WITHOUT enquiring into the par­ticular meaning of these words, considered in a sense restrained by their coherence with what pro­ceeds and follows, I shall take them as an independent sentence; in which detached view, they comprehend all those duties of civil and social life, which mankind owe to one another, whatever difference there may be among them, as to their respective capa­cities and outward condition in the world.

As men are formed for society, and can­not be happy in a state of separation from [Page 6] one another; so their well-being depends upon mutual assistance and support, and a reciprocal interchange of those offices of friendship and benevolence, which their mutual dependence requires, and both rea­son and religion prescribe.

That all men ought in some sense to be subject to one another, is the plain doctrine of the apostle Peter, in the words just read. This doctrine concerns all societies, under every form and constitution of government, whether monarchal, popular or mixed. It is especially suited to the genius of a commonwealth, founded upon this leading principle, that "all men are born free and equal;" that is, come into the world on even ground in regard to authority; no one having a right to govern, in virtue of primogeniture, or descent from an higher and more noble parentage than others.

The subject therefore is worthy of the attention of this respectable auditory; and the speaker has no doubt but they will afford him their can did indulgence, while he modestly attempts to offer a few thoughts upon it, though he should not be able to handle it, in a manner answerable to it's dignity and importance.

[Page 7]According to it's most common use, the word subjection signifies the submission of an inferior to a superior, and applies only to those duties, which men owe to those, who have authority over them. In order therefore to accommodate the doctrine of mutual subjection, to all the members of a community, we must sometimes depart from the strict sense of this word, or vary the meaning of it, so as to make it consist with the differences between men, in regard to their several abilities; and with those distinctions of office, rank and authority, which are necessary in society.

It is evident that the duties, which men owe to one another, and to society, are not, in all cases, precisely the same; but must be different, according to the difference of their respective advantages, opportunities and other circumstances. And when any one fulfils the obligations resulting from his particular condition and station in life; or that arise from the particular sphere of action, whether high or low, in which he moves; he does, on his part, conform to the great law of mutual subjection, and render himself a good and useful member of society.

[Page 8]Every one ought to consider, that he was born, not for himself alone, but for others, for society, for his country; and conse­quently that he is indispensibly obliged to render the best assistance and service in his power, to his fellow-citizens around him, and to contribute his share towards the general interest of the community to which he belongs. This obligation is not con­fined to a few; but extends to all, from the highest officer in the state, through all subordinate ranks, and interior orders and degrees, down to the lowest peasant and plebcan. For though all are not able to render themselves useful and beneficial, in the same respects; yet there is no one, who enjoys the powers of reason and health, in any tolerable degree, but may, by a suitable employment of his faculties and abilities, not only serve himself, but the public, and make himself a blessing, in some respect or other.

There is a resemblance between the natu­ral body and the body politic. The natural body is composed of many members; none of which are useless; but all calculated to answer some valuable purpose, and subserve the good of the whole. What therefore the apostle Paul says of the natural body [Page 9] with a view to illustrate the union, which ought to subsist between the members of the christian church, is equally applicable to civil societies. The body, says he, is not one member, but many. If the foot shall say, Because I am not the hand, I am not of the body; is it therefore not of the body? And if the ear shall say, Because I am not the eye, I am not of the body; is it therefore not of the body? If the whole body were an eye, where were the hearing? If the whole body were hearing, where were the smelling? But now hath God set the members, every one of them in the body, as it hath pleased him.—The eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee; nor again the head to the feet, I have no need of you. Nay, much more those members of the body, which seem to be more seeble, are necessary.—God hath so tempered the body together, —that there should be no schism in it; but that the members should have the same care one for another. And whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it; or one mem­ber be honoured, all the members rejoice with it. So that the union and connection between the several parts of the natural body, and their necessary dependance one on another, is an apt illustration of the great law of mutual subjection in civil [Page 10] societies; the members whereof, whether rich or poor, in high life or low, in office or out of it, stand in need of mutual assistance and support; without which it will be im­possible to promote the common interest, or to preserve the peace and harmony of the whole.

A man's being raised above others in wealth or office, does not render him inde­pendent on those who are beneath him, in these respects. He cannot say, he has no need of those, who are in a lower condition and meaner circumstances; for, without Their aid and service, he would lose the advantage of his elevation; and, like Sam­son, shorn of his locks, become weak like other men.

The mechanic and tiller of the ground are as necessary in society as the legislator, civil magistrate, or any other profession. The labours of the poor and services of the lower classes of people, in their several callings and occupations, are of as great importance to the general welfare of a state, as the counsel of the wise, the bounty of the rich, and protection of the powerful. If therefore any one, capable of attending to the common business of life, is an un­profitable [Page 11] and useless member of the com­munity, it is not owing to any necessity arising from his outward condition in the world, but to some faulty cause.

Whoever, suppressing a regard for the good of others, confines himself to the narrow circle of his own private interest, does thereby render himself, at best, a nu­sance to society. Such an one can have no just claim to honour and respect, let his station in life be what it will. It is not the external splendor of their circumstances, but a constant endeavour to be good, and to do good, according to their abilities, that makes men truly great and honourable. In the sight of God, who respecteth not persons, but in judging of men regards only the moral differences between them, no out­ward condition is more honourable than another. The true criterion of real worth is a man's conduct, in that station or post in life, whether conspicuous or obscure, which providence has allotted to him.

It is the business of civil rulers, who are intrusted with the high powers of govern­ment, to enact and take care for the effectual execution of such laws, as shall be best calculated to restrain the exorbitancy of the [Page 12] human passions to guard individuals against insults and outrages, and secure every one in the peaceable enjoyment of liberty, pro­perty and all the blessings of society. And while they employ their authority and power in pursuit of these great ends of their promotion, it is the duty and interest of people at large, to yield a chearful obedience to them, and a ready compliance with those rules, regulations and laws, which are made and provided, for the benefit of each particular member, in harmony with the prosperity and welfare of the whole collective body.

