HAVING, from pure conviction, taken a warm part in favour of the British colonies (now the United States of America) during the late war; and been exposed, in consequence of this, to much abuse and some danger; it must be supposed that I have been waiting for the issue with anxiety—I am thankful that my anxiety is removed; and that I have been spared to be a witness to that very issue of the war which has been all along the object of my wishes. With heart-felt satisfaction, I see the revo­lution in favour of universal liberty which has taken place in America;—a revolution which opens a new prospect in human affairs, and begins a new aera in the history of man­kind; [Page 4] —a revolution by which Britons them­selves will be the greatest gainers, if wise enough to improve properly the check that has been given to the despotism of their mi­nisters, and to catch the flame of virtuous li­berty which has saved their American brethren.

The late war, in its commencement and pro­gress, did great good by disseminating just sen­timents of the rights of mankind, and the na­ture of legitimate government; by exciting a spirit of resistance so tyranny, which has eman­cipated one European country, and is likely to emancipate others; and by occasioning the establishment in America of forms of govern­ment more equitable and more liberal than any that the world has yet known. But, in its termination, the war has done still greater good by preserving the new governments from that destruction in which they must have been involved, had Britain conquered; by provid­ing, in a sequestered continent possessed of many singular advantages, a place of refuge for opprest men in every region of the world; and by laying the foundation there of an em­pire which may be the seat of liberty, science and virtue, and from whence there is reason to hope these sacred blessings will spread, till they become universal and the time arrives when kings and priests shall have no more power to oppress, and that ignominious sla­very which has hitherto debased the world is [Page 5] exterminated. I therefore, think I see the hand of Providence in the late war working for the general good; and can scarcely avoid crying out, It was the Lord's doing.

Reason, as well as tradition and revelati­on, lead us to expect that a more improved and happy state of human affairs will take place before the consumination of all things. The world has hitherto been gradually im­proving. Light and knowledge have been gaining ground, and human life at present, compared with what it once was, is much the same that a youth approaching to manhood is compared with an infant.

Such are the natures of things that this progress must continue. During particular intervals it may be interrupted, but it cannot be destroy'd. Every present advance pre­pares the way for farther advances; and a single experiment or discovery may some­times give rise to so many more as suddenly to raise the species higher, and to resemble the effects of opening a new sense, or of the fall of a spark on a train that springs a mine. For this reason, mankind may at last arrive at degrees of improvement which we cannot now even suspect to be possible. A dark age may follow an enlightened age; but, in this case, the light, after being smothered for a time, will break out again with a brighter lustre. [Page 6] The present age of increased light, considered as succeeding the ages of Greece and Rome and an intermediate period of thick darkness, fur­nishes a proof of the truth of this observation. There are certain kinds of improvement which, when once made, cannot be entirely lost. During the dark ages, the improvements made in the ages that preceded them remain­ed so far as to be recovered immediately at the resurrection of letters, and to produce after­wards that more rapid progress in improve­ment which has distinguished modern times.

There can scarcely be a more pleasing and encouraging object of reflection than this. An accidental observation of the effects of gravity in a garden has been the means of dis­covering the laws that govern the solar sys­tem ^*, and of enabling us to look down with pity on the ignorance of the most enlightened times among the antients. What new digni­ty has been given to man, and what additions have been made to his powers, by the inven­tion of optical glasses, printing, gun-powder, &c. and by the late discoveries in navigation, mathematics, natural philosophy, &c.?

But among the events in modern times tend­ing to the elevation of mankind, there are none [Page 7] probably of so much consequence as the re­cent one which occasions these observations. Perhaps, I do not go too far when I say that, next to the introduction of Christianity among mankind, the American revolution may prove the most important step in the progressive course of human improvement. It is an event which may produce a general diffusion of the principles of humanity, and become the means of setting free mankind from the shack­les of superstition and tyranny, by leading them to see and know ‘that nothing is fun­damental but impartial enquiry, an honest mind, and virtuous practice—that state policy ought not to be applied to the sup­port of speculative opinions and formula­ries of faith.’— ‘That the members of a civil community are confederates, not sub­jects; and their rulers, servants, not masters. —And that all legitimate government consists in the dominion of equal laws made with common consent; that is, in the do­minion of men over themselves; and not in the dominion of communities over commu­nities, or of any men over other men.’

Happy will the world be when these truths shall be every where acknowledged and prac­tised upon. Religious bigotry, that cruel demon, will be then laid asleep. Slavish go­vernments and slavish Hierarchies will then [Page 8] sink▪ and the old prophecies be verified, ‘that the last universal empire upon earth shall be the empire of reason and virtue, under which the gospel of peace (better understood) shall have free course and be glo­rified, many will run to and fro and knowledge be increased, the wolf dwell with the lamb and the leopard with the kid, and nation no more lift up a sword against nation.’

It is a conviction I cannot resist, that the in­dependence of the English colonies in Ameri­ca is one of the steps ordained by Providence to introduce these times; and I can scarcely be deceived in this conviction, if the United States should escape some dangers which threaten them, and will take proper care to throw themselves open to future improve­ments, and to make the most of the advantages of their present situation. Should this happen, it will be true of them as it was of the people of the Jews, that in them all the families of the earth shall be blessed. It is scarcely possible they should think too highly of their own conse­quence. Perhaps, there never existed a peo­ple on whose wisdom and virtue more depend­ed: or to whom a station of more importance in the plan of Providence has been assigned. They have begun nobly. They have fought with success for themselves and for the world; and, in the midst of invasion and carnage, es­tablished [Page 9] forms of government favourable in the highest degree to the rights of mankind. —But they have much more to do; more indeed than it is possible properly to represent. In this address, my design is only to take no­tice of a few great points which seem particu­larly to require their attention, in order to render them permanently happy in themselves and useful to mankind. On these points, I shall deliver my sentiments with freedom, conscious I mean well; but, at the same time, with real diffidence, conscious of my own lia­bleness to error.

IT seems evident, that what first requires the attention of the United States is the redemption of their debts, and making com­pensation to that army which has carried them through the war. They have an infant cre­dit to cherish and rear, which, if this is not done, must perish, and with it their character and honour for ever. Nor is it conceivable they should meet with any great difficulties in doing this. They have a vast resource peculiar to themselves, in a continent of un­located [Page 10] lands possessing every advantage of soil and climate. The settlement of these lands will be rapid, the consequence of which must be a rapid increase of their value. By disposing of them to the army and to emi­grants, the greatest part of the debts of the United States may probably be sunk imme­diately. But had they no such resource, they are very capable of bearing taxes sufficient for the purpose of a gradual redemption. Supposing their debts to amount to nine milli­ons sterling, carrying interest at 5½ per cent. taxes producing a revenue of a million per ann. would pay the interest, and at the same time leave a surplus of half a million per ann. for a sinking fund, which would discharge the principal in thirteen years. A surplus of a quarter of a million would do the same in 20½ years. After discharging the principal, the appropriated revenue being no longer wanted, might be abolished, and the States eased of the burden of it. But it would be impru­dent to abolish it entirely. 100,000 l. per ann. reserved, and faithfully laid out in clear­ing unlocated lands and other improvements, would in a short time increase to a treasure (or continental patrimony) which would de­fray the whole expenditure of the union, and keep the States free from debts and taxes for [Page 11] ever ^*. Such a reserve would (supposing it improved so as to produce a profit of 5 per cent.) increase to a capital of three millions in 19 years, 30 millions in 57 years, 100 milli­ons in 81 years, and 261 millions in 100 years. But supposing it capable of being improved so as to produce a profit of 10 per cent. it would increase to five millions in 19 years, 100 millions in 49 years, and 10,000 millions in 97 years.

