SHORT OBSERVATIONS ON SLAVERY,
Introductory to some EXTRACTS from the writing of the ABBE RAYNAL, on that important Subject.
WHEN the General Congress first assembled, they prefaced the reason of their separation from Great Britain, with the following sentence, ‘We hold these truths to be self evident, That all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator, with certain unaliable rights; that amongst these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.’ And in the declaration of the 6th of July 1775, Congress have in very forcible language declared their opinion ‘that it was contrary to the intent of the Divine Author of our existence, that a part of the human kind should hold an absolute property and unbounded power over others, marked out by infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a Legal Domination.—That reverence for our [Page 2] great Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates of common sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that Government was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the attainment of that end.’ As these reflections apply to human nature in general, however diversified by colour and other distinctions, how far the situation of the Negroes still kept in Slavery, on this continent is consonant thereto, is a matter which calls for the most serious attention of all those who, indeed believe, in a general Providence, and that the good Author of our being multiplies his blessings in proportion as we render ourselves worthy by the practice of Justice and Love. Hence it becomes a matter of the utmost weight to the Americans, in a peculiar manner, duly to consider how far they can justify a conduct so abhorrent from these sacred truths as that of dragging these oppressed Strangers from their native land, and all those tender connections, which we hold so dear; the violence exercised over them, to oblige them to do the servile offices of life, for those whose superiority has been obtained by an illegal force; under the sanction of unjust laws; laws framed [Page 3] to hold in bondage, a bondage often rigorous and cruel, a people over whom they have not the least shadow of right; a bondage without condition, without end, and without appeal. Under this prospect of the situation of these Black People, must not every sensible, feeling heart be filled with sympathy and fearful apprehensions. Well may the words of Scripture be applied to them, ‘Behold the tears of the oppressed and they had no comforter;’ and indeed, what refuge, what appeal can a slave have, when cruelly used by an inconsiderate master, or by a hard-hearted overseer. How inconsistent is this abhorrent practice, with every idea of Liberty, every principle of humanity. Nay is it not of publick notoriety that those masters or overseers, who by ill usage, or by an unrelenting scourge, have brought their Slaves to an untimely end, have scarce been called to any account, by those who ought not to bear the sword in vain: Scarce an instance can be mentioned even of any man's being capitally arraigned for the wilful murder of a slave. Nay, dreadful to mention, do not the laws in some of the islands, and frequent advertisements in the Southern States, in effect encourage the murder of a Negroe, who has absented [Page 4] himself for a certain time from his master's service, by giving a reward greater for the poor fugitive's head than for bringing him home alive.
When this unjust and cruel treatment of the Negroes is considered, and brought to the test of the above declarations, will it not appear wonderfully inconsistent and a matter of astonishment, to the whole world, that an alteration of conduct towards them, has not yet taken place, preparatory to a general abolition of Slavery on the continent; a step which every principle of honour, reason, and humanity call for, and which may well be effected in such a manner as will conduce to the happiness of the master as well as the slave. But such is the force of the habitual depravity, when supported by the practice of great numbers, especially in that which flatters our interest and sooths our passions, that the most striking instances of oppression and cruelty, such as would make a stranger, at the first glance, shudder lose all their force upon minds accustomed, from their infancy, to see oppression reign uncontrouled; these can see the galling chains, the cruel stripes; the dying groan without pain; and without reflection or pity, can disregard the heartrending [Page 5] suffering, which many of these their afflicted fellow-men undergo, * before the remembrance of past enjoyments [Page 6] and their native vigour and love of liberty, can be broke down into tame submission to the absolute will of their lordly oppressors. No plea of difficulty ought to prevent our speedily doing that justice to these oppressed people, which the nature of their several cases will allow, such as declaring their offspring free at a suitable age; and instead of extorting their service by severity of discipline, make way for their freedom, by giving them such an interest in their own labour as may stir them up to the utmost exertion of their vigour and industry, and encourage them to employ those talents and ingenuity, which are now depressed by slavery, for the general good; thus from grudging dangerous Slaves they may become willing minded labourers, equally concerned with their masters in promoting the safety and happiness of their country. It will be when measures of this kind takes place in America, and when a final end is put to [Page 7] a horrible Slave Trade in England, that both countries may expect to flourish, under the blessing of Him who delights in Justice and Mercy; and has promised to reward every country, as well as individual, according to their deeds.
To assist in eradicating the deep rooted prejudice which an education amongst Slaves has planted in many minds, let us attend to what the Abbe Raynal, that celebrated Philosopher and friend to Mankind, has said on the subject of Slavery.
