IN order to obtain a more diſtinct and accurate view of the nature of Liberty as ſuch, it will be uſeful to conſider it under the four following general diviſions.

Firſt, Phyſical Liberty.—Secondly, Moral Liberty.— Thirdly, Religious Liberty.—And Fourthly, Civil Liberty. —Theſe heads comprehend under them all the different kinds of Liberty. And I have placed Civil Liberty laſt, becauſe I mean to apply to it all I ſhall ſay of the other kinds of Liberty.

By PHYSICAL LIBERTY I mean that principle of Spontaneity, or Self-determination, which conſtitutes us Agents; or which gives us a command over our actions, rendering them properly ours, and not effects of the operation of any foreign cauſe.—MORAL LIBERTY is the power of following, in all circumſtances, our ſenſe of right and wrong; or of acting in conformity to our reflecting and moral principles, without being controuled by any contrary principles.—RELIGIOUS LIBERTY ſignifies the power of exerciſing, without moleſtation, that mode of religion which we think beſt; or of making the deciſions of our own conſciences, reſpecting religious truth, the rule of our conduct, and not any of the deciſions of others.—In like manner, CIVIL LIBERTY is the power of a Civil Society or State to govern itſelf by its own diſcretion; or by laws of its own making, without being ſubject to any foreign diſcretion, or to the impoſitions of any extraneous will or power.

It ſhould be obſerved, that, according to theſe definitions of the different kinds of liberty, there is one general idea, that runs through them all; I mean, the idea of Self-direction, or Self government.—Did our volitions originate not with ourſelves, but with ſome cauſe over which we have no power; or were we under a neceſſity of always following ſome will different from our own, we ſhould want PHYSICAL LIBERTY.

In like manner; he whoſe perceptions of moral obligation are controuled by his paſſions has loſt his Moral Liberty; and the moſt common language applied to him is, that he wants Self-government.

He likewiſe who, in religion, cannot govern himſelf by his convictions of religious duty, but is obliged to receive formularies of faith, and to practiſe modes of worſhip impoſed upon him by others, wants Religious Liberty.—And the Community alſo that is governed, not by itſelf, but by ſome will independent of it, and over which it has no controul, wants Civil Liberty.

In all theſe caſes there is a force which ſtands oppoſed to the agent's own will; and which, as far as it operates, produces Servitude.—In the firſt caſe, this force is incompatible with the very idea of voluntary motion; and the ſubject of it is a mere paſſive inſtrument which never acts, but is always acted upon.—In the ſecond caſe; this force is the influence of paſſion getting the better of reaſon; or the brute overpowering and conquering the will of the man.—In the third caſe; it is Human Authority in religion requiring conformity to particular modes of faith and worſhip, and ſuperſeding private judgment.—And in the laſt caſe, it is any will diſtinct from that of the Majority of a Community, which claims a power of making laws for it, and diſpoſing of its property.

This it is, I think, that marks the limit, or that lays the line between Liberty and Slavery. As far as, in any inſtance, the operation of any cauſe comes in to reſtrain the power of Self-government, ſo far Slavery is introduced: Nor do I think that a preciſer idea than this of Liberty and Slavery can be formed.

I cannot help wiſhing I could here fix my reader's attention, and engage him to conſider carefully the dignity of that bleſſing to which we give the name of LIBERTY, according to the repreſentation now made of it. There is not a word in the whole compaſs of language which expreſſes ſo much of what is important and excellent. It is, in every view of it, a bleſſing truly ſacred and invaluable.—Without Phyſical Liberty, man would be a machine acted upon by mechanical ſprings, having no principle of motion in himſelf or command over events; and, therefore incapable of all merit and demerit.—Without Moral Liberty he is a wicked and deteſtable being, ſubject to the tyranny of baſe luſts, and the ſport of every vile appetite. —And without Religious and Civil Liberty he is a poor and abject animal, without rights, without property, and without a conſcience, bending his neck to the yoke, and crouching to the will of every ſilly creature who has the inſolence to pretend to authority over him.—Nothing, therefore, can be of ſo much conſequence to us as Liberty. It is the foundation of all honour, and the chief privilege and glory of our natures.

In fixing our ideas on the ſubject of Liberty it is of particular uſe to take ſuch an enlarged view of it as I have now given. But the immediate object of the preſent enquiry being Civil Liberty, I will confine to it all the ſubſequent obſervations.

FROM the nature and principles of Civil Liberty, as they have been now explained, it is an immediate and neceſſary inference that no one community can have any power over the property or legiſlation of another community, that is not incorporated with it by a juſt and adequate repreſentation.— Then only, it has been ſhewn, is a State free, when it is governed by its own will. But a country that is ſubject to the legiſlature of another country, in which it has no voice, and over which it has no controul, cannot be ſaid to be governed by its own will. Such a country therefore, is in a ſtate of ſlavery. And it deſerves to be particularly conſidered, that ſuch a ſlavery is worſe, on ſeveral accounts, than any ſlavery of private men to one another, or of kingdoms to deſpots within themſelves.—Between one ſtate and another, there is none of that fellow-feeling that takes place between perſons in private life. Being detached bodies that never ſee one another, and reſiding perhaps in different quarters of the globe, the ſtate that governs cannot be a witneſs to the ſufferings occaſioned by its oppreſſions; or a competent judge of the circumſtances and abilities of the people who are governed. They muſt alſo have in a great degree ſeparate intereſts; and the more the one is loaded, the more the other may be eaſed. The infamy likewiſe of oppreſſion, being in ſuch circumſtances ſhared among a multitude, is not likely to be much felt or regarded. — On all theſe accounts there is, in the caſe of one country ſubjugated to another, little or nothing to check rapacity; and the moſt flagrant injuſtice and cruelty may be practiſed without remorſe or pity.—I will add, that it is particularly difficult to ſhake off a tyranny of this kind. A ſingle deſpot, if the people are unanimous and reſolute, may be ſoon ſubdued. But a deſpotic ſtate is not eaſily ſubdued; and a people ſubject to it cannot emancipate themſelves without entering into a dreadful, and, perhaps, very unequal conteſt.

I cannot help obſerving farther, that the ſlavery of a people to internal deſpots may be qualified and limited; but I don't ſee what can limit the authority of one ſtate over another. The exerciſe of power in this caſe can have no other meaſure than diſcretion; and, therefore, muſt be indefinite and abſolute.