It is wonderful that no state has yet thought of taking this method to make itself great and rich. The smallest appropriation in a sinking fund, never diverted, operates in cancelling debts, just as money increases at compound interest; and is, therefore, omnipotent ^*. But, [Page 12] if diverted, it loses all its power. BRITAIN affords a striking proof of this. Its sinking fund (once the hope of the kingdom) has, by the practice of alienating it, been render­ed impotent and useless. Had it been in­violably applied to the purpose for which it was intended, there would in the year 1775, have been a surplus in the revenue of more than five millions per ann. But instead of this, we were then encumbered with a debt of 137 millions, carrying an interest of near 4½ mil­lions, and leaving no surplus of any conse­quence. This debt has been since increased to 280 millions, carrying an interest (inclu­ding expences of management) of nine millions and a half.—A monstrous bubble;—and as no effectual measures are likely to be taken (or perhaps can now be taken) for reducing it within the limits of safety, it must, some time or other, produce a dreadful convulsion. Let the United States take warning—Their debts at present are moderate. A Sinking fund, guarded ^* against misapplication, may soon extinguish them, and prove a resource in all events of the greatest importance. Let such a fund be established. Could a sacredness be given it like that of the ark of God among the Jews, it would do the same service.

[Page 13]I must not, however, forget that there is ONE of their debts on which no sinking fund can have any effect; and which it is impossi­ble for them to discharge:—A debt, greater, perhaps, than has been ever due from any country; and which will be deeply felt by their latest posterity.—But it is a debt of GRATITUDE only—Of GRATITUDE to that General, who has been raised up by Provi­dence to make them free and independent, and whose name must shine among the first in the future annals of the benefactors of man­kind.

The measure now proposed may preserve America for ever from too great an accumu­lation of debts; and, consequently, of taxes —an evil which is likely to be the ruin not only of Britain, but of other European States. —But there are measures of yet greater con­sequence, which I wish ardently to recommend and inculcate.

For the sake of mankind, I wish to see every measure adopted that can have a tendency to preserve PEACE in America; and to make it an open and fair stage for discussion, and the seat of PERFECT LIBERTY.

CIVIL Government is an expedient for col­lecting the wisdom and the force of a community or confederacy, to preserve its peace and liberty against every hostile inva­sion, whether from within or from without.— In the latter of these respects, the United States are happily secured; but they are far from being equally happy in the former re­spect. Having now, in consequence of their successful resistance of the invasion of Britain, united to their remoteness from Europe, no external enemy to fear, they are in danger of fighting with one another.—This is their greatest danger; and providing securities against it is their hardest work. Should they fail in this, America may some time or other be turned into a scene of blood; and instead of being the hope and refuge of the world, may become a terror to it.

When a dispute arises among individuals in a State, an appeal is made to a court of law; that is, to the wisdom and justice of the State. The court decides. The losing par­ty acquiesces; or, if he does not, the power of the State forces him to submission; and thus the effects of contention are supprest, and peace is maintained.—In a way similar [Page 15] to this, peace may be maintained between any number of confederated States; and I can al­most imagine, that it is not impossible but that by some such means universal peace may some time or other be produced, and all war excluded from the world.—Why may we not hope to see this begun in America?—The articles of confederation make considerable advances towards it. When a dispute arises between any of the States, they order an ap­peal to Congress—an enquiry by Congress,— a hearing,—and a decision.—But here they stop.—What is most of all necessary is omit­ted. No provision is made for enforcing the decisions of Congress; and this renders them inefficient and sutile. I am by no means qualified to point out the best method of re­moving this defect. Much must be given up for this purpose, nor is it easy to give up too much. Without all doubt the powers of Congress must be enlarged. In particular, a power must be given it to collect, on certain emergencies, the force of the confederacy, and to employ it in carrying its decisions in­to execution. A State against which a de­cision is made, will yield of course when it knows that such a force exists, and that it allows no hope from resistance.

By this force I do not mean a STANDING ARMY. God forbid, that standing armies should ever find an establishment in America! [Page 16] They are every where the grand supports of arbitrary power, and the chief causes of the depression of mankind. No wise people will trust their defence out of their own hands, or consent to hold their rights at the mercy of armed slaves. Free States ought to be bodies of armed citizens, well regulated, and well disciplined, and always ready to turn out, when properly called upon, to execute the laws, to quell riots, and to keep the peace. Such, if I am rightly informed, are the citi­zens of America. Why then may not CON­GRESS be furnished with a power of calling out from the confederated States, quotas of militia sufficient to force at once the com­pliance of any State which may shew an in­clination to break the union by resisting its decisions?

I am very sensible that it will be difficult to guard such a power against abuse; and, per­haps, better means of answering this end are discoverable. In human affairs, however, the choice generally offered us is "of two evils to take the least." We chuse the re­straint of civil government, because a less evil than anarchy; and, in like manner, in the present instance, the danger of the abuse of power, and of its being employed sometimes to enforce wrong decisions, must be sub­mitted to, because a less evil than the misery [Page 17] of intestine wars. Much, however, may be done to lessen this danger. Such regulations as those in the ninth of the articles of conse­deration will, in a great measure, prevent hasty and partial decisions. The rotation es­tablished by the fifth article will prevent that corruption of character which seldom fails to be produced by the long possession of power; and the right reserved to every State of re­calling its Delegates when dissatisfied with them, will keep them constantly responsible and cautious.

The observations now made must be ex­tended to money transactions. Congress must be trusted with a power of procuring supplies for defraying the expences of the confedera­tion; of contracting debts, and providing funds for discharging them: and this power must not be capable of being defeated by the opposition of any minority in the States.

In short, the credit of the United States, their strength, their respectableness abroad, their liberty at home, and even their existence, depend on the preservation of a firm political union; and such an union cannot be pre­served, without giving all possible weight and energy to the authority of that delega­tion which constitutes the union.

Would it not be proper to take periodical surveys of the different states, their numbers of both sexes in every stage of life, their con­dition, [Page 18] occupations, property, &c.?—Would not such surveys, in conjunction with accurate registers of births, marriages and deaths at all ages, afford much important instruction by shewing what laws govern human mortality, and what situations, employments, and civil institutions, are most favourable to the health and happiness of mankind?—Would they not keep constantly in view the progress of population in the states, and the increase or decline of their resources? But more especially, are they not the only means of procuring the necessary information for determining accu­rately and equitably the proportions of men and money to be contributed by each state for supporting and strengthening the confedera­tion?

THE next point I would insist on, as an object of supreme importance, is the establishment of such a system of perfect li­berty, religious as well as civil, in America, as shall render it a country where truth and rea­son shall have fair play, and the human pow­ers find full scope for exerting themselves, and for shewing how far they can carry hu­man improvement.

The faculties of man have hitherto, in all countries, been more or less cramped by the interference of civil authority in matters of [Page 19] speculation, by tyrannical laws against heresy and schism, and by slavish hierarchies and religious establishments. It is above all things desirable that no such fetters on reason should be admitted into America. I ob­serve, with inexpressible satisfaction, that at present they have no existence there. In this respect the governments of the United States are liberal to a degree that is unparalleled. They have the distinguished honour of being the first states under heaven in which forms of government have been established favour­able to universal liberty. They have been thus distinguished in their infancy. What then will they be in a more advanced state; when time and experience, and the concurring assistance of the wise and virtuous, in every part of the earth, shall have introduced into the new governments, corrections and amend­ments which will render them still more friendly to liberty, and more the means of promoting human happiness and dignity?— May we not see there the dawning of brigh­ter days on earth, and a new creation rising. But I must check myself. I am in danger of being carried too far by the ardor of my hopes.

The liberty I mean includes in it liberty of conduct in all civil matters—liberty of discus­sion in all speculative matters—and liberty of conscience in all religious matters.—And it is [Page 20] then perfect, when under no restraint except when used to injure any one in his person, property, or good name; that is, except when used to destroy itself.

In liberty of discussion, I include the li­berty of examining all public measures, and the conduct of all public men; and of writ­ing and publishing on all speculative and doctrinal points.

