consi­deration of her sex. When we contemplate her as a woman, we are apt to be struck with the highest admi­ration of her qualities and extensive capacity; but we are also apt to require some more softness of disposition, some greater lenity of temper, some of those amiable weaknesses by which her sex is distinguished. But the true method of estimating her merit, is to lay aside all these considerations, and to consider her merely as a ra­tional being, placed in authority, and intrusted with the government of mankind. We may find it difficult to reconcile our fancy to her as a wife or a mistress; but her qualities as a sovereign, though with some consider­able exceptions, are the object of undisputed applause and approbation.

V. CHARLES V.'s RESIGNATION of his DOMINIONS.

CHARLES resolved to resign his kingdoms to his son, with a solemnity suitable to the importance of the transaction; and to perform this last act of sovereignty with such formal pomp, as might leave an indelible im­pression on the mind not only of his subjects, but of his successor. With this view, he called Philip out of Eng­land; where the peevish temper of his queen, which in­creased with her despair of having issue, rendered him extremely unhappy, and the jealousy of the English left him no hopes of obtaining the direction of their affairs. Having assembled the states of the Low Countries at Brussels, on the twenty-fifth of October one thousand five hundred and fifty-five, Charles seated himself for the last time in the chair of state; on one side of which was placed his son, and on the other his sister the queen of Hungary, regent of the Netherlands; with a splendid retinue of the grandees of Spain, and princes of the em­pire standing behind him. The president of the council of Flanders, by his command, explained, in a few words, his intention in calling this extraordinary meeting of the states. He then read the instrument of resignation, by which Charles surrendered to his son Philip all his ter­ritories, jurisdiction, and authority in the Low Coun­tries; absolving his subjects there from their oath of al­legiance to him, which he required them to transfer to [Page 114] Philip his lawful heir, and to serve him with the same loyalty and zeal which they had manifested, during so long a course of years, in support of his government.

Charles then rose from his seat, and leaning on the shoulder of the prince of Orange, because he was unable to stand without support, he addressed himself to the au­dience; and, from a paper which he held in his hand in order to assist his memory, he recounted with dignity, but without ostentation, all the great things which he had undertaken and performed since the commencement of his administration. He observed, that, from the seven­teenth year of his age he had dedicated all his thoughts and attention to public objects, reserving no portion of his time for the indulgence of his ease, and very little for the enjoyment of private pleasure: that, either in a pa­cific or hostile manner, he had visited Germany nine times, Spain six times, France four times, Italy seven times, the Low Countries ten times, England twice, A­frica as often, and had made eleven voyages by sea: that, while his health permitted him to discharge his duty, and the vigor of his constitution was equal in any de­gree to the arduous office of governing such exten­sive dominions, he had never shunned labor, nor re­pined under fatigue: that, now, when his health was broken, and his vigor exhausted by the rage of an in­curable distemper, his growing infirmities admonished him to retire; nor was he so fond of reigning as to re­tain the sceptre in an impotent hand, which was no long­er able to protect his subjects, or to render them happy: that, instead of a sovereign worn out with diseases and scarcely half alive, he gave them one in the prime of life, accustomed already to govern, and who added to the vigor of youth all the attention and sagacity of maturer years: that if, during the course of a long ad­ministration, he had committed any material error in government, or if, under the pressure of so many and great affairs, and amidst the attention which he had been obliged to give them, he had either neglected or injured any of his subjects, he now implored their forgiveness: that, for his part, he should ever retain a grateful sense of their fidelity and attachment, and would carry the re­membrance of it along with him to the place of his re­treat, [Page 115] as his sweetest consolation, as well as the best re­ward for all his services; and, in his last prayers to Al­mighty God, would pour forth his ardent wishes for their welfare.

Then, turning towards Philip, who fell on his knees and kissed his father's hand, "If," says he, "I had left you, by my death, this rich inheritance, to which I have made such large additions, some regard would have been justly due to my memory on that account; but now, when I voluntarily resign to you what I might have still retained, I may well expect the warmest ex­pressions of thanks on your part. With these, however, I dispense; and shall consider your concern for the wel­fare of your subjects, and your love of them, as the best and most acceptable testimony of your gratitude to me. It is in your power, by a wise and virtuous administra­tion, to justify the extraordinary proof which I this day give of my paternal affection, and to demonstrate that you are worthy of the confidence which I repose in you. Preserve an inviolable regard for religion; maintain the Catholic faith in its purity; let the laws of your country be sacred in your eyes; encroach not on the rights and privileges of your people; and, if the time shall ever come when you shall wish to enjoy the tranquillity of private life, may you have a son, endowed with such qualities that you can resign your sceptre to him, with as much satisfaction as I give up mine to you."

As soon as Charles had finished this long address to his subjects and to their new sovereign, he sunk into the chair, exhausted and ready to die with the fatigue of such an extraordinary effort. During his discourse, the whole audience melted into tears; some, from admira­tion of his magnanimity; others, softened by the ex­pressions of tenderness towards his son and of love to his people; and all were affected with the deepest sorrow at losing a sovereign, who had distinguished the Nether­lands, his native country, with particular marks of his regard and attachment.

A few weeks thereafter, Charles, in an assembly no less splendid, and with a ceremonial equally pompous, resigned to his son the crowns of Spain, with all the ter­ritories depending on them, both in the old and in the [Page 116] new world. Of all these past possessions, he reserved nothing for himself but an annual pension of an hundred thousand crowns, to defray the charges of his family, and to afford him a small sum for acts of beneficence and charity.

The place he had chosen for his retreat was the mo­nastery of St Justus, in the province of Estremadura. It was seated in a vale of no great extent, watered by a small brook, and surrounded by rising grounds covered with lofty trees. From the nature of the soil, as well as the temperature of the climate, it was esteemed the most healthful and delicious situation in Spain. Some months before his resignation, he had sent an architect thither to add a new apartment to the monastery for his accom­modation; but he gave strict orders that the stile of the building should be such as suited his present situation, rather than his former dignity. It consisted only of six rooms; four of them in the form of friars cells, with na­ked walls; the other two, each twenty feet square, were hung with brown cloth, and furnished in the most simple manner. They were all on a level with the ground; with a door on one side into a garden, of which Charles himself had given the plan, and which he had filled with various plants, intending to cultivate them with his own hands. On the other side they communicated with the chapel of the monastery, in which he was to perform his devotions.—Into this humble retreat, hardly sufficient for the comfortable accommodation of a private gentle­man, did Charles enter with twelve domestics only. He buried there, in solitude and silence, his grandeur, his ambition, together with all those vast projects, which, during half a century, had alarmed and agitated Eu­rope, filling every kingdom in it by turns with the ter­ror of his arms, and the dread of being subjected to his power.

VI. IMPORTANCE OF VIRTUE.

VIRTUE is of intrinsi [...] value and good desert, and of indispensable obligation; not the creature of will, but necessary and immutable; not local or temporary, but of equal extent and antiquity with the Divine mind; not a mode of sensation, but everlasting truth; not de­pendent [Page 117] on power, but the guide of all power. Virtue is the foundation of honor and esteem, and the fource of all beauty, order, and happiness, in nature. It is what confers value on all the other endowments and qua­lities of a reasonable being, to which they ought to be absolutely subservient; and without which, the more eminent they are, the more hideous deformities and the greater curses they become.

The use of it is not confined to any one stage of our existence, or to any particular situation we can be in, but reaches through all the periods and circumstances of our being. Many of the endowments and talents we now possess, and of which we are too apt to be proud, will cease entire [...]y with the present state; but this will be our ornament and dignity, in every future state to which we may be removed. Beauty and wit will die, learning will vanish away, and all the arts of life be soon forgot; but virtue will remain for ever. This unites us to the whole rational creation; and fits us for conver­sing with any order of superior natures, and for [...] place in any part of God's works. It procures us the appro­bation and love of all wise and good beings, and [...]enders them our allies and friends. But what is of unspeak­ably greater consequence is, that it makes God our friend, assimilates and unites our minds to him, and en­gages his Almighty power in our defence. Superior beings of all ranks are bound by it no less than ourselves. It has the same authority in all worlds that it has in this. The further any being is advanced in excellence and perfection, the greater is his attachment to it, and the more he is under its influence.—To say no more, it is the law of the whole universe, it stands first in the estimation of the Deity, its original is his nature, and it is the very object that makes him lovely.

Such is the importance of virtue.—Of what conse­quence, therefore, is it that we practise it! There is no argument or motive in any respect fitted to influence a reasonable mind, which does not call us to this. One virtuous disposition of soul is preferable to the greatest natural accomplishments and abilities, and of more va­lue than all the treasures of the world.—If you are wise, then, study virtue, and contemn every thing that [Page 118] can come in competition with it. Remember, that no­thing else deserves one anxious thought or wish. Re­member, that this alone is honor, glory, wealth, and happiness. Secure this, and you secure every thing. Loss this, and all is lost.

VII. ADDRESS TO ART.

O ART! thou distinguishing attribute and honor of human kind! who art not only able to imitate nature in her graces, but even to adorn her with graces of thine own! Possessed of thee, the meanest genius grows deserving, and has a just demand for a portion of our esteem: devoid of thee, the brightest of our kind lie lost and useless, and are but poorly distinguished from the most despicable and base. When we inhabited forests in common with brutes, nor otherwise known from them than by the figure of our species, thou taughtest us to assert the sovereignty of our nature, and to assume that empire for which providence intended us. Thousands of utilities owe their birth to thee; thousands of elegancies, pleasures, and joys, without which life itself would be but an insipid possession.

Wide and extensive is the reach of thy dominion. No element is there, either so violent or so subtle, so yield­ing or so sluggish, as, by the powers of its nature, to be superior to thy direction. Thou dreadest not the fierce impetuosity of Fire, but compellest its violence to be both obedient and useful. By it thou softenest the stubborn tribe of minerals, so as to be formed and moulded into shapes innumerable. Hence weapons, armor, coin: and, previous to these and other thy works and ener­gies, hence all those various tools and instruments, which empower thee to proceed to farther ends more ex­cellent. Nor is the subtle Air less obedient to thy power, whether thou willest it to be a minister to our pleasure or utility. At they command, it giveth birth to sounds, which charm the soul with all the powers of harmony. Under thy instruction, it moves the ship over seas; while that yielding element, where otherwise we sink, even Water itself, is by thee taught to bear us; the vast ocean, to promote that intercourse of nations which ignorance would imagine it was destined to intercept. [Page 119] To say how thy influence is seen on Earth, would be to teach the meanest what he knows already. Suffice it but to mention, fields of arable and pasture; lawns, and groves, and gardens, and plantations; cottages, villages, castles, towns; palaces, temples, and spacious cities.

Nor does thy empire end in subjects thus inanimate. Its power also extends through the various race of Ani­mals, who either patiently submit to become thy slaves, or are sure to find thee an irresistible foe. The faithful dog, the patient ox, the generous horse, and the mighty elephant, are content all to receive their instructions from thee, and readily to lend their natural instincts or strength to perform those offices which thy occasions call for. If there be found any species which are serviceable when dead, thou suggestest the means to investigate and take them: if any be so savage as to refuse being tamed, or of natures fierce enough to venture an attack, thou teachest us to scorn their brutal rage, to meet, repel, pursue, and conquer.

Such, O Art! is thy amazing influence, when thou art employed only on these inferior subjects, on nature inanimate, or at best irrational. But, whenever thou choosest a subject more noble, and settest to the cultiva­ting of Mind itself, then 'tis thou becomest truly amiable and divine, the ever-flowing source of those sublimer beauties of which no subject but mind alone is capable. Then 'tis thou art enabled to exhibit to mankind the admired tribes of poets and orators, the sacred train of patriots and heroes, the god-like list of philosophers and legislators, the forms of virtuous and equal polities, where private welfare is made the same with public, where crowds themselves prove disinterested, and vir­tue is made a national and popular characteristic.

Hail! sacred source of all these wonders! Thyself in­struct me to praise thee worthily; through whom, what­ever we do, is done with elegance and beauty; without whom, what we do is ever graceless and deformed.— Venerable power! by what name shall I address thee? Shall I call thee Ornament of mind, or art thou more truly Mind itself! 'Tis Mind thou art, most perfect Mind; not rude, untaught: but fair and polished: in [Page 120] such thou dwellest: of such thou art the form; nor is it a thing more possible to separate thee from such, than it would be to separate thee from thine own existence.

VIII. FLATTERY.

FLATTERY is a manner of conversation very shame­ful in itself, but beneficial to the flatterer.

If a flatterer is upon a public walk with you, "Do but mind," says he, "how every one's eye is upon you. Sure there is not a man in Athens that is taken so much notice of. You had justice done you yesterday in the portico. There were above thirty of us together; and, the question being started who was the most considera­ble person in the commonwealth? the whole company was of the same side. In short, Sir, every one made familiar with your name" He follows this whisper with a thousand other flatteries of the same nature.

Whenever the person to whom he would make his court begins to speak, the sycophant begs the company to be silent, most impudently praises him to his face, in raptures all the while he talks, and, as soon as he has done, cries out, That is perfectly right! When his pa­tron aims at being witty upon any man, he is ready to burst at the smartness of his raillery, and stops his mouth with his handkerchief that he may not laugh out. If he calls his children about him, the flatterer has a poc­ket full of apples for them, which he distributes among them with a great deal of fondness, wonders to see so many fine boys, and, turning about to the father, tells him they are all as like him as they can stare.

When he is invited to a feast, he is the first man that calls for a glass of wine, and is wonderfully pleased with the deliciousness of the flavor; gets as near as possible to the man of the house, and tells him with much con­cern that he eats nothing himself. He singles out some particular dish, and recommends it to the rest of the com­pany for a rarity. He desires the master of the feast to sit in a warmer part of the room, begs him to take more care of his health, and advises him to put on a supernu­merary garment in this cold weather. He is in a close whisper with him during the whole entertainment, and [Page 121] has neither eyes nor ears for any one else in the com­pany.

If a man shows him his house, he extols the architect, admires the gardens, and expatiates upon the furni­ture. If the owner is grossly flattered in a picture, he outflatters the painter; and, though he discovers a great likeness in it, can by no means allow that it does justice to the original.—In short, his whole business is to in­gratiate himself with those who hear him, and to wheedle them out of their senses.

IX. THE ABSENT MAN.

MENALCAS comes down in the morning: opens his door to go out▪ but shuts it again, because he perceives he has his night-cap on; and, examining himself further, finds that he is but half-shaved, that he has stuck his sword on his right side, that his stockings are about his heels, and that his shirt is over his breeches.

When he is dressed, goes to court; comes into the drawing-room; and, walking upright under a branch of candlesticks, his wig is caught up by one of them, and hangs dangling in the air. All the courtiers fall a­laughing; but Menalcas laughs louder than any of them, and looks about for the person that is the jest of the company. Coming down to the court-gate, he finds a coach; which, taking for his own, he whips into it; and the coachman drives off, not doubting but he car­ries his master. As soon as he stops, Menalcas throws himself out of the coach, crosses the court, ascends the stair-case, and runs through all the chambers with the greatest familarity, reposes himself on a couch, and fan­cies himself at home. The master of the house at last comes in. Menalcas rises to receive him, and desires him to sit down. He talks, muses, and then talks again. The gentleman of the house is tired and amazed. Me­nalcas is no less so; but is every moment in hopes that his impertinent guest will at last end his tedious visit. Night comes on, when Menalcas is hardly convinced.

When he is playing at backgammon, he calls for a full glass of wine and water. It is his turn to throw. He has the box in one hand, and his glass in the other; and, being extremely dry and unwilling to lose time, he swal­lows [Page 122] down both the dice, and at the same time throws his wine into the tables. He writes a letter, and flings the sand into the ink-bottle. He writes a second, and mistakes the superscription. A nobleman receives one of them, and, upon opening it, reads as follows: "I would have you, honest Jack, immediately upon the receipt of this, take in hay enough to serve the winter." His farmer receives the other, and is amazed to see in it, "My Lord, I received your Grace's commands."

If he is at an entertainment, you may see the pieces of bread continually multiplying round his plate: it is true the company want it, as well as their knives and forks, which Menalcas does not let them keep long. Sometimes in a morning he puts his whole family in a hurry, and at last goes out without being able to stay for his coach or breakfast; and, for that day, you may see him in every part of the town, except the very place where he had appointed to be upon business of im­portance.

You would often take him for every thing that he is not—For a fellow quite stupid, for he hears nothing; for a fool, for he talks to himself, and has a hundred grimaces and motions with his head which are altoge­ther involuntary; for a proud man, for he looks full up­on you, and takes no notice of your saluting him. The truth of it is, his eyes are open, but he makes no use of them, and neither sees you, nor any man, nor any thing else. He came once from his country-house, and his own footmen undertook to rob him, and succeeded. They held a flambeau to his throat, and bid him deliver his purse. He did so: and coming home, told his friends he had been robbed. They desire to know the particulars—"Ask my servants," said Menalcas; "for they were with me."

X. THE MONK.

A POOR monk of the order of St Francis came into the room to beg something for his convent. The mo­ment I cast my eyes upon him, I was determined not to give him a single sous; and accordingly I put my purse into my pocket—buttoned it up—set myself a little more upon my center, and advanced up gravely to [Page 123] him: there was something, I fear forbidding in my look: I have his figure this moment before my eyes, and think there was that in it which deserved better.

The monk, as I judged from the break in his tonsure, a few scattered white hairs upon his temples being all that remained of it, might be about seventy—but from his eyes, and that sort of fire which was in them, which seemed more tempered by courtesy than years, he could be no more than sixty—Truth might lie between—He was certainly sixty-five; and the general air of his coun­tenance, notwithstanding something seemed to have been planting wrinkles in it before their time, agreed to the account.

It was one of those heads which Guido has often painted—mild, pale,—penetrating; free from all com­mon-place ideas of fat contented ignorance looking down­wards upon the earth—it looked forwards; but looked as if it looked at something beyond this world. How one of his order came by it, Heaven above, who let it fall upon a monk's shoulders, best knows; but it would have suited a Bramin; and had I met it upon it the plains of Indostan, I had reverenced it.

The rest of his outline may be given in a few strokes: one might put it into the hands of any one to design; for it was neither elegant nor otherwise, but as charac­ter and expression made it so; it was a thin, spare form, something above the common size, if it lost not the distinction by a bend forwards in the figure—but it was the attitude of intreaty; and, as it now stands present to my imagination, it gained more than it lost by it.

When he had entered the room three paces, he stood still; and, lying his left hand upon his breast (a slender white staff with which he journeyed being in his right) —when I had got close up to him, he introduced him­self with the little story of the wants of his convent, and the poverty of his order—and did it with so simple a grace—and such an air of deprecation was there in the whole cast of his look and figure—I was bewitched not to have been struck with it—

—A better reason was, I had pre-determined not to give him a single sous.

[Page 124]—'Tis very true, said I, replying to a cast upward▪ with his eyes, with which he had concluded his address, —'tis very true—and heaven be their resource who have no other but the charity of the world; the stock of which, I fear, is no way sufficient for the many GREAT CLAIMS which are hourly made upon it.

As I pronounced the words GREAT CLAIMS, he gave a slight glance with his eye downwards upon the sleeve of his tunic—I felt the full force of the appeal—I ac­knowledge it, said I—a coarse habit, and that but once in three years, with meagre diet—are no great matters: and the true point of pity is, as they can be earned in the world with so little industry, that your order should wish to procure them by pressing upon a fund which is the property of the lame, the blind, the aged, and the infirm: the captive who lies down counting over and over again the days of his afflictions, languishes also for his share of it; and had you been of the ORDER OF MERCY instead of the order of St. Francis, poor as I am, continued I, pointing at my portmanteau, full cheerfully should it have been opened to you for the ransom of the unfortunate. The monk made me a bow.—But, resumed I, the unfortunate of our own country, surely, have the first rights; and I have left thousands in dis­tress upon the English shore—The monk gave a cordial wave with his head—as much as to say, No doubt, there is misery enough in every corner of the world, as well as within our convent.—But we distinguish, said I, laying my hand upon the sleeve of his tunic, in return for his appeal—we distinguish, my good father, betwixt those who wish only to eat the bread of their own labor —and those who eat the bread of other people's, and have no other plan in life, but to get through it in sloth and ignorance, FOR THE LOVE OF GOD.

The poor Franciscan made no reply: a hectic of a moment passed across his check, but could not tarry— Nature seemed to have done with her resentments in him; he showed none—but letting his staff fall within his arm, he pressed both his hands with resignation upon his breast, and retired.

My heart smote me the moment he shut the door— Pshaw! said I with an air of carelessness, three several [Page 125] times—But it would not do: every ungracious syllable I had uttered, crowded back into my imagination; I reflected I had no right over the poor Franciscan, but to deny him; and that the punishment of that was enough to the disappointed, without the addition of unkind lan­guage—I considered his gray hairs—his courteous fi­gure seemed to re-enter, and gently ask me what injury he had done me? and why I could use him thus?—I would have given twenty livres for an advocate—I have behaved very ill, said I within myself; but I have only just set out upon my travels, and shall learn better manners as I get along.

XI. ON THE HEAD-DRESS OF THE LADIES.

THERE is not so variable a thing in nature as a lady' [...] head-dress: within my own memory, I have known it rise and fall above thirty degrees. About ten years ago it shot up to a very great height, insomuch that the female part of our species were much taller than the men. The women were of such an enormous stature, that 'we appeared as grasshoppers before them.' At present the whole sex is in a manner dwarfed and shrunk into a race of beauties that seem almost another species. I remember several ladies who were once very near se­ven feet high, that at present want some inches of five: how they came to be thus curtailed, I cannot learn; whether the whole sex be at present under any penance which we know nothing of, or whether they have cast their head-dresses in order to surprise us with something in that kind which shall be entirely new; or whether some of the tallest of the sex, being too cunning for the rest, have contrived this method to make themselves ap­pear sizeable, is still a secret; though I find most are of opinion, they are at present like trees new lopped and pruned, that will certainly sprout up and flourish with greater heads than before. For my own part, as I do not love to be insulted by women who are taller than myself, I admire the sex much more in their present humiliation, which has reduced them to their natural dimensions, than when they had extended their persons and lengthened themselves out into formidable and gi­gantic figures. I am not for adding to the beautiful [Page 126] edifices of nature, nor for raising any whimsical super­structure upon her plans: I must therefore repeat it, that I am highly pleased with the coiffure now in fa­shion, and think it shows the good sense which at pre­sent very much reigns among the valuable part of the sex. One may observe that women in all ages have ta­ken more pains than men to adorn the outside of their heads; and indeed I very much admire, that those ar­chitects, who raise such wonderful structures out of rib­bands, lace, and wire, have not been recorded for their respective inventions. It is certain there has been as many orders in these kinds of buildings, as in those which have been made of marble; sometimes they rise in the shape of a pyramid, sometimes like a tower, and sometimes like a steeple. In Juvenal's time, the build­ing grew by several orders and stories, as he has very humorously described it.

But I do not remember, in any part of my reading, that the head-dress aspired to so great an extravagance as in the fourteenth century; when it was built up in a couple of cones or spires, which stood so excessively high on each side of the head, that a woman, who was but a pigmy without her head-dress, appeared like a Colossus upon putting it on. Monsier Paradin says, ‘That these old fashioned fontanges rose an ell above the head: that they were pointed like steeples, and had long loose pieces of crape fastened to the tops of them, which were curiously fringed, and hung down their backs like streamers.’

The woman might possibly have carried this Gothic building much higher, had not a famous monk, Thomas Connecte by name, attacked it with great zeal and re­solution. This holy man travelled from place to place to preach down this monstrous commode; and succeeded so well in it, that, as the magicians sacrificed their books to the flames upon the preaching of an apostle, many of the women threw down their head-dresses in the middle of his sermon, and made a bonfire of them within sight [Page 127] of the pulpit. He was so renowned, as well for the sanc­tity of his life as his manner of preaching, that he had often a congregation of twenty thousand people; the men placing themselves on the one side of his pulpit, and the women on the other, they appeared, to use the si­militude of an ingenious writer, like a forest of cedars with their heads reaching to the clouds. He so warm­ed and animated the people against the monstrous or­nament, that it lay under a kind of persecution; and whenever it appeared in public, was pelted down by the rabble, who flung stones at the persons who wore it. But, notwithstanding this prodigy vanished while the preacher was among them, it began to appear again some months after his departure, or, to tell it in Mon­sieur Paradin's own words, ‘The women, that, like snails in a fright, had drawn in their horns, shot them out again as soon as the danger was over.’ This ex­travagance of the womens head-dresses in that age is taken notice of by Monsieur d'Argentre in the history of Bretagne, and by other historians as well as the per­son I have here quoted.

It is usually observed, that a good reign is the only proper time for the making of laws against the exorbi­tance of power; in the same manner an excessive head-dress may be attacked the most effectually when the fa­shion is against it. I do therefore recommend this pa­per to my female readers by way of prevention.

I would desire the fair sex to consider how impossible it is for them to add any thing that can be ornamental to what is already the master-piece of nature. The head has the most beautiful appearance, as well as the highest station, in the human figure. Nature has laid out all her art in beautifying the face; she has touched it with vermilion, planted in it a double row of ivory, made it the seat of smiles and blushes, lighted it up and enliven­ed it with the brightness of the eyes, hung it on each side with curious organs of sense, given it airs and graces that cannot be described, and surrounded it with such a flowing shade of hair, as sets all its beauties in the most agreeable light: in short, she seems to have design­ed the head as the cupola to the most glorious of her works; and, when we load it with such a pile of super­numerary [Page 128] ornaments we destroy the symmetry of the human figure, and foolishly contrive to call off the eye from great and real beauti [...], to childish gewgaws, rib­bands, and bone lace.

XII. ON THE PRESENT AND A FUTURE STATE.

A LEWD young fellow seeing an aged hermit go by him barefoot, "Father," says he, "you are in a very miserable condition if there is not another world." "True, son," said the hermit; "but what is thy con­dition if there is?"— Man is a creature designed for two different states of being, or rather for two different lives. His first life is short and transient; his second perma­nent and lasting. The question we are all concerned in is this, In which of these two lives it is our chief inte­rest to make ourselves happy? Or, in other words, Whether we should endeavor to secure to ourselves the pleasures and gratifications of a life which is uncertain and precarious, and at its utmost length of a very in­considerable duration; or to secure to ourselves the plea­sures of a life which is fixed and settled, and will never end? Every man, upon the first hearing of this que­stion, knows very well which side of it he ought to close with. But, however right we are in theory, it is plain that in practice we adhere to the wrong side of the question. We make provision for this life as though it were never to have an end; and for the other life, as though it were never to have a beginning.