Once more. It ſhould be conſidered that the government of one country by another, can only be ſupported by a military force; and, without ſuch a ſupport, muſt be deſtitute of all weight and efficacy.

This will be beſt explained by putting the following caſe. —There is, let us ſuppoſe, in a province ſubject to the ſovereignty of a diſtant ſtate, a ſubordinate legiſlature, conſiſting of an Aſſembly choſen by the people; a Council choſen by that Aſſembly; and a Governor appointed by the Sovereign State, and paid by the Province. There are, likewiſe, judges and other officers, appointed and paid in the ſame manner, for adminiſtering juſtice agreeably to the laws, by the verdicts of juries fairly and indiſcriminately choſen.—This forms a conſtitution ſeemingly free, by giving the people a ſhare in their own government, and ſome check on their rulers. But, while there is a higher legiſlative power, to the controul of which ſuch a conſtitution is ſubject, it does not itſelf poſſeſs Liberty, and therefore, cannot be of any uſe as a ſecurity to Liberty; nor is it poſſible that it ſhould be of long duration. Laws offenſive to the Province will be enacted by the Sovereign State. The legiſlature of the Province will remonſtrate againſt them. The magiſtrates will not execute them. Juries will not convict upon them; and conſequently, like the Pope's Bulls which once governed Europe, they will become nothing but forms and empty ſounds, to which no regard will be ſhewn.—In order to remedy this evil, and to give efficiency to its government, the ſupreme ſtate will naturally be led to withdraw the Governor, the Council, and the Judges

The independency of the Judges we eſteem in this country one of our greateſt privileges.—Before the revolution they generally, I believe, held their places during pleaſure. King William gave them their places during good behaviour. At the acceſſion of the preſent Royal Family their places were given them during good behaviour, in conſequence of the Act of Settlement, 12 and 13 W. III. c. 2. But an opinion having been entertained by ſome, that though their commiſſions were made under the Act of Settlement to continue, during good behaviour, yet that they determined on the demiſe of the Crown; it was enacted by a ſtatute made in the firſt year of his preſent Majeſty, Chap. • 3. That the commiſſions of Judges for the time being ſhall be, continue, and remain in full force, during their good behaviour, notwithſtanding the demiſe of his Majeſty, or of any of his Heirs and Succeſſors; with a proviſo, that it may be lawful for his Majeſty, his Heirs and Succeſſors, to remove any Judge upon the addreſs of both Houſes of Parliament. And by the ſame Statute their ſalaries are ſecured to them during the continuance of their commiſſions: His Majeſty, according to the preamble of the Statute, having been pleaſed to declare from the Throne to both Houſes of Parliament, That he looked upon the Independency and uprightouſneſs of Judges, as eſſential to the impartial adminiſtration of Juſtice, as one of the beſt ſecurities to the Rights and Liberties of his loving Subjects, and as moſt conducive to the honour of his Crown.

A worthy friend and able Lawyer has ſupplied me with this note. It affords, when contraſted with that dependence of the Judges which has been thought reaſonable in America, a ſad ſpecimen of the different manner in which a kingdom may think proper to govern itſelf, and the provinces ſubject to it.

IN writing the preſent Section, I have entered upon a ſubject of the laſt importance, on which much has been ſaid by other writers with great force, and in the ableſt manner.See particularly, a ſpeech intended to have been ſpoken on the bill for altering the Charter of the Colony of Maſſachuſett's Bay; the Conſiderations on the Meaſures carrying on with reſpect to the Britiſh Colonies; and the Two Appeals to the Juſtice and Intereſts of the People. But I am not willing to omit any topic which I think of great importance, merely becauſe it has already been diſcuſſed: And, with reſpect to this in particular, it will, I believe, be found that ſome of the obſervations on which I ſhall inſiſt, have not been ſufficiently attended to.

The object of this war has been often enough declared to be "maintaining the ſupremacy of this country over the colonies." I have already enquired how far reaſon and juſtice, the principles of Liberty, and the rights of humanity, entitle us to this ſuperemacy. Setting aſide, therefore, now, all conſiderations of this kind, I would obſerve, that this ſupremacy is to be maintained, either merely for it's own ſake, or for the ſake of ſome public intereſt connected with it and dependent upon it. —If for its own ſake; the only object of the war is the extenſion of dominion; and its only motive is the luſt of power.— All government, even within a ſtate, becomes tyrannical, as far as it is a needleſs and wanton exerciſe of power; or is carried farther than is abſolutely neceſſary to preſerve the peace and to ſecure the ſafety of the ſtate. This is what an excellent writer calls GOVERNING TOO MUCH; and its effect muſt always be, weakening government by rendering it contemptible and odious.—Nothing can be of more importance, in governing diſtant provinces and adjuſting the claſhing intereſts of different ſocieties, than attention to this remark. In theſe circumſtances, it is particularly neceſſary to make a ſparing uſe of power.—Happy would it have been for Great-Britain, had this been remembered by thoſe who have lately conducted its affairs. But our policy has been of another kind. At a period when our policy ſhould have been moſt concealed, it has been brought moſt in view; and, by a progreſſion of violent meaſures, every one of which has increaſed diſtreſs, we have given the world reaſon to conclude, that we are acquainted with no other method of governing than by force.—What a ſhocking miſtake?—If our object is power, we ſhould have known better how to uſe it; and our rulers ſhould have conſidered, that freemen will always revolt at the ſight of a naked ſword; and that the complicated affairs of a great kingdom, holding in ſubordination to it a multitude of diſtant communities, all jealous of their rights, and warmed with ſpirits as high as our own, require not only the moſt ſkilful, but the moſt cautious and tender management. The conſequences of a different management we are now feeling, We ſee ourſelves driven among rocks, and in danger of being loſt.

There are the following reaſons which ſeem to make it too probable, that the preſent conteſt with America is a conteſt for power only, I have heard it ſaid by a perſon in one of the firſt departments of the ſtate, that the preſent conteſt is for DOMINION on the ſide of the colonies, as well as on ours: And ſo it is, indeed; but with this eſſential difference. We are ſtruggling for dominion over OTHERS. They are ſtruggling for SELF dominion▪ The nobleſt of all bleſſings. abſtracted from all the advantages connected with it.