IT is a common opinion, that there are some doctrines so sacred, and others of so bad a tendency, that no public discussion of them ought to be allowed. Were this a right opinion, all the persecution that has been ever practised would be justified. For, if it is a part of the duty of civil magistrates to prevent the discussion of such doctrines, they must, in doing this, act on their own judgments of the nature and tendency of doctrines, and, consequently, they must have a right to pre­vent the discussion of all doctrines which they think to be sacred for discussion or too dangerous in their tendency; and this right they must exercise in the only way in which civil power is capable of exercising it, "by in­flicting penalties on all who oppose sacred doc­trines, or who maintain pernicious opinions." In Mahometan countries, therefore, civil magi­strates [Page 21] have a right to silence and punish all who oppose the divine mission of Mahomet, a doctrine there reckoned of the most sacred na­ture. The like is true of the doctrines of transubstantiation, worship of the Virgin Ma­ry, &c. in Popish countries; and of the doc­trines of the Trinity, satisfaction, &c. in Pro­testant countries.—In England itself, this principle has been acted upon, and produced the laws which subject to severe penalties all who write or speak against the Supreme Di­vinity of Christ, the Book of Common Pray­er, and the Church Articles of Faith. All such laws are right, if the opinion I have mentioned is right. But in reality, civil pow­er has nothing to do with any such matters; and civil governors go miserably out of their proper province, whenever they take upon them the care of truth, or the support of any doctrinal points. They are not judges of truth; and if they pretend to decide about it, they will decide wrong. Th [...] all the countries under heaven think of the application of civil power to doctrinal points in every country but their own. It is, indeed, superstition, idolatry, and nonsense, that civil power at present sup­ports almost every where, under the idea of supporting sacred truth, and opposing dan­gerous error. Would not, therefore, its per­fect neutrality be the greatest blessing?— Would not the interest of truth gain unspeak­ably, were all the rulers of States to aim at [Page 22] nothing but keeping the peace; or did they consider themselves as bound to take care, not of the future, but the present interest of men;—not of their souls and their faith, but of their persons and property;—not of any ec­clesiastical, but secular matters only?

All the experience of past time proves that the consequence of allowing civil power to judge of the nature and tendency of doctrines, must be making it a hindrance to the pro­gress of truth, and an enemy to the improve­ment of the world.

Anaxagoras was tried and condemned in Greece for teaching that the sun and stars were not Deities, but masses of corruptible matter. Accusations of a like kind contri­buted to the death of Socrates. The threats of bigots and the fear of persecution, pre­vented Copernicus from publishing, during his whole life time, his discovery of the true sys­tem of the world. Galileo was obliged to re­nounce the doctrine of the motion of the earth, and suffered a year's imprisonment for having asserted it. And so lately as the year 1742, the best commentary on the first pro­duction of human genius (NEWTON'S Princi­pia) was not allowed to be printed at ROME, because it asserted this doctrine; and the learned commentators were obliged to prefix to their work a declaration, that on this point [Page 23] they submitted to the decisions of the supreme Pontiffs. Such have been, and such (while men continue blind and ignorant) will always be the consequences of the interposition of civil governments in matters of speculation.

When men associate for the purpose of ci­vil government, they do it not to defend truth, or to support formularies of faith and speculative opinions; but to defend their ci­vil rights, and to protect one another in the free exercise of their mental and corporeal powers. The interference, therefore, of civil authority in such cases is directly contrary to the end of its institution. The way in which it can best promote the interest and dignity of mankind, (as far as they can be promoted by the discovery of truth) is, by encouraging them to search for truth wherever they can find it; and by protecting them in doing this against the attacks of malevolence and bigotry. Should any attempt be made by contending sects to injure one another, its power will come in properly to crush the at­tempt, and to maintain for all sects equal li­berty, by punishing every encroachment up­on it. The conduct of a civil magistrate, on such an occasion, should be that of Gallio the wise Roman proconsul, who, on receiving an accusation of the apostle Paul, would not listen to it, but drove from his presence the accu­sers who had laid violent hands upon him, af­ter [Page 24] giving them the following admonition;— If it were a matter of wrong or wicked lewdness, reason would require that I should bear with you. But if it be a question of words and names and the law, look you to it. For I will be no judge of such matters. Acts xviii. 12. &c. How much happier would the world have been, had all magistrates acted in this manner? Let America learn this important lesson, and pro­fit by the experience of past times. A dissent from established opinions and doctrines has in­deed often miserably disturbed society, and produced mischief and bloodshed. But it should be remembered, that this has been ow­ing to the establishment of the points dissented from, and the use of civil power to enforce the reception of them. Had civil govern­ment done its duty, left all free, and employ­ed itself in procuring instead of restraining fair discussion, all mischief would have been avoided, and mankind would have been rais­ed higher than they are in knowledge and improvement.

When Christianity, that first and best of all the means of human improvement, was first preached, it was charged with turning the world upside down. The leaders of Jewish and Pagan establishments were alarmed, and by opposing the propagation of it, converted a religion of peace and love into an occasion of violence and slaughter; and thus verified [Page 25] our Lord's prophecy, that he was come not to send peace, but a sword on earth. All this was the effect of the misapplication of the powers of government. Instead of creating, they should have been employed in preventing such mischief, and been active only in causing the Christian cause to receive a fair hearing, and guarding the propagators of it against in­sult.—The like observation may be made concerning the first reformers.—What we all see would have been right in Pagan and Popish governments with respect to Christianity and the Reformation; would it not be now right in Christian or Protestant governments, were any attempts made to propagate a new reli­gion, or any doctrines advanced opposite to those now held sacred! Such attempts, if unsupported by reason and evidence, would soon come to nothing. An imposter cannot stand the test of fair and open examination. On the contrary, the cause of truth will cer­tainly be served by it. Mahometanism would have sunk as soon as it rose, had no other force than that of evidence been employed to propagate it; and it is an unspeakable re­commendation of Christianity, that it made its way till it became the religion of the world in one of its most enlightened periods, by evidence only, in opposition to the strongest exertions of civil power. There cannot be a more striking proof, that nothing but fair discussion is necessary to suppress error and to [Page 26] propagate truth. I am grieved, indeed, when­ever I find any Christians shewing a dispositi­on to call in the aid of civil power to defend their religion. Nothing can be more dis­graceful to it. If it wants such aid it can­not be of God. Its corruption and debasement took place from the moment that civil power took it under its patronage; and this corruption and debasement increased, till at last it was converted into a system of absurdity and superstition more gross and more barba­rous than Paganism itself.—The religion of Christ disclaims all connexion with the civil establishments of the world. It has suffered infinitely by their friendship. Instead of silencing its opponents, let them be encouraged to produce their strongest arguments against it. The experience of Britain has lately shewn that this will only cause it to be better under­stood and more firmly believed.

I would extend these observations to all points of faith, however sacred they may be deemed. Nothing reasonable can suffer by discussion. All doctrines really sacred must be clear and incapable of being opposed with success. If civil authority interposes, it will be to support some misconception or abuse of them.

That immoral tendency of doctrines which has been urged as a reason against allowing the public discussion of them, may be either [Page 27] avowed and direct, or only a consequence with which they are charged. If it is avowed and direct, such doctrines certainly will not spread. The principles rooted in human nature will resist them; and the advocates of them will be soon disgraced. If, on the contrary, it is only a consequence with which a doctrine is charged, it should be considered how apt all parties are to charge the doctrines they oppose with bad tendencies. It is well known, that Calvinists and Arminians, Trinitarians and So­cinians, Fatalists and Free-willers, are continu­ally exclaiming against one another's opini­ons as dangerous and licentious. Even Chris­tianity itself could not, at its first introducti­on, escape this accusation. The professors of it were considered as Atheists, because they opposed Pagan idolatry; and their religion was on this account reckoned a destructive and pernicious enthusiasm. If, therefore, the rulers of a State are to prohibit the propagation of all doctrines in which they apprehend im­moral tendencies, an opening will be made, as I have before observed, for every species of persecution. There will be no doctrine, how­ever true or important, the avowal of which will not in some country or other be subject­ed to civil penalties.—Undoubtedly, there are doctrines▪ which have such tendencies. But the tendencies of speculative opinions have often very little effect on practice. The Au­thor of nature has planted in the human mind [Page 28] principles and feelings which will operate in opposition to any theories that may seem to contradict them. Every sect, whatever may be its tenets, has some salvo for the necessity of virtue. The philosophers who hold that matter and motion have no existence except in our own ideas, are capable of believing this only in their closets. The same is true of the philosophers who hold that nothing exists but matter and motion; and at the same time teach, that man has no self determining power: that an unalterable fate governs all things; and that no one is any thing that he can avoid being, or does any thing that he can avoid doing. —These philosophers when they come out in­to the world act as other men do. Common sense never fails to get the better of their theo­ries; and I know that many of them are some of the best men in the world, and the warm­est friends to the true interests of society. Though their doctrine may seem to furnish an apology for vice, their practice is an exhi­bition of virtue; and a government which would silence them would greatly injure itself. —Only overt acts of injustice, violence or defamation, come properly under the cogni­ [...]nce of civil power. Were a person now to go about London, teaching that ‘property is founded in grace,’ I should, were I a magistrate, let him alone while he did nothing but teach, without being under any apprehen­sion than that he would soon find a lodging [Page 29] in Bedlam. But were he to attempt to carry his doctrine into its consequences by actually stealing, under the pretence of his right as a saint to the property of his neighbours, I should think it my duty to lay hold of him as a felon, without regarding the opinion from which he acted.