Should a spirit of superior rank, who is a stranger to human nature, accidentally alight upon the earth, and take a survey of its inhabitants; what would his notions of us be? Would not he think that we are a species of beings made for quite different ends and pur­poses than what we really are? Must not he imagine that we were placed in this world to get riches and ho­nors? Would not he think that it was our duty to toil after wealth, and station, and title? Nay, would not he believe we were forbidden poverty by threats of eternal punishment, and enjoyed to pursue our pleasures under pain of damnation? He would certainly imagine that we were influenced by a scheme of duties quite op­posite to those which are indeed prescribed to us. And, [Page 129] truly, according to such an imagination, he must con­clude, that we are a species of the most obedient crea­tures in the universe; that we are constant to our duty; and that we keep a steady eye on the end for which we were sent hither.

But how great would be his astonishment, when he learnt that we were beings not designed to exist in this world above threescore and ten years; and that the greatest part of these busy species fall short even of that age? How would he be lost in horror and admiration, when he should know that this set of creatures, who lay out all their endeavors for this life, which scarce de­serves the name of existence, when, I say, he should know that this set of creatures are to exist to all eternity in another life, for which they make no preparations? Nothing can be a greater disgrace to reason, than that men, who are persuaded of these two different states of being, should be perpetually employed in providing for a life of threescore and ten years, and neglecting to make provision for that, which, after many myriads of years, will be still new and still beginning; especially when we consider that our endeavors for making ourselves great, or rich, or honorable, or whatever else we place our happiness in, may after all prove unsuccessful; whereas if we constantly and sincerely endeavor to make our­selves happy in the other life, we are sure that our en­deavors will succeed, and that we shall not be disap­pointed of our hope.

The following question is started by one of the school-men. Supposing the whole body of the earth were a great ball or mass of the finest sand, and that a single grain or particle of this sand would be annihilated every thousand years? Supposing then that you had it in your choice to be happy all the while this prodigious mass of sand was consuming by this slow method until there was not a grain of it left, on condition you were to be miserable for ever after? or, supposing that you might be happy for ever after, on condition you would be miserable until the whole mass of sand were thus an­nihilated at the rate of one sand in a thousand years; which of these two cases would you make your choice?

It must be confessed, in this case, so many thousands [Page 130] of years are to the imagination as a kind of eternity, though in reality they do not bear so great a proportion to that duration which is to follow them, as an unit does to the greatest number which you can put together in figures, or as one of those sands to the supposed heap. Reason therefore tells us, without any manner of hesita­tion, which would be the better part in this choice. However, as I have before intimated, our reason might, in such case, be so overset by the imagination, as to dis­pose some persons to sink under the consideration of the great length of the first part of this duration, and of the great distance of that second duration which is to suc­ceed it; the mind, I say, might give itself up to that happiness which is at hand, considering that it is so very near, and that it would last so very long. But when the choice we actually have before us is this, Whether we will choose to be happy for the space of only three-score and ten, nay perhaps of only twenty or ten years, I might say of only a day or an hour, and miserable to all eternity; or, on the contrary, miserable for this short term of years, and happy for a whole eternity; what words are sufficient to express that folly and want of consideration which in such a case makes a wrong choice!

I here put the case even at the worst, by supposing what seldom happens, that a course of virtue makes us miserable in this life: but if we suppose, as it generally happens, that virtue would make us more happy even in this life than a contrary course of vice; how can we sufficiently admire the stupidity or madness of those per­sons who are capable of making so absurd a choice?

Every wise man therefore will consider this life only as it may conduce to the happiness of the other, and cheerfully sacrifice the pleasures of a few years to those of an eternity.

XIII. STORY OF THE SIEGE OF CALAIS.

EDWARD III. after the battle of Cressy, laid siege to Calais. He had fortified his camp in so impregna­ble a manner, that all the efforts of France proved ineffectual to raise the siege, or throw succours into the city.—The citizens, under Count Vienne, their gallant governor, made an admirable defence.—France had now [Page 131] put the sickle into her second harvest, since Edward, with his victorious army, sat down before the town. The eyes of all Europe were intent on the issue. At length, famine did more for Edward than arms.—Af­ter suffering unheard-of calamities, they resolved to at­tempt the enemy's camp.—They boldly sallied forth: The English joined battle; and, after a long and des­perate engagement, Count Vienne was taken prisoner, and the citizens who survived the slaughter retired with­in their gates. The command devolving upon Eustace St Pierre, a man of mean birth but of exalted virtue, he offered to capitulate with Edward, provided he per­mitted them to depart with life and liberty. Edward, to avoid the imputation of cruelty, consented to spare the bulk of the plebeians, provided they delivered up to him six of their principal citizens with halters about their necks, as victims of due atonement for that spirit of re­bellion with which they had inflamed the vulgar. When his messenger, Sir Walter Mauny, delivered the terms, consternation and pale dismay were impressed on every countenance.—To a long and dead silence deep sighs and groans succeeded, till Eustace St Pierre getting up to a little eminence, thus addressed the assembly:— "My friends, we are brought to great straits this day. We must either yield to the terms of our cruel and en­snaring conqueror, or yield up our tender infants, our wives, and daughters, to the bloody and brutal lusts of the violating soldiers. Is there any expedient left, whereby we may avoid the guilt and infamy of deliver­ing up those (who have suffered every misery with you) on the one hand, or the desolation and horror of a sack­ed city on the other? There is, my friends, there is one expedient left, a gracious, an excellent, a godlike expedient! Is there any here to whom virtue is dearer than life? Let him offer himself an oblation for the safety of his people! He shall not fail of a blessed ap­probation from that Power, who offered up his only Son for the salvation of mankind." He spoke;—but an uni­versal silence ensued.—Each man looked around for the example of that virtue and magnanimity which all wish­ed to approve in themselves, though they wanted the re­solution. At length St Pierre resumed, "I doubt not [Page 132] but there are many here as ready, nay, more zealous, of his martyrdom than I can be; though the station to which I am raised, by the captivity of Lord Vienne, imparts a right to be the first in giving my life for your sakes. I give it freely; I give it cheerfully. Who comes next?" "Your son," exclaimed a youth not yet come to maturity.—"Ah, my child!" cried St Pierre; "I am then twice sacrificed.—But, no: I have rather begotten thee a second time. Thy years are few, but full, my son. The victim of virtue has reached the ut­most purpose and goal of mortality. Who next, my friends? This is the hour of heroes." "Your kins­man." cried John de Aire. "Your kinsman," cried James Wissant. "Your kinsman," cried Peter Wissant. —Ah!" exclaimed Sir Walter Mauny, bursting into tears, "why was not I a citizen of Calais!" The sixth victim was still wanting, but was quickly supplied by lot from numbers who were now emulous of so enno­bling an example. The keys of the city were then de­livered to Sir Walter. He took the six prisoners into his custody; then ordered the gates to be opened, and gave charge to his attendants to conduct the remaining citizens, with their families, through the camp of the English. Before they departed, however, they desired permission to take their last adieu of their deliverers. What a parting! what a scene! They crowded, with their wives and children, about St Pierre and his fel­low-prisoners. They embraced; they clung around; they fell prostrate before them. They groaned; they wept aloud; and the joint clamor of their mourning passed the gates of the city, and was heard throughout the English camp. The English, by this time, were apprised of what passed within Calais. They heard the voice of lamentation, and their souls were touched with compassion. Each of the soldiers prepared a portion of his own victuals to welcome and entertain the half-famished inhabitants; and they loaded them with as much as their present weakness was able to bear, in or­der to supply them with sustenance by the way. At length St Pierre and his fellow-victims appeared under the conduct of Sir Walter and a guard. All the tents of the English were instantly emptied The soldiers [Page 133] poured from all parts, and arranged themselves on each side, to behold, to contemplate, to admire, this little band of patriots as they passed. They bowed down to them on all sides. They murmured their applause of that virtue, which they could not but revere even in enemies; and they regarded those ropes which they had volunta­rily assumed about their necks, as ensigns of greater dignity than that of the British garter. As soon as they had reached the presence, "Mauny," says the monarch, "are these the principal inhabitants of Calais?"— "They are," says Mauny: "they are not only the principal men of Calais, they are the principal men of France, my Lord, if virtue has any share in the act of ennobling." "Were they delivered peaceably?" says Edward, "Was there no resistance, no commotion among the people?" "Not in the least, my Lord; the people would all have perished, rather than have deliver­ed the least of these to your Majesty. They are self-delivered, self-devoted, and come to offer up their in­estimable heads as an ample equivalent for the ransom of thousands." Edward was secretly piqued at this re­ply of Sir Walter; but he knew the privilege of a Bri­tish subject, and suppressed his resentment. "Expe­rience," says he, "has ever shown, that lenity only serves to invite people to new crimes. Severity, at times, is indispensibly necessary to compel subjects to submis­sion by punishment and example. Go," he cried to an officer, "lead these men to execution. Your rebellion," continued he addressing himself to St. Pierre, "your rebellion against me, the natural heir of your crown, is highly aggravated by your present presumption and af­front of my power."—"We have nothing to ask of your Majesty," said Eustace, "save what you cannot refuse us."—"What is that?" "Your esteem, my Lord," said Eustace; and went out with his companions.

At this instant a sound of triumph was head through­out the camp. The Queen had just arrived with a pow­erful reinforcement of gallant troops. Sir Walter Mau­ny flew to receive her Majesty, and briefly informed her of the particulars respecting the six victims.

As soon as she had been welcomed by Edward and his court, she desired a private audience. "My Lord," [Page 134] said she, "the question I am to enter upon, is not touching the lives of a few mechanics— it respects the honor of the English nation; it respects the glory of my Edward, my husband, my king.—You think you have sentenced six of your enemies to death. No, my Lord, they have sentenced themselves; and their execution would be the execution of their own orders, not the orders of Edward.

"They have behaved themselves worthily; they have behaved themselves greatly: and I cannot but respect, while I envy them, for leaving us no share in the honor of this action, save that of granting a poor, an indispen­sible pardon. I admit they have deserved every thing that is evil at your hands. They have proved the most inveterate and obstinate of your enemies. They a­lone have withstood the rapid course of your conquests, and have with-held from you the crown to which you were born. Is it therefore that you would reward them? that you would gratify their desires, that you would in­dulge their ambition, and enwreath them with everlast­ing glory and applause? But if such a death would ex­alt mechanics over the fame of the most illustrious heroes, how would the name of Edward, with all his triumphs, be tarnished thereby? Would it not be said, that mag­nanimity and virtue are grown odious in the eyes of the monarch of Britain? and that the objects whom he de­stines to the punishment of felons, are the very men who deserve the praise and esteem of mankind? The stage on which they would suffer, would be to them a stage of honor, but a stage of shame to Edward; a reproach to his conquests; an indelible disgrace to his name.— No, my Lord, let us rather disappoint these haughty burghers, who wish to invest themselves with glory at our expence. We cannot wholly deprive them of the merit of a sacrifice so nobly intended, but we may cut them short of their desires; in the place of that death by which their glory would be consummate, let us bury them under gifts; let us put them to confusion with applauses. We shall thereby defeat them of that po­pular opinion, which never fails to attend those who suf­fer in the cause of virtue." "I am convinced; you have prevailed. Be it so," replied Edward: "Prevent [Page 135] the execution; have them instantly before us."—They came; when the Queen, with an aspect and accents dis­fusing sweetness, thus bespoke them: "Natives of France and inhabitants of Calais, ye have put us to a vast expence of blood and treasure in the recovery of our just and natural inheritance: but you have acted up to the best of an erroneous judgment; and we admire and honor in you that valor and virtue, by which we are so long kept out of our rightful possessions. You noble burghers! you excellent citizens! though you were tenfold the enemies of our person and our throne, we can feel nothing on our part, save respect and affection for you. You have been sufficiently tested. We loose your chains; we snatch you from the scaffold; and we thank you for that lesson of humiliation which you teach us, when you show us, that excellence is not of blood, of title, or station;—that virtue gives a dignity supe­rior to that of kings; and that those whom the Al­mighty informs with sentiments like yours, are justly and eminently raised above all human distinctions. You are now free to depart to your kinsfolk, your country­men, to all those whose lives and liberties you have so nobly redeemed, provided you refuse not the tokens of our esteem. Yet we would rather bind you to ourselves, by every endearing obligation; and for this purpose, we offer to you your choice of the gifts and honors that Edward has to bestow.—Rivals for fame, but al­ways friends to virtue, we wish that England were in­titled to call you her sons." "Ah, my country!" ex­claimed Pierre; "it is now that I tremble for you; Edward only wins our cities, but Philippa conquers hearts."

I. ON GRACE IN WRITING.

I Will not undertake to mark out with any sort of pre­cision, that idea which I would express by the word Grace: and, perhaps, it can no more be clearly descri­bed than justly defined. To give you, however, a ge­neral intimation of what I mean when I apply that term to compositions of genius, I would resemble it to that easy air which so remarkably distinguishes certain per­sons of a genteel and liberal cast. It consists not only in the particular beauty of single parts, but arises from the general symmetry and construction of the whole. An author may be just in his sentiments, lively in his figures, and clear in his expression; yet may have no claim to be admitted in the rank of finished writers. The several members must be so agreeably united, as mutually to reflect beauty upon each other; their a­rangement must be so happily disposed as not to admit of the least transposition, without manifest prejudice to the entire piece. The thoughts, the metaphors, the allusions, and the diction, should appear easy and natu­ral, and seem to arise like so many spontaneous produc­tions, rather than as the effects of art or labor.

Whatever, therefore, is forced or affected in the sen­timents; whatever is pompous or pedantic in the ex­pression, is the very reverse of Grace. Her mien is neither that of a prude nor a coquette; she is regular without formality, and sprightly without being fantasti­cal. Grace, in short, is to good writing what a proper light is to a fine picture; it not only shows all the fi­gures in their several proportions and relations, but shows them in the most advantageous manner.

As gentility (to resume my former illustration) ap­pears in the minutest action, and improves the most in­considerable gesture; so grace is discovered in the pla­cing even a single word, or the turn of a mere expletive. Neither is this inexpressible quality confined to one spe­cies [Page 137] of composition only, but extends to all the various kinds; to the humble pastoral as well as to the lofty e­pic; from the slightest letter to the most solemn dis­course.

I know not whether Sir William Temple may not be considered as the first of our prose authors, who intro­duced a graceful manner into our language. At least that quality does not seem to have appeared early, or spread far, amongst us. But wheresoever we may look for its origin, it is certainly to be found in its highest perfection in the essays of a gentleman whose writings will be distinguished so long as politeness and good sense have any admirers. That becoming air which Tully esteemed the criterion of fine composition, and which every reader, he says, imagines so easy to be imitated, yet will find so difficult to attain, is the prevailing cha­racteristic of all that excellent author's most elegant per­formances. In a word, one may justly apply to him what Plato, in his allegorical language, says of Aristo­phanes; that the Graces, having searched all the world round for a temple wherein they might for ever dwell, settled at last in the breast of Mr Addison.

II. ON FEMALE ORATORY.

WE are told by some ancient authors, that Socrates was instructed in eloquence by a woman, whose name, if I am not mistaken, was Aspasia. I have indeed very often looked upon that art as the most proper for the female sex; and I think the universities would do well to consider whether they should not fill the rhetoric chairs with she-professors.

It has been said in the praise of some men, that they could talk whole hours together upon any thing; but it must be owned to the honor of the other sex, that there are many among them who can talk whole hours toge­ther upon nothing. I have known a woman branch out into a long extempore dissertation upon the edging of a petticoat, and chide her servant for breaking a china-cup, in all the figures of rhetoric.

Were woman admitted to plead in courts of judica­ture, I am persuaded they would carry the eloquence of the bar to greater heights than it has yet arrived at. If [Page 138] any one doubts this, let him but be present at those de­bates which frequently arise among the ladies of the British fishery.

The first kind, therefore, of female orators which I shall take notice of, are those who are employed in stir­ring up the passions; a part of rhetoric in which Socra­tes's wife had perhaps made a greater proficiency than his above-mentioned teacher.

The second kind of female orators, are those who deal in invectives and who are commonly known by the name of the censorious. The imagination and elocution of this set of rhetoricians is wonderful. With what a fluency of invention, and copiousness of expression, will they enlarge upon every little slip in the behavior of another? With how many different circumstances, and with what variety of phrases, they will tell over the same story? I have known an old lady make an un­happy marriage the subject of a month's conversation. She blamed the bride in one place, pitied her in ano­ther, laughed at her in a third, wondered at her in the fourth, was angry at her in a fifth; and in short, wore out a pair of coach-horses in expressing her concern for her. At length, after having quite exhausted the sub­ject on this side, she made a visit to the new-married pair, praised the wife for the prudent choice she had made, told her the unreasonable reflections which some malicious people had cast upon her, and desired that they might be better acquainted. The censure and ap­probation of this kind of women are therefore only to be considered as helps to discourse.

A third kind of female orators may be comprehended under the word Gossips. Mrs. Fiddle-Faddle is perfect­ly accomplished in this sort of eloquence; she launches out into descriptions of christenings, runs divisions up­on an head-dress, knows every dish of meat that is serv­ed up in her neighborhood, and entertains her company a whole afternoon together with the wit of her little boy, before he is able to speak.

The coquette may be looked upon as a fourth kind of female orator. To give herself the larger field for discourse she hates and loves in the same breath, talks to her lap-dog or parrot, is uneasy in all kinds of wea­ther, [Page 139] and in every part of the room; she has false quar­rels and feigned obligations to all the men of her ac­quaintance? sighs when she is not sad, and laughs when she is not merry. The coquette is in particular a great mistress of that part of oratory which is called action; and indeed seems to speak for no other purpose but as it gives her an opportunity of stirring a limb or varying a feature, of glancing her eyes or playing with her fan.

As for newsmongers, politicians, mimics, story-tellers, with other characters of that nature which give birth to loquacity, they are as commonly found among the men as the women; for which reason I shall pass them over in silence.

I have often been puzzled to assign a cause why wo­men should have this talent of a ready utterance in so much greater perfection than men. I have sometimes fancied they that have not a retentive power, or the fa­culty of suppressing their thoughts, as men have; but that they are necessitated to speak every thing they think; and if so, it would perhaps furnish a very strong argu­ment to the Cartesians for the supporting of their doc­trine, that the soul always thinks. But as several are of opinion, that the fair sex are not altogether strangers to the art of dissembling and concealing their thoughts, I have been forced to relinquish that opinion; and have therefore endeavored, to seek after some better reason. In order to it, a friend of mine, who is an excellent a­natomist, has promised me, by the first opportunity, to dissect a woman's tongue, and to examine whether there may not be in it certain juices which render it so won­derfully voluble or flippant; or whether the fibres of it may not be made up of a finer or more pliant thread; or whether there are not in it some particular muscles which dart it up and down by such sudden glances and vibrations; or whether, in the last place, there may not be some certain undiscovered channels running from the head and the heart to this little instrument of loquacity, and conveying into it a perpetual affluence of animal spirits. Nor must I omit the reason which Hudibras has given, why those who can talk on trifles speak with the greatest fluency; namely, that the tongue is like a [Page 140] race-horse, which runs the faster the less weight it car­ries.

Which of these reasons soever may be looked upon as the most probable, I think the Irishman's thought was very natural, who, after some hours conversation with a female orator, told her, that he believed her tongue was very glad when she was asleep, for that it had not a moment's rest all the while she was awake.

That excellent old ballad of the Wanton Wife of Bath, has the following remarkable lines:

And Ovid, though in the description of a very barba­rous circumstance, tells us, That when the tongue of a beautiful female was cut out, and thrown upon the ground, it could not forbear muttering even in that pos­ture.

If a tongue would be talking without a mouth, what could it have done when it had all its organ's of speech, and accomplices of sound about it? I might here men­tion the story of the pippin-women, had I not some rea­son to look upon it as fabulous.

I must confess I am so wonderfully charmed with the music of this little instrument, that I would by no means discourage it. All that I aim at by this dissertation is, to cure it of several disagreeable notes, and in particu­lar of those little jarrings and dissonances which arise from anger, censoriousness, gossipping, and coquetry. In short, I would always have it tuned by good nature, truth, discretion, and sincerity.

III. On the BEING of a GOD.

THE regularity of the motions and revolutions of the sun, the moon, and numberless stars; w [...]th the di­stinction, variety, beauty, and order of celestial objects; the slightest observation of which seems sufficient to convin [...]e every b [...]holder that they cannot be the effect [Page 141] [...] chance; these afford a proof of a Deity, which seems irrefragable. If he, who surveys an academy, a pa­lace, or a court of justice, and observes regularity, order, and oeconomy, prevailing in them, is immediately con­vinced that this regularity, must be the effect of authority and discipline, supported by persons properly qualified; how much more reason has he, who finds himself sur­rounded by so many and such stupendous bodies, per­forming their various revolutions without the least deviation from perfect regularity, through the innumer­able ages of past duration; how much more reason has he to conclude, that such amazing revolutions are go­verned by superior wisdom and power?

Is it not therefore astonishing, that any man should ever have dreamed of the possibility that a beautiful and magnificent system might arise from the fortuitous con­course of certain bodies, carried towards one another by I know not what imaginary impulse? I see not why he who is capable of ascribing the production of a world to a cause so inadequate, may not expect, from the fortui­tous scattering about of a set of letters of ivory or me­tal, a regular history to appear. But I believe he who hopes to produce, in this way, one single line, will find himself for ever disappointed. If the casual concourse of atoms has produced a whole universe, how comes it that we never find a city, a temple, or so much as a por­tico, produced in the same manner? One would ima­gine they who prate so absurdly about the origination of the world, had no eyes, or had never opened them, to view the glories of the immense theatre.

The reasonings of Aristotle on this point are excellent. —"Let us suppose," says he, "certain persons to have been born, and to have lived to mature age, under ground, in habitations accommodated with all the con­veniences and even magnificences of life, except the sight of this upper world. Let us suppose those persons to have heard, by fame, of superior beings, and won­derful effects produced by them. Let the earth be ima­gined suddenly to open, and expose to the view of those subterraneans this fair world which we inhabit. Let them be imagined to behold the face of the earth, di­versified with hills and vales, with rivers and woods; [Page 142] the wide extended ocean, the lofty sky, and the clouds carried along by the winds. Let them behold the sun, and observe his transcendent brightness and wonderful influence as he pours down the flood of day over the whole earth, from east to west. And when night co­vered the world in darkness, let them behold the heavens adorned with innumerable stars. Let them behold the various appearances of the moon; now horned, then full, then decreasing. Let them have leisure to mark the rising and setting of the heavenly bodies, and to un­derstand that their established courses have been going on from age to age.—When they had surveyed and con­sidered all these things, what could they conclude, but that the accounts they had heard in their subterranean habitation of the existence of superior beings must be true, and that these prodigious works must be the effect of their power!"

Thus Aristotle. To which I will add, that it is only our being accustomed to the continual view of these glo­rious objects that prevents our admiring them, and en­deavoring to come to right conclusions concerning the Authors of them; as if novelty were a better reason for exciting our inquiries than beauty and magnificence.

V. RESIGNATION to PROVIDENCE RECOMMENDED.

THE darts of adverse fortune are always levelled at our heads. Some reach us; some graze against us, and fly to wound our neighbors. Let us therefore im­pose an equal temper on our minds, and pay without murmuring the tribute which we owe to humanity. The winter brings cold and we must freeze. The summer returns with heat, and we must melt. The inclemency of the air disorders our health, and we must be sick. Here we are exposed to wild beasts, and there to men more savage than the beasts: and if we escape the in­conveniences and dangers of the air and the earth, there are perils by water and perils by fire. This established course of things it is not in our power to change: but it is in our power to assume such a greatness of mind as becomes wise and virtuous men, as may enable us to encounter the accidents of life with fortitude, and to conform our­selves to the order of Nature, who govern her great [Page 143] kingdom the world, by continual mutations. Let us submit to this order; let us be persuaded that whatever does happen ought to happen, and never be so foolish as to expostulate with Nature. The best resolution we can take is to suffer with patience what we cannot alter; and pursue without repining, the road which Providence, who directs every thing, has marked out to us: for it is not enough to follow; and he is but a bad soldier who sighs and marches on with reluctancy. We must receive the orders with spirit and cheerfulness, and not endeavor to slink out of the post which is assigned us in this beautiful disposition of things, whereof even our suf­fering make a necessary part. Let us address ourselves to God, who governs all, as Cleanthes did in those ad­mirable verses, which are going to lose part of their grace and energy in my translation of them.

Thus let us speak, and thus let us act. Resignation to the will of God is true magnanimity. But the sure mark of a pusillanimous and base spirit, is to struggle against, to censure, the order of Providence, and, instead of mending our own conduct, to set up for correcting that of our Maker.

V. ADVANTAGES of HISTORY.

THE advantages found in history seem to be of three kinds: as it amuses the fancy, as it improves the under­standing, and as it strengthens virtue.

In reality, what more agreeable entertainment to the mind than to be transported into the remotest ages of the world, and to observe human society, in its infancy, making the first faint essays towards the arts and scien­ces? To see the policy of government and the civility of conversation refining by degrees, and every thing that is ornamental to human life advancing towards its perfec­tion? To mark the rise, progress, and declension, and final extinction of the most flourishing empires; the virtues which contributed to their greatness, and the vices which drew [Page 144] on their ruin? In short, to see all the human race, from the beginning of time, pass as it were in review before us, appearing in their true colors, without any of those dis­guises, which, during their lifetime, so much perplexed the judgments of the beholders? What spectacle can be imagined so magnificent, so various, so interesting? What amusement, either of the senses or imagination, can be compared with it? Shall those trifling pastimes, which engross so much of our time, be preferred as more satis­factory, and more fit to engage our attention? How perverse must that taste be which is capable of so wrong a choice of pleasures?

But history is a most improving part of knowledge, as well as an agreeable amusement; and indeed a great part of what we commonly call erudition, and value so highly, is nothing but an acquaintance with historical facts. An extensive knowledge of this kind belongs to men of letters; but I must think it an unpardonable ig­norance in persons, of whatever sex or condition, not to be acquainted with the history of their own country a­long with the histories of ancient Greece and Rome.

I must add, that history is not only a valuable part of knowledge, but opens the door to many other parts of knowledge, and affords materials to most of the scien­ces. And indeed, if we consider the shortness of human life, and our limited knowledge, even of what passes in our own time, we must be sensible that we should be for ever children in understanding, were it not for this in­vention, which ex [...]ends our experience to all past ages, and to the most distant nations: making them contribute as much to our improvement in wisdom, as if they had actually lain under our observation. A man acquainted with history may, in some respect, be said to have lived from the beginning of the world, and to have been ma­king continual additions to his stock of knowledge in every century.