1ſt. There is a love of power for it own ſake inherent in human nature; and it cannot be uncharitable to ſuppoſe that the nation in general, and the cabinet in particular, are too likely to be influenced by it. What can be more flattering than to look acroſs the Atlantic, and to ſee in the boundleſs continent of America, increaſing MILLIONS whom we have a right to order as we pleaſe, who hold their property at our diſpoſal, and who have no other law than our will. With what complacency have we been uſed to talk of them as OUR ſubjects?—Is it not the interruption they now give to this pleaſure: Is it not the oppoſition they make to our pride; and not any injury they have done us, that is the ſecret ſpring of our preſent animoſity againſt them?—I wiſh all in this kingdom would examine themſelves carefully on this point. Perhaps, they might find, that they have not known what ſpirit they are of.—Perhaps they would become ſenſible, that it was a ſpirit of domination, more than a regard to the true intereſt of this country, that lately led ſo many of them, with ſuch ſavage folly, to addreſs the throne for the ſlaughter of their brethren in America, if they will not ſubmit to them; and to make offers of their lives and fortunes for that purpoſe.—Indeed, I am perſuaded, that, where pride and the luſt of dominion exterminated from every heart among us, and the humility of Chriſtians infuſed in their room, this quarrel would be ſoon ended.

2dly. Another reaſon for believing that this is a conteſt for power only is, that our miniſters have frequently declared, that their object is not to draw a revenue from America; and that many of thoſe who are warmeſt for continuing it, repreſent the American trade as of no great conſequence.

But what deſerves particular conſideration here is, that this is a conteſt from which no advantage can poſſibly be derived, —Not a revenue: For the provinces of America, when deſolated, will afford no revenue; or if it ſhould, the expence of ſubduing them and keeping them in ſubjection will much exceed that revenue.—Not any of the advantages of trade: For it is a folly, next to inſanity, to think trade can be promoted by impoveriſhing our cuſtomers, and fixing in their minds an everlaſting abhorrence of us.—It remains, therefore, that this war can have no other object than the extenſion of power.—Miſerable reflection!—To ſheath our ſwords in the bowels of our brethren, and ſpread miſery and ruin among a happy people, for no other end than to oblige them to acknowledge our ſupremacy. How horrid!—This is the curſed ambition that led a Caeſar and an Alexander, and many other mad conquerors, to attack peaceful communities, and to lay waſte the earth.

But a worſe principle than even this, influences ſome among us. Pride and the love of dominion are principles hateful enough; but blind reſentment and the deſire of revenge are infernal principles; and theſe, I am afraid, have no ſmall ſhare at preſent in guiding our public conduct.—One cannot help indeed being aſtoniſhed at the virulence, with which ſome ſpeak on the preſent occaſion againſt the Colonies.—For, what have they done?—Have they croſſed the ocean and invaded us? Have they attempted to take from us the fruits of our labour, and to overturn that form of government which we hold ſo ſacred?—This cannot be pretended.—On the contrary. This is what we have done to them.—We have tranſported ourſelves to their peaceful retreats, and employed our fleets and armies to ſtop up their ports, to deſtroy their commerce, to ſeize their effects and to burn their towns. Would we but let them alone, and ſuffer them to enjoy in ſecurity their property and governments, inſtead of diſturbing us, they would thank and bleſs us. And yet it is WE WHO imagine ourſelves ill-uſed.—The truth is, we expected to find them a cowardly rabble who would lie quietly at our feet, and they have diſappointed us. They have riſen in their own defence, and repelled force by force. They deny the plenitude of our power over them; and inſiſt on being treated as free communities —It is THIS that has provoked us; and kindled our governors into rage.

I hope I ſhall not be here underſtood to intimate, that all who promote this war are actuated by theſe principles. Some, I doubt not, are influenced by no other principle, than a regard to what they think the authority of this country over its Colonies, and to the unity and indiviſibility of the Britiſh Empire. I wiſh ſuch could be engaged to enter thoroughly into the enquiry, which has been the ſubject of the firſt part of this pamphlet; and to conſider, particularly, how different a thing maintaining the authority of government within a ſtate is from maintaining the authority of one people over another, already happy in the enjoyment of a government of their own. I wiſh farther they would conſider, that the deſire of maintaining authority is warrantable, only ſo far as it is the means of promoting ſome end, and doing ſome good; and that, before we reſolve to ſpread famine and fire through a country in order to make it acknowledge our authority, we ought to be aſſured that great advantages will ariſe not only to ourſelves but to the country we wiſh to conquer.—That from the preſent conteſt no advantage to ourſelves can ariſe, has been already ſhewn, and will preſently be ſhewn more at large.— That no advantage to the Colonies can ariſe from it, need not, I hope, be ſhewn. It has however been aſſerted, that even their good is intended by this war. Many of us are perſuaded, that they will be much happier under our government, than under any government of their own; and that their liberties will be ſafer when held for them by us, than when truſted in their own hands.—How kind is it thus to take upon us the trouble of judging for them what is moſt for their happineſs? Nothing can be kinder, except the reſolution we have formed to extirminate them, if they will not ſubmit to our judgment. —What ſtrange language have I ſometimes heard? By an armed force we are now endeavouring to deſtroy the laws and governments of America; and yet I have heard it ſaid, that we are endeavouring to ſupport law and government there. We are inſiſting upon our right to levy contributions upon them; and to maintain this right, we are bringing upon them all the miſeries a people can endure; and yet it is aſſerted; that we mean nothing but their ſecurity and happineſs.

But I have wandered a little from the point I intended principally to inſiſt upon in this ſection, which is, the folly, in reſpect of policy, of the meaſures which have brought on this conteſt; and its pernicious and fatal tendency.

The following obſervations will, I believe abundantly prove this.

1ſt. There are points which are likely always to ſuffer by diſcuſſion. Of this kind are moſt points of authority and prerogative; and the beſt policy is to avoid, as much as poſſible, giving any occaſion for calling them into queſtion.