I am persuaded, that few or no inconve­niencies would arise from such a liberty. If magistrates will do their duty as soon as vio­lence begins, or any overt acts which break the peace are committed, no great harm will arise from their keeping themselves neutral till then. Let, however, the contrary be sup­posed. Let is be granted that civil authori­ty will in this case often be too late in its ex­ertions; the just inference will be, not that the liberty I plead for ought not to be allow­ed; but that there will be two evils, between which an option must be made, and the least of which must be preferred.— One is, the evil just mentioned.—The other in­cludes in it every evil which can arise from making the rulers of States judges of the ten­dency of doctrines, subjecting freedom of en­quiry to the controul of their ignorance, and perpetuating darkness, intolerance and slave­ry, I need not say which of these evils is the least.

IN LIBERTY of CONSCIENCE I include much more than Toleration. Jesus Christ has established a perfect equality among his followers. His command is, that they shall assume no jurisdiction over one another, and acknowledge no master besides himself.—It is, therefore, presumption in any of them to claim a right to any superiority or pre-emi­nence over their brethren. Such a claim is implied, whenever any of them pretend to tolerate the rest.—Not only all Christians, but all men of all religions ought to be con­sidered by a State as equally intitled to its protection as far as they demean themselves honestly and peaceably. Toleration can take place only where there is a civil establish­ment of a particular mode of religion; that is, where a predominant sect enjoys exclusive advantages, and makes the encouragement of its own mode of faith and worship a part of the constitution, of the State; but at the same time thinks fit to SUFFER the exercise of other modes of faith and worship. Thanks be to God, the new American States are at present strangers to such establishments. In this re­spect, as well as many others, they have shewn, in framing their constitutions, a degree of wisdom and liberality which is above all praise.

[Page 31]Civil establishments of formularies of faith and worship are inconsistent with the rights of private judgment—They ingender strife—They turn religion into a trade—They shoar up error—They produce hypocrisy and pre­varication—They lay an undue byass on the human mind in its enquiries, and obstruct the progress of truth.— Genuine religion is a concern that lies entirely between God and our own souls. It is incapable of receiving any aid from human laws. It is contaminat­ed as soon as worldly motives and sanctions mix their influence with it. Statesmen should countenance it only by exhibiting in their own example a conscientious regard to it in those forms which are most agreeable to their own judgments, and by encouraging their fellow-citizens in doing the same. They cannot as public men give it any other assistance. All besides that has been called a public leading in religion, has done it an essential injury, and produced some of the worst consequences.

The Church Establishment in England is one of the mildest sort. But even here what a snare has it been to integrity? And what a check to free enquiry? What dispositions favourable to despotism has it fostered? What a turn to pride and narrowness and dominati­on has it given the clerical character? What struggles has it produced in its members to accommodate their opinions to the subscrip­tions [Page 32] and tests which it imposes? What a per­version of learning has it occasioned to defend obselete creeds and absurdities? What a bur­then is it on the consciences of some of its best clergy, who, in consequence of being bound down to a system they do not approve, and having no support except that which they derive from conforming to it, find themselves under the hard necessity of either prevaricating or starving?—No one doubts but that the English clergy in general could with more truth declare that they do not, than that they do give their unfeigned assent to all and every thing contained in the thirty-nine Articles and the Book of Common-Prayer; and yet, with a solemn declaration to this purpose, are they obliged to enter upon an office which above all offices requires those who exercise it to be examples of simplicity and sincerity.—Who can help execrating the cause of such an evil?

But what I wish most to urge is the tenden­cy of religious establishments to impede the improvement of the world. They are boun­daries prescribed by human folly to human investigation; and inclosures which intercept the light and confine the exertions of reason. Let any one imagine to himself what effects similar establishments would have in Philo­sophy, Navigation, Metaphysicks, Medicine or Mathematicks. Something like this took place in Logick and Philosophy; while the [Page 33] IPSE DIXIT of Aristotle and the nonsense or the schools maintained an authority like that of the creeds of churchmen: And the effect was a longer continuance of the world in the ignorance and barbarity of the dark ages. But civil establishments of religion are more pernicious. So apt are mankind to misrepre­sent the character of the Deity, and to connect his favour with particular modes of faith, that it must be expected, that a religion so settled will be what it has hitherto been—a gloomy and cruel superstition bearing the name of religion.

It has been long a subject of dispute, which is worst in its effects on society, such a religion or speculative Atheism. For my own part, I could almost give the preference to the latter. —ATHEISM is so repugnant to every principle of common sense, that it is not possible it should ever gain much ground, or become very pre­valent. On the contrary; there is a par­ticular proneness in the human mind to SU­PERSTITION, and nothing is more likely to become prevalent.—ATHEISM leaves us to the full influence of most of our natural feel­ings and social principles; and these are so strong in their operation, that in general they are a sufficient guard to the order of society. But SUPERSTITION counteracts these princi­ples, by holding forth men to one another as objects of divine hatred; and by putting them [Page 34] on harrassing, silencing, imprisoning and burn­ing one another in order to do God service.— ATHEISM is a sanctuary for vice by taking away the motives to virtue arising from the will of God and the fear of a future judgment. But SUPERSTITION is more a sanctuary for vice, by teaching men ways of pleasing God without moral virtue, and by leading them even to compound for wickedness by ritual services, by bodily penances and mortificati­ons, by adoring shrines, going pilgrimages, saying many prayers, receiving absolution from the priest, exterminating heretics, &c.— ATHEISM destroys the sacredness and obliga­tion of an oath. But is there not also a reli­gion (so called) which does this, by teaching that there is a power which can dispense with the obligation of oaths, that pious frauds are right, and that faith is not to be kept with heretics?

It is indeed only a rational and liberal reli­gion; a religion founded on just notions of the Deity as a being who regards equally eve­ry sincere worshipper, and by whom all are alike favoured as far as they act up to the light they enjoy; a religion which consists in the imitation of the moral perfections of an almighty but benevolent Governor of nature who directs for the best all events, in confi­dence in the care of his providence, in resig­nation to his will, and in the faithful discharge [Page 35] of every duty of piety and morality from a regard to his authority and the apprehension of a future righteous retribution.—It is only THIS religion (the inspiring principle of eve­ry thing fair and worthy and joyful, and which in truth is nothing but the love of God and man and virtue warming the heart and di­recting the conduct.)—It is only THIS kind of religion that can bless the world, or be an advantage to society.—This is the religion that every enlightened friend to mankind will be zealous to promote. But it is a religion that the powers of the world know little of, and which will always be best promoted by being left free and open.

I cannot help adding here, that this is in particular the Christian religion.—Christia­nity teaches us that there is none good but one, that is, God; that he willeth all men to be saved, and will punish nothing but wick­edness; that he desires mercy and not sacri­fice (benevolence rather than rituals); that loving him with all our hearts, and loving our neighbour as ourselves, is the whole of our duty; and that in every nation he that feareth him and worketh righteousness is ac­cepted of him. It rests its authority on the power of God, not of man; refers itself entirely to the understandings of men; makes us the subjects of a kingdom that is not of this world! and requires us to elevate our minds [Page 36] above temporal emoluments, and to look forwards to a state beyond the grave, where a government of perfect virtue will be erected under that Messiah who has tasted death for every man.—What have the powers of the world to do with such a religion?—It dis­claims all connexion with them; it made its way at first in opposition to them; and, as far as it is now upheld by them, it is disho­noured and vilified.

The injury which civil establishments do to Christianity may be learnt from the fol­lowing considerations.