There is also an advantage in that knowledge which is acquired by history, above what is learned by the prac­tice of the world, that it brings us acquainted with hu­man affairs, without diminishing in the least from the most delicate sentiments of virtue. And, to tell the truth, I scarce know any study or occupation so unexcep­tionable [Page 145] as history in this particular. Poets can paint virtue in the most charming colors? but, as they address themselves entirely to the passions, they often become advocates for vice. Even philosophers are apt to bewil­der themselves in the subtilty of their speculations; and we have seen some go so far as to deny the reality of all moral distinctions. But I think it a remark worthy the attention of the speculative reader, that the historians have been, almost without exception, the true friends of virtue, and have always represented it in its proper co­lors, however they may have erred in their judgments of particular persons. Nor is this combination of histo­rians in favor of virtue at all difficult to be accounted for. When a man of business enters into life and ac­tion, he is more apt to consider the characters of men as they have relation to his interest than as they stand in themselves, and has his judgment warped on every oc­casion by the violence of his passion. When a philoso­pher contemplates characters and manners in his closet, the general abstract view of the objects leaves the mind so cold and unmoved, that the sentiments of nature have no room to play, and he scarce feels the difference be­twixt vice and virtue. History keeps in a just medium betwixt these extremes, and places the objects in their true point of view. The writers of history, as well as the readers, are sufficiently interested in the characters and events, to have a lively sentiment of blame or praise; and, at the same time, have no particular interest or concern to pervert their judgment.

VI. BATTLE of PHARSALIA and DEATH of POMPEY.

CAESAR had employed all his art for some time in sounding the inclinations of his men; and finding his ar­my once more resolute and vigorous, he caused them to advance towards the plains of Pharsalia, where Pompey was now encamped, and prepared to oppose him.

The approach of these two great armies, composed of the best and bravest troops in the world, together with the greatness of the prize for which they contend­ed, filled all minds with anxiety, though with different expectations. Pompey's army, being most numerous, turned all their thoughts to the enjoyment of the vic­tory; [Page 146] Caesar's, with better aims, considered only the means of obtaining it: Pompey's army depended upon their numbers and their many generals; Caesar's, upon their own discipline, and the conduct of their single commander: Pompey's partizans hoped much from the justice of their cause; Caesar's alleging the frequent proposals which they had made for peace without effect. Thus, the views, hopes, and motives of both seemed different, but their hatred and ambition were the same. Caesar, who was ever foremost in offering battle, led out his army in array to meet the enemy; but Pompey, either suspecting his troops, or dreading the event, kept his advantageous situation for some time: he drew in­deed sometimes out of his camp, but always kept him­self under his trenches, at the foot of the hill near which he was posted. Caesar, being unwilling to attack him at a disadvantage, resolved to decamp the next day, hop­ing to harass out his antagonish, who was not a match for him in sustaining the fatigues of duty. According­ly the order for marching was given, and the tents struck, when word was brought him that Pompey's ar­my had quitted their entrenchments, and had advanced farther into the plain than usual, so that he might en­gage them at less disadvantage: whereupon he caused his troops that were upon their march to halt, and with a countenance of joy, informed them, that the happy time was at last come which they had so long wished for, and which was to crown their glory and ter­minate their fatigues. Upon this he drew up his troops in order, and advanced towards the place of battle. His forces did not amount to above half those of Pompey; the army of the one amounting to above forty-five thou­sand foot and seven thousand horse; that of the other not exceeding twenty-two thousand foot and about a thousand horse. This disproportion, particularly in the cavalry, had filled Caesar with apprehensions: wherefore he had some days before picked out the strongest and nimblest of his foot soldiers, and accustomed them to fight between the ranks of his cavalry. By their assist­ance his thousand horse was a match for Pompey's se­ven thousand, and had actually got the better in a skir­mish that happened between them some days before.

[Page 147]Pompey, on the other hand, had strong expectations of success: he boasted that he could put Caesar's legions to flight without striking a single blow; presuming, that, as soon as the armies formed, his cavalry, on which he placed his greatest expectations, would outflank and surround the enemy. Labienus commended this scheme of Pompey; alleging also that the present troops of which Caesar's army was composed, were but the shadow of those old legions that had fought in Britain and Gaul; that all the veterans were worn out, and had been replaced by new levies made in a hurry in Ci­salpine Gaul. To increase the confidence of the army still more, he took an oath, which the rest of the officers followed him in, never to return to the camp but with victory. In this disposition, and under these advanta­geous circumstances, Pompey led his troops to battle.

Pompey's order of battle was good and well judged. In the centre, and on the two flanks, he placed all his veterans, and distributed his new-raised troops between the wings and the main body. The Syrian legions were placed in the centre, under the command of Sci­pio; the Spaniards, on whom he greatly relied, were put on the right under Domitius Aenobarbus; and on the left were stationed the two legions which Caesar had restored in the beginning of the war, led on by Pompey himself; because from thence he intended to make the attack which was to gain the day; and, for the same reason, he had there assembled all his horse, slingers, and archers, of which his right wing had no need, being co­vered by the river Enipius. Caesar likewise divided his army into three bodies, under three commanders; Do­mitius Calvinus being placed in the centre, and Mark Anthony on the left, while he himself led on the right wing, which was to oppose the left commanded by Pompey. It is remarkable enough that Pompey chose to put himself at the head of those troops which were disciplined and instructed by Caesar; an incontestible proof how much he valued them above any of the rest of his army. Caesar, on the contrary, placed himself at the head of his tenth legion, that had owed all its merit and fame to his own training. As he observed the enemy's numerous cavalry to be all drawn to one spot, [Page 148] he guessed at Pompey's intention; to obviate which he made a draught of six cohorts from his rear line, and forming them into a separate body, concealed them be­hind his right wing, with instructions not to throw their javelins on the approach of Pompey's horse, as was cus­tomary, but to keep them in their hands and push them directly in the faces and the eyes of the horsemen, who, being composed of the younger part of the Roman nobi­lity, valued themselves much upon their beauty, and dreaded a scar in the face more than a wound in the body. He lastly placed the little cavalry he had, so as to cover the right of the tenth legion, ordering his third line not to march till they had received the signal from himself.

As the armies approached, the two generals went from rank to rank, encouraging their men, warming their hopes, and lessening their apprehensions. Pompey represented to his men, that the glorious occasion which they had long besought him to grant was now before them; "and indeed," cried he, "what advantages could you wish over an enemy, that you are not now possessed of? Your numbers, your vigor, a late victory, all assure a speedy and an easy conquest of those harassed and broken troops, composed of men worn out with age, and impressed with the terrors of a recent defeat: but there is still a stronger bulwark for our protection than the superiority of our strength—the justice of our cause. You are engaged in the defence of liberty and of your country; you are supported by its laws, and followed by its magistrates; you have the world spectators of your conduct, and wishing you success; on the contrary, he whom you oppose is a robber and oppressor of his country, and almost already sunk with the consciousness of his crimes, as well as the bad success of his arms. Show, then, on this occasion, all that ardor and detes­tation of tyranny that should animate Romans, and do justice to mankind." Caesar, on his side, went among his men with that steady serenity for which he was so much admired in the midst of danger. He insisted on nothing so strongly to his soldiers as his frequent and unsuccessful endeavors for peace. He talked with ter­ror of the blood he was going to shed, and pleaded [Page 149] only the necessity that urged him to it. He deplored the many brave men that were to fall on both sides, and the wounds of his country whoever should be victorious. His soldiers answered his speech with looks of ardor and impatience; which observing, he gave the signal to begin. The word on Pompey's side, was Hercules the invincible: that on Caesar's, Venus the victorious. There was only so much space between both armies as to give room for fighting; wherefore Pompey ordered his men to receive the first shock without moving out of their places, expecting the enemy's ranks to be put into dis­order by their motion. Caesar's soldiers were now rush­ing on with their usual impetuosity, when perceiving the enemy motionless, they all stopt short as if by general consent, and halted in the midst of their career. A ter­rible pause ensued, in which both armies continued to gaze upon each other with mutual terror and dreadful serenity; at length, Caesar's men, having taken breath, ran furiously upon the enemy, first discharging their ja­velins, and then drawing their swords. The same me­thod was observed by Pompey's troops, who as vigorous­ly opposed the attack. His cavalry also were ordered to charge at the very onset, which, with the multitude of archers and slingers, soon obliged Caesar's men to give ground; whereupon Caesar immediately ordered the six cohorts that were placed as a reinforcement to advance, with orders to strike at the enemy's faces. This had its desired effect. The cavalry, that were but just now sure of victory, received an immediate check: the un­usual method of fighting pursued by the cohorts, their aiming entirely at the visages of the assailants, and the horrible disfiguring wounds they made, all contributed to intimidate them so much, that, instead of defending their persons, their only endeavor was to save their faces. A total rout ensued of their whole body, which fled in great disorder to the neighboring mountains, while the archers and slingers, who were thus abandon­ed, were cut to pieces. Caesar now commanded the co­horts to pursue their success, and, advancing, charged Pompey's troops upon the flank. This charge the ene­my withstood for some time with great bravery, till he brought up his third line, which had not yet engaged [Page 150] Pompey's infantry being thus doubly attacked in front by fresh troops, and in rear by the victorious cohorts. could no longer resist, but fled to their camp. The flight began among the strangers, though Pompey's right wing still valiantly maintained their ground. Cae­sar, however, being convinced that the victory was cer­tain, with his usual clemency cried out, to pursue the strangers, but to spare the Romans; upon which they all laid down their arms and received quarters. The greatest slaughter was among the auxiliaries, who fled on all quarters, but principally went for safety to the camp. The battle ha [...] [...]ow lasted from the break of day till noon, although the weather was extremely hot; the conquerors, however, did not remit their ardor, being encouraged by the example of their general, who thought his victory not complete till he became master of the ene­my's camp. Accordingly, marching on foot at their head, he called upon them to follow and strike the de­cisive blow. The cohorts which were left to defend the camp, for some time made a formidable resistance, par­ticularly a great number of Thracians and other barba­rians who were appointed for its defence: but nothing could resist the ardor of Caesar's victorious army; they were at last driven from their trenches, and all fled to the mountains not far off. Caesar seeing the field and camp strewed with his fallen countrymen, was strongly affected at so melancholy a prospect, and could not help crying out to one that stood near him, "They would have it so." Upon entering the enemy's camp, every object presented fresh instances of the blind presumption and madness of his adversaries. On all sides were to be seen tents adorned with ivy, and branches of myrtle, couches covered with purple, and sideboards loaded with plate. Every thing gave proofs of the highest luxury, and seemed rather the preparatives for a banquet, the rejoicings for a victory, than the dispositions for a battle. A camp so richly furnished might have been able to en­gage the attention of any troops but Caesar's; there was still something to be done, and he would not permit them to pursue any other object than their enemies, till they were entirely subdued. A considerable body of them having retired to the adjacent mountains, he prevailed [Page 151] on his soldiers to join him in the pursuit, in order to oblige these to surrender. He began by inclosing them with a line drawn at the foot of the mountain; but they quickly abandoned a post which was not tenable for want of water, and endeavored to reach the city of Larissa. Caesar led a party of his army by a shorter way, and intercepted their retreat, drawing up in order of battle between them and the city. However, these unhappy fugitives once more found protection from a mountain, at the foot of which a rivulet ran, which sup­plied them with water. Now night approaching, Cae­sar's men were almost spent, and ready to faint with their incessant toil since morning; yet still he prevailed upon them once more to renew their labors, and to cut off the rivulet that supplied the defendents. The fu­gitives, thus deprived of all hopes of succor or subsist­ence, sent deputies to the conqueror, offering to sur­render at discretion. During the interval of negocia­tion, a few senators that were among them took the advantage of the night to escape, and the rest next morn­ing gave up their arms, and experienced the conqueror's clemency. In fact, he addressed them with great gentle­ness, and forbade his soldiers to offer them any violence, or take any thing from them. Thus Caesar, by his con­duct, gained the most complete victory that had ever been obtained; and, by his great clemency after the battle, seemed to have deserved it. His loss amounted to but two hundered men; that of Pompey to fifteen thousand, as well Romans as auxiliaries: twenty-four thousand men surrendered themselves prisoners of war, the greatest part of whom entered into Caesar's a [...]y, and were incorporated with the rest of his forces. As to the senators and Roman knights who fell into his hands, he generously gave liberty to retire where­ever they thought proper; and as for the letters which Pompey had received from several persons who wished to be thought neutral, he burnt them all without read­ing them as Pompey had done upon a former occasion. Thus, having performed all the duties of a general and a statesman, he sent for the legions which had passed the night in the camp, to relieve those which had accompa­nied [Page 152] him in the pursuit, and arrived the same day [...] Larissa.

As for Pompey, who had formerly shown such in­stances of courage and conduct, when he saw his cavalry routed, on which he had placed his sole dependance, he absolutely lost his reason. Instead of thinking how to re­medy this disorder, by rallying such troops as fled, or by opposing fresh troops to stop the progress of the con­querors, being totally amazed by this unexpected blow, he returned to the camp, and, in his tent, waited the issue of an event, which it was his duty to direct, not to follow. There he remained for some moments without speaking; till, being told that the camp was attacked, "What," says he, "are we pursued to our very entrenchments?" and immediately quitting his armor for a habit more suitable to his circumstances, he fled on horseback to Larissa; from whence, perceiving he was not pur­sued, he slackened his pace, giving way to all the ago­nizing reflections which his deplorable situation must naturally suggest. In this melancholy manner he passed along the vale of Tempe, and, pursuing the course of the river Peneus, at last arrived at a fisherman's hut, in which he passed the night. From thence he went on board a little bark, and, keeping along the sea-shore, he descried a ship of some burden, which seemed preparing to sail, in which he embarked, the master of the vessel still pay­ing him the homage which was due to his former sta­tion. From the mouth of the river Peneus he sailed to Amphipolis; where, finding his affairs desperate, he [...]ered to Lesbos to take in his wife Cornelia, whom he ha [...] left there at a distance from the dangers and hurry of the war. She, who had long flattered herself with the hopes of victory, felt the reverse of her fortune in an agony of distress. She was desired by the messenger (whose tears more than words proclaimed the great­ness of her misfortunes) to hasten if she expected to see Pompey, with but one ship, and even that not his own. Her grief, which before was violent, be­came then insupportable; she fainted away, and lay a considerable time without any signs of life. At length recovering herself, and reflecting it was now no time for vain lamentations, she ran quite through the city to [Page 153] the sea-side. Pompey embraced her without speaking a word, and for some time supported her in his arms in silent despair.

Having taken in Cornelia, he now continued his course, steering to the south-east, and stopping no longer than was necessary to take in provisions at the ports that occurred in his passage. He was at last prevailed upon to apply to Ptolemy king of Egypt, to whose father Pompey had been a considerable benefactor. Ptolemy, who was as yet a minor, had not the government in his own hands, but he and his kingdom were under the di­rection of Photinus an eunuch, and Theodotus a master of the art of speaking. These advised that Pompey should be invited on shore, and there slain; and, accord­ingly, Achillas, the commander of the forces, and Sep­timius, by birth a Roman, and who had formerly been a centurion in Pompey's army, were appointed to carry their opinion into execution. Being attended by three or four more, they went into a little bark, and rowed off from land towards Pompey's ship that lay about a mile from the shore. Pompey, after taking leave of Cornelia, who wept at his departure, and having repeat­ed two verses of Sophocles, signifying, that he who trusts his freedom to a tyrant from that moment be­comes a slave, gave his hand to Achillas, and stept into the bark, with only two attendants of his own. They had now rowed from the ship a good way, and, as during that time they all kept a profound silence, Pompey, willing to begin the discourse, accosted Septimius, whose face he recollected. "Methinks, friend," cried he, "you and I were once fellow-soldiers together." Sep­timius gave only a nod with his head, without uttering a word, or instancing the least civility. Pompey, there­fore, took out a paper, on which he had minuted a speech he intended to make to the king, and began reading it. In this manner they approached the shore; and Cornelia, whose concern had never suffered her to lose sight of her husband, began to conceive hope, when she perceived the people on the strand crowding down along the coasts, as if willing to receive him: but her hopes were soon destroyed; for that instant, as Pompey rose, supporting himself upon his freed-man's arm, [Page 154] Septimius stabbed him in the back, and was instantly seconded by Achillas. Pompey, perceiving his death inevitable, only disposed himself to meet it with decen­cy; and, covering his face with his robe, without speak­ing a word, with a sigh resigned himself to his fate. At this horrid sight, Cornelia shrieked so loud as to be heard to the shore; but the danger she herself was in did not allow the mariners time to look on: they imme­diately set sail, and, the wind proving favorable, fortu­nately they escaped the pursuit of the Egyptian gallies. In the mean time, Pompey's murderers having cut off his head, caused it to be embalmed, the better to pre­serve its features, designing it for a present to Caesar. The body was thrown naked on the strand, and expo­sed to the view of all those whose curiosity led them that way. However, his faithful freed-man Philip still kept near it; and when the crowd was dispersed, he washed it in the sea: and looking round for materials to burn it with, he preceived the wreck of a fishing-boat; of which he composed a pile. While he was thus piously em­ployed, he was accosted by an old Roman soldier who had served under Pompey in his youth. "Who art thou," said he, "that art making these humble pre­parations for Pompey's funeral?" Philip having an­swered that he was one of his freed-men, "Alas," re­plied the soldier, "permit me to share in this honor also: among all the miseries of my exile, it will be my last sad comfort, that I have been able to assist at the funeral of my old commander, and touch the body of the bravest general that ever Rome produced." After this they both joined in giving the corps the last rites; and, collecting his ashes, buried them under a little ri­sing earth, scraped together with their hands; over which was a [...]rwards placed the following inscription: "He whose merits deserve a temple, can now scarce find a tomb."

VII. AWKWARDNESS IN COMPANY.

WHEN an awkward fellow first comes into a room, he attemps to bow; and his sword, if he wears one, gets between his legs, and nearly throws him down. Confused and ashamed, he stumbles to the up­per [Page 155] end of the room, and seats himself in the very place where he should not. He there begins playing with his hat, which he presently drops: and, recovering his hat, he lets fall his cane; and, in picking up his cane, down goes his hat again. Thus, 'tis a considerable time before he is adjusted.

When his tea or coffee is handed to him, he spreads his handkerchief upon his knees, scalds his mouth, drops either the cup or saucer, and spills the tea or coffee in his lap. At dinner, he seats himself upon the edge of the chair, at so great a distance from the table, that he frequently drops his meat between his plate and his mouth; he holds his knife, fork, and spoon, different­ly from other people; eats with his knife, to the mani­fest danger of his mouth; and picks his teeth with his fork.

If he is to carve, he cannot hit the joint; but, in la­boring to cut through the bone, splashes the sauce over every body's clothes. He generally daubs himself all over; his elbows are in the next person's plate; and he is up to the knuckles in soup and grease. If he drinks, 'tis with his mouth full, interrupting the whole company with—"To your good health, Sir," and "my service to you:" perhaps coughs in his glass, and besprinkles the whole table.

He addresses the company by improper titles, as, SIR for MY LORD; mistakes one name for another; and tells you of Mr What-d'ye-call-him, or You-know who, Mrs Thingum, What's-her-name, or How-d'ye-call-her. He begins a story; but, not being able to finish it, breaks off in the middle, with—"I've forgot the rest."

VIII. VIRTUE MAN'S HIGHEST INTEREST.

I FIND myself existing upon a little spot, surrounded every way by an immense unknown expansion.— Where am I? What sort of a place do I inhabit? Is it ex­actly accommodated in every instance to my convenience? Is there no excess of cold, none of heat, to offend me? Am I never annoyed by animals, either of my own kind or a different? Is every thing subservient to me, as though I had ordered all myself?—No—nothing like it —the farthest from it possible. The world appears not [Page 156] then, originally made for the private convenience of me alone?—It does not. But is it not possible so to ac­commodate it, by my own particular industry? If to accommodate man and beast, heaven and earth, if this be beyond me, it is not possible. What consequence then follows? or can there be any other than this—If I seek an interest of my own detached from that of others, I seek an interest which is chimerical, and can never have existence.

How then must I determine? Have I no interest at all? If I have not, I am a fool for staying here: 'tis a smoky house, and the sooner out of it the better. But why no interest? Can I be contented with none but one separate and detached? Is a social interest, joined with others, such an absurdity as not to be ad­mitted? The bee, the beaver, and the tribes of herd­ing animals, are enow to convince me that the thing is somewhere at least possible. How, then, am I assured that 'tis not equally true of man? Admit it; and what follows? If so, then honor and justice are my interest; then the whole train of moral virtues are my interest; without some portion of which, not even thieves can maintain society.

But, farther still—I stop not here—I pursue this so­cial interest as far as I can trace my several relations. I pass from my own stock, my own neighborhood, my own nation, to the whole race of mankind, as di [...]persed throughout the earth. Am I not related to them all, by the mutual aids of commerce, by the general inter­course of arts and letters, by that common nature of which we all participate?

Again—I must have food and clothing. Without a proper genial warmth, I instantly perish. Am I not related, in this view, to the very earth itself? to the di­stant sun, from whose beams I derive vigor? to that stupendous course and order of the infinite host of hea­ven, by which the times and seasons ever uniformly pass on? Were this order once confounded, I could not probably survive a moment; so absolutely do I de­pend on this common general welfare. What▪ then, have I to do, but to enlarge virtue into piety! Not only honor and justice, and what I owe to man, is my [Page 157] interest; but gratitude also, acquiescence, resignation, adoration, and all I owe to this great polity, and its greater Governor our common Parent.

IX. ON the PLEASURE ARISING from OBJECTS of SIGHT.

THOSE pleasures of the imagination which arise from the actual view and survey of outward objects, all pro­ceed from the sight of what is great, uncommon or beau­tiful.

By greatness, I do not only mean the bulk of any sin­gle object, but the largeness of a whole view considered as one entire piece. Such are the prospects of an open champaign country, a vast uncultivated desert, of huge heaps of mountains, high rocks and precipices, or a wide expanse of waters, where we are not struck with the novelty, or beauty of the sight, but with that rude kind of magnificence which appears in many of these stupen­duous works of nature. Our imagination loves to be filled with an object, or to grasp at any thing that is too big for its capacity. We are flung into a pleasing asto­nishment at such unbounded views, and feel a delightful stillness and amazement in the soul at the apprehensions of them. The mind of man naturally hates every thing that looks like a restraint upon it, and is apt to fancy it­self under a sort of confinement, when the sight is pent up in a narrow compass, and shortened on every side by the neighbourhood of walls or mountains. On the con­trary, a spacious horizon is an image of liberty, where the eye has room to range abroad, to expatiate at large on the immensity of its views, and to lose itself amidst the variety of objects that offer themselves to its ob­servation. Such wide and undetermined prospects are as pleasing to the fancy as the speculations of eternity or infinitude are to the understanding. But if there be a beauty or uncommonness joined with this grandeur, as in a troubled ocean, a heaven adorned with stars and meteors, or a spacious landscape cut out into rivers, woods, rocks, and meadows, the pleasure still grows up­on us, as it rises from more than a single principle.

Every thing that is new or uncommon raises a pleasure in the imagination, because it fills the soul with an a­greeable [Page 158] surprise, gratifies its curiosity, and gives it an idea of which it was not before possessed. We are in­deed so often conversant with one set of objects, and tired out with so many repeated shows of the same things, that whatever is new and uncommon, contributes a little to vary human life, and to divert our minds for a while with the strangeness of its appearance; it serves us for a kind of refreshment, and takes off from that satiety we are apt to complain of in our usual and ordinary enter­tainments. It is this that bestows charms on a monster, and makes even the imperfections of nature please us. It is this that recommends variety, where the mind is every instant called off to something new, and the at­tention not suffered to dwell too long, and waste itself on any particular object: it is this likewise, that improves what is great or beautiful, and makes it afford the mind a double entertainment. Groves, fields, and meadows, are at any season of the year pleasant to look upon; but never so much as in the opening of the spring, when they are all new and fresh, with their first gloss upon them, and not yet too much accustomed and familiar to the eye. For this reason there is nothing that more enlivens a prospect than rivers, jetteaus, or falls of wa­ter where the scene is perpetually shifting, and enter­taining the sight every moment with something that is new. We are quickly tired with looking upon hills and valleys, where every thing continues fixt and set­t [...]ed in the same place and posture, but find our thoughts a little agitated and relieved at the sight of such objects as are ever in motion, and sliding away from beneath the eye of the beholder.

But there is nothing that makes its way more directly to the soul than beauty, which immediately diffuses a secret satisfaction and complacency through the imagi­nation, and gives a finishing to any thing that is great or uncommon. The very first discovery of it strikes the mind with an inward joy, and spreads a cheerfulness and delight through all its faculties. There is not perhaps any real beauty or deformity more in one piece of mat­ter than another; because we might have been so made, that whatsoever now appears loathsome to us might have shown itself agreeable; but we find by experience, that [Page 159] there are several modifications of matter, which the mind without any previous consideration, pronounces at the first sight beautiful or deformed. Thus we see that every different species of sensible creatures has its different notions of beauty, and that each of them is most affected with the beauties of its own kind. This is no where more remarkable than in birds of the same shape and proportion, where we often see the male deter­mined in his courtship by the single grain or tincture of a feather, and never discovering any charms but in the color of its species.

There is a second kind of beauty that we find in the several products of art and nature, which does not work in the imagination with that w [...] [...] and violence as the beauty that appears in our proper species, but is apt however, to raise in us a secret delight, and a kind of fondness for the places or objects in which we discover it. This consists either in the gaiety or variety of co­lors, in the symmetry and proportion of parts, in the arrangement and disposition of bodies, or in a just mix­ture and concurrence of all together. Among these several kinds of beauty the eye takes most delight in co­lors. We no where meet with a more glorious or plea­sing show in nature, than what appears in the heavens at the rising and setting of the sun, which is wholly made up of those different stains of light that show them­selves in clouds of a different situation. For this reason we find the poets, who are always addressing themselves to the imagination, borrowing more of their epithets from colors than from any other topic.

As the fancy delights in every thing that is great, strange or beautiful, and is still more pleased the more it finds of these perfections in the same object; so it is capable of receiving a new satisfaction by the assistance of another sense. Thus any continued sound, as the music of birds, or the fall of water, awakens every mo­ment the mind of the beholder, and makes him more at­tentive to the several beauties of the place that lie be­fore him. Thus if there arises a fragrancy of smells or perfumes, they heighten the pleasures of the imagina­tion, and make even the colors and verdure of the landscape appear more agreeable: for the ideas of both [Page 160] senses recommend each other, and are pleasanter toge­ther than when they enter the mind separately; as the different colors of a picture, when they are well dispo­sed, set off one another, and receive an additional beau­ty from the advantage of their situation.