The Colonies were at the beginning of this reign in the habit of acknowledging our authority, and of allowing us as much power over them as our intereſt required; and more, in ſome inſtances, than we could reaſonably claim. This habit they would have retained; and had we, inſtead of impoſing new burdens upon them, and increaſing their reſtraints, ſtudied to promote their commerce, and to grant them new Indulgences, they would have been always growing more attached to us. Luxury, and, together with it, their dependence upon us, and our influence This has been our policy with reſpect to the people of Ireland; and the conſequence is, that we now ſee their parliament as obedient as we can wiſh. in their aſſemblies, would have increaſed, till in time perhaps they would become as corrupt as ourſelves; and we might have ſucceeded to our wiſhes in eſtabliſhing our authority over them.—But, happily for them, we have choſen a different courſe. By exertions of authority which have alarmed them, they have been put upon examining into the grounds of all our claims, and forced to give up their luxuries, and to ſeek all their reſources within themſelves: And the iſſue is likely to prove the loſs of all our authority over them, and of all the advantages connected with it. So little do men in power ſometimes know how to preſerve power; and ſo remarkably does the deſire of extending dominion ſometimes deſtroy it.—Mankind are naturally diſpoſed to continue in ſubjection to that mode of government, be it what it will, under which they have been born and educated. Nothing rouſes them into reſiſtance but groſs abuſes, or ſome particular oppreſſions out of the road to which they have been uſed. And he who will examine the hiſtory of the world will find, there has generally been more reaſon for complaining that they have been too patient, than that they have been turbulent and rebellious.

Our governors, ever ſince I can remember, have been jealous, that the Colonies, ſome time or other, would throw off their dependence. This jealouſy was not founded on any of their acts or declarations. They have always, while at peace with us, diſclaimed any ſuch deſign; and they have continued to diſclaim it ſince they have been at war with us. I have reaſon, indeed, to believe, that independency is, even at this moment, generally dreaded among them as a calamity to which they are in danger of being driven, in order to avoid a greater.—The jealouſy I have mentioned was, however, natural; and betrayed a ſecret opinion, that the ſubjection in which they were held was more than we could expect them always to endure. In ſuch circumſtances, all poſſible care ſhould have been taken to give them no reaſon for diſcontent; and to preſerve them in ſubjection, by keeping in that line of conduct to which cuſtom had reconciled them, or at leaſt never deviating from it, except with great caution; and particularly, by avoiding all direct attacks on their property and legiſlations. Had we done this, the different intereſts of ſo many ſtates ſcattered over a vaſt continent, joined to our own prudence and moderation, would have enabled us to maintain them in dependence for ages to come.—But inſtead of this, how have we acted?—It is in truth too evident, that our whole conduct, inſtead of being directed by that ſound policy and foreſight which in ſuch circumſtances were abſolutely neceſſary, has been nothing (to ſay the beſt of it) but a ſeries of the blindeſt rigour followed by retractation; of violence followed by conceſſion; of miſtake, weakneſs and inconſiſtency.—A recital of a few facts, within every body's recollection, will fully prove this.

In the 6th of George the Second, an act was paſſed for impoſing certain duties on all foreign ſpirits, molaſſes and ſugars imported into the plantations. In this act, the duties impoſed are ſaid to be GIVEN and GRANTED by the Parliament to the King; and this is the firſt American act in which theſe words have been uſed. But notwithſtanding this, as the act had the appearance of being only a regulation of trade, the colonies ſubmitted to it; and a ſmall direct revenue was drawn by it from them.—In the 4th of the preſent reign, many alterations were made in this act, with the declared purpoſe of making proviſion for raiſing a revenue in America. This alarmed the Colonies; and produced diſcontents and remonſtrances, which might have convinced our rulers that this was tender ground, on which it became them to tread very gently. —There is, however, no reaſon to doubt but in time they would have ſunk into a quiet ſubmiſſion to this revenue act, as being at worſt only the exerciſe of a power which then they ſeem not to have thought much of conteſting; I mean, the power of taxing them EXTERNALLY.—But before they had time to cool, a worſe provocation was given them; and the STAMP ACT was paſſed. This being an attempt to tax them INTERNALLY; and a direct artack on their property, by a power which would not ſuffer itſelf to be queſtioned; which eaſed itſelf by loading them; and to which it was impoſſible to fix any bounds; they were thrown at once, from one end of the continent to the other, into reſiſtance and rage. —Government, dreading the conſequences, gave way; and the Parliament (upon a change of miniſtry) repealed the Stamp-Act, without requiring from them any recognition of its authority, or doing any more to preſerve its dignity, than aſſerting, by the declaratory law, that it was poſſeſſed of full power and authority to make laws to bind them in all caſes whatever.—Upon this, peace was reſtored; and, had no farther attempts of the ſame kind been made, they would undoubtedly have ſuffered us (as the people of Ireland have done) to enjoy our declaratory law. They would have recovered their former habits of ſubjection; and our connexion with them might have continued an increaſing ſource of our wealth and glory.—But the ſpirit of deſpotiſm and avarice always blind and reſtleſs, ſoon broke forth again. The ſcheme for drawing a revenue from America, by parliamentary taxation, was reſumed; and in a little more than a year after the repeal of the Stamp-Act, when all was peace, a third act was paſſed, impoſing duties payable in America on tea, paper, glaſs, painters colours, &c.—This, as might have been expected, revived all the former heats; and the Empire was a ſecond time threatened with the moſt dangerous commotions.—Government receded again; and the Parliament (under another change of miniſtry) repealed all the obnoxious duties, EXCEPT that upon tea. This exception was made in order to maintain a ſhew of dignity. But it was, in reality, ſacrificing ſafety to pride; and leaving a ſplinter in the wound to produce a gangrene.—For ſome time, however, this relaxation anſwered its intended purpoſes. Our commercial intercourſe with the Colonies was again recovered; and they avoided nothing but that tea which we had excepted in our repeal. In this ſtate would things have remained, and even tea would perhaps in time have been gradually admitted, had not the evil genius of Britain ſtepped forth once more to embroil the Empire.