First. The spirit of religious establish­ments is opposite to the spirit of Christianity. It is a spirit of pride and tyranny in oppositi­on to the Christian lowly spirit; a contracted and selfish spirit, in opposition to the Christian enlarged and benevolent spirit; the spirit of the world in opposition to the Christian hea­venly spirit.

Secondly. Religious establishments are founded on a claim of authority in the Chris­tian church which overthrows Christ's autho­rity. He has in the scriptures given his follow­ers a code of laws, to which he requires them to adhere as their only guide. But the language of the framers of church establishments is ‘We have authority in controversies of faith and power. [Page 37] to decree rites and ceremonies. We are the de­puties of Christ upon earth, who have been commissioned by him to interpret his laws, and to rule his church. You must there­fore follow us. The scriptures are insuffi­cient. Our interpretations you must receive as Christ's laws; our creeds as his doctrine; our inventions as his institutions.’

It is evident, as the excellent HOADLY has shewn, that these claims turn Christ out of the government of his own kingdom, and place usurpers on his throne.—They are therefore derogatory to his honour; and a submission to them is a breach of the allegiance due to him. They have been almost fatal to true Christianity; and attempts to enforce them by civil penalties, have watered the Christian world with the blood of saints and martyrs.

Thirdly. The difficulty of introducing alterations into church establishments after they have been once formed, is another ob­jection to them. Hence it happens, that they remain always the same amidst all changes of public manners and opinions ^*; and that a [Page 38] kingdom may go on for ages in idolatrous worship, after a general conviction has taken place, that there is but one object of religious worship, namely, the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. What a sad scene of reli­gious hypocrisy must such a discordance be­tween public conviction and the public forms produce? At this day in some European coun­tries, the absurdity and slavishness of their hierarchies are seen and acknowledged; but being incorporated with the state, it is scarcely possible to get rid of them.

What can be more striking than the State of England in this respect?—The system of faith and worship established in it was formed above two hundred years ago, when Europe was just emerging from darkness and barbarity. The times have ever since been growing more enlightened; but without any effect on the establishment. Not a ray of the increasing light has penetrated it. Not one imperfection, however gross, has been removed. The same articles of faith are subscribed. The same ritual of devotion is practised.—There is rea­son to fear that the absolution of the sick which forms a part of this ritual, is often resorted to as a passport to heaven after a wicked life; and yet it is continued.—Perhaps nothing more shocking to reason and humanity ever made a part of a religious system than the damning clauses in the Athanasian creed; and yet the obligation of the clergy to declare assent to [Page 39] this creed, and to read it as a part of the public devotion, remains.

The necessary consequence of such a state of things is, that,

Fourthly, Christianity itself is disgraced, and that all religion comes to be considered as a state trick, and a barbarous mummery. It is well known, that in some Popish countries there are few Christians among the higher ranks of men, the religion of the State being in those countries mistaken for the religion of the Gospel. This indeed shews a criminal in­attention in those who fall into such a mistake; for they ought to consider that Christianity has been grievously corrupted, and that their ideas of it should be taken from the New-Testament only. It is, however, so natural to reckon Christianity to be that which it is held out to be in all the establishments of it, that it cannot but happen that such an error will take place and produce some of the worst consequences.—There is probably a grea­ter number of rational Christians (that is, of Christians upon enquiry) in England, than in all Popish countries. The reason is, that the religious establishment here is Popery reform­ed; and that a considerable body dissent from it, and are often inculcating the necessity of distinguishing between the Christianity esta­blished by law and that which is taught in the [Page 40] Bible.—Certain it is, that till this distinc­tion is made, Christianity can never recover its just credit and usefulness.

Such then are the effects of civil establish­ments of religion. May heaven soon put an end to them. The world will never be generally wise or virtuous or happy, till these enemies to its peace and improvement are demolished. Thanks be to God they are giving way before increasing light. Let them never shew them­selves in America. Let no such monster be known there as HUMAN AUTHORITY IN MAT­TERS OF RELIGION. Let every honest and peaceable man, whatever is his faith, be pro­tected there; and find an effectual defence against the attacks of bigotry and intolerance. In the United States may RELIGION flourish. They cannot be very great and happy if it does not. But let it be a better religion than most of those which have been hitherto pro­fessed in the world. Let it be a religion which enforces moral obligations; not a re­ligion which relaxes and evades them.—A tolerant and Catholic religion; not a rage for proselitism.—A religion of peace and cha­rity; not a religion that persecutes, curses and damns.—In a word, let it be the ge­nuine Gospel of peace lifting above the world, warming the heart with the love of God and his creatures, and sustaining the fortitude of good men by the assured hope of a future [Page 41] deliverance from death, and an infinite re­ward in the everlasting kingdom of our Lord and Saviour.

From the preceding observations it may be con­cluded, that it is impossible I should not admire the following article in the declaration of rights which forms the foundation of the Massachu­sett's ‘constitution.—In this State every de­nomination of Christians demeaning them­selves peaceably and as good subjects of the commonwealth, shall be EQUALLY under the protection of the law; and no subordination of any one sect or denomination to another shall ever be established by law ^*.’

This is liberal beyond all example.—I should, however, have admired it more had it been MORE liberal, and the words ALL MEN OF ALL RELIGIONS been substituted for the words every denomination of Christians.

It appears farther from the preceding ob­servations, that I cannot but dislike the reli­gious tests which make a part of several of the American constitutions.—In the Massachusett's constitution it is ordered, that all who take seats in the House of Representatives or Se­nate shall declare ‘their firm persuasion of the [Page 42] truth of the Christian religion.’ The same is required by the Maryland constitution, as a condition of being admitted into any places of profit or trust. In Pennsylvania every mem­ber of the House of Representatives is re­quired to declare, that he acknowledges the ‘Scriptures of the Old and New Testament to be given by divine inspiration.’ In the State of Delaware, that ‘he believes in God the Father, and in Jesus Christ his only Son, and in the Holy Ghost, one God blessed forever-more.’ All this is more than is required even in England, where, though every person however debauched or atheistical is required to receive the sacrament as a qualifi­cation for inferior places, no other religious test is imposed on members of parliament than a declaration against Popery.—It is an obser­vation no less just than common, that such tests exclude only honest men. The dishonest never scruple them.

MONTESQUIEU probably was not a Christian. NEWTON and [...] were not Trinitarians; and therefore not Christians according to the commonly received ideas of Christianity. Would the United States, for this reason, deny such men, were they living, all places of trust and power among them?

SUCH is the state of things which I wish to take place in the united American States. —In order to introduce and perpetuate it, and at the same time to give it the greatest effect on the improvement of the world, nothing is more necessary than the establishment of a wise and liberal plan of EDUCATION. It is impos­sible properly to represent the importance of this. So much is left by the author of nature to depend on the turn given to the mind in ear­ly life and the impressions then made, that I have often thought there may be a secret re­maining to be discovered in education, which will cause future generations to grow up vir­tuous and happy, and accelerate human im­provement to a greater degree than can at present be imagined.

The end of education is to direct the powers of the mind in unfolding themselves; and to assist them in gaining their just bent and force. And, in order to this, its business should be to teach how to think, rather than what to think; or to lead into the best way of search­ing for truth, rather than to instruct in truth itself.—As for the latter who is qualified for it? There are many indeed who are eager to undertake this office. All parties and sects think they have discovered truth, and that they alone are its advocates and friends. But the [Page 44] very different and inconsistent accounts they give of it demonstrate they are utter strangers to it; and that it is better to teach nothing, than to teach what they hold out for truth. The greater their confidence, the greater is the reason for distrusting them. We gene­rally see the warmest zeal, where the object of it is the greatest nonsense.

Such observations have a particular ten­dency to shew that education ought to be an initiation into candour, rather than into any systems of faith; and it should form a habit of cool and patient investigation, rather than an attachment to any opinions.

But hitherto education has been conducted on a contrary plan. It has been a contraction, not an enlargement of the intellectual faculties; an injection of false principles hardening them in error, not a discipline enlightening and im­proving them. Instead of opening and strengthening them, and teaching to think freely; it hath cramped and enslaved them, and qualified for thinking only in one track. Instead of instilling humility, charity, and li­berality, and thus preparing for an easier dis­covery and a readier admission of truth; it has inflated with conceit, and stuffed the human mind with wretched prejudices.