The grand end of social union and of the institution of civil government, is the good of the whole, and of every individual in consistence therewith. This end may be frustrated, not only by an abuse of power in rulers; but also by an abuse of liberty in the people. Power abused ceases to be lawful authority, and degenerates into tyranny. Liberty abused, or carried to excess, is licenciousness. Neither of these can consist with the good of society. The former, unresisted, will introduce slavery, and ignominious servitude, among the lower ranks and orders of people. The latter is a prolific source of disorder and anarchy.

[Page 13]When rulers take the advantage of the powers they are vested with, to oppress their subjects and rob people of their just rights, in order to inrich and aggrandize themselves, they counteract the very end of their advancement, and instead of being ministers of God for good, become rods of his school for correction (not to say, mini­sters of the devil for mischief.) And when people, under presence of liberty, refuse obedience to lawful authority, and oppose the measures of just government, meerly because such measures do not coincide with their private views and sepa rate interests, the principles on which they act, are evidently inconsistent with a state of society, and lead directly back to a state of nature. For where such an excess of liberty is claimed and allowed, as leaves it optional with every individual to obey or disobey the civil autho­rity, according as he shall judge it to be for or against his particular interest, a state of society cannot differ much from a state of nature.

If every man, without compulsion, would strictly conform to the obligations of natural law, there would be no occasion for form­ing any social connections, or uniting under any forms of civil government. But such [Page 14] is evidently the state of human nature; such the disorder of the human passions; such the power or envy, prejudice and a lust of domination; such the force of evil byasses, proceeding from ignorance, contracted views and competitions of interest; that without the introduction of social compact and civil authority, mankind could have no depen­dence upon mutual help and assistance, nor any security against abuses and injuries, violence and rapine.

It being necessary for men to unite in society, and establish civil government, in order effectually to avail themselves of the advantages of mutual succour, defence and protection; without which, their enjoy­ments would be few and precarious, and their inconveniences and dangers great and distressing: this being the case, every one, who has just conceptions of things (far from claiming a liberty to do whatever his ambition, avarice or partiality to himself might dictate to be right) must feel himself obliged to consult the general welfare, by conforming to the laws of society, consti­tutionally made by public authority, for the good of the whole; though such laws should sometimes interfere with his private views, and contradict his prejudices.

[Page 15]The public good is the attracting point, the common centre of gravity, which should consine, regulate and govern the motions of all the members of society. When any fly off from this point and take an excentric course, the coercion of law should be used, to check their irregular motions, and reduce them back to their proper centre, in order that the economy and beauty of the politic system may be preserved, and the bands of society remain unbroken.

That a due subordination may be kept up between the several parts of the politic body; and all the members thereof be made to conspire, in the exercise of their respective functions, to the health and happiness of the whole; effectual care should be taken to prevent government from falling into contempt. To honour those, who are in­trusted with the powers of government, is one thing, evidently necessary for this end. This therefore is a duty which we owe to society. And that people may have no excuse for not doing their duty, in this re­spect, it concerns all civil officers, especially those in high rank and authority, to main­tain their dignity, by a decent gravity of deportment, an inflexible adherence to the rules of justice and equity, and a steady [Page 16] application to the business of their exalted stations. Such a conduct, in rulers, has a powerful tendency to attract esteem, and command respect and veneration. But tho' they should justly merit the highest honours, by a worthy behaviour, and a zealous uni­form pursuit of the great ends of their pro­motion, it would not be at all strange, to find some few, disposed to withold from them due respect and submission. For there always have been, and probably always will be, some in the world, who under the baneful influence of those levelling principles, that cannot brook any civil distinctions and re­straints, despise government, and speak evil of dignities. Persons of this description are dangerous members of society, as their prin­ciples and practices are subversive of all civil authority, and tend directly to plunge civil government into an universal wrack of ruin.

It deserves to be remembred, that we honour society, when we honour those, who are cloathed with lawful authority. For as all lawful authority in rulers, is derived from the people, through the medium of that constitutional compact, which binds them together in one body; so to treat the rulers of a people, with respect and hono [...]r, [Page 17] suitable to their public characters, and the offices which they sustain, is a proper ex­pression of that reverence, which individuals owe to the community, as a body. I may add, that as the respect shewn to those, who are in public stations, redounds to the pub­lic; so it also tends to make a people appear respectable, and to give to government the energy, necessary for attaining the ends of it. On the contrary, to withold respect from those, who have been constitutionally promoted to offices of authority and power, is to cast a flight and contempt on the whole body of the people, and tends to make a society appear mean and despicable, to relax the reins of government and undermine the very foundations of it.

It is reasonable indeed for a people to keep a jealous eye upon those, who are betrusted with power, in the several departments of government. This is necessary to keep them on their guard against all encroachments on their liberties, and to preserve them in a readiness to resist the first approaches of despotism. But suspicions may be carried too far. When upon insufficient grounds, they are indulged to such a degree, as to destroy all confidence in civil rulers, and encourage the impatience of people under [Page 18] the restraints of law, they are of dangerous consequence; as they plant the feeds of fac­tion, a convulsive disease, that threatens the dissolution of the body politic. When saction enters a state, with its usual train of virulence, malevolence and abusive invective, it unstrings the nerves of government, and introduces such disorder and uncertainty into public measures, and such strife and division among people, as are inconsistent with the public safety, security and prospe­rity. This distemper is generally the off­spring of envy and disappointed ambition. Avarice always stands ready to foster and nurse, to increase and inflame it, by ground­less criminations of men and measures; especially when the public exigences require heavy taxes, and expensive exertions.