X. LIBERTY AND SLAVERY.

DISGUISE theyself as thou wilt, still Slavery! still thou art a bitter draught; and though thousands in all ages have been made to drink of thee, thou art no less bitter on that account. It is thou, Liberty! thrice sweet and gracious goddess! whom all, in public or in private, worship; whose taste is grateful, and ever will be so till nature herself shall change. No tint of words can spot thy snowy mantle, or chymic power turn thy sceptre into iron. With thee to smile upon him as he eats his crust, the swain is happier than his monarch, from whose court thou art exiled. Gracious Heaven! grant me but health, thou great bestower of it! and give me but this fair goddess as my companion; and shower down thy mitres, if it seem good unto thy divine Pro­vidence, upon those heads which are aching for them.

Pursuing these ideas, I sat down close by my table; and leaning my head upon my hand, I began to figure to myself the miseries of confinement. I was in a right frame for it, and so I gave full scope to my imagina­tion.

I was going to begin with the millions of my fellow-creatures, born to no inheritance but slavery; but find­ing, however affecting the picture was, that I could not bring it near me, and that the multitude of sad groups in it did but distract me, I took a single captive; and, having first shut him up in his dungeon, I then looked through the twilight of his grated door, to take his picture.

I beheld his body half wasted away with long expec­tation and confinement; and felt what kind of sickness of the heart it is which arises from hope deferred. Upon looking nearer, I saw him pale and feverish. In thirty years, the western breeze had not once sanned his blood —he had seen no sun, no moon, in all that time—nor had the voice of friend or kinsman breathed through his [Page 161] lattice. His children—But here my heart began to bleed—and I was forced to go on with another part of the portrait.

He was sitting upon the ground, upon a little straw in the farthest corner of his dungeon, which was alter­nately his chair and bed. A little calender of small sticks was laid at the head, notched all over with the dismal days and nights he had passed there. He had one of these little sticks in his hand; and, with a rusty nail, he was etching another day of misery, to add to the heap. As I darkened the little light he had, he lifted up a hopeless eye towards the door—then cast it down— shook his head—and went on with his work of affliction. I heard his chains upon his legs, as he turned his body to lay his little stick upon the bundle. He gave a deep sigh—I saw the iron enter his soul.—I burst into tears—I could not sustain the picture of confinement which my fancy had drawn.

XII. THE CANT OF CRITICISM.

—AND how did Garrick speak the soliloquy last night?—Oh, against all rule, my Lord; most un­grammatically! Betwixt the substantive and adjective (which should agree together in number, case, and gender) he made a breach thus—stoping as if the point wanted settling. And after the nominative case (which your Lordship knows should govern the verb) he suspended his voice in the epilogue, a dozen times, three seconds and three fifths, by a stop-watch, my Lord, each time—Admirable grammarian!—But, in suspend­ing his voice, was the sense suspended likewise? Did no expression of attitude or countenance fill up the chasm? Was the eye silent? Did you narrowly look? —I looked only at the stop-watch, my Lord.—Excel­lent observer!

And what of this new book the whole world makes such a rout about?—Oh! 'tis out of all plumb, my Lord,—quite an irregular thing! not one of the angles at the four corners was a right angle.—I had my rule and compasses, my Lord, in my pocket.—Excellent critic!

And, for the epic poem your Lordship bid me look [Page 162] at,—upon taking the length, breadth, heighth, and depth of it, and trying them at home upon an exact scale of Bossu's—'tis out, my Lord, in every one of its dimen­sions.—Admirable connoisseur!

And did you step in to take a look at the grand pic­ture in your way back?—'Tis a melancholy daub, my Lord: not one principle of the pyramid in any one group!—And what a price!—for there is nothing of the coloring of Titian—the expression of Rubens—the grace of Raphael—the purity of Dominichino—the corregies­city of Corregio—the learning of Poussin—the airs of Guido—the taste of the Carrrchis—or the grand con­tour of Angelo!

Grant me patience!—Of all the cants which are canted in this canting world—though the cant of hypo­crites may be the worst—the cant of criticism is the most tormenting!—I would go fifty miles on foot, to kiss the hand of that man whose generous heart will give up the reins of his imagination into his author's hands, be pleased, he knows not why, and cares not wherefore.

XIII. STORY OF LE FEVER.

IT was some time in the summer of that year in which Denderm [...]nd was taken by the Allies; when my uncle Toby was one evening getting his supper, with Trim sitting behind him at a small sideboard,—I say sitting— for in consideration of the Corporal's lame knee (which sometimes gave him exquisite pain)—when my uncle Toby dined or supped alone he would never suffer the Corporal to stand; and the poor fellow's veneration for his master was such, that, with a proper artillery, my uncle Toby could have taken Dendermond itself, with less trouble than he was able to gain this point over him; for many a time when my uncle Toby supposed the Corporal's leg was at rest, he would look back, and detect him standing behind him with the most dutiful respect: this bred more little squabbles betwixt them, than all other causes for five-and-twenty years toge­ther.

He was one evening sitting thus at his supper, when the landlord of a little inn in the village came into the [Page 163] parlor with an empty phial in his hand, to beg a glass or two of sack: 'Tis for a poor gentleman,—I think of the army, said the landlord, who has been taken ill at my house four days ago, and has never held up his head since, or had a desire to taste any thing, till just now, that he has a fancy for a glass of sack and a thin toast, —"I think," says he, taking his hand from his fore-head, "it would comfort me."—

—If I could neither beg, borrow, nor buy such a thing,—added the landlord,—I would almost steal it for the poor gentleman, he is so ill.—I hope he will still mend, continued he;—we are all of us concerned for him.

Thou art a good-natured soul, I will answer for thee, cried my uncle Toby; and thou shalt drink the poor gentleman's health in a glass of sack thyself,—and take a couple of bottles with my service, and tell him he is heartily welcome to them, and to a dozen more, if they will do him good.

Though I am persuaded, said my uncle Toby, as the landlord shut the door, he is a very compassionate fel­low—Trim,—yet I cannot help entertaining a high o­pinion of his guest too; there must be something more than common in him, that in so short a time should win so much upon the affections of his host—And of his whole family, added the Corporal, for they are all con­cerned for him.—Step after him, said my uncle Toby, —do Trim, and ask if he knows his name.

—I have quite forgot it, truly, said the landlord, co­ming back into the parlor with the Corporal,—but I can ask his son again.—Has he a son with him then? said my uncle Toby.—A boy, replied the landlord, of about eleven or twelve years of age;—but the poor crea­ture has tasted almost as little as his father; he does no­thing but mourn and lament for him night and day:— He has not stirred from the bed-side these two days.

My uncle Toby laid down his knife and fork, and thrust his plate from before him, as the landlord gave him the account; and Trim, without being ordered, took them away, without saying one word, and in a few minutes after brought him his pipe and tobacco.

Trim! said my uncle Toby, I have a project in my head, as it is a bad night, of wrapping myself up warm in [Page 164] my roquelaure, and paying a visit to this poor gentleman. —Your honor's roquelaure, replied the Corporal, has not once been had on since the night before your ho­nor received your wound, when we mounted guard in the trenches before the gate of St. Nicholas;—and be­sides, it is so cold and rainy a night, that what with the roquelaure, and what with the weather, it will be e­nough to give your honor your death. I fear so, re­plied my uncle Toby: but I am not at rest in my mind, Trim, since the account the landlord has given me—I wish I had not known so much of this affair,—added my uncle Toby,—or that I had known more of it:— How shall we manage it? Leave it, an't please your honor, to me, quoth the Corporal;—I'll take my hat and stick, and go to the house and reconnoitre, and act accordingly; and I will bring your honor a full account in an hour.—Thou shalt go, Trim, said my uncle Toby, and here's a shilling for thee to drink with his servant.— I shall get all out of him, said the Corporal shutting the door.

It was not till uncle Toby had knocked the ashes out of his third pipe that Corporal Trim returned from the inn, and gave the following account.

I despaired at first, said the Corporal, of being able to bring back your honor any kind of intelligence con­cerning the poor sick Lieutenant—Is he in the army, then? said my uncle Toby—He is, said the corporal— and in what regiment said my uncle Toby—I'll tell your honor, replied the Corporal, every thing straight forward, as I learnt it.—Then, Trim, I'll fill another pipe, said my uncle Toby, and not interrupt thee; so sit down at thy ease, Trim, in the window seat, and begin thy story again. The Corporal made his old bow, which gene­rally spoke as plain as a bow could speak it, "Your ho­nor is good:"—And having done that, he sat down, as he was ordered,—and began the story to my uncle To­by over again in pretty near the same words.

I despaired at first, said the Corporal, of being able to bring back any intelligence to your honor about the Lieutenant and his son; for when I asked where his ser­vant was from whom I made myself sure of knowing every thing which was proper to be asked,—That's a [Page 165] right distinction, Trim, said my uncle Toby—I was answered, an't please your honor, that he had no ser­vant with him:—that he had come to the inn with hi­red horses; which, upon finding himself unable to pro­ceed (to join, I suppose, the regiment), he had dismissed the morning after he came.—If I get better, my dear, said he, as he gave his purse to his son to pay the man,— we can hire horses from hence.—But, alas! the poor gentleman will never get from hence, said the landlady to me,—for I heard the death watch all night long;— and when he dies the youth, his son, will certainly die with him; for he is broken-hearted already.

I was hearing this account continued the Corporal, when the youth came into the kitchen, to order the thin toast the landlord spoke of;—but I will do it for my father myself said the youth.—Pray let me save you the trouble, young gentleman, said I, taking up a fork for the purpose, and offering him my chair to sit down upon by the fire, whilst I did it.—I believe, Sir, said he, very modestly, I can please him best myself.—I am sure, said I, his honor will not like the toast the worse for being toasted by an old soldier.—The youth took hold of my hand, and instantly burst into tears. Poor youth! said my uncle Toby,—he has been bred up from an infant in the army, and the name of a soldier, Trim, sounded in his ears like the name of a friend; I wish I had him here.

—I never in the longest march, said the Corporal, had so great a mind to my dinner, as I had to cry with him for company:—What could be the matter with me an please your honor? Nothing in the world, Trim, said my uncle Toby, blowing his nose,—but that thou art a good-natured fellow.

When I gave him the toast, continued the Corporal, I thought it was proper to tell him I was Captain Shan­dy's servant, and that your honor (though a stranger) was extremely concerned for his father; and that if there was any thing in your house or cellar—(and thou might'st have added my purse too, said my uncle Toby), —he was heartily welcome to it:—He made a very low bow (which was meant to your honor), but no an­swer—for his heart was full—so he went up stairs with [Page 166] the toast;—I warrant you, my dear, said I, as I open­ed, the kitchen-door, your father will be well again— Mr. Yorick's curate was smoaking a pipe by the kitchen-fire,—but said not a word good or bad to comfort the youth.—I thought it wrong; added the corporal—I think so too, said my uncle Toby.

When the Lieutenant had taken his glass of sack and toast, he felt himself a little revived, and sent down into the kitchen to let me know, that in [...]bout ten minutes he should be glad if I would step up stairs.—I believe, said the Landlord, he is going to say his prayers,—for there was a book laid upon the chair by his bed-side, and as I shut the door, I saw his son take up a cu­shion.—

I thought, said the curate, that you gentlemen of the army, Mr. Trim, never said your prayers at all.—I heard the poor gentleman say his prayers last night, said the landlady, very devoutly, and with my own ears, or I could not have believed it.—Are you sure of it, re­plied the curate.—A soldier, an' please your reverence, said I, prays as often (of his own accord) as a parson;— and when he is fighting for his king, and for his own life, and for his honor too, he has the most reason to pray to God of any one in the whole world.—'Twas well said of thee, Trim said my uncle Toby.—But when a soldier, said I, an' please your reverence, has been stand­ing for twelve hours together, in the trenches, up to his knees in cold water,—or engaged, said I, for months together in long and dangerous marches; harassed, per­haps, in his rear to-day; harassing others to-morrow; —detached here;—countermanded there;—resting this night out upon his arms?—beat up in his shirt the next: —benumbed in his joints;—perhaps without straw in his tent to kneel on;—he must say his prayers how and when he can—I believe, said I,—for I was piqued, quoth the corporal, for the reputation of the army—I believe, an' please your reverence, said I, that when a soldier gets time to pray,—he prays as heartily as a par­son,—though not with all his fuss and hypocrisy.— Thou shouldst not have said that, Trim, said my uncle Toby,—for God only knows who is a hypocrite, and who is not:—At the great and general review of us all, [Page 167] Corporal, at the day of judgment, (and not till then)— it will be seen who have done their duties in this world, —and who have not; and we shall be advanced, Trim, accordingly.—I hope we shall, said Trim.—It is in the Scripture, said my uncle Toby; and I will show it thee to-morrow:—In the mean time we may depend upon it, Trim, for our comfort, said my uncle Toby, that God Almighty is so good and just a governor of the world, that if we have but done our duties in it,—it will never be inquired into, whether we have done them in a red coat or a black one:—I hope not; said the Corporal.—But go on, Trim, said my uncle Toby; with the story.

When I went up, continued the Corporal, into the Lieutenant's room, which I did not do till the expira­tion of the ten minutes,—he was lying in his bed, with his head raised upon his hand, with his elbow upon the pillow, and a clean white cambric hankerchief beside it:—The youth was just stooping down to take up the cushion, upon which I supposed he had been kneeling, —the book was laid upon the bed,—and as he rose, in taking up the cushion with one hand, he reached out his other to take the book away at the same time. Let it remain there, my dear, said the Lieutenant.

He did not offer to speak to me, till I had walked up close to his bed-side: If you are Captain Shandy's ser­vant said he, you must present my thanks to your mas­ter, with my little boy's thanks along with them, for his courtesy to me;—if he was of Levan's—said he Lieutenant.—I told him your honor was—Then, said he, I served three campaigns with him in Flanders, and remember him,—but 'tis most likely, as I had not the honor of any acquaintance with him, that he knows nothing of me.—You will tell him, however, that the person his good nature has laid under obligations to him, is one Le Fever, a Lieutenant in Ang [...]s's—but he knows me not,—said he a second time, [...]sing;— possibly he may my story—added he—pray tell the Captain, I was the Ensign at Breda, who [...]e w [...]e was most unfortunately killed with a musket-s [...]ot, as she lay in my arms in my tent.—I remember the story, a [...]'t please your honor, said I, very well.—Do you s [...]? [...]aid [Page 168] he, wiping his eyes with his handkerchief,—then well may I.—In saying this, he drew a little ring out of his bosom, which seemed tied with a black ribband about his neck, and kiss'd it twice—Here, Billy, said he,—the boy flew across the room to the bed-side,—and falling down upon his knee, took the ring in his hand, and kiss'd it too,—then kiss'd his father, and sat down upon the bed and wept.

I wish, said my uncle Toby, with [...] deep sigh,—I wish, Trim, I was asleep.

Your honor, replied the Corporal, is too much con­cerned;—shall I pour your honor out a glass of sack to your pipe?—Do, Trim, said my uncle Toby.

I remember, said my uncle Toby, sighing again, the story of the Ensign and his wife,—and particularly well that he, as well as she, upon some account or other, (I forget what), was universally pitied by the whole regi­ment;—but finish the story:—'Tis finished already, said the Corporal,—for I could stay no longer,—so wished his honor a good night; young Le Fever rose from off the bed, and saw me to the bottom of the stairs; and as we went down together, told me, they had come from Ireland, and were on their route to join the regiment in Flanders.—But alas! said the Corporal,—the Lieute­nant's last day's march is over.—Then what is to be­come of his poor boy? cried my uncle Toby.

Thou hast left this matter short, said my uncle Toby to the Corporal, as he was putting him to bed,—and I will tell thee in what, Trim—In the first place, when thou madest an offer of my services to Le Fever,—as sickness and travelling are both expensive, and thou knewest he was but a poor Lieutenant, with a son to [...]bsist as well as himself out of his pay,—that thou didst not make an offer to him of my purse; because, had he stood in need, thou knowest, Trim, he had been as wel­come to it as myself.—Your honor knows, said the Corporal, I had no orders;—True, quoth my uncle Toby,—thou didst very right, Trim, as a soldier,—but certainly very wrong as a man.

In the second place, for which, indeed, thou hast the same excuse, continued my uncle Toby,—when thou offer [...]st him whatever was in my ho [...]e,—thou shouldst [Page 169] have offered him my house too:—a sick brother officer should have the best quarters, Trim; and if we had him with us,—we could tend and look to him:—Thou art an excellent nurse thyself, Trim; and what with thy care of him, and the old woman's, and his boy's, and mine together, we might recruit him again at once, and set him upon his legs.—

—In a fortnight or three weeks, added my uncle Toby, smiling,—he might march.—He will never march, an't please your honor, in this world, said the Corpo­ral:—He will march; said my uncle Toby, rising up from the side of the bed, with one shoe off:—An't please your honor, said the Corporal, he will never march, but to his grave.—He shall march, cried my uncle Toby, marching the foot which had a shoe on, though without advancing an inch,—he shall march to his regiment.—He cannot stand it, said the Corporal; —He shall be supported, said my uncle Toby;—He'll drop at last; said the Corporal, and what will bec [...]me of his boy?—He shall not drop, said my uncle Toby, firmly.—A-well-o'day,—do what we can for him, said Trim, maintaining his point,—the poor soul will die: —He shall not die, by H—n, cried my uncle Toby.

—The ACCUSING SPIRIT, which flew up to Heaven's chancery with the oath, blush'd as he gave it in:—and the RECORDING ANGEL, as he wrote it down, dropped a tear upon the word, and blotted it out for ever.

—My uncle Toby went to his bureau,—put his purse into his pocket, and having ordered the Corporal to go early in the morning for a physician,—he went to bed and fell asleep.

The sun looked bright the morning after to every eye in the village but Le Fever's and his afflicted son's; the hand of death pressed heavy upon his eye-lids,—and hardly could the wheel at the cistern turn round its circle,—when my uncle Toby, who had got up an hour before his wonted time, entered the Lieutenant's room, and without preface or apology, sat himself down upon the chair by the bed-side, and independently of all modes and customs, opened the curtain in the manner an old friend and brother officer would have done it, and asked him how he did,—how he had rested in the night.— what was his complaint,—where was his pain,—and [Page 170] what he could do to help him?—and without giving him time to answer any one of the inquiries, went on and told him of the little plan which he had been con­certing with the Corporal the night before for him—

—You shall go home directly, Le Fever, said my uncle Toby, to my house,—and we'll send for a doctor to see what's the matter,—and we'll have an apothecary, —and the Corporal shall be your nurse,—and I'll be your servant, Le Fever.

There was a frankness in my uncle Toby,—not the effect of familiarity,—but the cause of it,—which let you at once into his soul,—and showed you the goodness of his nature; to this, there was something in his looks, and voice, and manner, superadded, which eternally beckoned to the unfortunate to come and take shelter under him; so that before my uncle Toby had half finished the kind offers he was making to the father, had the son insensible pressed up close to his knees, and had taken hold of the breast of his coat, and was pulling it towards him.—The blood and spirits of Le Fever, which were waxing cold and slow within him, and were retreating to their last citadel, the heart,—rallied back,—the film forsook his eyes for a moment,—he looked up wishfully in my uncle Toby's face,—then cast a look upon his boy.—

Nature instantly ebb'd again,— [...]he film returned to its place,— [...]he pulse flattered—stopp'd—went on— throbb'd—stopp'd again—moved—stopp'd—shall I go on?—No.

All that is necessary to be added is as follow —

That my uncle Toby, with young Le Fever in his hand, attended the poor Lieutenant, as chief mourners, to his grave.

When my uncle Toby had turned every thing into money, and settled all accounts betwixt the agent of the regiment and Le Fever, and betwixt Le Fever and all mankind,—there remained nothing more in my uncle Toby's hands than an old regimental coat and a sword; so that my uncle Toby found little or no opposition from the world in taking administration. The coat my uncle Toby gave the Corporal;—Wear it, Trim, said my uncle Toby, as long as it will hold together, for the sake of the poor Lieutenant—And this, said my uncle [Page 171] Toby, taking up the sword in his hand, and drawing it out of the scabbard as he spoke—and this, Le Fever, I'll save for thee—'tis all the fortune, continued my uncle Toby, hanging it up upon a crook, and pointing to it,—'tis all the fortune, my dear Le Fever, which God has left thee; but if he has given thee a heart to fight thy way with it in the world,—and thou dost it like a man of honor,—'tis enough for us.

As soon as my uncle Toby had laid a foundation, he sent him to a public school, where, excepting Whitsun­tide and Christmas, at which times the Corporal was punctually dispatched for him,—he remained to the spring of the year seventeen; when the stories of the Emperor's sending his army into Hungary against the Turks, kindling a spark of fire in his bosom, he left his Greek and Latin without leave, and throwing himself upon his knees before my uncle Toby, begged his fa­ther's sword, and my uncle Toby's leave along with it, to go and try his fortune under Eugene.—Twice did my uncle Toby forget his wound, and cry out, Le Fever? I will go with thee, and thou shalt fight beside me— And twice he laid his hand upon his groin, and hung down his head in sorrow and disconsolation.—

My uncle Toby took down the sword from the crook where it had hung untouched ever since the Lieutenant's death, and delivered it to the Corporal to brighten up; —and having detained Le Fever a single fortnight to equip him, and contract for his passage to Leghorn,— he put the sword into his hand,—If thou art brave, Le Fever, said my uncle Toby, this will not fail thee;— but Fortune, said he (musing a little)—Fortune may— And if she does,—added my uncle Toby embracing him, come back again to me, Le Fever, and we will shape thee another course.

The greatest injury could not have oppressed the heart of Le Fever more than my uncle Toby's paternal kind­ness;—he parted from my uncle Toby, as the best of so [...]s from the best of farners—both dropped tears— and as my uncle Toby gave him his last kiss, he slipped sixty guineas, tied up in an old purse of his father's, in which was his mother's ring, into his hand,—and bid God bless him.

I. THE SHEPHERD AND THE PHILOSOPHER [...].

II. ODE TO LEVEN WATER.

III. ODE FROM THE 19th PSALM.

IV. RURAL CHARMS.

V. The PAINTER who pleased NOBODY and every BODY.

VI. DIVERSITY in the HUMAN CHARACTER.

VII. The TOILET.

VIII. THE HERMIT.

IX. The DOUBLE TRANSFORMATION.

X. The JUDGMENT of HERCULES.

I. THE FATHER AND JUPITER.

II. THE CAMELION.

III. DESCRIPTION of a COUNTRY ALE-HOUSE.

IV. CHARACTER of a COUNTRY SCHOOLMASTER.

V. STORY of PALEMON and LAVINIA.

VI. CELADON and AMELIA.

VII. DESCRIPTION of MAB QUEEN of the FAIRIES.

VIII. ENQUIRY CONCERNING HAPPINESS.

IX. DESCRIPTION OF A GAME AT CARDS.

X. ELEGY WRITTEN in a COUNTRY CHURCHYARD.

XI. SCIPIO restoring the CAPTIVE LADY to her LOVER.

XII. POPE's humorous COMPLAINT to Dr. ARBUTH­NOT of the IMPERTINENCE of SCRIBBLERS.

XIII. HYMN to ADVERSITY.

XIV. The PASSIONS. An ODE.

I. MILTON's LAMENTATION for the LOSS of his SIGHT.

II. L'ALLE [...]RO, or the MERRY MAN.

III. ON the PURSUITS of MANKIND.

IV. ADAM and EVE's MORNING-HYMN.

V. PARTING of HECTOR and ANDROMACHE.

VI. FACETIOUS HISTORY of JOHN GILPIN.

VII. OVERTHROW OF THE REBEL ANGELS.

VIII. ALEXANDER's FEAST; or, The POWER of MU­SIC. An ODE for St. CICILIA's DAY.

I. On TRUTH and INTEGRITY.

TRUTH and integrity have all the advantages of appearance, and many more. If the show of any thing be good for any thing, I am sure the reality is better; for why does any man dissemble, or seem to be that which he is not, but because he thinks it good to have the qualities he pretends to? for to counterfeit and dissemble, is to put on the appearance of some real excellency. Now, the best way for a man to seem to be any thing, is really to be what he would seem to be. Besides, it is often as troublesome to support the pre­tence of a good quality, as to have it; and if a man have it not, it is most likely he will be discovered to want it; and then all his labor to seem to have it is lost. There is something unnatural in painting, which a skil­ful eye will easily discern from native beauty and com­plexion.

It is hard to personate and act a part long; for, where truth is not at the bottom, nature will always be endea­voring to return, and will betray herself at one time or other. Therefore, if any man think it convenient to seem good, let him be [...]o indeed: and then his goodness will appear to every o [...]e's satisfaction: for truth is con­vincing, and carries is own light and evidence along with it; and will not [...]nly commend us to every man's [Page 244] conscience, but, which is much more, to God, who searcheth our hearts. So that, upon all accounts, sin­cerity is true wisdom. Particularly, as to the affairs of this world, integrity hath many advantages over all the artificial modes of dissimulation and deceit. It is much the plainer and easier, much the safer and more secure way of dealing in the world; it hath less of trouble and difficulty, of entanglement and perplexity, of danger and hazard, in it; it is the shortest and nearest way to our end, carrying us thither in a straight line; and will hold out and last longest. The arts of deceit and cun­ning continually grow weaker and less effectual and ser­viceable to those that practise them: whereas integrity gains strength by use; and the more and longer any man practiseth it, the greater service it does him, by confirming his reputation, and encouraging those with whom he hath to do, to repose the greatest confidence in him; which is an unspeakable advantage in business and the affairs of life.

A dissembler must always be upon his guard, and watch himself carefully, that he do not contradict his own pretensions; for he acts an unnatural part, and therefore must put a continual force and restraint upon himself: whereas he that acts sincerely, hath the easiest task in the world; because he follows nature, and so is put to no trouble and care about his words and actions; he needs not invent any pretences before hand, nor make excuses afterwards, for any thing he hath said or done.

But in sincerity is very troublesome to manage. A hypocrite hath so many things to attend to, as make his life a very perplexed and intricate thing. A liar hath need of a good memory, lest he contradict at one time what he said at another. But truth is always consistent with itself, and needs nothing to help it out; it is al­ways near at hand, and sits upon our lips, and is ready to drop out before we are aware; whereas a lie is trou­blesome, and one trick needs a great many more to make it good.