[Page 45]The more has been learnt from such edu­cation, the more it becomes necessary to un­learn. The more has been taught in this way, of so much the more must the mind be emptied before true wisdom can enter.—Such was education in the time of the first teach­ers of christianity. By furnishing with skill in the arts of disputation and sophistry, and producing an attachment to established sys­tems, it turned the minds of men from truth, and rendered them more determined to resist evidence, and more capable of evading it. Hence it happened, that this heavenly instruc­tion, when first communicated, was to the Jews a stumbling block, and to the Greeks foolish­ness; and that, in spite of miracles themselves, the persons who rejected it with most disdain, and who opposed it with most violence, were those who had been educated in colleges, and were best versed in the false learning of the times: And had it taught the true philosophy instead of the true religion, the effect would have been the same. The doctrine ‘that the sun stood still and that the earth moved round it,’ would have been reckoned no less absurd and incredible, than the doctrine of a crucified Messiah. And the men who would have treated such an instruction with most contempt, would have been the wise and the prudent; that is, the proud sophists and learn­ed doctors of the times, who had studied the Ptolemaick system of the world, and learnt, by [Page 46] cycles and epicycles, to account for all the motions of the heavenly bodies.

In like manner, when the improvement of Logick in Mr. LOCKE'S Essay on the Human Understanding was first published in Britain, the persons readiest to attend to it and to re­ceive it were those who had never been trained in colleges; and whose minds, there­fore, had never been perverted by an instruc­tion in the jargon of the schools. To the deep professors of the time, it appeared (like the doctrine taught in his book on the rea­sonableness of christianity) to be a danger­ous novelty and heresy; and the University of OXFORD, in particular, condemned and re­probated the author.—The like happened when Sir ISAAC NEWTON'S discoveries were first published. A romance (that is, the Philosophy of DESCARTES) was then in pos­session of the philosophical world. Educa­tion had rivetted it in the minds of the learn­ed; and it was twenty-seven years before NEWTON'S Principia could gain sufficient cre­dit to bring it to a second edition.—Such are the prejudices which have generally pre­vailed against new lights. Such the impedi­ments which have been thrown in the way of improvement by a narrow plan of education. —Even now the principal object of education (especially in divinity) is to teach established systems as certain truths, and to qualify for suc­cessfully [Page 47] defending them against opponents; and thus to arm the mind against convictiOn, and render it impenetrable to farther light. Indeed, were it offered to my opinion which I would have, the plain sense of a common and untutored man, or the deep erudition of the proud scholars and professors in most universities, I should eagerly prefer the for­mer, from a persuasion that it would leave me at a less distance from real wisdom.—An unoccupied and simple mind I think in­finitely preferable to a mind warped by sys­tems; and the entire want of learning better than a learning, such as most of that is which hitherto has been sought and admired—A learning which puffs up, while in reality it is nothing but profounder ignorance and more inveterate prejudice.

It may be worth adding here, that a nar­row education (should it ever happen not to produce the evils now mentioned) will pro­bably produce equal evils of a contrary na­ture. I mean, that there will be danger, when persons so educated come to see the ab­surdity of some of the opinions in which they have been educated, that they will become prejudiced against them all, and, consequent­ly, throw them all away, and run wild into scepticism and infidelity.—At present, in this part of the world this is a very common event.

[Page 48]I am by no means qualified to give a just account of the particular method in which education ought to be conducted, so as to avoid these evils: That is, so as to render the mind free and unfettered; quick in dis­cerning evidence, and prepared to follow it from whatever quarter and in whatever man­ner it may offer itself. But certain it is, that the best mode of education is that which does this most effectually; which guards best against filly prejudices; which inflames most with the love of truth; which disposes most to in­genuity and fairness, and leaves the mind most sensible of its own need of farmer infor­mation.—Had this been always the aim of education, mankind would now have been farther advanced.—It supposes, however, an improved state of mankind; and when once it has taken place, it will quicken the progress of improvement.

I have in these observations expressed a dislike of systems; but I have meant only to condemn that attachment to them as standards of truth which has been too prevalent. It may be necessary in education to make use of them; or of books explaining them. But they should be used only as guides and helps to enquiry. Instruction in them should be attended with a fair exhibition of the evidence on both sides of every question; and care should be taken to induce, as far as possible [Page 49] a habit of believing only on an overbalance of evidence; and of proportioning assent in eve­ry case to the degree of that overbalance, without regarding authority, antiquity, sin­gularity, novelty, or any of the prejudices which too commonly influence assent.— Nothing is so well fitted to produce this ha­bit as the study of Mathematics. In these sciences no one ever thinks of giving his as­sent to a proposition till he can clearly under­stand it, and see it proved by a fair deduction from propositions previously understood and proved. In these sciences the mind is inured to close and patient attention; shewn the na­ture of just reasoning; and taught to form dis­tinct ideas, and to expect clear evidence in all cases before belief. They furnish, there­fore, the best exercise for the intellectual powers, and the best defence against that cre­dulity and precipitation and confusion of ideas which are the common sources of error.

There is, however, a danger to be avoided here. Mathematical studies may absorb the attention too much; and when they do, they contract the mind by rendering it incapable of thinking at large; by disqualifying it for judging of any evidence except mathematical; and, consequently, disposing it to an unrea­sonable scepticism on all subjects which admit not of such evidence.—There have been many instances of this narrowness in mathe­maticians.

[Page 50]But to return from this digression,—I can­not help observing on this occasion, with re­spect to CHRISTIANITY in particular, that education ought to lead to a habit of judging of it as it is in the code itself of Christianity; that the doctrines it reveals should be learnt only from a critical and fair enquiry into the sense of this code; and that all instruction in it should be a preparation for making this enquiry and a communication of assistance in examining into the proofs of its divine original, and in determining to what degree of evidence these proofs amount, after allowing every dif­ficulty its just weight.—This has never yet been the practice among Christians. The New Testament has been reckoned hitherto an in­sufficient standard of Christian Divinity; and, therefore, formularies of human invention, pretending to explain and define it (but in rea­lity misrepresenting and dishonouring it) have been substituted in its room; and teaching these has been called teaching Christianity. And it is very remarkable, that in the English Uni­versities no Lectures on the New-Testament are ever read, or even suffered to be read; and that, through all Christendom, it is much less an object of attention than the systems and creeds which have been fathered upon it.

I will only add on this subject, that it is above all things necessary, while instruction is conveyed, to convey with it a sense of the [Page 51] imbecility of the human mind, and of its great proneness to error; and also a disposition, even on points which seem the most clear, to listen to objections, and to consider nothing as involving in it our final interest but an HONEST HEART.

Nature has so made us, that an attachment must take place within us to opinions once formed; and it was proper that we should be so made, in order to prevent that levity and desultoriness of mind which must have been the consequence had we been ready to give up our opinions too easily and hastily. But this natural tendency, however wisely given us, is apt to extend its proper limits, and to render us unreasonably tenacious. It ought, therefore, like all our other natural propensi­ties, to be carefully watched and guarded; and education should put us upon doing this. An observation before made should, in parti­cular, be inculcated, ‘that all mankind have hitherto been most tenacious when most in the wrong, and reckoned themselves most enlightened when most in the dark.’—This is, indeed, a very mortifying fact; but attention to it is necessary to cure that mise­rable pride and dogmaticalness which are some of the worst enemies to improvement.—Who is there that does not remember the time when he was entirely satisfied about points which deeper reflection has shewn to be above his comprehension? Who, for instance, does [Page 52] not remember a time when he would have wondered at the question, ‘why does water run down hill?’ What ignorant man is there who is not persuaded that he understands this perfectly? But every improved man knows it to be a question he cannot answer; and what distinguishes him in this instance from the less improved part of mankind is his knowing this. The like is true in number­less other instances. One of the best proofs of wisdom is a sense of our want of wisdom; and he who knows most possesses most of this sense.

In thinking of myself I derive some encou­ragement from this reflexion. I now see, that I do not understand many points which once appeared to me very clear. The more I have enquired, the more sensible I have been growing of my own darkness; and a part of the history of my life is that which follows.