The Eaſt India company having fallen under difficulties, partly in conſequence of the loſs of the American market for tea, a ſcheme was formed for aſſiſting them by an attempt to recover that market. With this view an act was paſſed to enable them to export their tea to America free of all duties here, and ſubject only to 3d. per pound duty, payable in America. By this expedient they were enabled to offer it at a low price; and it was expected the conſequence would prove that the Colonies would be tempted by it; a precedent gained for taxing them, and at the ſame time the company relieved. Ships were, therefore, fitted out; and large cargoes ſent. The ſnare was too groſs to eſcape the notice of the Colonies. They ſaw it, and ſpurned at it. They refuſed to admit the tea; and at BOSTON ſome perſons in diſguiſe buried it in the ſea.—Had our governors in this caſe ſatisfied themſelves with requiring a compenſation from the province for the damage done, there is no doubt but it would have been granted. Or had they proceeded no farther in the infliction of puniſhment, than ſtopping up the port and deſtroying the trade of Boſton, till compenſation was made, the province might poſſibly have ſubmitted, and a ſufficient ſaving would have been gained for the honour of the nation. But having hitherto proceeded without wiſdom, they obſerved now no bounds in their reſentment. To the Boſton port bill was added a bill which deſtroyed the chartered government of the province; a bill which withdrew from the juriſdiction of the province, perſons who in particular caſes ſhould commit murder; and the Quebec bill. At the ſame time a ſtrong body of troops was ſtationed as Boſton to enforce obedience to theſe bills.

See the Appendix. All who knew any thing of the temper of the Colonies ſaw that the effect of all ſudden accumulation of vengeance, would probably be not intimidating but exaſperating them, and driving them into a general revolt. But our miniſters had different apprehenſions. They believed that the male contents in the Colony of Maſſachuſett's were a ſmall party, headed by a few factious men; that the majority of the people would take the ſide of government, as ſoon as they ſaw a force among them capable of ſupporting them; that, at worſt, the Colonies in general would never make a common cauſe with the province; and that, the iſſue would prove, in a few months, order, tranquility, and ſubmiſſion.—Every one of theſe apprehenſions was falſified by the event that followed.

When the bills I have mentioned came to be carried into execution, the whole Province was thrown into confuſion. Their courts of juſtice were ſhut up, and all government was diſſolved. The commander in chief found it neceſſary to fortify himſelf in BOSTON; and the other Colonies immediately reſolved to make a common cauſe with this Colony.

So ſtrangely miſinformed were our miniſters, that this was all a ſurpriſe upon them. They took fright, therefore; and once more made an effort to retreat; but indeed the moſt ungracious one that can be well imagined. A propoſal was ſent to the Colonies, called Conciliatory; and the ſubſtance of which was, that if any of them would raiſe ſuch ſums as ſhould be demanded of them by taxing themſelves, the Parliament would forbear to tax them.—It will be ſcarcely believed, hereafter, that ſuch a propoſal could be thought conciliatory. It was only telling them; if you will tax yourſelves BY OUR ORDER, we will ſave ourſelves the trouble of taxing you.—They received the propoſal as an inſult; and rejected it with diſdain.

At the time this conceſſion was tranſmitted to America, open hoſtilities were not begun. In the ſword our miniſters thought they had ſtill a reſource which would immediately ſettle all diſputes. They conſidered the people of New England as nothing but a mob, who would be ſoon routed and forced into obedience. It was even believed, that a few thouſands of our army might march through all America, and make all quiet wherever they went. Under this conviction our miniſters did not dread urging the Province of Maſſachuſett's-Bay into rebellion, by ordering their army to ſeize their ſtores, and to take up ſome of their leading men.—The attempt was made.—The people fled immediately to arms, and repelled the attack.—A conſiderable part of the flower of the Britiſh army has been deſtroyed.—Some of our beſt Generals, and the braveſt of our troops, are now diſgracefully and miſerably impriſoned in Boſton.—A horrid civil war is commenced:—And the empire is diſtracted and convulſed.

Can it be poſſible to think with patience of the policy that has brought us into theſe circumſtances? Did ever Heaven puniſh the vices of a people more ſeverely by darkening their counſels? How great would be our happineſs could we now recal former times, and return to the policy of the laſt reigns? —But thoſe times are gone.—I will, however, beg leave for a few moments to look back to them; and to compare the ground we have left with that on which we find ourſelves. This muſt be done with deep regret; but it forms a neceſſary part of my preſent deſign.

In thoſe times our Colonies, foregoing every advantage which they might derive from trading with foreign nations, conſented to ſend only to us whatever it was for our intereſt to receive from them; and to receive only from us whatever it was for our intereſt to ſend to them. They gave up the power of making ſumptuary laws, and expoſed themſelves to all the evils of an increaſing and waſteful luxury, becauſe we were benefited by vending among them the materials of it. The iron with which providence had bleſſed their country, they were required by laws, in which they acquieſced, to tranſport hither, that our people might be maintained by working it for them into nails, ploughs, axes, &c. And, in ſeveral inſtances, even one Colony was not allowed to ſupply any neighbouring Colonies with commodities, which could be conveyed to them from hence.—But they yielded much farther. They conſented that we ſhould have the appointment of one branch of their legiſlature. By recognizing as their King, a King reſident among us and under our influence, they gave us a negative on all their laws. By allowing an appeal to us in their civil diſputes, they gave us likewiſe the ultimate determination of all civil cauſes among them.—In ſhort. They allowed us every power we could deſire, except that of taxing them, and interfering in their internal legiſlations: And they had admitted precedents which, even in theſe inſtances, gave us no inconſiderable authority over them. By purchaſing our goods they paid our taxes; and, by allowing us to regulate their trade in any manner we thought moſt for our advantage, they enriched our merchants, and helped us to bear our growing burdens. They fought our battles with us. They gloried in their relation to us. All their gains centered among us; and they always ſpoke of this country and looked to it as their home.

Such was the ſtate of things.—What is it now?