The inconveniences and mischiefs, that must acrue to society, from this, and every other gross violation of the law of mutual subjection, are sufficient to convince any one of the necessity of a strict adherence to it. Our obligation to avoid divisive principles and practices, and by a constant intercourse of mutual good offices, to endeavour to make ourselves beneficial to one another and serviceable to society, is therefore a plain dictate of reason and common sense. I [Page 19] would add (if any desire further satisfaction) that this obligation is enforced upon us, in the sacred scriptures, by the authority of the supreme Legislator and Governor of the world. The words at the head of this dis­course are the words of an apostle, under the inspiration of God. Another inspired apostle expresses himself to the same purpose, in these words, Let no man seek his own; but every man another's wealth.—Look not every man on his own things; but every man also on the things of others. The meaning of which is, that men ought not to confine their views to their own private interest, but to extend their regards to the welfare of others, and exercise a benevolent concern and care for the good of their fellow­creatures.

This also is a doctrine expressly taught by the great author of our holy religion, when he commands us to love our neighbour as ourselves; and enjoins upon us that com­prehensive rule of equity and charity, All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.

It may not be improper to observe here, that the christian religion recommends itself to the embraces of every lover of mankind, [Page 20] by its being the most benevolent institution in the world, admirably calculated, by it's doctrines, precepts and sanctions, to promote peace on earth, and good will among men. And whoever duly considers the nature of christianity, and attends to it's adaptedness to suppress the corrupt lusts, and restrain the irregular passions of men; to fill the mind with noble sentiments of piety and benevolence, and engage people in pursuits, suitable to the dignity, and conducive to the happiness of their reasonable natures; cannot doubt, but (other things being alike) he, who has imbibed the spirit and principles of this religion, will make a better magistrate, a better legislator, a better judge, and in short, fill every office and department in government, with more honour to himself and advantage to the public; and, in private life, make a better subject and a better citi­zen; than one who has formed his views and sentiments, upon any other system of religion and morals.

It has indeed been objected, as an essen­tial defect in christianity, by some not well affected to it, that it no where particularly recommends the noble virtue of patriotism. But (not to insist on any thing else) it is sufficient to reply to this objection, that [Page 21] whatever there is excellent and laudable in patriotism, is included in that generous and diffusive benevolence, which is the animating soul of this religion. Virtuous patriotism, far from implying any ill-will to the rest of mankind, is nothing else, but the prin­ciple or universal benevolence, exercised as far as a man's power extends, upon the objects that claim his first regards. For as no one has ability to carry his good will to all men into effect; so reason will teach every one, that his first obligation is to those, with whom he is more immediately connected, and where providence has assigned him his station and sphere of usefulness. Should a man suppress a particular affection for the society, with which he is most closely united, and neglect the interest of his own country under pretence of exercising equal benevolence towards all mankind, it would be the same thing, in effect as to resolve to be useless, and neglect the good of all. For there is no other way, in which any one can render himself serviceable to those parts of the great community of mankind, with which he has no special connection, than by the exercise of an hearty zeal for the welfare of his own country, and en­deavouring, in the most effectual manner, to promote the good of that society, which [Page 22] bounds the sphere of his influence and power. In this sense, and in this way, all men, in all the distinct states and kingdoms of the world, may and ought to subject to one another. It is thus only that we can fulfil our obligations to all mankind.

True it is, patriotism is but a blind affec­tion, and essentially defective as to any vir­tuous excellence, if it prompts a man to defend the cause of his country, when his country forms itself into a faction against the rights of mankind, and is wickedly en­deavouring to bring other states and nations under it's arbitrary jurisdiction and govern­ment. No one, who will consult the sober dictates of reason, can suppose himself obli­ged to espouse such an unrighteous cause, or freely to afford any support to his coun­try, in the prosecution of such an evil de­sign. The principle of benevolence to all, clearly forbids this. But the same principle obliges the members of every community, to a zealous exertion, in defence of their rights, laws and liberties, when the same are indangered by the unrighteous claims, and violent proceedings of ambitious ene­mies. In such a case, defensive war is a duty, founded not barely on the principles of self-preservation and patriotism, but [Page 23] also on the principle of unconfined univer­sal benevolence; it being evidently for the interest of all mankind, that in all parts of the world, those should be opposed, to the last extremity, who are endeavouring to advance themselves upon the ruins or the essential rights of human nature.

The man, who makes the happiness and prosperity of his country, a grand object of his zealous pursuit, and generously risques his life and fortune, when the case requires it, in the defence of it's constitution and laws, is a character worthy of universal esteem and honour. Such an one, so far as his abilities extend, exercises friendship to all men. What then shall we say of those who, when the rights and liberties of their country, are in danger of falling a prey to the aspiring ambition of proud invaders, who have waged an unjust war against it, stand aloof, and not only refuse to assist in saving it from ruin, but desert it, and, of free choice, join the standard of the enemy? Can such persons make good their preten­sions, I will not say to patriotism, but to general benevolence? Whatever be their motives, are they not to be viewed as ene­mies, if actions have any meaning? And should their country, which they have thus [Page 24] neglected, and abandoned to its fate in a time of trouble and danger, be successful in its endeavours to maintain its cause, and defeat the designs of its enemies, must not their admission afterwards to the freedom and privileges of it, be an act of meer favour and special grace, to which they can lay no equitable claim? ^*

Christianity indeed obliges us to love and forgive our enemies, and do good to those who treat us ill. But this obligation does not extend so far, as to exclude a regard to our own safety and defence. It would be unreasonable to suppose, that our good-will to enemies, ought to supercede our obliga­tions to ourselves and to our country; or that we are required to consult their welfare, [Page 25] by methods that would encourage and promote their evil designs, and put us into such a situation, as to lie at their mercy. It is allowed by all, that a vindictive temper is inconsistent with the spirit and precepts of christianity. Whoever does any thing meerly for the sake of revenge, or in order to gratify his malevolent resentments, trans­gresses the christian law of benevolence. But a man may take such measures for his own security and defence, as shall operate to the disadvantage of his enemies, and at the same time preserve a christian temper. If by the conduct of enemies, we are unhap­pily reduced to this alternative, either to take such measures, as will involve them in trouble and distress; or to suppress our love to ourselves, to our friends, and to society; common sense will teach us on which side our obligation lies. In cases of competition, even private friendship ought to yield to the public good; much more ought benevolence to an enemy to give way to the good of our country; and to remain suspended, as to out­ward exercises, when the case is so circum­stanced, that it cannot be thus exerted, with­out counteracting the interest of the com­munity to which we belong. A regard to the public ought to swallow up every partial affection, inconsistent with the general interest.