Add to all this, that sincerity i [...] the most compendi­ous wisdom, and an excellent inst [...]ument for the speedy dispatch of business. It creates [...]onfidence in those we have to deal with, saves the la [...]or of many inquiries, [Page 245] and brings things to an issue in a few words. It is like travelling in a plain beaten road, which commonly brings a man sooner to his journey's end than by-ways, in which men often lose themselves. In a word, whatever convenience may be thought to be in falsehood and dis­simulation, it is soon over; but the inconvenience of it is perpetual, because it brings a man under an everlast­ing jealousy and suspicion, so that he is not believed when he speaks truth, nor trusted when perhaps he means honestly. When a man hath once forfeited the reputa­tion of his integrity, nothing will then serve his turn, neither truth nor falsehood.

Indeed, if a man were only to deal in the world for a day, and should never have occasion to converse more with mankind, never more need their good opinion or good word, it were then no great matter (as far as re­spects the affairs of this world) if he spent his reputa­tion all at once, and ventured it at one throw. But, if he be to continue in the world, and would have the ad­vantage of reputation whilst he is in it, let him make use of sincerity in all his words and actions, for nothing but this will hold out to the end. All other arts will fail; but truth and integrity will carry a man through, and bear him out to the last.

II. ON DOING AS WE WOULD BE DONE UNTO.

HUMAN laws are often so numerous as to escape our memories; so darkly sometimes, and inconsistently worded, as to puzzle our understandings; and their ori­ginal obscurity is not seldom improved by the nice di­stinctions and subtle reasonings of those who profess to clear them: so that, under these several disadvantages, they lose much of their force and influence; and, in some cases, raise more disputes than, perhaps, they de­termine. But here is a law, attended with none of these inconveniences; the grossest minds can scarce misappre­hend it; the weakest memories are capable of retaining it; no perplexing comment can easily cloud it; the au­thority of no man's gloss upon earth can (if we are but sincere) sway us to make a wrong construction of it. What is said of all the gospel precepts by the evange­lical prophet, is more eminently true of this: "It is an [Page 246] high-way; and the wayfareing man, though a fool, shall not err therein."

It is not enough that a rule, which is to be of gene­ral use, is suited to all capacities, so that, where-ever it is represented to the mind, it is presently agreed to; it must also be apt to offer itself to our thoughts, and lie ready for present use, upon all exigencies and occasions. And such, remarkably such, is that which our Lord here recommends to us, we can scarce be so far surprised by any immediate necessity of acting, as not to have time for a short recourse to it, room for a suddden glance as it were upon it, in our minds; where it rests and sparkles always, like the Urim and Thummim on the breast of Aaron. There is no occasion for us to go in search of it to the oracles of law, dead or living: to the code or pandects: to the volumes of divines or moralists: We need look no further than ourselves for it: for (to use the apposite expressions of Moses), "This command­ment which I command thee this day, is not hidden from thee, neither is it far off. It is not in heaven, that thou shouldst say, Who shall go up for us to heaven, and bring it unto us, that we may hear it, and do it? Nei­their is it beyond the sea, th [...]t thou shouldst say, Who shall go over the sea for us, and bring it unto us, that we may hear it, and do it? But the [...] is very nigh unto thee, in thy mouth, and in thy heart, that thou mayest do it."

It is, moreover, a precept particularly fitted for prac­tice; as it involves in the very notion of it a motive stir­ring us up to do what it enjoins. Other moral maxims propose naked truths to the understanding, which ope­rate often but faintly and slowly on the will and pas­sions, the two active principles of the mind of man: but it is the peculiar character of this, that it addresseth it­self equally to all these powers; imparts both light and heat to us; and at the same time that it informs us cer­tainly and clearly what we are to do, excites us also, in the most tender and moving manner to the performance of it. We can see our neighbor's misfortune, without a sensible degree of concern; which yet we cannot forbear expressing, when we have once made his condition our own, and determined the measure of our obligation to­wards [Page 247] him, by what we ourselves should, in such a case, expect from him: our duty grows immediately our in­terest and pleasure, by means of this powerful prin­ciple; the seat of which is, in truth, not more in the brain, than in the heart of man: it appeals to our very senses; and exerts its secret force in so prevailing a way, that it is even felt, as well as understood by us.

The last recommendation of this rule I shall mention, is its vast and comprehensive influence: for it extends to all ranks and conditions of men, and to all kinds of ac­tion and intercourse between them; to matters of cha­rity, generosity, and civility, as well as justice; to nega­tive no less than positive duties. The ruler and the ru­led are alike subject to it; public communities can no more exempt themselves from its obligation than private persons: "All persons must fall down before it, all na­tions must do it service." And, with respect to this ex­tent of it, it is, that our blessed Lord pronounces it in the text to be "the law and the prophets." His mean­ing is, that whatever rules of the second table are deli­vered in the law of Moses, or in the larger comments and explanations of that law made by the other writers of the Old Testament (here and elsewhere styled the prophets), they are all virtually comprised in this one short significant saying, "Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so unto them."

III. ON BENEVOLENCE AND CHARITY.

FORM as amiable sentiments as you can, of nations, communities of men, and individuals. If they are true, you do them only justice; if false, though your opinion does not alter their nature and make them love­ly, you yourself are more lovely for entertaining such sentiments. When you feel the bright warmth of a tem­per thoroughly good in your own breast, you will see something good in every one about you. It is a mark of littleness of spirit to confine yourself to some minute part of a man's character: a man of generous, open, ex­tended views, will grasp the whole of it; without which he cannot pass a right judgment on any part. He will not arraign a man's general conduct for two or three particular actions; as knowing that man is a change­able [Page 248] creature, and will not cease to be so, till he is uni­ted to that Being who is "the same yesterday, to-day and for ever." He strives to out do his friends in good offices, and overcome his enemies by them. He thinks he then receives the greatest injury when he returns and revenges one: for then he is "overcome of evil." Is the person young who has injured him? He will reflect, that inexperience of the world, and a warmth of consti­tution, may betray his unpractised years into several in­advertencies, which a more advanced age, his own good sense, and the advice of a judicious friend, will correct and rectify. Is he old? The infirmities of age and want of health may have set an edge upon his spirits, and made him "speak unadvisedly with his lips." Is he weak and ignorant? He considers that it is a duty in­cumbent upon the wise to bear with those that are not so. "Ye suffer fools gladly," says St Paul, "seeing ye yourselves are wise." In short, he judges of himself, as far as he can, with the strict rigor of justice; but of others, with the softenings of humanity,

From charitable and benevolent thoughts, the transi­tion is unavoidable to charitable actions. For wherever there is an inexhaustible fund of goodness at the heart, it will, under all the disadvantages of circumstances, exert itself in acts of substantial kindness. He that is substan­tially good, will be doing good. The man that has a hearty determinate will to be charitable, will seldom put men off with the mere will for the deed. For a sincere desire to do good, implies some uneasiness till the thing be done: and uneasiness sets the mind at work, and puts it upon the stretch to find out a thousand ways and means of obliging, which will ever escape the uncon­cerned, the indifferent, and the unfeeling.

The most proper objects of your bounty are the neces­sitious. Give the same sum of money, which you bestow on a person in tolerable circumstances, to one in extreme poverty; and observe what a wide disproportion of hap­piness is produced. In the latter case, it is like giving a cordial to a fainting person; in the former, it is like giving wine to him who has already quenched his thirst. ‘Mercy is seasonable in time of affliction, like clouds of rain in the time of drought.’

[Page 249]And among the variety of necessitous objects, none have a better title to our compassion, than those, who, after having tasted the sweets of plenty, are, by some undeserved calamity, obliged, without some charitable relief, to drag out the remainder of life in misery and wo; who little thought they should ask their daily bread of any but of God: who, after a life led in affluence, "cannot dig, and are ashamed to beg." And they are to be relieved in such an endearing manner, with such a beauty of holiness, that, at the same time that their wants are supplied, their confusion of face may be pre­vented.

There is not an instance of this kind in history so af­fecting, as that beautiful one of Boaz to Ruth. He knew her family, and how she was reduced to the lowest ebb; when therefore she begged leave to glean in his fields, he ordered his reapers to let fall several handfuls with a seeming carelessness, but really with a set design, that she might gather them up without being ashamed. Thus did he form an artful scheme, that he might give, without the vanity and ostentation of giving; and she receive, without the shame and confusion of making ac­knowledgments. Take the history in the words of scrip­ture, as it is recorded in the book of Ruth. "And when she was risen up to glean, Boaz commanded his young men, saying, Let her glean even among the sheaves, and rebuke her not: and let fall also some of the handfuls of purpose, and leave them that she may glean them, and reproach her not." This was not only doing a good action; it was doing it likewise with a good grace.

It is not enough we do no harm, that we be negative­ly good; we must do good, positive good, if we would "enter into life." When it would have been as good for the world, if such a man had never lived; it would perhaps have been better for him, "if he had never beer born." A scanty fortune may limit your beneficence, and confine it chiefly to the circle of your domestics, re­lations and neighbors; but let your benevolence ex­tend as far as thought can travel, to the utmost bounds of the world: just as it may be only in your power to beautify the spot of ground that lies near and close to [Page 250] you; but you could wish, that, as far as your eye can reach, the whole prospect before you was cheerful, that every thing disagreeable was removed, and every thing beautiful made more so.

IV. ON HAPPINESS.

THE great pursuit of man is after happiness: it is the first and strongest desire of his nature;—in every stage of his life he searches for it as for hid trea­sure;—courts it under a thousand different shapes;— and, though perpetually disappointed,—still persists— runs after and enquires for it afresh—asks every passen­ger who comes in his way, "Who will show him any good?"—who will assist him in the attainment of it, or direct him to the discovery of this great end of all his wishes?

He is told by one, to search for it among the more gay and youthful pleasures of life; in scenes of mirth and sprightliness, where happiness ever presides, and is ever to be known by the joy and laughter which he will see at once painted in her looks.

A second, with a graver aspect, points out to him the costly dwellings which pride and extravagance have erected:—tells the enquirer that the object he is in search of inhabits there;—that happiness lives only in company with the great, in the midst of much pomp and outward state. That he will easily find her out by the coat of many colors she has on, and the great luxury and expence of equipage and furniture with which she always sits surrounded.

The miser wonders how any one would mislead and wilfully put him upon so wrong a scent—convinces him that happiness and extravagance never inhabited under the same roof:—that, if he would not be disap­pointed in his search, he must look into the plain and thrifty dwelling of the prudent man, who knows and understands the worth of money, and cautiously lays it up against an evil hour: that it is not the prostitution of wealth upon the passions, or the parting with it at all, that constitutes happiness—but that it is the keeping it together, and the having and holding it fast to him and his heirs for ever, which are the chief at­tributes [Page 251] that form this great idol of human worship, to which so much incense is offered up every day.

The epicure, though he easily rectifies so gross a mis­take, yet at the same time he plunges him, if possible, into a greater; for, hearing the object of his pursuit to be happiness, and knowing of no other happiness than what is seated immediately in his senses—he sends the enquirer there;—tells him 'tis in vain to search else­where for it, than where nature herself has placed it— in the indulgence and gratification of the appetites, which are given us for that end: and in a word—if he will not take his opinion in the matter—he may trust the word of a much wiser man, who has assured us— that there is nothing better in this world, than that a man should eat and drink and rejoice in his works, and make his soul enjoy good in his labor—for that is his portion.

To rescue him from this brutal experiment—ambition takes him by the hand and carries him into the world, —shows him all the kingdoms of the earth and the glory of them—points out the many ways of advancing his fortune and raising himself to honor,—lays before his eyes all the charms and bewitching temptations of power, and asks if there be any happiness in this world like that of being caressed, courted, flattered, and fol­lowed?

To close all, the philosopher meets him bustling in the full career of this pursuit—stops him—tells him, if he is in search of happiness, he is far gone out of his way:—that this deity has long been banished from noise and tumults, where there was no rest found for her, and was fled into solitude far from all commerce of the world; and, in a word, if he would find her, he must leave this busy and intriguing scene, and go back to that peaceful scene of retirement and books from which he first set out.

In this circle, too often does a man run, tries all ex­periments, and generally sits down wearied and dissatis­fied with them all at last—in utter despair of ever ac­complishing what he wants—nor knowing what to trust to after so many disappointments—or where to lay the [Page 252] fault, whether in the incapacity of his own nature, or the insufficiency of the enjoyments themselves.

In this uncertain and perplexed state—without know­ledge which way to turn or where to betake ourselves for refuge—so often abused and deceived by the many who pretend thus to show us any good—Lord! says the Psalmist, lift up the light of thy countenance upon us. Send us some rays of thy grace and heavenly wisdom, in this benighted search after happiness, to direct us safely to it. O God! let us not wander for ever without a guide, in this dark region, in endless pursuit of our mistaken good; but enlighten our eyes that we sleep not in death—open to them the comforts of thy holy word and religion—lift up the light of thy countenance upon us,—and make us know the joy and satisfaction of li­ving in the true faith and fear of Thee, which only can carry us to this haven of rest where we would be—that sure haven, where true joys are to be found, which will at length not only answer all our expectations— but satisfy the most unbounded of our wishes for ever and ever.

There is hardly any subject more exhausted, or which at one time or other has afforded more matter for argu­ment and declamation, than this one, of the insufficien­cy of our enjoyments. Scarce a reformed sensualist, from Solomon down to our own days, who has not, in some fits of repentance or disappointment, uttered some sharp reflection upon the emptiness of human pleasure, and of the vanity of vanities which discovers itself in all the pursuits of mortal man.—But the mischief has been, that, though so many good things have been said, they have generally had the fate to be considered, either as the overflowings of disgust from sated appetites which could no longer relish the pleasures of life, or as the de­clamatory opinions of recluse and splenetic men, who had never tasted them at all, and, consequently, were thought no judges of the matter. So that 'tis no great wonder, if the greatest part of such reflections, how­ever just in themselves, and founded on truth and a knowledge of the world, are found to leave little im­pression where the imagination was already heated with great expectations of future happiness; and that the best [Page 253] lectures that have been read upon the vanity of the world, so seldom stop a man in the pursuit of the object of his desire, or give him half the conviction, that the possession of it will, and what the experience of his own life, or a careful observation upon the life of others, do at length generally confirm to us all.

I would not be understood as if I was denying the reality of pleasures, or disputing the being of them, any more than one would the reality of pain—yet I must observe, that there is a plain distinction to be made be­twixt pleasures and happiness. For though there can be no happiness without pleasure—yet the reverse of the proposition will not hold true.—We are so made, that, from the common gratifications of our appetites, and the impressions of a thousand objects, we snatch the one like a transient gleam, without being suffered to taste the other and enjoy the perpetual sunshine and fair weather which constantly attend it. This, I contend, is only to be found in religion—in the consciousness of virtue—and the sure and certain hopes of a better life, which brightens all our prospects, and leaves no room to dread disappointments—because the expectation of it is built upon a rock whose foundations are as deep as those of heaven and hell.

And though, in our pilgrimage through this world— some of us may be so fortunate as to meet with some clear fountains by the way that may cool, for a few moments, the heat of this great thirst of happiness—yet our Saviour, who knew the world, though he enjoyed but little of it, tells us, that whosoever drinketh of this water will thirst again:—and we all find by experience it is so, and by reason that it always must be so.

I conclude with a short observation upon Solomon's evidence in this case.

Never did the busy brain of a lean and hectic chymist search for the philosopher's stone with more pains and ardor than this great man did after happiness. He was one of the wisest enquirers into nature—had tried all her powers and capacities; and, after a thousand vain speculations and vile experiments, he affirmed at length, it lay hid in no one thing he had tried: like the chy­mist's projections, all had ended in smoke, or, what was [Page 254] worse, in vanity and vexation of spirit.—The conclu­sion of the whole matter was this—that he advises every man who would be happy, to fear God and keep his commandments.

V. ON THE DEATH OF CHRIST.

THE Redemption of man is one of the most glorious works of the Almighty. If the hour of the creation of the world was great and illustrious; that hour, when, from the dark and formless mass, this fair system of na­ture arose at the Divine command; when "the morn­ing stars sang together, and all the sons of God shouted for joy;"—no less illustrious is the hour of the restora­tion of the world; the hour, when, from condemnation and misery, it emerged into happiness and peace. With less external majesty it was attended, but is, on that account, the more wonderful, that, under an appear­ance so simple, such great events were covered.

In the hour of Christ's death the long series of pro­phecies, visions, types, and figures, was accomplished. This was the center in which they all met; this the point towards which they had tended and verged, throughout the course of so many generations. You behold the Law and the Prophets standing, if we may so speak, at the foot of the cross, and doing homage. You behold Moses and Aaron bearing the ark of the covenant; David and Elijah presenting the oracle of testimony. You behold all the priests and sacrifices, all the rites and ordinances, all the types and symbols, assembled together to receive their consummation. With­out the death of Christ, the worship and ceremonies of the law would have remained a pompous, but unmean­ing institution. In the hour when he was crucified, "the book with the seven seals" was opened. Every rite assumed its significancy; every prediction met its event; every symbol displayed its correspondence.

This was the hour of the abolition of the Law, and the introduction of the Gospel; the hour of terminating the old, and of beginning the new dispensation of reli­gious knowledge and worship throughout the earth. Viewed in this light, it forms the most august aera which is to be found in the history of mankind. When Christ was suffering on the cross, we are informed by one of [Page 255] the Evangelists, that he said, "I thirst;" and that they filled a spunge with vinegar, and put it to his mouth. "After he had tasted the vinegar, knowing that all things were now accomplished, and the scripture ful­filled, he said, "It is finished;" that is, This offered draught of vinegar was the last circumstance predicted by an ancient prophet that remained to be fulfilled. The vision and the prophecy are now sealed: the Mosaic dispensation is closed. "And he bowed his head, and gave up the ghost."—Significantly was the veil of the temple rent in this hour; for the glory then departed from between the cherubims. The legal high-priest delivered up his Urim and Thummim, his breast-plate, his robes, and his incense; and CHRIST stood forth as the great High-priest of all succeeding generations. By that one sacrifice which he now offered, he abolished sacrifices for ever. Altars on which the fire had blazed for ages were now to smoke no more. Victims were no more to bleed. "Not with the blood of bulls and goats, but with his own blood, he now entered into the Holy Place, there to appear in the presence of God for us"

This was the hour of association and union to all the worshippers of God. When Christ said "It is finished," he threw down the wall of partition which had so long divided the Gentile from the Jew. He gathered into one all the faithful, out of every kindred and people. He proclaimed the hour to be come, when the knowledge of the true God should be no longer confined to one nation, nor his worship to one temple; but over all the earth, the worshippers of the Father should "serve him in spirit and in truth." From that hour, they who dwelt in the "uttermost ends of the earth, strangers to the covenant of promise," began to be "brought nigh." In that hour, the light of the gospel dawned from afar on the British islands.

This was the hour of Christ's triumph over all the powers of darkness; the hour in which he overthrew dominions and thrones, "led captivity captive, and gave gifts unto men. The contest which the kingdom of darkness had long maintained against the kingdom of light, was now brought to its crisis. The period was come, when "the seed of the woman should bruise the [Page 256] head of the serpent." For many ages, the most gross superstition had filled the earth. "The glory of the incorruptible God was" every where, except in the land of Judea, "changed into images made like to corrup­tible man, and to birds, and beasts, and creeping things." The world, which the Almighty created for himself, seemed to have become a temple of idols. Even to vices and passions altars were raised; and, what was intitled Religion, was, in effect, a discipline of impurity. In the midst of this universal darkness, Satan had erec­ted his throne; and the learned and polished, as well as the savage nations, bowed down before him. But at the hour when Christ appeared on the cross, the signal of his defeat was given. His kingdom suddenly de­parted from him; the reign of Idolatry passed away: He was "beheld to fall like lightening from heaven." In that hour, the foundation of every Pagan temple shook; the statute of every false god tottered on its base. The priest fled from his falling shrine; and the heathen oracles became dumb for ever.

Death also, the last foe of man, was the victim of this hour. The formidable appearance of the spectre remained, but his dart was taken away: for, in the hour when Christ expiated guilt, he disarmed death, by securing the resurrection of the just. When he said to his penitent fellow-sufferer, "To-day thou shalt be with me in paradise," he announced to all his followers the certainty of heavenly bliss. He declared "the cheru­bims" to be dismissed, and the "flaming sword" to be sheathed, which had been appointed at the fall "to keep from man the way of the Tree of life." Faint, before this period, had been the hope, indistinct the prospect, which even good men enjoyed of the heavenly kingdom. "Life and immortality were now brought to light." From the hill of Calvary, the first clear and certain view was given to the world of the everlasting mansions. Since that hour, they have been the perpe­tual consolation of believers in Christ. Under trouble, they soothe their minds; amidst temptations they sup­port their virtue; and, in their dying moments, enable them to say, "O death! where is thy sting? O grave! where is thy victory?"

I. SPEECH of the EARL of CHESTERFIELD, in the HOUSE of LORDS, FEB. 22. 1740, on the PENSION BILL.

IT is now so late, and so much has been said in fa­vor of the motion for the second reading of the Pension Bill, by Lords much abler than I am, that I shall detain you but a very short while with what I have to say upon the subject. It has been said by a Noble Duke, that this bill can be looked on only as a bill for preventing a grievance that is foreseen, and not as a bill for remedying a grievance that is al­ready felt; because it is not asserted, nor so much as insinuated in the preamble of the bill, that any corrupt practices are now made use of, for gaining an undue influence over the other House. My Lords, this was the very reason for bringing in the bill. They could not assert, that any such practices are now made use of, without a proof; and the means for coming at this proof, is what they want, and what they propose to get by this bill. They suspect there are such practices, but they cannot prove it. The crime is of such a secret na­ture, that it can very seldom be proved by witnesses; and therefore they want to put it to the trial, at least, of being proved by the oath of one of the parties; which is a method often taken in cases that can admit of no other proof. This is, therefore, no argument of the grievance not being felt; for a man may, very sensibly, feel a grievance, and yet may not be able to prove it.

That there is a suspicion of some such practices be­ing now made use of, or that they will soon be made use of, the many remonstrances from all parts of the united kingdoms are a sufficient proof. That this sus­picion has crept into the other House, their having so frequently sent up this bill is a manifest demonstration, [Page 258] and a strong argument for its being necessary to have some such bill passed into a law. The other house must be allowed to be better judges of what passes, or must pass, within their own walls, than we can pretend to be. It is evident, they suspect that corrupt practices have been, or soon may be, made use of, for gaining an undue influence over some of their measures; and they have calculated this bill for curing the evil if it is felt, for preventing it if it is only foreseen. That any such practices have been actually made use of, or are now made use of, is what I shall not pretend to affirm; but I am sure I shall not affirm the contrary. If any such are made use of, I will, with confidence, vindicate his Majesty. I am sure he knows nothing of them. I am sure he will disdain to suffer them: but I cannot pass such a compliment upon his ministers, nor upon any set of ministers that ever was, or ever will be, in this na­tion; and, therefore, I think I cannot more faithfully, more effectually, serve his present Majesty, as well as his successors, than by putting it out of the power of mi­nisters to gain any corrupt influence over either House of Parliament. Such an attempt may be necessary for the security of the minister, but never can be necessary, for it must always be inconsistent with the security of his Master: and the more necessary it is for the mini­ster's security, the more inconsistent it will always be with the King's, and the more dangerous to the liberties of the nation.

To pretend, my Lords, that this bill diminishes, or any way encroaches upon the prerogative, is something very strange. What prerogative, my Lords? Has the Crown a prerogative to bribe, to infringe the law, by sending its pensioners into the other House? To say so, is destroying the credit, the authority of the Crown, under the pretence of supporting its prerogative. If his Majesty knew that any man received a pension from him, or any thing like a pension, and yet kept his seat in the other House, he would himself declare it, or withdraw his pension, because he knows it is against law. This bill, therefore, no way diminishes or en­croaches upon the prerogatives of the Crown, which can never be exercised but for the public good. It dimi­nishes [Page 259] only the prerogatives usurped by ministers which are never exercised but for its destruction. The Crown may still reward merit in the proper way, that is open­ly. The bill is intended, and can operate only against clandestine rewards or gratuities given by ministers. These are scandalous, and never were, nor will be, given but for scandalous services.

It is very remarkable, my Lords, it is even divert­ing, to see such a squeamishness about perjury upon this occasion, amongst those, who, upon other occasions, have invented and enacted multitudes of oaths, to be taken by men who are under great temptations, from their private interest, to be guilty of perjury. Is not this the case of almost every oath that relates to the collection of the public revenue, or to the exercise of any office? Is not this perjury one of the chief objec­tions made by the Dissenters against the Test and Cor­poration Act? And shall we show a less concern for the preservation of our constitution, than for the preserva­tion of our church? The reverend bench should be cau­tious of making use of this argument; for if they will not allow us an oath for the preservation of the former, it may induce many people to think they ought not to be allowed an oath for the preservation of the latter.

By this time, I hope my Lords, all the inconveni­ences pretended to arise from this bill have vanished; and therefore I shall consider some of the arguments brought to show that it is not necessary. Here I must observe, that most of the arguments made use of for this purpose, are equally strong for a repeal of the laws we have already in being against admitting pensioners to sit and vote in the other House. If it be impossible to suppose, that a gentleman of great estate and ancient family, can, by a pension, be influenced to do what he ought not to do; and if we must suppose, that none but such gentlemen can ever get into the other House, I am sure the laws for preventing pensioners from ha­ving seats in that House are quite unnecessary, and ought to be repealed. Therefore, if these arguments prevail with your Lordships to put a negative upon the present question, I shall expect to see that negative fol­lowed by a motion for the repeal of those laws; nay, in [Page 260] a few sessions, I shall expect to see a bill brought in for preventing any man's being a member of the other House but such as have some place or pension under the Crown. As an argument for such a bill, it might be said, that his Majesty's most faithful subjects ought to be chosen members of Parliament, and that those gen­tlemen will always be most faithful to the King that receive the King's money. I shall grant, my Lords, that such gentlemen will be always the most faithful, and the most obedient to the minister; but for this very reason, I should be for excluding them from Parliament. The king's real interest, however much he may be made by his ministers to mistake it, must always be the same with the people's; but the minister's interest is generally distinct from, and often contrary to both: therefore I shall always be for excluding, as much as possible, from Parliament, every man who is under the least in­ducement to prefer the interest of the minister to that of both king and people: and this I take to be the case of every gentleman, let his estate and family be what they will, that holds a pension at the will of the mini­ster.

