THE right of meeting together uncontrouled, to promote the valued purposes of society, is deservedly ranked among the first privileges, reserved to the individual as a badge of native freedom; however enlarged and liberal the basis of the constitution may prove, if it wants this mark of respect to the natural rights of the subject and dignity of the man, it must soon prove an insufficient security against the attempts of the designing and ambitious, under a sluggish or depraved administration; had our enemies proved successful in their attempts to deprive us of this weapon, we must have submitted at discretion, and been conquered without a struggle;— [Page 6] through this medium our political watchmen have warned the people of their danger, and taught them to avoid it.

WHEN I recollect the frequent calls of this once devoted city to assemble and devise means for their common safety; when I remember that no meanness or artifice was left untried by our enemies, to wrest from our hands this only security against their machinations; when I have fresh in my imagina­tion the interesting scene, which exhibited the chosen troops of Britain, retiring before a voluntary assembly of unarmed, though determined citizens, I cannot but admire the wisdom of that constitution, by which this antidote to despotism is so expressly secured to the people.

As mankind in society, especially under a mild government, naturally grow secure in their situation, and inattentive to the inroads made upon the constitution they live under; I think this institution can never be deemed fruitless, while it serves annually to call our attention to the first principles of the social compact, and remind us that government is the people's privilege, but not their burthen.

THE annual tribute so often paid to the memory of those citizens, who fell the first victims to our country's foes, was but their due; and to their hapless fate, a sympathetic tear shall roll through latest time; but to commemorate the event which has made a new aera in the annals of the world, to celebrate the day which gave existence to thirteen states, and freed their [Page 7] numerous inhabitants from disgrace and wretchedness, affords a sea of contemplation, in which the unnumbered streams of private injury and distress are swallowed up and lost.—But since no change of consequence in human life, (however fortunate,) can take place, without bringing with it the seeds of future trouble and disappointment, I must confess, I fell a solemnity, in contemplating the important subject, which cheeks those transports of joy, so naturally excited by the recollection of such signal successes; and so common is it for mankind to abuse the good fortune they meet with, that our enemies have predicted our ruin, not with the diffidence of prophecy, but the confidence of an historian.

BUT they do not recollect that it is the peculiar character­istic and selicity of an American, to possess that gravity which is the result of unimpassioned reason, and which has always taught them equinimity in suffering and success:—Our history will furnish proofs of this truth, which must be read by future ages, rather as the productions of an over-heated imagination, than a relation of very serious facts.

THERE are but few of us who cannot recollect the important crisis, when that victorious army from the north, conducted by the most favourite and gallant general in the service of our enemy, threatned a most disgraceful close to a war, which had spread itself throughout the continent;—but what were the sentiments, what was the conduct of the Americans on this gloomy prospect?—Alarmed at [Page 8] the unexpected defeat of our friends, we flattered for a moment,' the hope of succour from an established army.—But when the rapid advances of the enemy bid defiance to all regular opposition, when they felt themselves in possession of the heart of our country, and the astonished world contemplated our fate as already sealed, with what firmness and tranquility of mind did all ranks of men rush to arms? And who, without paying at least a silent tribute of respect can view the conduct of those men hitherto unused to the fatigues and dangers of war, deliberately parting with their wives, their children and their possessions, to brave death in every frightful form, rather than live to swell the triumph of their haughty foe.

To the same cause must be ascribed that unexampled composure of mind with which this people made the transition from war to peace.—After a conflict of more than seven years duration, (in which the most turbulent of human passions had been deeply engaged) which closed with the acquisition of every thing that ambition or interest could lead us to wish for; the most unbounded degree of joy and exultata­tion could never have exposed us to the imputation of weakness or vanity; but the philosophic indifference with which this great event was received, arising not from insensibility, but reflection, shews the genius and resources of the people, and will be a warning to all future adventurers not to attempt the conquest of a country, where every subject, is a Soldier, Politician and Patriot.—Upon these cardinal characteristics of an American, and upon these alone, we may account for those causes and effects which have so long [Page 9] engaged the attention of the world.—Great-Britain, notwithstanding her pretentions to the partiality and ten­derness of a parent, had so long accustomed herself to consider us merely in the light of property, that the only question she seemed to make was upon the measure of our abilities, with­out any regard to the right or reasonableness of her exactions.