[Page 26]It is to the honour of America, that from the time we were first threatned with British tyranny, to the commencement of the late war; and from the commencement of the war, thro' all the stages and vicissitudes of it, to it's happy conclusion; she has pro­duced an illustrious band of worthy patriots, who, unactuated by any unfriendly disposi­tions towards the rest of mankind, have, with unshaken firmness and fortitude, defended her cause, in the cabinet and in the field, by the pen and by the sword, against the arbitrary claims and hostile violence of her unnatural and cruel enemies. Inspired with the love of liberty, moved by the generous impulse of patriotic virtue, how many, quit­ting the calm enjoyments of domestic ease and tranquility, have magnanimously encoun­tred and braved all the fatigues and dangers of war, and voluntarily sacrificed their lives for the support of the cities of our God, in the unabridged enjoyment of their religion and liberties! Time would [...]ail me to give a catalogue of those worthies, who, uninti­midated by the vaunting menaces and fulmi­nating proclamations of British Rabshakehs, have nobly dared to espouse the cause of American liberty, and distinguished them­selves by their heroic exertions; not count­ing their lives dear, that they might save [Page 27] their country. Their names are written on our hearts, as with a pen of iron, and point of a diamond; and will be consecrated to honourable remembrance, in the annals of America, till time shall be no more: while the name of every envious sneering seoffer, calumniator, and wicked conspirator, is either lost in oblivion, or doomed to perpetual infamy.

Some, it may be, whose frozen breasts have never yet been warmed with the gene­rous flame of patriotic fire, in order to detract from the merit of the zealous assertors and defenders of the liberties of their country, will pretend there is no such thing as public virtue. But if there are any such contracted souls, who, without a blush, prosess to have no social affections, of force enough to give them the least motion out of the narrow sphere of self, it may be best not to dispute feelings with them; but to allow them all that sordid selfishness which they claim, and not affront them by contra­diction. But let us not sacrifice our own generous feelings, to their system. They have no more right to impose their feelings upon us, than we have to impose ours upon them.

[Page 28]It must give pleasure to every true friend of human kind, to consider, that the late grand revolution, which has raised so great a part of America into a state of indepen­dence, was undertaken, and, by the assistance of divine providence, has been brought about; not from ambitious views, or a fond­ness for dominion; but upon principles friendly to the rights and liberties of every nation, upon the face of the whole earth. Unprompted by ambition to enlarge her ter­ritories by unjust conquests, or to compel any other states or kingdoms to submit to her usurped authority and government, America has contended only for the common rights of men. Her grand aim, her ultimate object in all her struggles and exertions, has been, not to prepare a yoke of bondage for the necks of others; but to free herself and posterity from the tyranny of lawless arbi­trary power (that source of plagues to the weak and defenceless part of mankind) and to secure those blessings, without which, the great ends of society, must be lost. With the most perfect cordiality, we have wished, and still wish, to cultivate friendship with all nations, on such a footing, as shall be to mutual advantage, and conduce to the general good of the whole world. In regard even to Britain, persuaded I am, that the [Page 29]inhabitants of these states (with very few exceptions) night safely appeal to the great Searcher of hearts, as a witness to their sin­cerity, should they declare, that though she has treated them in the most barbarous and provoking manner, and forced them in their own defence, to fly to arms, and engage in a long and bloody war; yet they never wished to fee her deprived of freedom, or reduced to inglorious subjection to any power on earth. Though she has cut the knot of kindred-love, and effectually destroyed that predilection, which produced a special at­tachment to her, in preference to others, yet we are not so implacable and unfor­giving, but that we can heartily wish her prosperity and happiness, in common with other nations.

The independence of these American states, being founded on such a broad basis of generous philanthropy, we have reason to hope they will still be the special care and charge, of the gracious Parent of the universe, whose tender mercies are over all his works; and that, under his almighty patronage, they will become a permanent flourishing empire, supported by the prin­ciples of virtue, religion and liberty without licentiousness.

[Page 30]Let me, on this occasion, with all the sensibility of lively joy, express my hearty congratulations, on the happy cessation of hostilities, after a most distressing, expensive and bloody war. Hail, auspicious happy day, that has put a stop to the effusion of human blood and the horrors of war, and sheathed the devouring sword; that has crowned our virtuous efforts with glorious success, giving us established independence with the returning blessings of peace, and filling our mouths with songs of triumph! Men, brethren and fathers, I felicitate you, I felicitate my country, on this great, this glorious event; an event, which cannot but cause every patriotic heart to expand with joy, at the prospect of the bright scenes which it opens to view, after a long and gloomy night of sorrow and trouble.

What acknowledgments do we owe to the supreme Governor of the world; who was pleased to hear our cries, in the days of our distress, and to give us persevering courage and fortitude in those trying times, when our affairs wore the gloomiest aspect; when we were involved in awful scenes of havock, blood and carnage, and surrounded with the depredations and shocking ravages of a war, carried on against us with savage [Page 31] wantonness; who was pleased to defend us, by his mighty power, when we were weak, unprepared and unequal to the conflict, and to enable us to make such a noble stand, and to gain such signal victories, while we were without ally, as gave us respectability abroad, and induced one of the first European powers, heartily to espouse our cause, and assist us by a generous and friendly alliance: who hath been our shield and protection, from the first rise of the war, through all the hazardous progress of it, and hath led forth our armies, under the conduct of a wise, brave and intrepid general, expert in war, of singular equanimity in success and disappointment, indued with a soul formed for noble atchievements, whom he was pleased to raise up and qualify for the important command which has been committed to him, and to honour as a di­stinguished instrument of the emancipation of his country? These are the Lord's do­ings, and they are marvellous in our eyes.