Those who say, they depend so much upon the ho­nor, integrity and impartiality of men of family and fortune, seem to think our constitution can never be dis­solved, as long as we have the shadow of a Parliament. My opinion, my Lord, is so very different, that if ever our constitution be dissolved, if ever an absolute mo­narchy be established in this kingdom, I am convinced it will be under that shadow. Our constitution consists in the two Houses of Parliament being a check upon the Crown, as well as upon one another. If that check should ever be removed, if the Crown should, by corrupt means, by places, pensions, and bribes, get the absolute direc­tion of our two Houses of Parliament, our constitution will, from that moment, be destroyed. There would be no occasion for the Crown to proceed any farther. It would be ridiculous to lay aside the forms of Parliament; for under that shadow our King would be more abso­lute, and might govern more arbitrarily, than he could do without it. A gentleman of family and fortune, would not, perhaps, for the sake of a pension, agree to [Page 261] lay aside the forms of government; because, by his ve­nal service there, he earns his infamous pension, and could not expect the continuance of it if those forms were laid aside: but a gentleman of family and fortune may for the sake of a pension, whilst he is in Parlia­ment, approve of the most blundering measures, consent to the most excessive and useless grants, enact the most oppressive laws, pass the most villainous accounts, acquit the most heinous criminals, and condemn the most inno­cent persons at the desire of that minister who pays him his pension. And, if a majority of such House of Parlia­ment consisted of such men, would it not be ridiculous in us to talk of our constitution, or to say we had any liberty left?—This misfortune, this terrible condition, we may be reduced to by corruption: as brave, as free a people as we, the Romans, were reduced to it by the same means; and to prevent such a horrid catastrophe, is the design of this bill.

If people would at all think, if they would consider the consequence of corruption, there would be no oc­casion, my Lords, for making laws against it. It would appear so horrible, that no man would allow it to ap­proach him. The corrupted ought to consider, that they do not sell their vote, or their country only: these, per­haps, they may disregard; but they sell like [...]ise them­selves: they become the bond shaves of the corrupter, who corrupts them, not for their sakes, but for his own. No man ever corrupted another for the sake of doing him a service. And, therefore, if people would but consider, they would always reject the offer with disdain. But this is not to be expected. The histories of all countries, the history even of our own country, shows it is not to be depended on. The proffered bribe, people thinks will satisfy the immediate cravings of some infa­mous appetite; and this makes them swallow the allu­ring bait, though the liberties of their country, the hap­piness of their posterity, and even their own liberty, e­vidently depend upon their refusing it. This makes it necessary, in every free state, to contrive, if possible, effec­tual laws against corruption, and, as the laws we now have for excluding pensioners from the other House, are allowed to be ineffectual, we ought to make a trial, at [Page 262] east, of the remedy now proposed; for, though it should prove ineffectual, it will be attended with this advan­tage, that it will put us upon contriving some other re­medy that may be effectual; and the sooner such a re­medy is contrived and applied, the less danger we shall be exposed to of falling into that fatal distemper from which no free state, where it has once become general, has ever yet recovered.

II. LORD MANSFIELD's SPEECH in the HOUSE of LORDS, 1770, on the BILL for the further preventing the delays of JUSTICE by reason of PRIVILEGE of PARLIAMENT.

WHEN I consider the importance of this bill to your Lordships, I am not surprised it has taken up so much of your consideration. It is a bill, indeed, of no common magnitude; it is no less than to take away from two thirds of the legislative body of this great kingdom, certain privileges and immunities of which they have been long possessed. Perhaps there is no situation the human mind can be placed in, that is so difficult and so trying, as when it is made a judge in its own cause. There is some­thing implanted in the breast of man, so attached to self, so tenacious of privileges once obtained, that, in such a situation, either to discuss, with impartiality, or decide with justice, has ever been held as the summit of all hu­man virtue. The bill now in question puts your Lord­ships in this very predicament; and I doubt not but the wisdom of your decision will convince the world, that where self-interest and justice are in opposite scales the latter will ever preponderate with your Lordships.

Privileges have been granted to legislators in all ages and in all countries. The practice is founded in wis­dom: and, indeed, it is peculiarly essential to the consti­tution of this country, that the members of both Houses should be free in their persons in cases of civil suits; for there may come a time when the safety and welfare of this whole empire may depend upon their attendance in Parliament. God forbid that I should advise any mea­sure that would in future endanger the state: but the bill before your Lordships has, I am confident, no such [Page 263] tendency; for it expressly secures the persons of mem­bers of either House in all civil suits. This being the case, I confess, when I see many noble Lords, for whose judgment I have a very great respect, standing up to oppose a bill which is calculated merely to facilitate the recovery of just and legal debts, I am astonished and amazed. They, I doubt not, oppose the bill upon pub­lic principles: I would not wish to insinuate, that pri­vate interest had the least weight in their determination.

This bill has been frequently proposed, and as fre­quently miscarried: but it was always lost in the Lower House. Little did I think, when it had passed the Com­mons, that it possibly could have met with such oppo­sition here. Shall it be said, that you, my Lords, the grand council of the nation, the highest judicial and le­gislative body of the realm, endeavor to evade by pri­vilege those very laws which you enforce on your fel­low-subjects?—Forbid it justice!—I am sure, were the noble Lords as well acquainted as I am with but half the difficulties and delays occasioned in the courts of justice under pretence of privilege, they would not, nay they could not, oppose this bill.

I have waited with patience to hear what arguments might be urged against the bill, but I have waited in vain: the truth is, there is no argument that can weigh against it. The justice and expediency of the bill are such as render it self-evident. It is a proposition of that nature, that can neither be weakened by argument, nor intangled with sophistry. Much, indeed, has been said by some noble Lords on the wisdom of our ance­stors, and how differently they thought from us. They not only decreed, that privilege should prevent all civil suits from proceeding during the sitting of parliament, but likewise granted protection to the very servants of members. I shall say nothing on the wisdom of our an­cestors; it might perhaps appear invidious: that is not necessary in the present case. I shall only say, that the noble Lords who flatter themselves with the weight of that reflection, should remember, that as circumstances alter, things themselves should alter. Formerly, it was not so fashionable either for masters or servants to run in debt as it is at present. Formerly we were not that [Page 264] great commercial nation we are at present; nor former­ly were merchants and manufacturers members of Par­liament as at present. The case now is very different: both merchants and manufacturers are, with great pro­priety, elected members of the Lower House. Com­merce having thus got into the legislative body of the kingdom, privilege must be done away. We all know, that the very soul and essence of trade are regular pay­ments; and sad experience teaches us, that there are men, who will not make their regular payments with­out the compulsive power of the laws. The law then ought to be equally open to all: any exemption to par­ticular men, or particular ranks of men, is, in a free and commercial country, a solecism of the grossest nature.

But I will not trouble your Lordships with arguments for that which is sufficiently evident without any. I shall only say a few words to some noble Lords, who forsee much inconveniency from the persons of their ser­vants being liable to be arrested. One noble Lord ob­serves, That the coachman of a peer may be arrested while he is driving his master to the House, and, conse­quently, he will not be able to attend his duty in Par­liament. If this were actually to happen, there are so many methods by which the member might still get to the House, that I can hardly think the noble Lord is se­rious in his objection. Another noble Peer said, That by this bill one might lose their most valuable and honest servants. This I hold to be a contradiction in terms: for he can neither be a valuable servant, nor an honest man who gets into debt which he is neither able nor willing to pay, till compelled by law. If my servant, by unforeseen accidents, has got in debt, and I still wish to retain him, I certainly would pay the debt. But upon no principle of liberal legislation whatever, can my servant have a title to set his creditors at defiance, while, for forty shillings only, the honest tradesman may be torn from his family and looked up in a gaol. It is mon­struous injustice! I flatter myself, however, the de­termination of this day will entirely put an end to all such partial proceedings for the future, by passing into a law the bill now under your Lordships consideration.

I come now to speak, upon what, indeed, I would have [Page 265] gladly avoided, had I not been particularly pointed at for the part I have taken in this bill. It has been said by a noble Lord on my left hand, that I likewise am running the race of popularity. If the noble Lord means by popularity, that applause bestowed by after ages on good and virtuous actions, I have long been struggling in that race; to what purpose, all trying time can alone determine: but if the noble Lord means that mushroom popularity that is raised without merit and lost with­out a crime, he is much mistaken in his opinion. I defy the noble Lord to-point out a single action of my life, where the popularity of the times ever had the smallest influence on my determinations. I thank God I have a more permanent and steady rule for my conduct,—the dictates of my own breast. Those that have forgone that pleasing adviser, and given up their mind to the slave of every popular impulse, I sincerely pity: I pity them still more, if their vanity leads them to mistake the shouts of a mob for the trumpet of fame. Experience might inform them, that many who have been saluted with the huzzas of a crowd one day, have received their execrations the next; and many, who, by the popula­rity of their times, have been held up as spotless pa­triots, have, nevertheless, appeared upon the historian's page, when truth has triumphed over delusion, the assas­sins of liberty. Why then the noble Lord can think I am ambitious of present popularity, that [...]cho of folly, and shadow of renown, I am at a loss to determine. Be­sides, I do not know that the bill now before your Lord­ships will be popular; it depends much upon the ca­price of the day. It may not be popular to compel peo­ple to pay their debts; and, in that case, the present must be a very unpopular bill. It may not be popular nei­ther to take away any of the privileges of Parliament: for I very well remember, and many of your Lordships may remember, that not long ago the popular cry was for the extension of privilege; and so far did they carry it at that time, that it was said that the privilege pro­tected members even in criminal actions; nay, such was the power of popular prejudices over weak minds, that the very decisions of some of the courts were tinc­tured with that doctrine. It was undoubtedly an abo­minable [Page 266] doctrine; I thought so then and think so still: but, nevertheless, it was a popular doctrine; and came immediately from those who are called the friends of li­berty; how deservedly time will show. True liberty, in my opinion, can only exist when justice is equally admi­nistered to all; to the king, and to the beggar. Where is the justice then, or where is the law, that protects a member of parliament more than any other man, from the punishment due to his crimes? The laws of this country allow of no place, nor no employment, to be a sanctuary for crimes; and where I have the honor to sit as judge, neither royal favor nor popular applause shall ever protect the guilty.

I have now only to beg pardon for having employed so much of your Lordships time; and I am sorry a bill, fraught with so many good consequences, has not met with an abler advocate: but I doubt not your Lordships determination will convince the world, that a bill calcu­lated to contribute so much to the equal distribution of justice as the present, requires with your Lordships but very little support.

III. Speech of Mr. PITT (created afterwards EARL of CHATHAM) in the House of Commons, Dec. 17th, 1765, on the AMERICAN STAMP-ACT.

I HAVE been charged with giving birth to sedition in America. Sorry I am to hear the liberty of speech in this House, imputed as a crime. But the imputation shall not discourage me. It is a liberty I mean to ex­ercise. No gentleman ought to be afraid to exercise it. It is a liberty by which the gentleman (Mr. Grenville) who calumm [...]tes it, might have profited. He ought to have desisted from his project. The gentleman te [...]l [...] us America is obstinate; America is almost in open rebel­lion. I rejoice that America has resisted. Three mil­lions of people, so dead to all the feelings of liberty, as voluntarily to submit to be slaves, would have been fit instruments to make slav [...]s of the rest. I come not here armed at all points, with law cases and acts of parlia­ment, with the statute-book doubled down in dog-ears, to defend the cause of liberty: if I had, I myself would have cited the two cases of Chester and Durham. I would have cited them to have shown, that even under [Page 267] any arbitrary reigns, parliaments were ashamed of tax­ing a people without their consent, and allowed them representatives. Why did the gentleman confine him­self to Chester and Durham? He might have taken a higher example in Wales; Wales that never was taxed by Parliament till it was incorporated. I would not de­bate a particular point of law with the gentleman: I know his abilities. I have been obliged to his diligent researches. But, for the defence of liberty upon a gene­ral principle, upon a constitutional principle, it is a ground on which I stand firm; on which I dare meet any man. The gentleman tells us of many that are tax­ed, and are not represented. The India Company, mer­chants, stock-holders, manufacturers. Surely many of these are represented in other capacities, as owners of land, or as freemen of boroughs. It is a misfortune that more are not actually represented. But they are all in­habitants, and, as such, are virtually represented. Ma­ny have it in their option to be actually represented. They have connections with those that elect, and they have influence over them.

When I had the honor to serve his Majesty, there were not wanting some, to propose to me to burn my fingers with an American stamp-act. With the enemy at their back, with our bayonets at their breasts, in the day of their distress, perhaps the Americans would have submited to the imposition; but it would have been ta­king an ungenerous and unjust advantage. The gentle­man boasts of his bounties to America! Are not these bounties intended finally for the benefit of this king­dom? If they are not, he has misapplied the national treasures. I am no courtier of America; I stand up for this kingdom: I maintain that the Parliament has a right to bind, to restrain America. Our legislative power over America is sovereign and supreme. When it ceas­es to be sovereign and supreme, I would advise every gen­tleman to sell his lands, if he can, and embark for that country. When two countries are connected together, like England and her colonies, without being incorporat­ed, the one must necessarily govern; the greater must rule the less; but so rule it, as not to contradict the fun­damental principles that are common to both.

[Page 268]If the gentleman does not understand the difference between internal and external taxes, I cannot help it; but there is a plain distinction between taxes levied for the purposes of raising a revenue, and duties imposed for the regulation of trade, for the accommodation of the subject; although, in the consequences, some revenue might incidentally arise from the latter.

The gentleman asks, when were the colonies emanci­pated? But I desire to know, when they were made slaves? But I dwell not upon words. When I had the honor of serving his Majesty, I availed myself of the means of information which I derived from my office: I speak, therefore, from knowledge. My materials were good. I was at pains to collect, to digest, to consider them; and I will be bold to affirm, that the profits to Great Britain from the trade of the colonies, through all its branches, is two millions a-year. This is the fund that carried you triumphantly through the last war. The estates that were rented at two thousand pounds a year, threescore years ago, are at three thousand pounds at present. Those estates sold them from fifteen to eighteen years purchase; the same may be now sold for thirty. You owe this to America. This is the price that America pays you for her protection. And shall a miserable financier come with a boast, that he can fetch a pepper-corn into the exchequer, to the loss of millions to the nations? I dare not say how much high­er these profits may be augmented. Omitting the im­mense increase of people by natural propagation in the northern-colonies, and the migration from every part of Europe, I am convinced the whole commercial system of America may be altered to advantage. You have prohibited where you ought to have encouraged, and you have encouraged where you ought to have prohibited. Improper restraints have been laid on the continent in favor of the islands. Much is wrong, much may be a­mended for the general good of the whole.

A great deal has been said out of doors of the power, of the strength of America. It is a topic that ought to be ca [...]iously meddled with. In a good cause, on a found bottom, the force of this country can crush Ame­rica to atoms. I know the valor of your troops. I [Page 269] know the skill of your officers. There is not a company of foot that has served in America, out of which you may not pick a man of sufficient knowledge and experi­ence to make a governor of a colony there. But, on this ground, on the stamp-act, when so many here will think it a crying injustice, I am one who will lift up my hands against it.

In such a cause your success would be hazardous.— America, if she fell, would fall like a strong man. She would embrace the pillars of the state, and pull down the constitution along with her. Is this your boasted peace? not to sheath the sword in its scabbard, but to sheath it in the bowels of your countrymen? Will you quarrel with yourselves, now the whole House of Bour­bon is united against you? While France distu [...]b [...] your fisheries in Newfoundland, embarrasses your trade to A­frica, and with-holds from your subjects in Canada their property stipulated by treaty; while the ransom for Ma­nillas is denied by Spain, and its gallant conqueror base­ly traduced into a mean plunderer, a gentleman (colonel Draper) whose noble and generous spirit would do ho­nor to the proudest grandee of the country. The A­mericans have not acted in all things with prudence and temper. They have been wronged. They have been driven to madness by injustice. Will you punish them for the madness you have occasioned? Rather let pru­dence and temper come first from this side. I will un­dertake for America that she will follow the example.

IV. SPEECH of Mr. FOX in the HOUSE of COM­MONS, Nov. 25, 1779, on the loss of AMERICA.

THERE is not, in the whole history of this country, a period that resembles the present, except the reign of the unfortunate Henry VI. His family, like that of his present Majesty, did not claim the crown as their hereditary right; it was by revolutions they both ob­tained it. Henry was an amiable and pious prince; so is his present Majesty: Henry was the son of the most renowned monarch that ever sat upon the throne; George was the grandson of a hero: Henry lost all his father's conquests, and all his hereditary provinces in France: George has already seen the conquests of his [Page 270] grandfather wrested from him in the West-Indies, and his hereditary provinces of America erected into an em­pire, that disclaimed all connection.

His Majesty set out in life with the brightest pro­spects that a young man could have wished for: possess­ed of immense dominions, and the warmest affections of his people, his acc [...]ssion to the crown was completely flattering both to himself and his subjects. How sadly is the scene reversed!—his empire [...]embered, his coun­cils distr [...]cted, and his people falling off in their affec­tion for his person. I only speak with [...] doors the lan­guage that is held without: the people are beginning to murmur, and their patience is not unlimited: they will at last do themselves justice; there certainly will be in­surrection [...]: and, though it is imposs [...]ble that the calami­ties that will attend them can be justified, or compensa­ted by any good that can be obtained by them, yet they certainly will take place.

It cannot be a secret to this House, that the present Sovereign's claim to the throne of this country was found­ed o [...]ly upon the delinquency of the Stuart family; a circumstance that ought never to be out of his Majesty's recollection. It was true, indeed, that the unfortunate race of that name were universally detested in this coun­try, and therefore his Majesty had little to fear from their pretensions: but he should ever remember, that it was the conduct of wicked and ignorant ministers that excited that detestation for them. If there should be at this day one of that unfortunate Hou [...]e remaining, what a scope for upbraidings and rem [...]strance could he not find in the present reign! Could he not say, "You have banished my ancestor from the throne, and ba [...]red the sceptre from all his progeny for the misconduct of his ministers; and yet the min [...]sters of the present reign are ten times more wicked and more ignorant than those were; and whilst you all agree in giving to your present sovereign the title of best of princes, his ministers have rendered his reign, beyond any degree of comparison, the most infamous that ever disgraced the nation."—The minister, though with such a load of national censure and national calamity on his head, has the hardiness to boast of his innocence; but it is not a [Page 271] conscious rectitude of mind that can excuse a minister from criminality. What he calls innocence may be an­other name for ignorance; and ignorance in a minister is a crime of the first magnitude. But the wide ruin that the counsels of administration have spread through this great empire, and the miserable state to which they have reduced it in the short space in which the present Par­liament have been sitting, is so far beyond the natural effects of mere ignorance, that I cannot help adopting the opinion of an honorable friend, that there is treach­ery at the bottom of the national councils. His Lord­ship (Lord North) may flatter himself as much as he pleases in the protection of a majority, or in the secu­rity of the law; but, when a nation is reduced to such a state of wretchedness and distraction that the laws can afford the people no relief, they will give a minister who has caused the evil but little protection. What the law of the land could not do, the law of nature would ac­complish; the people would inevitably take up arms, and the first characters in the kingdom would be seen in their ranks!

I. PLEADINGS of LYSIAS the ORATOR in Favor of certain ORPHANS defrauded by an UNCLE, Exe­cutor to the Will of their FATHER.

IF the cause, which now comes under your cogni­zance, were not of extraordinary importance, I should never have given my consent that it should be litigated before you. For it seems to me shameful, that near relations should commence prosecutions against one another; and I know, that, in such trials, not only the aggressors, but even those who resent injuries too impatiently, must appear to you in a disadvantageous light. But the plaintiffs, who have been defrauded of a very large sum of money, and cruelly injured by one who ought to have been the last to hurt them; have applied to me, as a relation, to plead their cause, and procure them redress. And I thought I could not decently excuse myself from undertaking the patronage of persons in such distres [...]ful circumstances, with whom I had such close connections: for the sister of the plaintiffs, the niece of Diogiton the defendant, is my wife.

When the plaintiffs intreated me, as they did often, to undertake the management of the suit, I advised them to refer the difference, between them and their uncle the defendant, to private arbitration; thinking it the interest of both parties to conceal, as much as possible, from the knowledge of the public, that there was any dispute between them. But, as Diogiton knew that it was easy to prove him guilty of detaining the property of the plaintiffs his nephews, he foresaw, that it would by no means answer his purpose to submit his cause to the decision of arbitrators. He has, therefore, deter­mined [Page 273] to proceed to the utmost extremity of injustice, at the hazard of the consequences of a prosecution.

I most humbly implore you, venerable judges, to grant the plaintiffs redress, if I show you, as I hope I shall in the most satisfactory manner, that the defend­ant, though so nearly related to the unhappy orphans the plaintiffs, has treated them in such a manner, as would be shameful among absolute strangers.

I beg leave to lay before you, venerable judges, the subject of the present prosecution, as follows:

Diodotus and Diogition were brothers, the children of the same father and the some mother. Upon their father's decease, they divided between them his move­ables; but his real estate they enjoyed conjunctly. Dio­dotus growing rich, Diogition offered him his only daugh­ter in marriage. By her Diodotus had two sons and a daughter. Diodotus happening afterwards to be enrolled, in his turn, to go to the war under Thrasyllus, he call­ed together his wife, his brother's daughter, his wife's brother, and his own brother, who was likewise his father-in-law, and both uncle and grandfather to his children. He thought he could not trust the care of his children in properer hands than those of his brother. He leaves in his custody, his will, with five talents of silver. He gives him an account of seven talents, and forty minae besides, which were out at interest, and a thousand minae, which were due to him by a person in the Cherso­nesus. He had ordered in his will, that, in case of his death, one talent, and the household-furniture, should be his wife's. He bequeathed farther, to his daughter, one talent, and twenty minae, and thirty Cyzicenian staterers, and the rest of his estate equally between his sons. Settling his affairs thus, and leaving a copy of his will, he sets out along with the army. He dies at Ephesus. Diogition conceals from his daughter the death of her husband. He gets into his hands the will of his deceased brother, by pretending that it was ne­cessary for him to show it as a voucher, in order to his transacting some affairs for his brother during his ab­sence. At length, when he thought the decease of his brother could not much longer be concealed, he for­mally declares it. The family go into mourning. [Page 274] They stay one year at Piraeum, where their moveables were. In this time the produce of all that could be sold of the effects being spent, he sends the children to town, and gives his daughter, the widow of his brother Diodotus, to a second husband, and with her five thou­sand drachmae, of which the husband returns him one thousand as a present. When the eldest son came to man's estate, about eight years after the departure of Diodotus, Diogiton calls the children together; tells them, that their father had left them twenty minae of silver, and thirty staterers. "I have laid out (says he) of my own money, for your maintenance and education, a considerable sum. Nor did I grudge it, while I was in flourishing circumstances, and could afford it. But, by unforeseen and irremediable misfortunes, I am redu­ced to an incapacity of continuing my kindness to you. Therefore as you (speaking to the eldest son) are now of an age to shift for yourself, I would advise you to resolve upon some employment, by which you may gain a subsistence."

The poor fatherless children were thunderstruck upon hearing this barbarous speech. They fled in tears to their mother, and, with her, came to request my pro­tection. Finding themselves stripped of the estate left them by their father, and reduced by their hard-hearted uncle and grandfather to absolute beggary, they in­treated that I would not desert them too: but, for the sake of their sister, my wife, would undertake their de­fence. The mother begged that I would bring about a meeting of the relations, to reason the matter with her father; and said, that though she had never before spoke in any large company, especially of men, she would endeavor to lay before them the distresses and injuries of her family.

Diogiton being, with difficulty, brought to the meet­ing, the mother of the plaintiffs asked him, how he could have the heart to use her sons in such a manner? "Are you not, Sir (says she,) the uncle and the grandfather of the two fatherless youths? Are they not the children of your own brother and of your own daughter? How could they be more nearly related to you, unless they were your own sons? And, though [Page 275] you despised all human authority, you ought to reve­rence the gods, who are witnesses of the trust reposed in you by the deceased father of the unhappy youths."

She then enumerated the several sums, the property of the deceased, which had been received by Diogiton, and charged him with them, producing authentic evi­dence of every particular. "You have driven (says she) out of their own house, the children of your own daughter, in rags, unfurnished with the common de­cencies of life. You have deprived them of the effects, and of the money left them by their father. But you want to enrich the children you have had by my step­mother; which, without doubt, you might lawfully and properly do, if it were not at the expence and to the utter ruin of those whose fortunes were deposited in your hands, and whom, from affluence, you want to reduce to beggary; impiously despising the authority of the gods, injuring your own daughter, and violating the sacred will of the dead."

The distressed mother having vented her grief in such bitter complaints as these, we were all, by sympathy, so touched with her afflictions, and the cruelty of her injurious father, that, when we considered in our own minds the hard usage which the young innocents had met with, when we remembered the deceased Diodotus, and thought how unworthy a guardian he had chosen for his children, there was not one of us who could re­frain from tears. And I persuade myself, venerable judges, that you will not be unaffected with so calami­tous a case, when you come to consider attentively the various aggravations of the defendant's proceedings. Such unfaithfulness, in so solemn a trust, were it to pass unpunished, and consequently to become common, would destroy all confidence among mankind; so that nobody would know how, or to whom, he could com­mit the management of his affairs in his absence or after his death.

The defendant, at first, would have denied his having had any effects of his brother's left in his hands; and when he found he could not get off that way, he then produced an account of sums laid out, as he pretended, by him for the children, to such a value as is beyond all [Page 276] belief; no less than seven talents of silver and seven thousand drachmae. All this, he said, had been ex­pended in eight years, in the clothing and maintenance of two boys and a girl.

Had the defendant been a man of any principle, he would have bethought himself of laying out to advan­tage the fortune left in his hands by the deceased, for the benefit of the fatherless children. Had he bought with it lands or houses, the children might have been maintained out of the yearly rents, and the principal have been kept entire. But he does not seem to have once thought of improving their fortune; but, on the contrary, to have contrived only how to strip them.

But the most atrocious (for a single action) of all his proceedings, is what follows. When he was made commander of the gallies, along with Alexis the son of Aristodicus, and, according to his own account, had been, on occasion of fit [...]i [...]g out the fleet and himself, at the expence of forty-eight m [...]nae [...] of his own private purse,—he charges [...] [...]ant-war [...]s with half this sum. Whereas the state not o [...]y exempts minors from public offices, but even grants them immunity for one year at least after they come of age. And when he had fitted out, for a voyage to the Adriatic, a ship of burden to the value of two talents, he told his daughter, the mo­ther o [...] [...]is wards, that the adventure was at the risk and for the benefit of his wards. But, when the returns were made, and he had doubled the sum by the profits of the voyage,—the gains were, he said, all his own! —The fortune of his wards was to answer for the da­mages, but was not to be at all the better for the ad­vantages! If, in this manner, one is to trade at the peril and loss of others, and engross to himself the whole profits, it is not difficult to conceive how his partners may come to be undone while he enriches himself.