Not contented with a degree of power, ſufficient to ſatisfy any reaſonable ambition, we have attempted to extend it.— Not contented with drawing from them a large revenue indirectly, we have endeavoured to procure one directly by an authoritative ſeizure; and, in order to gain a pepper-corn in this way, have choſen to hazard millions, acquired by the peaceable intercourſe of trade.—Vile policy! What a ſcourge is government ſo conducted?—Had we never deſerted our old ground: Had we nouriſhed and favoured America, with a view to commerce, inſtead of conſidering it as a country to be governed: Had we, like a liberal and wiſe people, rejoiced to ſee a multitude of free ſtates branched forth from ourſelves, all enjoying independent legiſlatures ſimilar to our own: Had we aimed at binding them to us only by the tyes of affection and intereſt; and contented ourſelves with a moderate power rendered durable by being lenient and friendly, an umpire in their differences, an aid to them in improving their own free governments, and their common bulwark againſt the aſſaults of foreign enemies: Had this, I ſay, been our policy and temper; there is nothing ſo great or happy that we might not have expected. With their increaſe our ſtrength would have increaſed. A growing ſurplus in the revenue might have been gained, which▪ invariably applied to the gradual diſcharge of the national debt, would have delivered us from the ruin with which it threatens us. The Liberty of America might have preſerved our Liberty; and, under the direction of a patriot king or wiſe miniſter, proved the means of reſtoring to us our almoſt loſt conſtitution. Perhaps, in time, we might alſo have been brought to ſee the neceſſity of carefully watching and reſtricting our paper-credit▪ And thus we might have regained ſafety; and, in union with our Colonies, have been more than a match for every enemy, and riſen to a ſituation of honour and dignity never before known amongſt mankind.—But I am forgetting myſelf.— Our Colonies are likely to be loſt for ever. Their love is turned into hatred; and their reſpect for our government into reſentment and abhorrence.—We ſhall ſee more diſtinctly what a calamity this is, and the obſervations I have now made will be confirmed, by attending to the following facts.

Our American Colonies, particularly the Northern ones, have been for ſome time in the very happieſt ſtate of ſociety; or, in that middle ſtate of civilization, between its firſt rude and its laſt refined and corrupt ſtate. Old countries conſiſt, generally, of three claſſes of people; a GENTRY; a YEOMANRY; and a PEASANTRY. The Colonies conſiſt only of a body of YEOMANRY Excepting the Negroes in the Southern Colonies, who probably will now either ſoon become extinct, or have their condition changed into that of Freemen.— It is not the fault of the Colonies that they have among them ſo many of theſe unhappy people. They have made laws to prohibit the importation of them; but theſe laws have always had a negative put upon them here, becauſe of their tendency to hurt our Negro trade. ſupported by agriculture, and all independent, and nearly upon a level; in conſequence of which, joined to a boundleſs extent of country, the means of ſubſiſtence are procured without difficulty, and the temptations to wickedneſs are ſo inconſiderable, that executions In the Province of Maſſachuſett's Bay there has not been, I am informed, more than one execution theſe 18 years. are ſeldom known among them. From hence ariſes an encouragement to population ſo great, that in ſome of the Colonies they double their own number in fifteen years; in others, in eighteen years; and in all, taken one with another, in twenty-five years.—Such an increaſe was, I believe, never before known. It demonſtrates that they muſt live at their eaſe; and be free from thoſe cares, oppreſſions, and diſeaſes which depopulate and ravage luxurious ſtates.

With the population of the Colonies has increaſed their trade; but much faſter on account of the gradual introduction of luxury among them.—In 1723 the exports to Pennſylvania were 16,000 l.—In 1742 they were 75,295 l.—In 1757 they were increaſed to 268,426 l. and in 1773 to half a million.

The exports to all the Colonies in 1744 were 640,114 l.— In 1758, they were increaſed to 1,832,948 l. and in 1773, to three millions. Mr. Burke (in his excellent and admirable Speech on moving his reſolutions for conciliation with the Colonies. P. 9. &c.) has ſhewn, that our trade to the Colonies, including that to Africa and the Weſt-Indies, was in 1772 nearly equal to the trade which we carried on with the whole world at the beginning of this Century. And the probability is, that, had it not been for the diſcontents among the Colonies ſince the year 1764, our trade with them would have been this year double to what it was in 1773; and that in a few years more, it would not have been poſſible for the whole kingdom, though conſiſting only of manufacturers, to ſupply the American demand.

This trade, it ſhould be conſidered, was not only thus an increaſing trade; but it was a trade in which we had no rivals; a trade certain, conſtant, and uninterrupted; and which, by the ſhipping employed in it, and the naval ſtores ſupplied by it, contributed greatly to the ſupport of that navy which is our chief national ſtrength.— Viewed in theſe lights it was an object unſpeakably important. But it will appear ſtill more ſo if we view it in its connexions and dependencies. It is well known, that our trade with Africa and the Weſt Indies cannot eaſily ſubſiſt without it. And, upon the whole, it is undeniable, that it has been one of the main ſprings of our opulence and ſplendour; and that we have, in a great meaſure, been indebted to it for our ability to bear a debt ſo much heavier, than that which, fifty years ago, the wiſeſt men thought would ſink us.

This ineſtimable prize, and all the advantages connected with America, we are now throwing away. Experience alone can ſhew what calamities muſt follow. It will indeed be aſtoniſhing if this kingdom can bear ſuch a loſs without dreadful conſequences.—Theſe conſequences have been amply repreſented by others; and it is needleſs to enter into any account of them—At the time we ſhall be feeling them —The Empire diſmembered; the blood of thouſands ſhed in an unrighteous quarrel; our ſtrength exhauſted; our merchants breaking; our manufacturers ſtarving; our debts increaſing; the revenue ſinking; the funds tottering; and all the miſeries of a public bankruptcy impending—At ſuch a criſis ſhould our natural enemies, eager for our ruin, ſeize the opportunity—The apprehenſion is too diſtreſſing.—Let us view this ſubject in another light.

On this occaſion, particular attention ſhould be given to the preſent SINGULAR ſituation of this kingdom. This is a circumſtance of the utmoſt importance; and as I am afraid it is not much conſidered, I will beg leave to give a diſtinct account of it.

At the REVOLUTION, the ſpecie of the kingdom amounted according to See Dr. Davenant's works, collected and reviſed by Sir Charles Whitworth, Vol. 1. Page 363, &c. 443. &c. Davenant's account, to eighteen millions and a half.—From the ACCESSION to the year 1772, there were coined at the mint, near 29 millions of gold; and in ten years only of this time, or from January 1759 to January 1769, there were coined eight millions and a half. See Conſiderations on Money, Bullion, &c. Page 2 and 11. But it has appeared lately, that the gold ſpecie now left in the kingdom is no more than about twelve millions and a half.— Not ſo much as half a million of Silver ſpecie has been coined theſe ſixty years; and it cannot be ſuppoſed, that the quantity of it now in circulation exceeds two or three millions. The whole ſpecie of the kingdom, therefore, is probably at this time about Or nearly the ſame that it was in Cromwell's time. See Dr. Davenant's works, Vol. 1. Page 365. fourteen or fifteen millions. Of this ſeveral millions muſt be hoarded at the Bank.—Our circulating ſpecie, therefore, appears to be greatly decreaſed. But our wealth, or the quantity of money in the kingdom, is greatly increaſed. This is paper to a vaſt amount, iſſued in almoſt every corner of the kingdom; and, particularly, by the BANK of ENGLAND. While this paper maintains its credit it anſwers all the purpoſes of ſpecie, and is in all reſpects the ſame with money.