In early life I was struck with Bishop BUT­LER'S Analogy of religion natural and revealed to the constitution and course of nature. I reckon it happy for me that this book was one of the first that fell into my hands. It taught me the proper mode of reasoning on moral and religious subjects, and particularly the impor­tance of paying a duel regard to the imperfection of human knowledge. His sermons also, I then [Page 53] thought, and do still think, excellent. Next to his works, I have always been an admirer of the writings of Dr. CLARK. And I cannot help adding, however strange it may seem, that I owe much to the philosophical writings of Mr. HUME, which I likewise studied early in life. Though an enemy to his Scepticism, I have profited by it. By attacking, with great ability, every principle of truth and rea­son, he put me upon examining the ground upon which I stood, and taught me not has­tily to take any thing for granted.—The first fruits of my reading and studies were laid before the public in a Treatise entitled, A REVIEW of the principal Questions and Diffi­culties in Morals. This publication has been followed by many others on various subjects.—And now, in the evening of a life devoted to enquiry and spent in en­deavours (weak indeed and feeble) to serve the best interests, present and future, of man­kind, I am waiting for the GREAT TEACHER, convinced that the order of nature is perfect; that infinite wisdom and goodness govern all things; and that Christianity comes from God: But at the same time puzzled by ma­ny difficulties, anxious for more light, and resting with full and constant assurance only on this ONE truth—That the practice of virtue is the duty and dignity of man; and, in all events, his wisest and safest course.

IN the preceeding observations, I have aimed at pointing out the means of pro­moting the progress of improvement in the United States of America. I have insisted, particularly, on the importance of a just set­tlement of the FEDERAL UNION, and the esta­blishment of a well-guarded and perfect li­berty in speculation, in government, in edu­cation, and in religion.—The United States are now setting out, and all depends on the care and foresight with which a plan is begun, which hereafter will require only to be strengthened and ripened. This is, there­fore, the time for giving them advice; and mean advice (like the present) may suggest some useful hints.—In this country, when any improvements are proposed, or any correc­tions are attempted, of abuses so gross as to make our boasts of liberty ridiculous ^*, a cla­mour immediately arises against INNOVATION, and an alarm spreads, lest the attempt to repair should destroy.—In America no such prejudi­ces can operate. There abuses have not yet gained sacredness by time. There the way is [Page 55] open to social dignity and happiness; and reason may utter her voice with confidence and success.

I HAVE observed in the introduction to this Address, that the American States have ma­ny dangers to shun. In what follows I shall give a brief recital of some of the chief of these dangers.

The danger from an endless increase of PUBLIC DEBTS has been already sufficiently noticed.

Particular notice has been likewise taken of the danger from INTERNAL WARS.—Again and again, I would urge the necessity of pur­suing every measure and using every precau­tion which can guard against this danger. It will be shocking to see in the new world a re­petition of all the evils which have hitherto laid waste the old world—War raging where peace and liberty were thought to have taken their abodes—The points of bayonets and the mouths of cannon settling disputes, in­stead of the collected wisdom of the confede­ration—and perhaps one restless and ambiti­ous State rising by bloody conquests above the rest, and becoming a sovereign State, claim­ing [Page 56] impiously (as Britain once did) ‘full au­thority to make laws that shall bind its sister States in all cases whatever,’ and drawing to itself all advantages at their expence.—I de­precate this calamity. I shudder when I con­sider how possible it is; and hope those persons are mistaken who think that such are the jea­lousies which govern human nature, and such the imperfections of the best human arrange­ments, that it is not within the reach of any wisdom to discover any effectual means of preventing it; without encroaching too much on the liberty and independence of the States. I have mentioned an enlargement of the powers of CONGRESS. Others have proposed a consolidation of the powers of government in one PARLIAMENT representing all the States, and superseding the particular parlia­ments by which they are now separately go­verned. But it is obvious, that this will be attended with greater inconveniencies, and encroach more on the liberty of the States, than the enlargement I have proposed of the powers of CONGRESS.—If such a parliament is not to supersede any of the other parliaments, it will be the same with CONGRESS as at pre­sent constituted.

IT is a trite observation, that ‘dominion is founded on property.’ Most free States have manifested their sense of the truth of this observation, by studying to find out means of preventing too great an inequality in the distribution of property. What tumults were occasioned at ROME in its best times by attempts to carry into execution the Agrarian law? Among the people of Israel, by the direction of heaven, all estates which had been alienated during the course of fifty years, re­turned to their original owners at the end of that term. One of the circumstances that has been most favourable to the American States in forming their new constitutions of govern­ment has been the equality which subsists among them.

The happiest state of man is the middle state between the savage and the refined, or between the wild and the luxurious state. Such is the state of society in CONNECTICUT, and some others of the American provinces; where the inhabitants consist, if I am rightly informed, of an independent and hardy YEO­MANRY, all nearly on a level—trained to arms,—instructed in their rights—cloathed in home-spun— [Page 58] of simple manners—strangers to luxury —drawing plenty from the ground—and that plenty, gathered easily by the hand of indus­try; and giving rise to early marriages, a numerous progeny, length of days, and a rapid increase—the rich and the poor, the haughty grandee and the creeping sycophant, equally unknown—protected by laws, which (being their own will) cannot oppress; and by an equal government, which wanting lu­crative places, cannot create corrupt canvas­sings ^* and ambitious intrigue.—O distin­guished people? May you continue long thus happy; and may the happiness you enjoy spread over the face of the whole earth!—But I am forgetting myself. There is danger that a state of society so happy will not be of long duration; that simplicity and virtue will give way to depravity; that equality will in time be lost, the cursed lust of domineering shew itself, liberty languish, and civil govern­ment gradually degenerate into an instrument in the hands of the few to oppress and plunder the many.—Such has hitherto been the pro­gress of evil in human affairs. In order to give them a better turn, some great men ( Plato, Sir Thomas More, Mr. Wallis, &c.) have pro­posed [Page 59] plans, which, by establishing a com­munity of goods and annihilating property, would make it impossible for any one mem­ber of a State to think of enslaving the rest, or to consider himself as having any interest distinct from that of his fellow-citizens. Such theories are in speculation pleasing; nor perhaps are they wholly impracticable. Some approaches to them may hereafter be made; and schemes of government may take place, which shall leave so little, besides personal merit, to be a means of distinction, as to exclude from society most of the causes of evil. But be this as it will; it is out of doubt that there is an equality in society which is essential to liberty and which every State that would continue virtuous and happy ought as far as possible to maintain.—It is not in my power to describe the best method of doing this.—I will only observe, that there are THREE enemies to equality against which Ame­rica ought to guard.

First; Granting hereditary honours and titles of nobility. Persons thus distinguished, though perhaps meaner than the meanest of their dependents, are apt to consider them­selves as belonging to a higher order of beings, and made for power and government. Their birth and rank necessarily dispose them to be hostile to general liberty; and when they are not so, and discover a just zeal for the rights of [Page 60] mankind, it is always a triumph of good sense and virtue over the temptations of their situa­tion. It is, therefore, with peculiar satisfac­tion that I have found in the articles of con­federation an order that no titles of nobility shall be ever granted by the United States. Let there be honour to encourage merit; but let them die with the men who have earned them. Let them not descend to posterity to foster a spirit of domination, and to produce a proud and tyrannical aristocracy.—In a word, let the United States continue for ever what it is now their glory to be—a confede­ration of States prosperous and happy, with­out LORDS—without BISHOPS ^*—and without KINGS.

Secondly; The right of primogeniture. The tendency of this to produce an improper inequality is very obvious. The disposition to raise a name, by accumulating property in one branch of a family, is a vanity no less [Page 61] unjust and cruel, than dangerous to the inte­rest of liberty; and no wise State will encou­rage or tolerate it.

Thirdly; FOREIGN TRADE is another of the enemies against which I wish to caution the united States. But this operates unfa­vourably to a State in so many more ways than by destroying that equality which is the basis of liberty, that it will be proper to take more particular notice of it.