To lay before you all the particulars which have come to our knowledge of this complicated scene of wickedness, would but disgust and shock you. We have witnesses h [...]re to prove what we have alleged against this cruel invader of the property of helpless innocents, [Page 277] his own near relations, entrusted to his charge by his deceased brother.

[The witnesses are here examined.]

You have heard, Venerable Judges, the evidence given against the defendant. He himself owns the actual re­ceipt of seven talents and forty minae of the estate of the plaintiffs. To say nothing of what he may have, or rather certainly has gained by the use of this money; I will allow, what every reasonable person will judge more than sufficient for the maintenance of three chil­dren, with a governor and maid—a thousand drachmae a year; which is something less than three drachmae a-day. In eight years, this amounts to eight thousand drachmae. So that, upon balancing the account, there remain due to the plaintiffs, of the seven talents and forty minae, six talents and twenty minae: for the de­fendant cannot pretend, that the estate of the plaintiffs has suffered by fire, by water, or by any other injury than what himself has done it.

II. CICERO AGAINST VERRES.

THE time is come, Fathers, when that which has long been wished for, towards allaying th [...] envy your order has been subject to, and removing [...] im­putations against trials, is effectually put in our [...]er. An opinion has long prevailed, not only here [...] home but likewise in foreign countries, both dangerous to you and pernicious to the state,—that, in prosecutions, men of wealth are always safe, however clearly convict­ed. There is now to be brought upon his trial be­fore you, to the confusion, I hope, of the propagators of this slanderous imputation, one whose life and actions condemn him in the opinion of all impartial persons; but who, according to his own reckoning and declared dependence upon his riches, is already acquitted; I mean Caius Verres. I demand justice of you, Fathers, upon the robber of the public treasury, the oppressor of Asia Minor and Pamphylia, the invader of the rights and privileges of Romans, the scourge and curse of Si­cily. If that sentence is passed upon him which his crimes deserve, your authority, Fathers, will be vene­rable and sacred in the eyes of the public; but if his [Page 278] great riches should bias you in his favor, I shall still gain one point,—to make it apparent to all the world, that what was wanting in this case, was not a crimi­nal nor a prosecutor, but justice and adequate punish­ment.

To pass over the shameful irregularities of his youth, what does his quaestorship, the first public employment he held, what does it exhibit, but one continued scene of villanies? Cneius Carbo plundered of the public money by his own treasurer, a consul stripped and be­trayed, an army deserted and reduced to want, a pro­vince robbed, the civil and religious rights of a people violated. The employment he held in Asia Minor and Pamphylia, what did it produce but the ruin of those countries? in which houses, cities, and temples, were robbed by him. What was his conduct in his praetor­ship here at home? Let the plundered temples, and public works neglected that he might embezzle the money intended for carrying them on, bear witness. How did he discharge the office of a judge? Let those who suffered by his injustice answer. But his praetor­ship in Sicily crowns all his works of wickedness, and finishes a lasting monument to his infamy. The mis­chief [...] done by him in that unhappy country, during the three years of his iniquitious administration, are such, that many years under the wisest and best of praetors will not be sufficient to restore things to the condition in which he found them: for it is notorious, that, du­ring the time of his tyranny, the Sicilians neither en­joyed the protection of their own original laws, of the regulations made for their benefit by the Roman senate upon their coming under the protection of the common­wealth, nor of the natural and unalienable rights of men. His nod has decided all causes in Sicily for these three years. And his decisions have broke all law, all precedent, all right. The sums he has, by arbitrary taxes and unheard of impositions, extorted from the industrious poor, are not to be computed. The most faithful allies of the commonwealth have been treated as enemies. Roman citizens have, like slaves, been put to death with tortures. The most atrocious criminals, for money, have been exempted from the deserved pu­nishments; [Page 279] and men of the most unexceptionable cha­racters condemned and banished unheard. The har­bors, though sufficiently fortified, and the gates of strong towns, opened to pirates and ravagers. The soldiery and sailors, belonging to a province under the protection of the commonwealth, starved to death. Whole fleets, to the great detriment of the province. suffered to perish. The ancient monuments of either Sicilian or Roman greatness, the statues of heroes and princes, carried off; and the temples stripped of the images. Having, by his iniquitous sentences, filled the prisons with the most industrious and deserving of the people, he then proceeded to order numbers of Ro­man citizens to be strangled in the goals; so that the exclamation, "I am a citizen of Rome!" which has often, in the most distant regions, and among the most barbarous people, been a protection, was of no service to them; but, on the contrary, brought a speedier and more severe punishment upon them.

I ask now, Verres, what you have to advance against this charge? Will you pretend to deny it? Will you pre­tend, that any thing false, that even any thing aggrava­ted, is alleged against you? Had any prince, or any state, committed the same outrage against the privilege of Ro­man citizens, should we not think we had sufficient ground for declaring immediate war against them? What pu­nishment ought, then, to be inflicted upon a tyrannical and wicked praetor, who dared, at no greater distance than Sicily, within sight of the Italian coast, to put to the infamous death of crucifixion that unfortunate and innocent citizen Publius Gavius Cosanus, only for his having asserted his privilege of citizenship, and declared his intention of appealing to the justice of his country against a cruel oppressor, who had unjustly confined him in prison at Syracuse, whence he had just made his escape? The unhappy man, arrested as he was going to embark for his native country, is brought before the wicked praetor. With eyes darting fury, and a coun­tenance distorted with cruelty, he orders the helpless victim of his rage to be stripped, and rods to be brought; accusing him, but without the least shadow of evidence, or even of suspicions of having come to Sicily as a spy. [Page 280] It was in vain that the unhappy man cried out, "I am a Roman citizen: I have served under Lucius Pretius, who is now at Panormus, and will attest my innocence." The blood-thirsty p [...]etor, deaf to all he could urge in his own defence, ordered the infamous punishment to be inflicted. Thus, Fathers, was an innocent Roman citizen publicly mangled with scourging; whilst the only words he uttered amidst his cruel sufferings were, "I am a Roman citizen!" With these he hoped to de­fend himself from violence and infamy. But of so little service was this privilege to him, that while he was thus asserting his citizenship, the order was given for his execution—for his execution upon the cross!—

O liberty!—O sound once delightful to every Roman ear!—O sacred privilege of Roman citizenship!—once sacred!—now trampled upon!—But what then! Is it come to this? Shall an inferior magistrate, a governor, who holds his whole power of the Roman people, in a Roman province, within sight of Italy, bind, scourge, torture with fire and red-hot plates of iron, and at last put to the infamous death of the cross, a Roman citizen? Shall neither the cries of innocence expiring in agony, nor the tears of pitying spectators, nor the majesty of the Roman commonwealth, nor the fear of the justice of his country, restrain the licentious and wanton cruelty of a monster, who, in confidence of his riches, strikes at the root of liberty, and sets mankind at de­fiance?

I conclude with expressing my hopes, that your wis­dom and justice, Fathers, will not, by suffering the atrocious and unexampled insolence of Caius Verres to escape the due punishment, leave room to apprehend the danger of a total subversion of authority, and in­troduction of general anarchy and confusion.

III. CICERO FOR MILO.

THAT you may be able the more easily to determine upon this point before you, I shall beg the favor of an attentive hearing, while in a few words I lay open the whole affair.—Clodius being determined, when crea­ted praetor, to harass his country with every species of [Page 281] oppression, and finding the comitia had been delayed so long the year before, that he could not hold this office many months, all on a sudden threw up his own year, and reserved himself to the next; not from any religi­ous scruple, but that he might have, as he said himself, a full entire year for exercising his praetorship; that is, for overturning the commonwealth. Being sensible he must be controled and cramped in the exercise of his praetorian authority under Milo, who, he plainly saw, would be chosen consul by the unanimous consent of the Roman people; he joined the candidates that opposed Milo, but in such a manner that he overruled them in every thing, had the sole management of the election, and, as he used often to boast, bore all the comitia up­on his own shoulders. He assembled the tribes; he thrust himself into their counsels, and formed a new tribe of the most abandoned of the citizens. The more confu­sion and disturbance he made, the more Milo prevailed. When this wretch, who was bent upon all manner of wickedness, saw that so brave a man, and his most in­veterate enemy, would certainly be consul; when he perceived this, not only by the discourses, but by the votes of the Roman people, he began to throw of all disguise, and to declare openly that Milo must be kill­ed. He often intimated this in the senate, and decla­red it expressly before the people; insomuch that when Favonius, that brave man, asked him what prospect he could have of carrying on his furious designs, while Mi­lo was alive? he replied, that in three or four days at most he should be taken out of the way: which reply Favonius immediately communicated to Cato.

In the mean time, as soon as Clodius knew, (nor in­deed was there any difficulty to come at the intelligence) that Milo was obliged by the 18th of January to be at Lanuvium, where he was dictator, in order to nominate a priest, a duty which the laws rendered necessary to be performed every year; he went suddenly from Rome the day before, in order, as appears by the event, to way-lay Milo in his own grounds; and this at a time when he was obliged to leave a tumultuous assembly, which he had summoned that very day, where his presence was necessary to carry on his mad designs; a thing he never [Page 282] would have done, if he had not been desirous to take the advantage of that particular time and place for perpe­trating his villany. But Milo, after having staid in the senate that day till the house was broke up, went home, changed his cloaths, waited a while, as usual, till his wife had got ready to attend him, and then set forward about the time that Clodius, if he had proposed to come back to Rome that day, might have returned. He meets Clodius near his own estate, a little before sun-set, and is immediately attacked by a body of men, who throw their darts at him from an eminence, and kill his coach­man. Upon which he threw off his cloak, leaped from his chariot, and defended himself with great bravery. In the mean time Clodius's attendants drawing their swords, some of them ran back to the chariot in order to attack Milo in the rear; whilst others, thinking that he was already killed, fell upon his servants who were behind: these being resolute and faithful to their master, were, some of them, slain; whilst the rest, seeing a warm en­gagement near the chariot, being prevented from going to their master's assistance, hearing besides from Clodius himself that Milo was killed, and believing it to be fact, acted upon this occasion (I mention it, not with a view to elude the accusation, but because it was the true state of the case) without the orders, without the knowledge, without the presence of their master, as every man would wish his own servants should act in the like cir­cumstances.

This, my Lords, is a faithful account of the matter of fact: the person who lay in wait was himself over­come, and force subdued by force, or rather audacious­ness chastised by true valor. I say nothing of the ad­vantage which accrues to the state in general, to your­selves in particular, and to all good men; I am content to wave the argument I might draw from hence in fa­vor of my client, whose destiny was so peculiar, that he could not secure his own safety, without securing yours and that of the republic at the same time. If he could not do it lawfully, there is no room for attempt­ing his defence. But, if reason teaches the learned, ne­cessity the barbarian, common custom all nations in ge­neral, and even nature itself instructs the brutes to de­fend [Page 283] their bodies, limbs, and lives when attacked, by all possible methods, you cannot pronounce this action cri­minal, without determining at the same time, that who­ever falls into the hands of a highwayman, must of ne­cessity perish either by the sword or your decisions. Had Milo been of this opinion, he would certainly have cho­sen to have fallen by the hand of Clodius, who had more than once before this made an attempt upon his life, rather than be executed by your order, because he had not tamely yielded himself a victim to his rage. But if none of you are of this opinion, the proper question is, not whether Clodius was killed; for that we grant: but whether justly or unjustly? If it appear that Milo was the aggressor, we ask no favor; but if Clodius, you will then acquit him of the crime that has been laid to his charge.

What method then can we take to prove that Clodius lay in wait for Milo? It is sufficient, considering what an audacious abandoned wretch he was, to show that he lay under a strong temptation to it, that he formed great hopes, and proposed to himself great advantages from Milo's death. By Milo's death, Clodius would not only have gained his point of being praetor, without that restraint which his adversary's power as consul would have laid upon his wicked designs, but likewise that of being praetor under those consuls, by whose connivance at least, if not assistance, he hoped he should be able to betray the state into the mad schemes he had been form­ing; persuading himself, that as they thought them­selves under so great an obligation to him, they would have no inclination to oppose any of his attempts, even if they should have it in their power; and that, if they were inclined to do it, they would perhaps be scarce able to control the most profligate of all men, who had been confirmed and hardened in his audaciousness by a long series of villanies.

Milo is so far from receiving any benefit from Clodi­us's death, that he is really a sufferer by it. But it may be said that hatred prevailed, that anger and resentment urged him on, that he avenged his own wrongs, and re­dressed his own grievances. Now if all these particu­lars may be applied not merely with greater propriety [Page 284] to Clodius than to Milo, but with the utmost propriety to the one, and not the least to the other; what more can you desire? For why should Milo bear any other hatred to Clodius, who furnished him with such a rich harvest of glory, but that which every patriot must bear to all bad men? As to Clodius, he had motives enough for bearing ill-will to Milo; first, as my protector and guardian; then as the opposer of his mad schemes, and the controller of his armed force; and lastly, as his accuser.

Every circumstance, my Lords, concurs to prove that it was for Milo's interest Clodius should live; that, on the contrary, Milo's death was a most desirable event for answering the purposes of Clodius; that on the one side there was a most implacable hatred, on the other not the least; that the one had been continually employ­ing himself in acts of violence, the other only in oppo­sing them; that the life of Milo was threatened, and his death publicly foretold by Clodius, whereas nothing of that kind was ever heard from Milo; that the day fixed for Milo's journey was well known to his adversary, while Milo knew not when Clodius was to return; that Milo's journey was necessary, but that of Clodius rather the contrary; that the one openly declared his intention of leaving Rome that day, while the other co­cealed his intention of returning; that Milo made no al­teration in his measures, but that Clodius feigned an ex­cuse for altering his; that if Milo had designed to way-lay Clodius, he would have waited for him near the city till it was dark, but that Clodius, even if he had been under no apprehensions from Milo, ought to have been afraid of coming to town so late at night.

Let us now consider whether the place where they encountered was most favourable to Milo or to Clodius. But can there, my Lords, be any room for doubt, or de­liberation upon that? It was near the estate of Clodius, where at least a thousand able-bodied men were employ­ed in his mad schemes of building. Did Milo think he should have an advantage by attacking him from an e­minence, and did he for this reason pitch upon that spot for the engagement; or was he not rather expected in that place by his adversary, who hoped the situation [Page 285] would favor his assault? The thing, my Lords, speaks for itself, which must be allowed to be of the greatest importance in determining a question. Were the affair to be represented only by painting, instead of being ex­pressed by words, it would even then clearly appear which was the traitor, and which was free from all mischievous designs; when the one was sitting in his chariot muffled up in his cloak, and his wife along with him. Which of these circumstances was not a very great incumbrance? the dress, the chariot, or the companion? How could he be worse equipped for an engagement, when he was wrapt up in a cloak, embarrassed with a chariot, and almost fettered by his wife? Observe the other now, in the first place, sallying out on a sudden from his seat; for what reason? in the evening; what urged him? late; to what purpose, especially at that season? He calls at Pompey's seat; with what view? To see Pompey? He knew he was at Alsium. To see his house? He had been in it a thousand times. What then could be the reason of this loitering and shifting about? He wanted to be upon the spot when Milo came up.

But if, my Lords, you are not yet convinced, though the thing shines out with such strong and full evidence, that Milo returned to Rome with an innocent mind, un­stained with guilt, undisturbed by fear, and free from the accusations of conscience; call to mind, I beseech you by the immortal gods, the expedition with which he came back, his entrance into the forum while the se­nate-house was in flames, the greatness of soul he disco­vered, the look he assumed, the speech he made on the occasion. He delivered himself up, not only to the peo­ple, but even to the senate; nor to the senate alone, but even to guards appointed for the public security; nor merely to them, but even to the authority of him whom the senate had intrusted with the care of the whole republic: to whom he would never have deliver­ed himself, if he had not been confident of the goodness of his cause.

What now remains, but to beseech and adjure you, my Lords, to extend that compassion to a brave man, which he disdains to implore, but which I, even against his consent, implore and earnestly intreat. Though you [Page 286] have not seen him shed a single tear while all are weep­ing around him, though he has preserved the same steady countenance, the same firmness of voice and language, do not on this account withhold it from him.

On you, on you I call, ye heroes, who have lost so much blood in the service of your country! to you, ye centurions, ye soldiers, I appeal in this hour of danger to the best of men, and bravest of citizens! while you are looking on, while you stand here with arms in your hands, and guard this tribunal, shall virtue like this be expelled, exterminated, cast out with dishonor? By the immortal gods I wish (pardon me, O my coun­try! for I fear what I shall say out of a pious regard for Milo may be deemed impiety against thee,) that Clodius not only lived, but were praetor, consul, dictator, rather than be witness to such a scene as this. Shall this man, then, who was born to save his country, die any where but in his country? Shall he not at least die in the ser­vice of his country? Will you retain the memorials of his gallant soul, and deny his body a grave in Italy? Will any person give his voice for banishing a man from this city, whom every city on earth would be proud to receive within its walls? Happy the country that shall receive him! ungrateful this, if it shall banish him! wretched, if it should lose him! But I must conclude; my tears will not allow me to proceed, and Milo for­bids tears to be employed in his defence. You, my Lords, I beseech and adjure, that, in your decision you would dare to act as you think. Trust me, your forti­tude, your justice, your fidelity, will more especially be approved of by him (Pompey,) who in his choice of judges has raised to the bench the bravest, the wisest, and the best of men.

I. CAIUS MARIUS to the ROMANS; showing the Ab­surdity of their hesitating to confer on him the RANK of GENERAL merely on ACCOUNT of his EXTRACTION.

IT is but too common, my Countrymen, to observe a material difference between the behavior of those who stand candidates for places of power and trust, be­fore and after their obtaining them. They solicit them in one manner, and execute them in another. They set out with a great appearance of activity, humility, and moderation; and they quickly fall into sloth, pride, and avarice.—It is, undoubtedly, no easy matter to dis­charge, to the general satisfaction, the duty of a supreme commander in troublesome times. To carry on, with effect, an expensive war, and yet be frugal of the pub­lic money; to oblige those to serve, whom it may be delicate to offend; to conduct, at the same time, a com­plicated variety of operations; to concert measures at home, answerable to the state of things abroad; and to gain every valuable end, in spite of opposition from the envious, the factious, and the disaffected—to do all this, my countrymen, is more difficult than is generally thought.

But, besides the disadvantages which are common to me with all others in eminent stations, my case is, in this respect, peculiarly hard—that, whereas a command­der of Patrician rank, if he is guilty of a neglect or breach of duty, has his great connections, the antiquity of his family, the important services of his ancestors, and the multitudes he has, by power, engaged in his interest, to screen him from condign punishment, my whole safety depends upon myself; which renders it the more indispen­sably necessary for me to take care that my conduct be [Page 288] clear and unexceptionable. Besides, I am well aware, my Countrymen, that the eye of the public is upon me; and that, though the impartial, who prefer the real ad­vantage of the commonwealth to all other considerations, favor my pretensions, the Partricians want nothing so much as an occasion against me. It is, therefore, my fixed resolution, to use my best endeavors, that you be not disappointed in me, and that their indirect designs against me may be defeated.

I have, from my youth, been familiar with toils and with dangers. I was faithful to your interest, my coun­trymen, when I served you for no reward but that of honor. It is not my design to betray you, now that you have conferred upon me a place of profit. You have committed to my conduct the war against Jugur­tha. The Patricians are offended at this. But, where would be the wisdom of giving such a command to one of their honorable body? a person of illustrious birth, of ancient family, of innumerable statues, but—of no experience! What service would his long line of dead ancestors, or his multitude of motionless statues, do his country in the day of battle? What could such a gene­ral do, but, in his trepidation and inexperience, have re­course to some inferior commander for direction in diffi­culties to which he was not himself equal? Thus, your Patrician general would in fact have a general over him; so that the acting commander would still be a Plebeian. So true is this, my Countrymen, that I have, myself, known those who have been chosen consuls, begin then to read the history of their own country, of which, till that time, they were totally ignorant; that is, they first obtained the employment, and then bethought them­selves of the qualifications necessary for the proper dis­charge of it.

I submit to your judgment, Romans, on which side the advantage lies, when a comparison is made between Patrician haughtiness and Plebeian experience. The very actions, which they have only read, I have partly seen, and partly myself atchieved. What they know by reading, I know by action. They are pleased to slight my mean birth: I despise their mean characters. Want of birth and fortune is the objection against me; want [Page 289] of personal worth, against them. But are not all men of the same species? What can make a difference be­tween one man and another, but the endowments of the mind? For my part, I shall always look upon the bra­vest man as the noblest man. Suppose it were enquired of the fathers of such Patricians as Albinus and Bestia, whether, if they had their choice, they would desire sons of their character, or of mine: what would they answer, but that they should wish the worthiest to be their sons? If the Patricians have reason to despise me, let them likewise despise their ancestors, whose nobility was the fruit of their virtue. Do they envy the honors bestow­ed upon me? let them envy, likewise, my labors, my abstinence, and the dangers I have undergone for my country, by which I have acquired them. But those worthless men lead such a life of inactivity, as if they despised any honors you can bestow; whilst they aspire to honors, as if they had deserved them by the most industrious virtue. They lay claim to the rewards of activity, for their having enjoyed the pleasures of lux­ury. Yet none can be more lavish than they are in praise of their ancestors. And they imagine they ho­nor themselves by celebrating their forefathers; where­as they do the very contrary: for, as much as their an­cestors were distinguished for their virtues, so much are they disgraced by their vices. The glory of ancestors casts a light, indeed, upon their posterity; but it only serves to show what the descendants are. It alike exhi­bits to public view their degeneracy and their worth. I own I cannot boast of the deeds of my forefathers; but I hope I may answer the cavils of the Patricians by standing up in defence of what I have myself done.

Observe now, my Countrymen, the injustice of the Patricians. They arrogate to themselves honors on account of the exploits done by their forefathers, whilst they will not allow me the due praise for performing the very same sort of actions in my own person. He has no statues, they cry of his family. He can trace no venerable line of ancestors.—What then? Is it matter of more praise to d [...]grace one's illustrious ancestors, than to become illustrious by one's own good behavior? What if I can show no statues of my family? I can show [Page 290] the standards, the armor, and the trappings, which I have myself taken from the vanquished: I can show the scars of those wounds, which I have received by facing the enemies of my country. These are my statues. These are the honors I boast of. Not left me by in­heritance, as theirs; but earned by toil, by abstinence, by valor; amidst clouds of dust and seas of blood: scenes of action, where those effeminate Patricians, who endeavor by indirect means to depreciate me in your esteem, have never dared to show their faces.

II. SPEECH of PUBLIUS SCIPIO to the ROMAN AR­MY before the Battle of the TICIN.

WERE you, Soldiers, the same army which I had with me in Gaul, I might well forbear saying any thing to you at this time: for what occasion could there be to use exhortation to a cavalry that had so signally vanquished the squadrons of the enemy upon the Rhone; or to legions, by whom that same enemy, flying before them to avoid a battle, did in effect confess themselves conquered? but as these troops, having been enrolled for Spain, are there with my brother [...]neius, making war under my auspices (as was the will of the senate and people of Rome,) I, that you might have a consul for your captain against Hannibal and the Carthaginians, have freely offered myself for this war. You, then, have a new general, and I a new army. On this account, a few words from me to you will be neither improper nor unseasonable.

That you may not be unapprised of what sort of enemies you are going to encounter, or of what is to be feared from them, they are the very same, whom, in a former war, you vanquished both by land and sea; the same from whom you took Sicily and Sardinia, and who have been these twenty years your tributaries. You will not, I presume, march against these men with only that courage with which you are wont to face other ene­mies: but with a certain anger and indignation, such as you would feel if you saw your slaves on a sudden rise up in arms against you. Conquered and enslaved, it is not boldness, but necessity, that urges them to battle; unless you can believe that those who avoided fighting [Page 291] when their army was entire, have acquired better hope by the loss of two-thirds of their horse and foot in the passage of the Alps.

But you have heard, perhaps, that, though they are few in number, they are men of stout hearts and robust bodies; heroes of such strength and vigor as nothing is able to resist.—Mere effigies! nay, shadows of men! wretches, emaciated with hunger, and benumbed with cold! bruised and battered to pieces among the rocks and craggy cliffs! their weapons broken, and their horses weak and foundered! Such are the cavalry, and such the infantry, with which you are going to contend; not enemies, but the fragments of enemies. There is nothing which I more apprehend, than that it will be thought Hannibal was vanquished by the Alps before we had any conflict with him. But, perhaps, it was fitting it should be so; and that, with a people and a leader who had violated leagues and covenants, the gods themselves, without man's help, should begin the war, and bring it to a near conclusion; and that we, who, next to the gods, have been injured and offended, should happily finish what they have begun.

I need not be in any fear that you should suspect me of saying these things merely to encourage you, while inwardly I have different sentiments. What hindered me from going into Spain? That was my province, where I should have had the less dreaded Asdrubal, not Hannibal, to deal with. But, hearing, as I passed along the coast of Gaul, of this enemy's march, I landed my troops, sent the horse forward, and pitched my camp upon the Rhone. A part of my cavalry encountered, and defeated that of the enemy. My infantry not being able to overtake theirs, which fled before us, I returned to my fleet; and, with all the expedition I could use in so long a voyage by sea and land, am come to meet them at the foot of the Alps. Was it, then, my inclination to avoid a contest with this tremendous Hannibal? and have I met with him only by accident and unawares? or am I come on purpose to challenge him to the combat? I would gladly try, whether the earth, within these twenty years, has brought forth a new kind of Cartha­ginians; or whether they be the same sort of men who [Page 292] fought at the Aegates, and whom, at Eryx, you suffered to redeem themselves at eighteen denarii per head: whether this Hannibal, for labors and journeys, be, as he would be thought, the rival of Hercules; or whe­ther he be, what his father left him, a tributary, a vas­sal, a slave of the Roman people. Did not the con­sciousness of his wicked deed at Saguntum torment him and make him desperate, he would have some regard, if not to his conquered country, yet surely to his own fa­mily, to his father's memory, to the treaty written with Amilcar's own hand. We might have starved him in Eryx; we might have passed into Africa with our victo­rious fleet, and, in a few days, have destroyed Car­thage. At their humble supplication, we pardoned them; we released them, when they were closely shut up without a possibility of escaping; we made peace with them when they were conquered. When they were distressed by the African war, we considered them, we treated them, as a people under our protection. And what is the return they make us for all these favors? Under the conduct of a hair-brained young man, they come hither to overturn our state, and lay waste our coun­try.—I could wish, indeed, that it were not so; and that the war we are now engaged in concerned only our own glory, and not our preservation. But the contest at pre­sent is not for the possession of Sicily and Sardinia, but of Italy itself: nor is there behind us another army, which, if we should not prove the conquerors, may make head against our victorious enemies. There are no more Alps for them to pass, which might give us leisure to raise new forces. No, Soldiers; here you must make your stand, as if you were just now before the walls of Rome. Let every one refle [...]t, that he is now to defend, not his own person only, but his wife, his children, his helpless infants. Yet, let not private considerations alone possess our minds: let us remember that the eyes of the senate and people of Rome are upon us; and that as our force and courage shall now prove, such will be the fortune of that city and of the Roman empire.