When we look back on the difficulties and hazards in which we have been in­volved; when we consider what engines of mischief and destruction have been employ­ed to work our [...]in; when we reflect on the perils and dangers we were in, not only [Page 32] from the policy and power, the stratagenis and violence of open and prosessed enemies, but from the insidious arts, treacheries and conspiracies of false and deceitful men among ourselves; who, under the disguise of friendship or mask of neutrality, have constantly endeavoured to dishearten and discourage us, to obstruct our measures, re­tard our operations and disappoint our en­terprizes, and, at the same time, secretly to aid the cause of those, who had unjustly compelled us, to make our appeal to Heaven, as our last resort: When we consider these things, what reason have we to adore the merciful providence of almighty God, who, by many signal interpositions in our favour, has finally baffled and defeated the mis­chievous machinations of all our enemies, both secret and open; disconcerted the plans of those who unrighteously rose up against us, and obliged them (notwithstand­ing all their pride of power, and vain confi­dence of reducing us to unconditional sub­mission) to yield the grand point contended for, by negotiating a peace with us, upon the footing of equality and independence! With the greatest pertinency may we now adopt the language of the royal psalmist, and say, If it had not been the Lord, who was on our side, when men rose up against us; [Page 33] then they had swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was kindled against us; then the waters had overwhelmed us, the stream had gone over our soul; then the proud waters had gone over our soul. Blessed be the Lord, who has not given us, as a prey to their teeth. Our soul is escaped as a bird out of the snare of the fowlers; the snare is broken, and we are escaped. Our help is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth.

If we have wisdom to make a good im­provement of this happy event, what bles­sings and felicities, that this world is capable of affording, may we not secure to ourselves and to our posterity? When we look for­ward, what glorious prospects open to view! How pleasant must it be to every sincere lover of his country, to entertain his fancy with future scenes, and behold, through the medium of probable conjecture, the future glory, grandeur and magnificence of America! To behold her raised superior to all her enemies; extending her friendly arms for the support and protection of other states and nations against the attacks of rest­less encroaching ambition; and (while none dare to distrust or affront her) offering a refuge and asylum, in her bosom, to the injured and oppressed of the human race in [Page 34] all quarters of the globe! To behold wealth and opulence flowing in upon her, in con­tinual streams, from the inexhaustible sources of agriculture, and a free trade and com­merce with all nations! To behold her spreading, by a rapid population, over those vast tracts of uncultivated land, which are now the haunts of wild beasts, and fee the wilderness, by the hand of industry, changed into a fruitful field, blossoming as the rose, and yielding, in plentiful exuberance, every rural comfort and delight! To behold her, exalted to noble heights of improvement, in every useful art and science; mounting on the strong pinions of virtue, learning, eloquence, religion, philosophy, and other sublime intellectual accomplishments, above Greece and Rome, in their zenith of glory!

These are agreeable prospects; but whe­ther America shall ever realize them, depends much upon the wisdom and virtue of the present generation. Every patriot, from the highest to the lowest order, has now an extensive field opened before him, for the display of his utmost abilities, in providing for the future peace and prosperity of his country. The consequences of our conduct at this opportunity, will affect, not ourselves only, but unborn millions.

[Page 35]Every consideration proper to influence the human mind, obliges us to exert our­selves, to make sure of the blessings, which are now offered by the propitious hand of providence, and to transmit the same to succeeding generations. Should we neglect the means necessary for these purposes, the bright day, which now beams upon us, may soon be overcast with clouds; and our songs of triumph end in new scenes of sorrow and trouble.

The British troops are not yet removed. Their withdrawment, as soon as conveniency will permit, is necessary to give us full assur­ance that the reconciliation on the part of Britain, is sincere. Suspicion therefore should not sleep, until they are withdrawn. Pru­dence, wisdom, reason, require vigilance and caution, and oblige us to be on our guard.

Though the land now rests from war, and we daily expect to hear that the definitive treaty of peace is compleatly ratified, yet it would be exceedingly unsafe for people to lay by their arms, and neglect all military matters. Our country affords so many tempt­ing objects to excite the ambition of other nations (especially of those, who can have easy access, by reason of a proximity of territory) [Page 36] that we can have no security of a lasting peace, or of enjoying long the blessings of freedom, if we should totally withdraw our attention from the arts of war, and be unprovided with the means of defence. Standing ar­mies in a time of peace are indeed dangerous to liberty; but a well furnished and well disciplined militia is of great importance to a state, being necessary either to prevent a war, or to put people into a capacity to de­fend themselves against any invasion or attack from their enemies. The public welfare requires that our militia be kept on such a respectable footing, as shall render us secure at home, and formidable abroad. But leaving it to the wisdom of our rulers to determine what is best in reference to this matter, let me observe, that

The inhabitants of these states are under the most sacred obligations, not only to con­sult the happiness of the states, to which they respectively belong, by discountenancing all disorders, suppressing those vices, that are inconsistent with the interest of society, and giving encouragement and support to every virtue, upon which the peace, pros­perity and stability of each state, separately considered, depend; but by endeavouring to strengthen those bands of union, which have [Page 37] connected the whole together, as one inde­pendent nation. By solemn confederacy and compact every one is bound, to keep the good of all the states in view, while he aims to promote the good of the particular state with which he is more Immediately connected. In order to preserve the union between the states, and establish it upon a permanent basis, whatever is inconsistent with the principles, which, upon the maturest deliberation, have been adopted, as the grand cement of it, must be carefully avoided; and a proper attention be paid to the interest and welfare of the whole. The separate good of the several states, is to be pursued only by such measures, as shall harmonize with the good of all in the confederacy.