FOREIGN trade has, in some respects, the most useful tendency. By creating an intercourse between distant kingdoms, it ex­tends benevolence, removes local prejudices, leads every man to consider himself more as a citizen of the world than of any particular State, and, consequently, checks the excesses of that Love of our Country ^* which has been [Page 62] applauded as one of the noblest, but which, really, is one of the most destructive principles in human nature.—Trade also, by enabling every country to draw from other countries conveniences and advantages which it cannot find within itself, produces among nations a sense of mutual dependence, and promotes the general improvement.—But there is no part of mankind to which these uses of trade are of less consequence than the American States. They are spread over a great conti­nent, and make a world within themselves. The country they inhabit includes soils and climates of all sorts, producing not only eve­ry necessary, but every convenience of life. And the vast rivers and wide-spread lakes which intersect it, create such an inland communica­tion between its different parts, as is unknown in any other region of the earth. They pos­sess then within themselves the best means of the most profitable internal traffic, and the amplest scope for it. Why should they look [Page 63] much farther? What occasion can they have for being anxious about pushing foreign trade; or even about raising a great naval force?— Britain, indeed, consisting as it does of unarm­ed inhabitants, and threatened as it is by am­bitious and powerful neighbours, cannot hope to maintain its existence long after becoming open to invasion by losing its naval superiori­ty.—But this is not the case with the American States. They have no powerful neighbours to dread. The vast Atlantic must be crossed before they can be attacked. They are all a well-trained militia; and the success­ful resistance which, in their infancy and with­out a naval force, they have made to the in­vasion of the first European power, will pro­bably discourage and prevent all future in­vasions. Thus singularly happy, why should they seek connexions with Europe, and expose themselves to the danger of being involved in its quarrels?—What have they to do with its politics?—Is there any thing very important to them which they can draw from thence—except INFECTION?— Indeed, I tremble when I think of that rage for trade which is likely to prevail among them. It may do them infinite mischief. All na­tions are spreading snares for them, and court­ing them to a dangerous intercourse. Their best interest requires them to guard themselves by all proper means; and, particularly, by laying heavy duties on importations, But in [Page 94] no case will any means succeed unless aided by MANNERS. In this instance, particularly, there is reason to fear that an increasing pas­sion for foreign srippery will render all the best regulations ineffectual. And should this hap­pen, that simplicity of character, that manli­ness of spirit, that disdain of tinsel in which true dignity consists, will disappear. Effemi­nacy, servility and venality will enter; and liberty and virtue be swallowed up in the gulph of corruption. Such may be the course of events in the American States. Better in­finitely will it be for them to consist of bodies of plain and honest farmers, rather than opu­lent and splendid merchants.—Where in these States do the purest manners prevail? Where do the inhabitants live most on an equality, and most at their ease? Is it not in those inland parts where agriculture gives health and plenty, and trade is scarcely known? —Where, on the contrary, are the in­habitants most selfish, luxurious, loose, and vi­cious; and at the same time most unhappy? Is it not along the sea coasts, and in the great towns, where trade flourishes and merchants abound?—So striking is the effect of these different situations on the vigour and happiness of human life, that in the one po­pulation would languish did it receive no aid from emigrations; while in the other it in­creases to a degree scarcely ever before known.

[Page 65]But to proceed to some observations of a different nature—

The United States have, I think, particular reason to dread the following effects of foreign trade.

By increasing importation to feed luxury and gratify prodigality, it will carry out their coin, and occasion the substitution of a delu­sive paper currency; the consequence of which will be, that ideal wealth will take place of real, and their security come to depend (as the security of BRITAIN does) on the strength and duration of a Bubble.—I am very sensi­ble that paper credit is one of the greatest of all conveniences; but this makes it likewise one of the greatest of all temptations. A pub­lic Bank, (while it can circulate its bills) faciliates commerce, and assists the exertions of a State in proportion to its credit. But when it is not carefully restricted and watched; when its emissions exceed the coin it can command, and are carried near the utmost length that the confidence of the public will allow; and when, in consequence of this, its permanence comes to depend on the perma­nence of public credulity—In these circum­stances, a BANK, though it may for a time (that is, while a balance of trade too unfavour­able does not occasion a run, and no events arise which produce alarms) answer all the [Page 66] ends of a MINE from which millions may be drawn in a minute; and by filling a kingdom with cash, render it capable of sustaining any debts, and give it a kind of OMNIPOTENCE.— In such circumstances, I say, notwithstanding these temporary advantages, a public BANK must at lost prove a great calamity; and a kingdom so supported, at the very time of its greatest exertions, will be only striving more violently to increase the horror of an approach­ing convulsion.

The United States have already verified some of these observations, and felt in some degree the consequences to which I have allu­ded. They have been carried through the war by an emission of paper which had no solid support, and which now has lost all value. It is indeed surprising that, being secured on no fund and incapable of being exchanged for coin, it should ever have obtained a currency, or answered any important purpose.

Unhappily for Britain, it has used the means of giving more stability to its paper-credit, and been enabled by it to support expences greater than any that have been yet known, and to contract a debt which now astonishes, and may hereafter produce a catastrophe that will terrify the world.—A longer duration of the late war would have brought on this catastrophe immediately. The [Page 67] PEACE has put it off for the present. God grant if still possible, that measures may be adopted which shall put it off for ever.

OATHS are expedients to which all States have had recourse in order to obtain true information and ascertain facts by securing the veracity of witnesses. But I know not how to relish that imprecation which always makes a part of an oath. Perhaps, there is no such necessity for it as is commonly imagined. An AFFIRMATION solemnly made, with laws in­flicting severe penalties on falshood when de­tected, would probably answer all the ends of oaths.—I am, therefore, disposed to wish, that in the United States imprecatory oaths may be abolished, and the same indulgence in this respect granted to all which is now granted to the Quakers. But I am afraid they will think this too dangerous an experiment; and what is of most consequence is to avoid,

First, Such a multiplicity of oaths as will render them too familiar.

And, Secondly, A slight manner of admi­nistering them. ENGLAND, in this respect, seems to be sunk to the lowest possible degree of degeneracy. Oaths among us are required [Page 68] on so many occasions, and so carelessly admi­nistered, as to have lost almost all their use and efficacy. It has been asserted, that, in­cluding oaths of office, oaths at elections, cus­tom-house oaths, &c. &c. there are about a million of perjuries committed in this king­dom annually.—This is one of the most at­trocious of our national iniquities; and it is a wonder if we are not to be visited for it with some of the severest of God's judgments.

THE NEGRO TRADE cannot be censu­red in language too severe. It is a traffick which, as it has been hitherto carried on, is shocking to humanity, cruel, wicked, and diabolical. I am happy to find that the United States are entering into measures for discountenancing it, and for abolishing the odious slavery which it has introduced. 'Till they have done this, it will not appear they deserve the liberty for which they have been contending. For it is self-evident, that if there are any men whom they have a right to hold in slavery, there may be others who have had a right to hold them in slavery.—I am sensible, however, that this is a work which they cannot accomplish at once. The eman­cipation of the Negroes must, I suppose, be left in some measure to be the effect of time [Page 69] and of manners. But nothing can excuse the Uni­ted States if it is not done with as much speed and at the same time with as much effect, as their particular circumstances and situation will allow. I rejoice that on this occasion I can recommend to them the example of my own country.—In Britain, a Negro becomes a freeman the moment he sets his foot on British ground.

SUCH is the advice which I would humbly (but earnestly) offer to the United States of America.—Such are the means by which they may become the seats of liberty, science, peace, and virtue; happy within themselves, and a refuge to the world.

Often, while employed in writing these pa­pers, have I wished for a warning voice of more power. The present moment, however auspicious to the United States if wisely im­proved, is critical; and, though apparently the end of all their dangers, may prove the time of their greatest danger. I have, indeed, since finishing this Address, been mortified more than I can express by accounts which have led me to fear that I have carried my ideas of them too high, and deceived myself [Page 70] with visionary expectations.—And should this be true—Should the return of peace and the pride of independence lead them to secu­rity and dissipation—Should they lose those virtuous and simple manners by which alone Republics can long subsist—Should false re­finement, luxury, and impiety, spread among them; excessive jealousy distract their govern­ments; and clashing interests, subject to no strong controul, break the federal union—The consequence will be, that the fairest experi­ment ever tried in human affairs will miscar­ry; and that a REVOLUTION which had re­vived the hopes of good men and promised an opening to better times, will become a discouragement to all future efforts in favour of liberty, and prove only an opening to a new scene of human degeneracy and misery.