Specie repreſents ſome real value in goods or commodities. On the contrary; paper repreſents immediately nothing but ſpecie. It is a promiſe or obligation, which the emitter brings himſelf under to pay a given ſum in coin; and it owes its currency to the credit of the emitter; or to an opinion that he is able to make good his engagement; and that the ſum ſpecified may be received upon being demanded.—Paper, therefore, repreſents coin; and coin repreſents real value. That is, the one is a ſign of wealth. The other is the ſign of that ſign.—But farther. Coin is an univerſal ſign of wealth, and will procure it every where. It will bear any alarm, and ſtand any ſhock.—On the contrary. Paper, owing its currency to opinion, has only a local and imaginary value. It can ſtand no ſhock. It is deſtroyed by the approach of danger; or even the ſuſpicion of danger.

In ſhort. Coin is the baſis of our paper-credit; and were it either all deſtroyed, or were only the quantity of it reduced beyond a certain limit, the paper circulation of the kingdom would ſink at once. But, were our paper deſtroyed, the coin would not only remain, but riſe in value, in proportion to the quantity of paper deſtroyed.

From this account it follows, that as far as, in any circumſtances, ſpecie is not to be procured in exchange for paper, it repreſents nothing, and is worth nothing.—The ſpecie of this kingdom is inconſiderable, compared with the amount of the paper circulating in it. This is generally believed; and, therefore, it is natural to enquire how its currency is ſupported.— The anſwer is eaſy. It is ſupported in the ſame manner with all other bubbles. Were all to demand ſpecie in exchange for their notes, payment could not be made; but, at the ſame time that this is known, every one truſts, that no alarm producing ſuch a demand will happen, while he holds the paper he is poſſeſſed of; and that if it ſhould happen, he will ſtand a chance for being firſt paid; and this makes him eaſy. And it alſo makes all with whom he traffics eaſy.—But let any events happen which threaten danger; and every one will become diffident. A run will take place, and a bankruptcy follow.

This is an account of what has often happened in private credit. And it is alſo an account of what will (if no change of meaſures takes place) happen ſome time or other in public credit. The deſcription I have given of our paper-circulation implies, that nothing can be more delicate or hazardous. It is an immenſe fabrick, with its head in the clouds, that is continually trembling with every adverſe blaſt and every fluctuation of trade; and which, like the baſeleſs fabrick of a viſion, may in a moment vaniſh, and leave no wreck behind.—The deſtruction of a few books at the Bank; an improvement in the art of forgery; the landing of a body of French troops on our coaſts; inſurrections threatning a revolution in government; or any events that ſhould produce a general panic, however groundleſs, would at once annihilate it, and leave us without any other medium of traffic, than a quantity of ſpecie ſcarcely equal in amount to the money now drawn from the public by the taxes. It would, therefore, become impoſſible to pay the taxes. The revenue would fail. Near one hundred and forty millions of property would be deſtroyed. The whole frame of government would fall to pieces; and a ſtate of nature would take place.—What a dreadful ſituation? It has never had a parallel among mankind; except at one time in France after the eſtabliſhment of the Royal Miſſiſippi Bank. In 1720 this Bank broke; See Sir James Steuart's Enquiry into the Principles of political Oeconomy, Vol. II. Book 4. Chap. 32. and, after involving for ſome time the whole kingdom in a golden dream, ſpread through it in one day, deſolation and ruin.—The diſtreſs attending ſuch an event, in this free country, would be greater than it was in France. Happily for that kingdom, they have ſhot this gulph. Paper-credit has never ſince recovered itſelf there; and their circulating caſh conſiſts now all of ſolid coin, amounting, I am informed, to no leſs a ſum than fifteen hundred millions of Livres; or near ſixty ſeven millions of pounds ſterling.— This gives them unſpeakable advantages; and, joined to that quick reduction of their debts which is inſeparable Their debts conſiſt chiefly of money raiſed by annuities on lives, ſhort annuities, anticipations of taxes for ſhort terms, &c. During the whole laſt war they added to their perpetual annuities only 12 millions ſterling, according to Sir James Steuart's account; whereas we added to theſe annuities near 60 millions. In conſequence therefore of the nature of their debts, as well as of the management they are now uſing for haſtening the reduction of them, they muſt in a few years, if peace continues, be freed from moſt of their incumbrances; while we probably (if no event comes ſoon that will unburthen us at once) ſhall continue with them all upon us. from their nature, places them on a ground of ſafety which we have reaſon to admire and envy.

Theſe are ſubjects on which I ſhould have choſen to be ſilent, did I not think it neceſſary, that this country ſhould be apprized and warned of the danger which threatens it. This danger is created chiefly by the national debt. High taxes are neceſſary to ſupport a great public debt; and a large ſupply of caſh is neceſſary to ſupport high taxes. This caſh we owe to our paper; and, in proportion to our paper, muſt be the productiveneſs of our taxes.—King William's wars drained the kingdom of its ſpecie. This ſunk the revenue, and diſtreſſed government. In 1694 the BANK was eſtabliſhed; and the kingdom was provided with a ſubſtitute for ſpecie. The taxes became again productive. The revenue roſe; and government was relieved.—Ever ſince that period our paper and taxes have been increaſing together, and ſupporting one another; and one reaſon, undoubtedly, of the late increaſe in the productiveneſs of our taxes has been the increaſe of our paper.

Was there no public debt, there would be no occaſion for half the preſent taxes. Our paper-circulation might be reduced. The balance of trade would turn in our favour. Specie would flow in upon us. The quantity of property deſtroyed by a failure of paper-credit (ſhould it in ſuch circumſtances happen) would be 140 millions leſs; and, therefore, the ſhock attending it would be tolerable. But, in the preſent ſtate of things, whenever any calamity or panic ſhall produce ſuch a failure, the ſhock attending it will be intolerable. —May heaven ſoon raiſe up for us ſome great ſtateſman who ſhall ſee theſe things; and enter into effectual meaſures, if not now too late, for extricating and preſerving us.