Nothing did more encourage Britain to undertake and protract the late war, than a pres;umption, that it would be impossible for states, so distant from one another; so differ­ent, in many respects, in their education and manners; and between which, from situation and other circumstances, there would often be an interference and compe­tition of interest; to unite, or remain long united in one common cause. By mortify­ing experience she is now convinced of her mistake; having seen the union gather strength [Page 38] and confirmation, under the overruling hand of providence, from the very measures which she took, in hopes to break and destroy it. Chagrined at this disappointment of our enemies, it is possible there may be some among us, who having always been disaf­fected to our cause, and all along endeavoured to alarm people's minds with presages of divisions and dissensions between the states, may still wish and hope to promote such an event, left their reputation for foresight should suffer; as Jonah wished for the de­struction of Nineveh, left his prophetic abi­lities should be called in question. But should any be so inimical as to attempt any thing of this sort, by sowing diseord; foment­ing animosities; endeavouring to propa­gate unreasonable jealousies and suspicions, or to nourish and strengthen local prejudices; it is hoped there is wisdom, virtue and reso­lution enough among the friends of the country, to defeat their evil designs, and (m [...]ugre the utmost efforts of every incen­diary and mischief-maker) to preserve the union unbroken, and the confederacy un­inturrupted and intire.

It is evidently of the greatest importance to these states, both conjunctly and separately considered, to keep the public faith, sacred [Page 39] and inviolate. This is a main pillar in the politic fabrick; without which the building must soon fall. This is necessary to gain us honour and confidence among other na­tions, and to preserve peace and union among ourselves. Every one therefore is obliged to contribute his share towards fulfilling the engagements and promises, made by lawful authority, in behalf of all the states, or of the particular state to which he belongs; that all, whether countrymen or foreigners, who have afforded or shall afford any assist­ance or service to the public, may receive justly expected rewards; and none have rea­son to complain, that they have been de­cieved and injured, by depending on public faith. Should any be disposed to violate their obligations, in this respect, the civil magistrate has undoubted authority, and ought to compel them to their duty; for if every one might be left at liberty, to do what is right in his own eyes, public credit would stand upon a precarious foundation, and be continually liable to be sacrificed to the humour, caprice and avarice of individuals.

Though public credit has been in a declin­ing state, yet we are glad there is an hopeful prospect of its recovery. What particular [Page 40] methods are best for placing it on a firm and durable basis, I have not the vanity to think myself capable of determining. But it is conceived, no method can be adopted for this purpose, but what will re­quire the aid of taxes, in some mode or other; and consequently give umbrage to those (if any such there are) who never can be satisfied, unless they can enjoy the bles­sings of good government without cost. But he, who has just conceptions of things, cannot sure expect to enjoy the blessings of society, or suppose it possible to support the honour and credit of government, and attain the ends of it, without considerable expence, even in the most peaceable times; much less, in times of danger, difficulty and general calamity.

It cannot be thought strange, that a dis­tressing war, of eight years continuance, has involved us in a great debt. But considering the magnitude of the object, which we have had in pursuit, and the great exertions which we have been obliged to make in order to attain it, our debt is not so great, as might have been expected. Those nations, which are now groaning under the iron yoke of oppression, and despotic government, would think themselves happy, if they could [Page 41] purchase the invaluable blessings of liberty, at so cheap a rate. There is yet another con­sideration, which alone is sufficient to silence all complaints, on this head. It is this, that if we had been reunited to Britain, and in addition to other expences, had had a pro­portional share of her enormous debt laid upon us, it would have hung like a millstone about our necks, and plunged us into inevi­table banckrupty, from which we never could have recovered ourselves. Our present burden, tho' somewhat pressing, is compa­ratively light. Let prodigality, luxury, and other impoverishing vices be banished from among us; and let frugality, oeconomy and industry supply their place; and then consi­dering our means and resources, it will not be so difficult to discharge our debt, in the course of a few years, as some may imagine. And while the legislature, in levying taxes, for this and other important purposes, take all possible care to make the burden as light as the public exigences will permit, and to adjust each man's share of the public expence to his interest and circumstances, every one, instead of indulging a murmuring temper, should chearfully endeavour to defray his part, rejoicing that such wile provision is made for judgment to run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream.

[Page 42]Convinced of the necessity of a strict re­gard to justice, for preserving the credit of government, and mutual confidence between the members of a community, every true friend to society will wish and endeavour to promote it, in all orders of men, from the highest to the lowest. It is an observation of a king, as much celebrated for his wisdom as magnificence, and may be laid down as a maxim, confirmed by the experience of all ages, that righteousness exalteth a nation. According to the natural course of things, and common order of providence, that so­ciety has the fairest prospect of prosperity, and lasting felicity, where government, first founded in equity, is administered according to the rules of impartial justice; and where truth, honesty and fidelity are encouraged, maintained and promoted between man and man, in their private intercourse and transac­tions. In this case, peace and harmony will prevail among the members of a society; who will consequently be in a suitable dis­position to serve one another, and to unite in such measures as the general interest shall, at any time, require. But when the opposite vices predominate; when faith and truth, uprightness and integrity take their flight; when justice is made a matter of traffick, and is bought and fold for money; when [Page 43] deciet, falshood, unrighteousness and oppres­sion bear sway without controal; then disorder and confusion, schism, tumult and misery, may be expected as a natural con­sequence and effect.

Though unrighteousness may sometimes answer a present purpose; yet follow it a little way, in it's consequences, and it will be found to be the parent of difficulty and trouble of embarrassment and perplexity. There can be no danger or hazard in ad­hering to the rules of justice; but what is morally wrong can never be good policy, in reference either to public or private affairs.