IT has been very fashionable and perhaps equally politic during the late war, to charge them with more base and unjustifiable motives, in their conduct towards America, than any other power ever exercised over their meanest dependents; but the smallest attention will convince us, that human nature is nearly uniform in all her operations—that national justice is little more than a name—and that there is scarce an exception where the advantages taken over one nation by another, upon the slightest pretences, have not been proportionate to their power.

SINCE it cannot be presumed, that any set of men would become the voluntary vassals of another power, it never can be a question of very serious enquiry, whether a country has a right by force or stratagem, to shake off that dependence, to which the weakness of their infant situation or the rapacity of more powerful neighbours, for a time obliged them to sub­mit:—The force of this truth has been acknowledged by some of our most inveterate enemies, who possessing too much understanding to dispute the right, have quarreled with us upon the inexpediency of our opposition to Great-Britain.

[Page 10] WHATEVER may have proved the fair result of reason upon an unbiased enquiry, it is evident, that the contending parties easily reconciled themselves to meet on a footing of nature, and determine the controversy by the length of their swords.—Did the conduct of America need an appology, I should call your attention to the many suppliant addresses to the King and Parliament of Great-Britain, and finally to the people of that infatuated nation at large, couched in terms of such humiliating submission, as must cause a conscious blush upon the cheek of every honest American, till the memory of them shall be entirely lost—But whatever may have been the cause which produced this great appeal to Heaven, the irrevocable decree has past in our favour, and we have the seal of an Almighty siat to the success of our cause.

To the virtuous firmness of a few patriotic citizens we are much indebted for the splendor and success of those measures, which placed us in our present happy situation.

WHO can recollect the unremitted zeal and invincible perseverance of an Hancock, an Adams, a Bowdoin and a Warren, in the cause of their distressed country, without feeling emotions of the most affectionate regard?—It would be but half the justice we owe them to embalm their memory in the silent repository of our grateful hearts, while we leave the public record of their merit to succeeding generations—Posterity in acknowledging the debt they owe [Page 11] them, will doubtless fill some of the most brillliant pages of future history.—But since the approbation of freemen is the highest incentive to great actions in a republic, and the only adequate reward for the services of their benefactors, we may be excused a blush in uttering those sentiments which the memory of such recent and signal favours so naturally excite.

AMONG the first friends of our orphan cause, we must not forget to enroll the illustrious leader of that force which has triumphed over the combined power of our adversaries;—influenced by no mean view of private interest in accepting this important charge, an uniform spirit of patriotism has marked his conduct in every fortune he has experienced; firm in adversity, humane in success, he was equally esteemed and dreaded by his enemies: Having seen a successful close to the national controversy in which he engaged, like that standard of eastern magnanimity and greatness the patriotic Cincinnatus, he threw off the robes of his distinction and again returned to the common level of his former fellow-citizens; but finding even here the jealousy of freemen was pursuing him for one of the most benevolent and disinterested acts of his life, he cheerfully relinquished the exceptionable parts of an institution, which had been pursued upon the same innocent and humane principles to which it owed its existence.—This last act of true magnanimity and generous respect to the sentiments and even caprice of the people, must give a stamp of immortality to the luster of his great achievements, and render the motives of his conduct through the complicated scenes of a war, in which he has taken so conspicuous a part, altogether unequivocal.

[Page 12] AND with him we have the most grateful remembrance of the gallant officers, who with so much fortitude and patience have shared his dangers and his toils—actuated by the pure principles of republican virtue, they have with undeviating firmness, under every disadvantage and discouragement the human mind is capable of contending with, pursued the true interest of the great cause in which they had engaged.—How often have they without pay, provision or even sympathy to sooth the sufferings and alleviate the hard conditions of their service, been opposed to the superior force of an enemy pam­pered with luxury and payed with profusion.