III. SPEECH of HANNIBAL to the CARTHAGINIAN AR­MY, on the same OCCASION.

I KNOW not, Soldiers, whether you or your prisoners be encompassed by fortune with the stricter bonds and necessities. Two seas enclose you on the right and left; not a ship to fly to for escaping. Before you is the Po, a river broader and more rapid than the Rhone: behind you are the Alps; over which, even when your numbers were undiminished, you were hardly able to force a passage. Here, then, Soldiers, you must ei­ther conquer or die the very first hour you meet the enemy.

But the same fortune which has thus laid you under the necessity of fighting, has set before your eyes the most glorious rewards of victory. Should we, by our valor, recover only Sicily and Sardinia, which were ravished from our fathers, those would be no inconsider­able prizes. Yet, what are those? The wealth of Rome; whatever riches she has heaped together in the spoils of nations; all these with the masters of them, will be yours. The time is now come to reap the full recompense of your toilsome marches, over so many mountains and ri­vers, and through so many nations, all of them in arms. This is the place which Fortune has appointed to be the limits of your labor; it is here that you will finish your glorious warfare, and receive an ample recompense of your completed service. For I would not have you imagine, that victory will be as difficult as the name of a Roman war is great and sounding. It has often happened that a despised enemy has given a bloody battle; and the most renowned kings and nations have by a small force been overthrown. And, if you but take away the glitter of the Roman name, what is there wherein they may stand in competition with you? For (to say nothing of your service in war, for twenty years together, with so much valor and success) from the very pillars of Hercules, from the ocean, from the ut­most bounds of the earth, through so many warlike na­tions of Spain and Gaul, are you not come hither vic­torious? And with whom have you now to fight? With raw soldiers, an undisciplined army, beaten, vanquish­ed [Page 294] besieged by the Gauls the very last summer; an army unknown to their leader, and unacquainted with him.

Or shall I, who was born, I might almost say, but certainly brought up, in the tent of my father, that most excellent general; shall I, the conqueror of Spain and Gaul, and not only of the Alpine nations, but, which is greater still, of the Alps themselves; shall I compare myself with this half-year captain? a captain, before whom should one place the two armies without their ensigns, I am persuaded he would not know to which of them he is consul. I esteem it no small advantage, Sol­diers, that there is not one among you, who has not often been an eye-witness of my exploits in war: not one, of whose valor I myself have not been a spectator, so as to be able to name the times and places of his noble achieve­ments; that with soldiers, whom I have a thousand times praised and rewarded, and whose pupil I was be­fore I became their general, I shall march against an ar­my of men strangers to one another.

On what side soever I turn my eyes, I behold all full of courage and strength. A veteran infantry; a most gallant cavalry; you, my Allies, most faithful and val­liant; you, Carthaginians, whom not only your coun­try's cause, but the justest anger, impels to battle. The hope, the courage of assailants, is always greater than of those who act upon the defensive. With hostile ban­ners displayed, you are come down upon Italy: you bring the war. Grief, injuries, indignities, fire your minds, and spur you forward to revenge.—First, they demanded me, that I, your general, should be delivered up to them; next, all of you who had fought at the siege of Saguntum: and we were to be put to death by the extremest tortures. Proud and cruel nation! Every thing must be yours, and at your disposal? You are to prescribe to us with whom we shall make war, with whom shall we make peace? You are to set us bounds; to shut us up within hills and rivers; but you are not to observe the limits which yourselves have fixed! "Pass not the Iberus." What next? "Touch not the Sa­guntines; Saguntum is upon the Iberus, move not a step towards that city." Is it a small matter, then, that [Page 295] you have deprived us of our ancient possessions, Sicily and Sardinia? you would have Spain too. Well; we shall yield Spain, and then—you will pass into Africa.— Will pass, did I say?—this very year they ordered one of their consuls into Africa, the other into Spain. No, Soldiers; there is nothing left for us but what we can vindicate with our swords. Come on, then. Be men. The Romans may, with more safety, be cowards: they have their own country behind them, have places of re­fuge to fly to, and are secure from danger in the roads thither; but, for you, there is no middle fortune between death and victory. Let this be but well fixed in your minds; and, once again, I say you are conquerors.

IV. Speech of ADHERBAL to the Roman Senate, im­ploring their Assistance against JUGURTHA.

IT is known to you, that king Micipsa, my father, on his deathbed, left in charge to Jugurtha, his adopted son, conjunctly with my unfortunate brother Hiempsal, and myself, the children of his own body, the adminis­tration of the kingdom of Numidia, directing us to consi­der the senate and people of Rome as proprietors of it. He charged us to use our best endeavors to be servicea­ble to the Roman commonwealth, in peace and war; assuring us, that your protection would prove to us a de­fence against all enemies, and would be instead of ar­mies, fortifications, and treasures.

While my brother and I were thinking of nothing but how to regulate ourselves according to the direc­tions of our deceased father—Jugurtha—the most infa­mous of mankind!—breaking through all ties of gra­titude and of common humanity, and trampling on the authority of the Roman commonwealth, procured the murder of my unfortunate brother, and has driven me from my throne and native country, though he knows I inherit, from my grandfather Massinissa, and my fa­ther Micipsa, the friendship and alliance of the Ro­mans.

For a prince to be reduced, by villany, to my di­stressful circumstances, is calamity enough; but my misfortunes are heightened by the consideration that I [Page 296] find myself obliged to solicit your assistance, Fathers, for the services done you by my ancestors, not for any I have been able to render you in my own person. Ju­gurtha has put it out of my power to deserve any thing at your hands; and has forced me to be burdensome, before I could be useful to you. And yet, if I had no plea, but my undeserved misery—a once powerful prince, the descendant of a race of illustrious monarchs, now, without any fault of my own, destitute of every sup­port and reduced to the necessity of begging foreign assistance, against an enemy who has seized my throne and my kingdom—if my unequalled distresses were all I had to plead—it would become the greatness of the Roman commonwealth, the arbitress of the world, to protect the injured, and to check the triumph of daring wickedness over helpless innocence.—But, to provoke your vengeance to the utmost, Jugurtha has driven me from the very dominions, which the senate and people of Rome gave to my ancestors: and, from which, my grandfather, and my father, under your umbrage, ex­pelled Syphax and the Carthaginians. Thus, Fathers, your kindness to our family is defeated; and Jugurtha, in injuring me, throws contempt on you.

Oh wretched prince! Oh cruel reverse of fortune! Oh father Micipsa! is this the consequence of your gene­rosity; that he, whom your goodness raised to an equa­lity with your own chidren, should be the murderer of your children? Must, then, the royal house of Nu­midia always be a scene of havoc and blood? While Carthage remained, we suffered, as was to be expected, all sorts of hardships from their hostile attacks: our enemy near: our only powerful ally, the Roman com­monwealth, at a distance. While we were so circum­stanced, we were always in arms, and in action. When that scourge of Africa was no more, we congratulated ourselves on the prospect of established peace. But, instead of peace, behold the kingdom of Numidia drenched with royal blood! and the only surviving son of its late king, flying from an adopted murderer, and seeking that safety in foreign parts which he cannot command in his own kingdom.

Whither—Oh! whither shall I fly? If I return to [Page 297] the royal palace of my ancestors, my father's throne is seized by the murderer of my brother. What can I there expect, but that Jugurtha should hasten to im­brue, in my blood, those hands which are now reek­ing with my brother's? If I were to fly for refuge, or for assistance, to any other court; from what prince can I hope for protection, if the Roman commonwealth gives me up? From my own family or friends I have no expectations. My royal father is no more. He is beyond the reach of violence, and out of hearing of the complaints of his unhappy son. Were my brother alive, our mutual sympathy would be some alleviation. But he is hurried out of life, in his early youth, by the very hand which should have been the last to injure any of the royal family of Numidia. The bloody Ju­gurtha has butchered all whom he suspected to be in my interest. Some have been destroyed by the linger­ing torment of the cross. Others have been given a prey to wild beasts, and their anguish made the sport of men more cruel than wild beasts. If there be any yet alive, they are shut up in dungeons, there to drag out a life more intolerable than death itself.

Look down, illustrious senators of Rome! from that height of power to which you are raised, on the unex­ampled distresses of a prince, who is, by the cruelty of a wicked intruder, become an outcast from all mankind. Let not the crafty insinuations of him who returns murder for adoption, prejudice your judgment. Do not listen to the wretch who has butchered the son and relations of a king, who gave him power to sit on the same throne with his own sons.—I have been informed, that he labors by his emissaries to prevent your deter­mining any thing against him in his absence; pretending that I magnify my distress, and might for him have staid in peace in my own kingdom. But if ever the time comes when the due vengeance from above shall overtake him, he will then dissemble as I do. Then he, who now, hardened in wickedness, triumphs over those whom his violence has laid low, will, in his turn, feel distress, and suffer for his impious ingrati­tude to my father, and his blood-thirsty cruelty to my brother.

[Page 298]Oh murdered butchered brother! Oh dearest to my heart—now gone for ever from my sight!—But, why should I lament his death? He is, indeed, deprived of the blessed light of heaven, of life, and kingdom, at once, by the very person who ought to have been the first to hazard his own life in defence of any one of Micipsa's family: but, as things are, my brother is not so much deprived of these comforts, as delivered from terror, from flight, from exile, and the endless train of miseries which render life to me a burden. He lies full low, gored with wounds, and festering in his own blood. But he lies in peace. He feels none of the miseries which rend my soul with agony and distrac­tion, while I am set up a spectacle to all mankind of the uncertainty of human affairs. So far from having it in my power to revenge his death, I am not master of the means of securing my own life. So far from being in a condition to defend my kingdom from the violence of the usurper, I am obliged to apply for fo­reign protection for my own person.

Fathers! Senators of Rome! the arbiters of the world! —to you I fly for refuge from the murderous fury of Jugurtha.—By your affection for your children, by your love for your country, by your own virtues, by the ma­jesty of the Roman commonwealth, by all that is sacred, and all that is dear to you—deliver a wretched prince from undeserved, unprovoked injury; and save the king­dom of Numidia, which is your own property, from be­ing the prey of violence, usurpation, and cruelty.

V. Speech of CANULEIUS to the Consuls; in which he demands that the PLEBEIANS may be admitted into the Consulship, and that the law prohibiting PATRI­CIANS and PLEBEIANS from intermarrying may be repealed.

WHAT an insult upon us is this! If we are not so rich as the Patricians, are we not citizens of Rome as well as they? inhabitants of the same country? mem­bers of the same community? The nations bordering up­on Rome, and even strangers more remote, are admit­ted, not only to marriages with us, but to what is of much greater importance, the freedom of the city. Are [Page 300] the decemvirs enacted it? and a most shameful one it is in a free state. Such marriages, it seems, will taint the pure blood of the nobility! Why, if they think so, let them take care to match their sisters and daughters with men of their own sort. No Plebeian will do violence to the daughter of a Patrician. Those are exploits for our prime nobles. There is no need to fear that we shall force any body into a contract of marriage. But, to make an express law to prohibit marriages of Patrici­ans with Plebeians, what is this but to show the utmost contempt of us, and to declare one part of community to be impure and unclean?

They talk to us of the confusion there will be in fa­milies if this statute should be repealed. I wonder they don't make a law against a commoner's living near a nobleman, or going the same road that he is going, or being present at the same feast, or appearing in the same market-place. They might as well pretend that these things make confusion in families, as that intermarriages will do it. Does not every one know, that the chil­dren will be ranked according to the quality of their fa­ther, let him be a Patrician or a Plebeian? In short, it is manifest enough that we have nothing in view but to be treated as men and citizens; nor can they who op­pose our demand have any motive to do it but the love of domineering. I would fain know of you, Consuls and Patricians, is the sovereign power in the people of Rome, or in you? I hope you will allow, that the people can, at their pleasure, either make a law or repeal one. And will you, then, as soon as any law is proposed to them, pretend to list them immediately for the war, and hin­der them from giving their suffrages by leading them into the field?

Hear me, consuls. Whether the news of the war you talk of be true, or whether it be only a false rumor spread abroad for nothing but a color to send the peo­ple out of the city, I declare, as tribune, that this peo­ple who have already so often spilt their blood in our country's cause, are again ready to arm for its defence and its glory, if they may be restored to their natural rights, and you will no longer treat us like strangers in our own country: but, if you account us unworthy of [Page 299] we, because we are commoners, to be treated worse than strangers? And, when we demand that the people may be free to bestow their offices and dignities on whom they please, do we ask any thing unreasonable or new? Do we claim more than their original inherent right? What occasion, then, for all this uproar, as if the uni­verse were falling to ruin? They were just going to lay violent hands upon me in the senate-house.

What! must this empire, then, be unavoidably over­turned: must Rome of necessity sink at once, if a Ple­beian, worthy of the office, should be raised to the con­sulship? The Patricians, I am persuaded, if they could, would deprive you of the common light. It certainly offends them that you breathe, that you speak, that you have the shapes of men. Nay, but to make a commoner a consul, would be, say they, a most enormous thing. Numa Pompilius, however, without being so much as a Roman citizen, was made king of Rome. The elder Tarquin, by birth not even an Italian, was nevertheless placed upon the throne. Servius Tullius, the son of a captive woman (nobody knows who his father was), obtained the kingdom as the reward of his wisdom and virtue. In those days, no man in whom virtue shone conspicuous was rejected or despised on account of his race and descent. And did the state prosper the less for that? Were not these strangers of the very best of all our kings? and supposing, now, that a Plebeian should have their talents and merit, must not he be suffered to govern us.

But, "we find, that, upon the abolition of the regal power, no commoner was chosen to the consulate." And what of that? Before Numa's time, there were no pontiffs in Rome. Before Servius Tullius's days, there were no census, no division of people into classes and centuries. Who ever heard of consuls, before the ex­pulsion of Tarquin the Proud? Dictators, we all know, are of modern invention; and so are the offices of tri­bunes, aediles, quaestors. Within these ten years we have made decemvirs, and we have unmade them. Is nothing to be done but what has been done before? That very law forbidding marriages of Patricians with Plebeians, is not that a new thing? Was there any such law before [Page 301] your alliance by intermarriages, if you will not suffer the entrance to the chief offices in the state to be open to all persons of merit indifferently, but will confine you choice of magistrates to the senate alone—talk of wars as much as ever you please; paint, in your ordinary discourses, the league and power of our enemies, ten times more dreadful than you do now—I declare, that this people whom you so much despise, and to whom you are nevertheless indebted for all your victories— shall never more insist themselves; not a man of them shall take arms; not a man of them shall expose his life for imperious lords, with whom he can neither share the dignities of the state, nor in private life have any al­liance by marriage.

VI. SPEECH of JUNIUS BRUTUS over the dead BODY of LUCRETIA.

YES, noble lady, I swear by this blood, which was once so pure, and which nothing but royal villany could have polluted, that I will pursue Lucius Tarqui­nius the Proud, his wicked wife, and their children, with fire and sword; nor will I ever suffer any of that family, or of any other whatsoever, to be king in Rome: Ye gods, I call you to witness this my oath!—There, Ro­mans, turn your eyes to that sad spectacle—the daugh­ter of Lucretius, Collatinus's wife—she died by her own hand. See there a noble lady, whom the lust of a Tar­quin reduced to the necessity of being her own execu­tioner, to attest her innocence. Hospitably entertained by her as a kinsman of her husband's, Sextus, the per­fidious guest, became her brutal ravisher. The chaste, the generous Lucretia, could not survive the insult. Glori­ous woman! But once only treated as a slave, she thought life no longer to be endured. Lucretia, a woman, dis­dained a life that depended on a tyrant's will; and shall we—shall men, with such an example before our eyes, and after five-and-twenty years of ignominious servitude, shall we, through a fear of dying, defer one single in­stant to assert our liberty? No, Romans, now is the time; the favorable moment we have so long waited for is come. Tarquin is not at Rome. The Patricians are at the head of the enterprise. The city is abundantly [Page 302] provided with men, arms, and all things necessary. There is nothing wanting to secure the success, if our own courage does not fail us. And shall those warriors, who have ever been so brave when foreign enemies were to be subdued, or when conquests were to be made to gratify the ambition and avarice of Tarquin, be then only cowards, when they are to deliver themselves from slavery?—Some of you are perhaps intimidated by the army which Tarquin now commands. The soldiers, you imagine, will take the part of their general. Banish so groundless a fear. The love of liberty is natural to all men. Your fellow-citizens in the camp feel the weight of oppression with as quick a sense as you that are in Rome: they will as eagerly seize the occasion of throw­ing off the yoke. But, let us grant there may be some among them, who, through baseness of spirit or a bad education, will be disposed to favor the tyrant. The number of these can be but small, and we have means sufficient in our hands to reduce them to reason. They have left us hostages more dear to them than life. Their wives, their children, their fathers, their mothers, are here in the city. Courage, Romans, the gods are for us; those gods, whose temples and altars the impious Tarquin has profaned by sacrifices and libations made with polluted hands, polluted with blood, and with num­berless unexpiated crimes committed against his subjects. —Ye gods, who protected our forefathers, ye genii, who watch for the preservation and glory of Rome, do you inspire us with courage and unanimity in this glorious cause, and we will, to our last breath, defend your worship from all profanation.

DEMOSTHENES to the ATHENIANS, exciting them to prosecute the WAR against PHILIP.

WHEN I compare, Athenians, the speeches of some amongst us with their actions, I am at a loss to re­concile what I see with what I hear. Their protes­tations are full of zeal against the public enemy; but their measures are so inconsistent, that all their profes­sions become suspected. By confounding you with a va­riety of projects, they perplex your resolutions; and lead [Page 303] you from executing what is in your power, by engaging you in schemes not reducible to practice.

'Tis true, there was a time, when we were powerful enough, not only to defend our own borders, and pro­tect our allies, but even to invade Philip in his own do­minions. Yes, Athenians, there was such a juncture; I remember it well. But, by neglect of proper opportu­nities, we are no longer in a situation to be invaders: it will be well for us, if we can provide for our own de­fence, and our allies. Never did any conjuncture require so much prudence as this. However, I should not despair of seasonable remedies, had I the art to prevail with you to be unanimous in right measures. The opportunities which have so often escaped us, have not been lost thro' ignorance or want of judgment, but through negli­gence or treachery.—If I assume, at this time, more than ordinary liberty of speech, I conjure you to suffer patiently those truths which have no other end but your own good. You have too many reasons to be sen­sible how much you have suffered by hearkening to sy­cophants. I shall, therefore, be plain in laying before you the grounds of past miscarriages, in order to correct you in your future conduct.

You may remember, it is not above three or four years since we had the news of Philip's laying siege to the for­tress of Juno in Thrace. It was, as I think, in Octo­ber, we received this intelligence. We voted an imme­diate supply of threescore talents; forty men of war were ordered to sea; and so zealous we were, that, preferring the necessities of state to our very laws, our citizens above the age of five-and-forty years were commanded to serve. What followed?—A whole year was spent idly without any thing done; and it was but in the third month of the following year, a little after the celebra­tion of the feast of Ceres, that Charedemus set sail, fur­nished with no more than five talents, and ten galleys not half-manned.

A rumor was spread, that Philip was sick. That ru­mor was followed by another, that Philip was dead. And, then, as if all danger died with him, you dropped your preparations: whereas, then, then was your time to push, and be active; then was your time to sec [...]e [Page 304] yourselves, and confound him at once. Had your reso­lutions, taken with so much heat, been as warmly se­conded by action, you had then been as terrible to Phi­lip, as Philip, recovered, is now to you. "To what purpose, at this time, these reflections? What is done, cannot be undone." But, by your leave, Athenians, though past moments are not to be recalled, past errors may be repeated. Have we not, now, a fresh provoca­tion to war? Let the memory of oversights, by which you have suffered so much, instruct you to be more vigi­lant in the present danger. If the Olynthians are not instantly succoured, and with your utmost efforts, you become assistants to Philip, and serve him more effectu­ally than he can help himself.

It is not, surely, necessary to warn you, that votes alone can be of no consequence. Had your resolutions, of themselves, the virtue to compass what you intend, we should not see them multiply every day, as they do, and upon every occasion, with so little effect; nor would Philip be in a condition to brave and affront us in this manner.—Proceed, then, Athenians, to support your deliberations with vigor. You have heads capable of advising what is best; you have judgment and experi­ence to discern what is right; and you have power and opportunity to execute what you determine. What time so proper for action? What occasion so happy? And when can you hope for such another, if this be ne­glected? Has not Philip, contrary to all treaties, insult­ed you in Thrace? Does he not, at this instant, straiten and invade your confederates, whom you have solemnly sworn to protect? Is he not an implacable enemy? a faithless ally? the usurper of provinces, to which he has no title nor pretence? a stranger, a barbarian, a tyrant? and, indeed, what is he not?

Observe, I beseech you, men of Athens, how different your conduct appears, from the practices of your ances­tors. They were friends to truth and plain dealing, and detested flattery and servile compliance. By unanimous consent, they continued arbiters of all Greece, for the space of forty-five years, without interruption: a public fund, of no less than ten thousand talents, was ready so any emergency: they exercised over the kings of Mace­don [Page 305] that authority which is due to barbarians; obtain­ed, both by sea and land, in their own persons, frequent and signal victories; and, by their noble exploits, trans­mitted to posterity an immortal memory of their virtue, superior to the reach of malice and detraction. It is to them we owe that great number of public edifices, by which the city of Athens exceeds all the rest of the world in beauty and magnificence. It is to them we owe so many stately temples, so richly embellished, but, above all, adorned with the spoils of vanquished ene­mies.—But, visit their own private habitations; visit the houses of Aristides, Miltiades, or any other of those patriots of antiquity;—you will find nothing, not the least mark or ornament, to distinguish them from their neighbors. They took part in the government, not to enrich themselves, but the public; they had no scheme or ambition, but for the public; nor knew any interest, but the public. It was by a close and steady application to the general good of their country, by an exemplary piety towards the immortal gods, by a strict faith and religious honesty betwixt man and man, and a mode­ration always uniform and of a piece, they established that reputation, which remains to this day, and will last to utmost posterity.

Such, O men of Athens! were your ancestors: so glo­rious in the eye of the world; so bountiful and munifi­cent to their country; so sparing, so modest, so self-denying to themselves. What resemblance can we find, in the present generation, of these great men? At a time, when your ancient competitors have left you a clear stage; when the Lacedemonians are disabled; the Thebans em­ployed in troubles of their own; when no other state whatever is in a condition to rival or molest you; in short, when you are at full liberty; when you have the opportunity and the power to become once more the sole arbiters of Greece;—you permit, patiently, whole provinces to be wrested from you; you lavish the public money in scandalous and obscure uses; you suffer your allies to perish in times of peace, whom you preser­ved in time of war; and, to sum up all, you yourselves, by your mercenary court, and servile resignation to the will and pleasure of designing, insidious leaders, abet, [Page 306] encourage, and strengthen the most dangerous and for­midable of your enemies. Yes, Athenians, I repeat it, you yourselves are the contrivers of your own ruin. Lives there a man who has confidence enough to deny it? let him arise, and assign, if he can, any other cause of the success and prosperity of Philip. "But," you reply, "what Athens may have lost in reputation abroad, she has gained in splendor at home. Was there ever a greater appearance of prosperity; a greater face of plen­ty? Is not the city enlarged? Are not the streets better paved, houses repaired and beautified?"—Away with such trifles! Shall I be paid with counters? An old square new vamped up! a fountain! an aqueduct! Are these acquisitions to brag of? Cast your eye upon the ma­gistrate, under whose ministry you boast these precious improvements. Behold the despicable creature, raised, all at once, from dirt to opulence; from the lowest ob­scurity to the highest honors. Have not some of these upstarts built private houses and seats vying with the most sumptuous of our public palaces? And how have their fortunes and their power increased, but as the commonwealth has been ruined and impoverished!

To what are we to impute these disorders; and to what cause assign the decay of a state so powerful and flourishing in past times?—The reason is plain. The ser­vant is now become the master. The magistrate was then subservient to the people; punishments and re­wards were properties of the people; all honors, dig­nities, and preferments, were disposed by the voice and favor of the people: but the magistrate, now, has usurped the right of the people, and exercises an arbi­trary authority over his ancient and natural lord. You miserable people! the meanwhile, without money, with­out friends; from being the ruler, are become the ser­vant; from being the master, the dependant: happy that these governors, into whose hands you have thus resigned your own power, are so good and so gracious as to continue your poor allowance to see plays.

Believe me, Athenians, if, recovering from this le­thargy, you would assume the ancient freedom and spi­rit of your fathers; if you would be your own soldiers and your own commanders, confiding no longer your [Page 307] affairs in foreign or mercenary hands; if you would charge yourselves in your own defenee, employing a­broad, for the public, what you waste in unprofitable pleasures at home; the world might, once more, behold you making a figure worthy of Athenians. "You would have us then (you say) do service in our armies, in our own persons; and, for so doing, you would have the pensions we receive in time of peace accepted as pay in time of war. Is it thus we are to understand you?" —Yes, Athenians, 'tis my plain meaning. I would make it a standing rule, that no person, great or little, should be the better for the public money, who should grudge to employ it for the public service. Are we in peace! the public is charged with your subsistence. Are we in war, or under a necessity, as at this time, to enter into a war? let your gratitude oblige you to accept, as pay, in defence of your benefactors, what you receive, in peace, as mere bounty—Thus, without any innova­tion; without altering or abolishing any thing, but per­nicious novelties, introduced for the encouragement of sloth and idleness; by converting only, for the future, the same funds, for the use of the serviceable, which are spent, at present, upon the unprofitable; you may be well served in your armies; your troops regularly paid; justice duly administered; the public revenues reformed, and increased; and every member of the commonwealth, rendered useful to his country, according to his age and ability, without any further burden to the state.

This, O men of Athens! is what my duty prompted me to represent to you upon this occasion.—May the gods inspire you, to determine upon such measures, as may be most expedient, for the particular and general good of our country!

I. DIALOGUES.

II. SPEECHES AND SOLILOQUIES.