There is nothing more manifest, than that the interest of a people is greatly affected, by the virtues and vices prevalent among them. From hence the inference is obvious, that the morals of a people are among the great objects, which claim the particular attention of the legislature and civil authority. It evidently falls within their province, to provide means, by law, for the suppression of vice and wickedness, and the promotion of good morals. In order effectually to answer these ends, care should be taken for the diffusion of learning and religion through a society; that people may entertain just [Page 44] conceptions of the dignity and rights of hu­man nature, and be early initiated in the principles of a sober, honest and pious life. The general prevalence of ignorance and irreligion must be productive of very mis­chievous effects in society. For ignorant minds, unimpressed with a sense of a Deity, of a providence and a future state, must be unprincipled, and prepared, whenever occa­sions offer, for the most atrocious crimes. I would just add, that an ignorant people, are continually liable to be imposed upon, and seduced into a surrender of their liber­ties, by the specious arts, eloquence and address of designing men. whose enterpri­zing ambition will not fail to lay hold on such an advantage, for the acquisition of power.

Sensible of how great importance it is to the happiness of a people, to be early in­structed in the principles of piety and virtue, and furnished with good degrees of know­ledge, respecting the things of this world and that to come, our worthy ancestors were induced to take effectual care for the encou­ragement and support of the liberal arts and sciences; for the preservation of a reve­rential sense of a Deity on people's minds; for the instruction of all in religion and good [Page 45] literature. Great and invaluable are the blessings, that have been derived to us, their posterity, from their pious care, in these respects; a consideration whereof should provoke us to imitation; that as we have reason to honour their memory, for the ex­cellent provision they made for our happiness and welfare, so our descendents may have equal reason to rise up and call us blessed.

Our new constitution, while it has pro­vided every guard, which human wisdom can invent, to defend our liberties, civil and religious, against every encroachment of arbi­trary power, has authorized but civil rulers to take care of the morals of people, by furnishing them with the means of instruc­tion in virtue, piety and every branch of useful knowledge. They will therefore consider themselves as obliged to adopt suit­able measures for the encouragement of literature, the advancement of the sciences, and the preservation of a sense of religion among all orders of men.

To say nothing of other literary institu­tions, which claim the patronage of our political fathers, and of all the friends of science; let me observe, that the laws pro­viding for the establishment of schools, in [Page 46] our several towns and plantations, are wisely calculated to promote the great ends of society, by affording to all, the necessary means of education and instruction in the most important, useful and profitable branches of learning. But of what service or signifi­cance are the best laws, while they lie dor­mant, and may be transgressed with impu­nity? A law unexecuted is without life; and can answer no end, but to bring civil authority into disrepute.

As to laws obliging people to assemble for public worship, and provide themselves with public teachers of religion; such laws are evidently well adapted to promote the good order of civil government, and advance the happiness of a people, by enforcing the use of proper means for impressing men's minds with an awe of the supreme Governor of the world, and engaging them from a sense of their accountableness to him, to fulfil all moral obligation, and live in the practice of the virtues of a good life. And it is con­ceived that such laws can be no reasonable ground of complaint, so long as the sacred rights of conscience are sufficiently guarded and secured, by leaving people at liberty to chuse their own teachers, and modes of worship; and while none are subjected to [Page 47] fines, forfeitures or any disadvantages of a civil nature, for their particular religious sentiments and profession, if they be peace­able members of society, and do not pro­pagate any doctrines, inconsistent with the safety of the state.

To carry the idea of religious liberty so far, as to make it an effectual hindrance to the providing and using necessary means, for the preservation of a sense of religion and moral obligation among the members of a community, is to oppose it to the in­terests of human society, and to rob civil government of one of it's main supports. For the most powerful enforcements of obedience to civil authority, are derived from a consideration and belief, that there is a supreme invisible Power, presiding over the world, to whom all men are account­able, and who will reward or punish every man, in a future state, according to his works. Obedience that proceeds wholly from fear of punishment from men, is precarious and uncertain; and will be withdrawn, upon the slightest temptations of pleasure or profit, whenever a person believes, that he can escape with impunity. Religion therefore forms a more steady and permanent prin­ciple of obedience to civil government, than [Page 48] any penal sanctions, of a temporary nature, by which the laws of men can be enforced.

It would evidently conduce greatly to the happiness and tranquility of society, and facilitate the administration of government and public justice, could people, in general, be persuaded to submit to the authority of the community, vested in it's rulers, and to obey the laws, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake. It is not conceivable how any society should enjoy this advantage, where the public worship of God is neg­lected, and no proper means made use of, for the instruction of people in piety, religion and morality.

The design of the institution of civil government being the good of the people, they who are intrusted with the manage­ment of it, should make this the grand object of their attention and pursuit, and in the exercise of their constitutional powers, use all means and methods, that are of manifest importance and necessity to answer this end. This will make them a terror to evil doers, and an encouragement to them who do well. This will not only command a general reverence; but insure to them the particular esteem, assistance and support of [Page 49] every true friend to the commonwealth; and cause the censures and calumnies of the envious, malicious and factious, to recoil on their own heads. This will make them public blessings and benefactors; and give them those sincere delights and supporting consolations, which arise from reflections on such good and useful actions, as have greatly contributed to the general interest and pros­perity, and advanced the happiness of society.

It might be tho't an inexcusable omission, should I close this discourse, without paying a particular honourable attention to the worthy gentlemen, who have lately been vested with the sovereign powers of this commonwealth. Their promotion to such high stations of authority, by the suffrages of a free people, gives them respectability, and entitles them to our confidence.