THE extorted approbation of their conduct in the hour of our danger, is but an aggravation of the meanness of that disposition which would deny them justice when their services become unnecessary. But I never can persuade myself that America will stain her fair reputation by imitating the example of those countries, who have rewarded the services of their best friends with ill-grounded suspicions and implacable resentment.—But I hope the partiality we feel for our patriotic army will never suffer us to forget, that military force has always proved dangerous to the liberties of the people, that the natural safe-guard of the country is a well regulated militia, and that America must date the decline of her peace, her glory and independence from the establishment of a regular army.

THE American revolution has placed us on some points of advantage which have been experienced but by very few people since the civilization of mankind; we have realized the perfect [Page 13] freedom of a state of nature without feeling those inconveni­encies which so naturally and almost necessarily flow from such a situation.

LITTERALLY placed on the broad field of nature, we felt no obstacle in adopting that form of government which seemed most congenial to the disposition, and best calculated to promote the happiness of those who were to be the subjects of its controul; when these two great ends are answered, the government must be called perfect; and if we may fairly argue the cause from the consequence, the present constitution must be deemed the best that human wisdom can devise, many years experience having confirmed the supposition, and we hope it will continue for ages.

NEXT to the immediate possessions of our own privileges the constitution has provided a guardianship the most simple and secure;—every power in government which could possibly be fraught with danger annually returning to the people, the great source from which it flowed.—This is the grand secret of political security—this is the main pillar in the great temple of liberty you have been so long attempting to rear;—preserve this inviolate and your freedom is secure—suffer this to be infringed and you are an inslaved people. But as the best of human systems may involve in them the seeds of future danger to the people's rights; the constitution has wisely provided a periodical revision which must cure every possible defect.—Having reached the sumit of our wishes, we have nothing left but to give efficacy and duration to the advantages we have obtained.

[Page 14] WHEN we can find the necessary relations and dependencies of nature, we have a more infalible criterion than that which arrives out of the best human theories.—The smallest reflection will convince us that America has no enemy to fear but from herself;—separated by nature from every other power of importance in the world, she must always be secure while she has harmony at home; for no nation can ever be so infatuated with a lust of dominion as to attempt in defiance of the great barriers of creation, to carry war into a civilized country beyond the vast oceans which divide the habitable parts of the globe, without paying very dearly for their vanity and presumption in a disgraceful failure of their expensive enterprizes.

FROM this source our sages and patriots could predict with such unshaken confidence the happy revolution which taken place, and derive that fortitude and perseverance, without which all the advantages of nature in the best of causes must have proved inadequate to success.

THE author of creation seems to have stampt it on the first page of the great volume of nature, that America should be mistress of herself; and thanks to Heaven under this great charter we want for our security against foreign force, neither armies nor revenue, for without an army, without revenue we may destroy ourselves, but we never can cease to exist as an independent nation till we commit political suicide.

THE American States seem by nature to have such an intimate connection, that necessity will oblige them to be close [Page 15] friends or the most inveterate enemies.—Friends they may be for ages, but cannot long exist in a state of war with each other.—Separated only by mathematical or imaginary lines, a very small superiority of force in either, must be fatal to the neighbourhood; every acquisition will render the victorious party more irresistible, and in proportion as the conquerors advance, the power of opposing them will be lessened till the whole are subdued by a rapacious discontented part.

BUT experience having taught us that the force of govern­ment is generally lessened in proportion to the extent of territory over which it is to be exerted, we must expect in a country like this, inhabited by men too sensible of their rights, to rest easy under a controul founded in fraud and supported by oppression, that discontent will break out in every quarter, till by the clashing of various powers, a new division of territory will take place, which must soon be succeeded with fresh quarrels similar to those which disturbed the original tranquility;—thus this happy land, formed for the seat of freedom and resort of the distressed, may like other countries, in her turn, become a prey to the restless temper of her own inhabitants; but should any of the States pressed by unequal force, call in the aid of some foreign power, the consequences must be equally ruinous.—A demand of foreign aid in one state will produce a similar application from another, till America becomes the common theatre on which all the warlike powers on earth shall be engaged.—But since this combined force with­out an adequate power some where to give it a proper direction, can only operate like a mass of unanimated matter to check and [Page 16] destroy the natural activity of the body from whence it originates, it becomes an object of the last importance to form some great continental arrangements.