‘I will not, says he, disgrace myself by adding one to the list of venal writers, who have prostituted their pens in defence of a trade so abhorrent from the laws of universal justice. No principles of policy can justify the breach of her Sacred Laws. In so enlightened an age, an age where so many errors are boldly laid open, it would be shameful to conceal any truth that is interesting to humanity. We will first prove that no reason of state can authorize Slavery. In doing this we shall not hesitate to arraign, before the Tribunal of Eternal Light and Justice, all those governments who tolerate the cruel practice, or are not ashamed to make it the basis of their [Page 8]power.’ The great Montesquieu could not prevail upon himself to treat the question concerning Slavery, in a serious light. In reality it is degrading to reason to employ it. I will not say in defending, but even in refuting an abuse so repugnant to it; whoever justifies so odious a system deserves the utmost contempt, &c. &c.—Will it be said that he who wants to make me a Slave does me no injury, that he only makes use of his rights? Where are those rights (may the Slave say) who has stamped upon them so sacred a character as to silence mine. He who supports the system of Slavery is the enemy of the whole human race. He divides it into two societies of Legal Assassins, the Oppressor and the Oppressed, &c. &c.—But the right of Slavery, you say, extends only to the right of labour, and the privation of liberty, not life. What! does not the master who disposes of my strength, at his pleasure, dispose of my life, which depends on the voluntary and moderate exercise of my faculties: What is existence to him who has not the disposal of it? I cannot kill my Slave, but I can make him bleed under the whip of an executioner; I can ‘overwhelm [Page 9] him with sorrow, drudgery, and want: I can injure him every way, and secretly undermine the principles and springs of life: I can smother by slow punishment, the wretched infant which a Negroe Woman carries in her womb. Thus the laws protects the Slave against a violent death, to leave to my cruelty the right of making him die by degrees.’
‘Let us proceed a step farther, the right of Slavery is a right to perpetrate all sorts of crimes; those crimes which invade property; for Slaves are not suffered to have any, even in their own persons; those crimes which destroy personal safety, for the Slave may be sacrificed to the caprice of his master; those crimes which make modesty shudder; my blood rises at those horrid images. I hate, I sly the human species, made up only of victims and executioners, and if it is never to become better, may it annihilate itself. A word more, since all must be said, Cartouche, the famous (French Highwayman) Cartouche seated at the foot of a tree, in a deep forest, calculating the profits and charges of his robberies, the rewards and pay of his associates, and adjusting with them the idea of proportion and distributive [Page 10] justice; this Cartouche is he not like a merchant equiping a vessel for the Guinea Trade, who reclined on his desk, with his pen in his hand, settles the number of attacks which he can cause to be made on the coast of Guinea, who deliberately examines how many firelocks each Negroe will cost him, how many iron fetters to confine him on board, how many whips to make him work. What think you of this parallel. The highwayman attacks you and takes your money; the trader carries off even your person. The one invades the rights of society, the other those of nature. This certainly is the truth; and if there existed a religion which authorized, even only by its silence, such horrors, if it did not continually denounce vengeance against the authors or the instruments of this tyranny; if it made it criminal for the Slave to break his bonds; if it suffered in its bosom the iniquitous Judge who condemns the fugitive to death; if such a religion existed, the minister and the altar ought to be crushed in one common ruin.’
The same Author makes a farther note (which is left out in the English Translation) upon the arguments frequently advanced [Page 11]by some, even teachers under different denominations, in vindication of the Slavery of the Negroes, as being the effects of the curses denounced against Cain or Canaan, whose descendants they suppose them to be; in 4 vol. p. 158, French Edit. ‘Great God, says the Abbe, what attrocious extravagancies are imputed to thee, by beings who speak and act only by a free gift of thy power; who ascribe to thee words and actions agreeable to the ridiculous caprice of their ignorant presumption. Are they Devils who blaspheme thee, or men who call themselves thy ministers.’ Philo. Hist. of the Indies.
The writer of the foregoing introductory observations, i.e. A. Benezet, teacher of a school established by private subscription, in Philadelphia, for the instruction of the Black Children and others of that people, has, for many years, had opportunity of knowing the temper and genius of the Africans; particularly of those under his tuition, who have been many, of different ages; and he can with Truth and Sincerity declare, that he has found amongst them as great variety of Talents, equally capable of improvement, as amongst a like number of Whites; and he [Page 12] is bold to assert, that the notion entertained by some, that the Blacks are inferior to the Whites in their capacities, is a vulgar prejudice, founded on the Pride or Ignorance of their lordly Masters, who have kept their Slaves at such a distance, as to be unable to form a right judgment of them.
☞ In the HOUR OF REFLECTION, that awful hour which will come upon all, not hardned in obduracy or sunk in stupidity, when people are so far brought to themselves, as impartially to review the transactions of their past life, how much comfort will it afford to those, who laying aside all views of interest, have laboured by precept and example to depreciate and remove an evil of so deep a die, an evil so big with dreadful consequences to their Country, to themselves, and yet more so to their unhappy offspring, thereby made a prey to that sloth and idleness, that pride, cruelty and laciviousness, the natural produce of SLAVERY.
On the other hand, what ANGUISH OF SOUL, what Reflection from others, will at such a period be the portion of those who for selfish ends, in order to support a life of Pride and Luxury, will have stifled the Convictions of Conscience, in favour of a practice as pregnant with ruin of every kind, as it is inconsistent with every idea of Reason, Feeling and Humanity.