It affords us singular pleasure, that the highest seat in government, is filled, the fourth time, with a generous, uniform, per­severing and resolute [...]; who has ac­quitted himself with integrity and honour, in the several important departments, in which he has been employed, since the be­ginning of our late contests. Nor shall we forget, that for the early decided and dis­tinguishing part, which he took, in the cause [Page 50] of his country, he had the honour to be marked out, in conjunction with an eminent compatriot, for the first victim of British vengeance. Our satisfaction on account of his being again chosen first magistrate of this commonwealth, would be without allay, on this occasion, was he not prevented, by sick­ness, from honouring the solemnities of the day with his presence.

We are happy to find, that the second rank in government, by the voice of the people, is again conferred on a gentleman, who, by an unwearied inflexible attachment to the cause of America, through all the hazzardous scenes of the late war, from first to last, has given full proof of his patriotism, and justify merited public respect and honour.

We rejoice that so many other worthy characters, that have approved themselves fast friends to their country, in the most perilous times, are intrusted with a share in the administration of government, and the important powers of legislation.

The testimony, which his Excellency; his Honor, the lieutenant-governor; and the honorable gentlemen, that compose the two branches of the general court, have received; and which the council, still to be chosen, [Page 51] will receive, of the esteem and confidence of the people, by their election to such high offices; must be an encouragement and ani­mating motive to them, to improve the ad­vantages resulting from their exalted stations, for the good of the public, the end of their advancement. We know that their business must be peculiarly difficult and arduous, at such a day as this. Until the body politic shall be cured of those distempers and dis­orders, which have been introduced by the convulsions of war, it will require great strength and fortitude of mind, to hold the reins, and sustain the burden of government. Great skill and wisdom, great firmness and resolution tempered with prudence, are neces­sary, at the present crisis; to retrieve public credit; to do equal justice to all; to quiet the agitations of people's minds; to put the affairs of the public into a proper train and arrangement; to repair the disorders of the political machine, and adjust the wheels and springs of it, in such a manner, that every part may answer its end, and contribute to the beauty, order and usefulness of the whole. We therefore most heartily com­mend our civil fathers to the blessing of that God, who giveth wisdom to the wise, and understanding to the prudent. May the legis­lature, and all in authority, from the first [Page 52] magistrate to the lowest officer, be endued with wisdom and armed with prowess, suita­ble to their stations, and be public blessings.

And let all people, of every class and de­nomination, seriously consider, how much it behoves them to submit to those, who are in authority over them, and to conform to the constitution and laws of the common­wealth, in order effectually to secure the blessings of civil government. While civil rulers are to be cautioned against an abuse of authority, and exhorted to employ their powers for the good of the public; people are to be put in mind to honour and obey magistrates; to be subject unto the higher powers, and to submit themselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord's sake.

When people give way to a refractory temper; set themseles up in opposition to government; and by continual groundless invectives, endeavour to bring an odium upon their rulers, and upon all public mea­sures; they take a direct method to over­throw ail civil authority, and to disband and abolish society. Let people be vigilant and guarded against the encroachments of arbi­trary power; but let them, at the same time, take heed, that they deprive not themselves of the blessings of good government, and [Page 53] plunge themselves into all the disorders and mischiefs of anarchy, in order to secure themselves against tyranny. This would be as preposterous, as for a mariner to suffer voluntary shipwreck upon the rocks of Seilly, in order to avoid the dangers of Charybdis. No wise man will run into one extreme, in order to avoid its opposite, while he can steer safely, in a middle course, between both.

Sensible of the importance of good go­vernment, the true friends of society will chearfully submit to lawful authority, and endeavour to encourage and support those, who are in public stations, in the execution of their high offices, for the public good. And while they do thus, they will cultivate in themselves and others, those benevolent dispositions, and those principles of integrity, honesty and justice, which are necessary to preserve peace and amity, good humour, order and mutual confidence among neigh­bours and to lay a foundation for those pri­vate friendships, which afford some of the most refined social pleasures and delights.

And let it be remembered, that by the virtues of a good life, added to their reli­gious devotions and acts of homage and worship, the people put themselves under the protection and patronage, and secure the [Page 54] friendship of that almighty Being, whose providence governs the world; whose voice all nature obeys; to whose controul all se­cond causes and subordinate agents are sub­ject; and whose sole prerogative it is to dis­pense blessings or calamities, as to his wis­dom seems best. A people under the smiles of Heaven must be prosperous and happy. If God be for us, who can be against us?

What happiness might we enjoy, as a people, and as individuals, if every one would reform his vices; cultivate a meek, peaceable and benevolent spirit; and use his best en­deavours to promote the good of others, as well as his own? What blessings might we procure to ourselves and to the community, if with one heart and one soul, we would apply ourselves to the duties, that we owe to one another, as brethren and fellow­citizens, and make it our business to fulfil all moral, social and civil obligations? By thus doing, at the same time that we should brighten our prospects into the future world, and, through the merits of our most mer­ciful Redeemer, provide for immortal bles­sedness in another state of existence, we might also secure to ourselves all the bles­sings of society on earth, and change this world into a sort of paradise.

[Page 55]We have therefore every inducement sui­table to work upon us as rational creatures, to engage us to conform to the rules of vir­tue, and comply with the great and compre­hensive law of subjection to one another. Let us lay our minds open to the sacred in­fluence of such mighty motives, that we may be happy in our connections, both pub­lic and private, in this world; and in the world to come, be admitted to the society of those blessed beings, who, knit together by the indissoluble ties of the most sincere and ardent love, have happy and uninter­rupted experience of the most pure, perfect and sublime pleasures of friendship, for ever and ever.

May the benevolent Parent and supreme Ruler of the universe bestow his benediction on us; unite our hearts in love to one ano­ther, and in the love of virtue; and dispose us to keep all his commandments always; that, the scenes of our troubles closed, we may see good days; rejoice in the happy effects of his favour to us, and in the pro­mising prospects of the blessedness and pros­perity of our descendents, to the latest generation.

AMEN.