As an individual I must confess I feel my share of reluctance at parting even with the shadow of that sovereignty and indepen­dence we have so dearly purchased.—But when I consider that while we retain the sovereignty and independence, we must also experience the weakness and insignificancy of an individual state, I most cheerfully embrace the idea of a qualified federal government; and since we cannot expect in the most perfect of human institutions, a delegated power capable of answering any valuable purposes, which shall not be accompanied with some possible danger, we should not suffer any ill-grounded jealousy to prevent the representatives of the United States from being furnished with permanent revenues and the ultimate power of deciding in all questions of great national concern.

IT is then easy to discover that our only safety lies in a firm union of the states,—directed by the common interest, and supported by the combined force of the whole, we must be happy at home and respected abroad.

HAVING obtained these important ends, we may unfold our arms with indiscriminate hospitality to all mankind—I am sensible the calm of peace which has succeeded the raging [Page 17] storms of war has not yet altogether obliterated from our minds the memory of injuries we have suffered at the hands of a nation on whom we had a just claim for the most affectionate partiality.—But when we recollect, tho' deeply injured, we have been as deeply reveng'd—that we have secured all our ancient rights and acquired many new ones,—when we view ourselves as placed by our very enemies on a respectable seat among the nations of the earth, I think a softer passion than that of jealousy or resentment should fill the mind—jealousy is undoubtedly the Centinel of freedom, but we had better be sometimes unguarded than always subject to false alarms—there is a meanness in jealousy at best, which shews a diffidence in our own abilities—but if we consider the genius and re­sources of the country, their quick sense of injury and dispo­sition to resent it—that while we can boast the best of states­men in our service at home, we are able to send the most ac­complished negotiators abroad, we must be convinced there is but little to fear from the superior power or artifice of any nation.—I am sensible these sentiments will not suit the political pulse of those who have some partial ends to answer by keeping alive the embers of that malignant fire which have too long preyed upon the vitals of our tranquility.—I hope my friends, we do not assemble on this occasion to promote the views of any party, however respectable, but with the free­dom and firmness of men, who have a right to think as well as act for themselves, fairly to annalise the great subject of out common interest.

But the inquiry grows more important as we advance and take a view of the commercial state of our affairs—peace has [Page 18] thrown down the barriers of commerce, and introduced us to a world of strangers, who with open arms invite us to partake their friendship and their trade.

LET us then obey the friendly summons, and seize this moment of our new-born power to spread the broad basis of our future wealth.

IT is a degrading truth we never before had occasion to realize, that commerce knows no friendship, has no ties but those which spring from interest.

THE illustrious Monarch who so generously took a part in our quarrel, when all the world beside stood at a cold distance, must forever claim a share in the warmest gratitude and af­fection of our hearts, and the name of LEWIS will be dear to this country, till every generous sentiment of the soul shall be extinguished;—but too sensible of the unchanging rights of commerce to attempt the least infringement of her laws, he has with a magnanimity truly characteristic of his happy reign, asked nothing but on a footing of perfect reci­procity.

IT has often been asserted as an undeniable position, that luxury is the offspring of commerce and the parent of vice; but we may say from experience, which is the best source of knowledge we possess, that there must be some exceptions to the rule.

[Page 19] THIS country has long abounded with all the luxuries of the east, but hitherto has and I doubt not for ages will preserve the strong features of their original purity.

THE truth is, there are few nations abounding in luxury, among whom there are not to be found some odious distincti­ons of rank which gives one class of men the advantage above another—But in a country like this, which knows no distinction but that which arises from merit, where honors are not to be purchased or the people won by the false splen­dor of prodigality, we have nothing to fear from the profu­sion of wealth which is tendered to us by the generous hand of commerce.—Blessed with a government that depends in­tirely upon the virtue of the people for its support, we have our own prosperity at command, and we may be assured while our representation remains free from corruption, and the un­due influence of party spirit, while we feel the influence of those virtuous principles which produced the Revolution, we must be independent, rich and happy.—But when like other nations, forgetting the great objects of the social compact, we become depraved in principle and dissolute in [...] till the pulse of republican virtue shall cease to beat, [...] too we must sink into contempt and ruin.