Public banks are, undoubtedly, attended with great conveniencies. But they alſo do great harm; and if their emiſſions are not reſtrained, and conducted with great wiſdom, they may prove the moſt pernicious of all inſtitutions; not only, by ſubſtituting fictitious for real wealth; by increaſing luxury; by raiſing the prices of proviſions; by concealing an unfavourable balance of trade; and by rendering a kingdom incapable of bearing any internal tumults or external attacks, without the danger of a dreadful convulſion: But, particularly, by becoming inſtruments in the hands of miniſters of ſtate to increaſe their influence, to leſſen their dependence on the people, and to keep up a deluſive ſhew of public proſperity, when perhaps, ruin may be near. There is, in truth, nothing that a government may not do with ſuch a mine at its command as a public Bank, while it can maintain its credit; nor, therefore, is there any thing more likely to be IMPROPERLY and DANGEROUSLY uſed.—But to return to what may be more applicable to our ſtate at preſent.

Among the cauſes that may produce a failure of paper-credit, there are two which the preſent quarrel with America calls upon us particularly to conſider.—The firſt is, An unfavorable balance of trade. This, in proportion to the degree in which it takes place, muſt turn the courſe of foreign exchange againſt us; raiſe the price of bullion; and carry off our ſpecie. The danger to which this would expoſe us is obvious; and it has been much increaſed by the new coinage of the gold ſpecie which begun in 1772. Before this coinage, the greateſt part of our gold coin being light, but the ſame in currency, as if it had been heavy, always remained in the kingdom. But, being now full weight, whenever a wrong balance of foreign trade alters the courſe of exchange, and gold in coin becomes of leſs value than in bullion, there is reaſon to fear, that it will be melted down in ſuch great quantities, and exported ſo faſt, as in a little time to leave none behind; Mr. Lowndes in the diſpute between him and Mr. Locke, contended for a reduction of the ſtandard ſilver. One of his reaſons was, that it would render the ſilver-coin more commenſurate to the wants of the nation; and CHECK HAZARDOUS PAPER-CREDIT. —Mr. CONDUIT▪ Sir ISAAC NEWTON's ſucceſſor in the mint, has propoſed, in direct contradiction to the laws now in being, that all the bullion imported into the kingdom ſhould be carried into the mint to be coined; and only coin allowed to be exported. "The height," he ſays, of paper-credit is the ſtrongeſt argument for trying this and every other method that is likely to increaſe the coinage. For whilſt Paper-credit does in a great meaſure the buſineſs of money at home, Merchants and Bankers are not under a neceſſity, as they were formerly, of coining a quantity of ſpecie for their home trade; and as Paper-credit brings money to the Merchants to be exported, the money may go away inſenſibly, and NOT BE MISSED TILL IT BE TOO LATE: And where Paper-credit is large and increaſing, if the money be exported and the coinage decreaſe, THAT CREDIT MAY SINK AT ONCE; for want of a proportionable quantity of Specie, which alone can ſupport it in a time of diſtreſs. —See Mr. Conduit's Obſervations on the ſtate of our Gold and Silver Coins in 1730▪ Page 36 to 46. the conſequence of which muſt prove, that the whole ſuperſtructure of paper-credit, now ſupported by it, will break down.—The only remedy, in ſuch circumſtances, is an increaſe of coinage at the mint. But this will operate too ſlowly; and by raiſing the price of bullion, will only increaſe the evil.—It is the Bank that at ſuch a time muſt be the immediate ſufferer: For it is from thence that thoſe who want coin for any purpoſe will always draw it.

For many years before 1772, the price of gold in bullion had been, from 2 to 3 or 4 per cent, higher than in coin. This was a temptation to melt down and export the coin, which could not be reſiſted. Hence aroſe a demand for it on the BANK; and, conſequently, the neceſſity of purchaſing bullion at a loſs for a new coinage. But the more coin the Bank procured in this way, the lower its price became in compariſon with that of bullion, and the faſter it vanished; and, conſequently, the more neceſſary it became to coin again, and the greater loſs fell upon the Bank.—Had things continued much longer in this train, the conſequences might have proved very ſerious. I am by no means ſufficiently informed to be able to aſſign the cauſes which produced the change that happened in 1772. But, without doubt, the ſtate of things that took place before that year muſt be expected to return. The fluctuations of trade, in its beſt ſtate, render this unavoidable. But the conteſt with our Colonies has a tendency to bring it on ſoon; and to increaſe unſpeakably the diſtreſs attending it.

All know that the balance of trade with them is greatly in our favour; According to the accounts of the exports to, and imports from the North-American Colonies, laid before Parliament; the balance in our favour appears to have been, for 11 years before 1774, near a million and a half annually. and that this balance is paid partly by direct remittances of bullion; and partly by circuitous remittances through Spain, Portugal, Italy, &c. which diminiſh the balance againſt us with theſe countries.—During the laſt year they have been employed in paying their debts, without adding to them; and their exportations and remittances for that purpoſe have contributed to render the general balance of trade more favourable to us, and, alſo, (in conjunction with the late operations of the Bank) to keep up our funds. Theſe remittances are now ceaſed; and a year of two will determine, if this conteſt goes on, how far we can ſuſtain ſuch a loſs without ſuffering the conſequences I have deſcribed.

The ſecond event, ruinous to our paper-circulation, which may ariſe from our rupture with America, is a deficiency in the revenue. As a failure of our paper would deſtroy the revenue, ſo a failure of the revenue, or any conſiderable diminution of it, would deſtroy our paper. The BANK is the ſupport of our paper; and the ſupport of the BANK is the credit of government. Its principal ſecurities, are a capital of near eleven millions lent to government; and money continually advanced to a vaſt amount on the Land-tax, Sinking-fund, Exchequer-bills, Navy-bills, &c. Should, therefore, deficiencies in the revenue bring government under any difficulties, all theſe ſecurities would loſe their value, and the Bank and Government, and all private and public credit, would fall together.— Let any one here imagine, what would probably follow, were it but ſuſpected by the public in general, that the taxes were ſo fallen, as not to produce enough to pay the intereſt of the public debts, beſides bearing the ordinary expences of the nation; and that, in order to ſupply the deficiency and to hide the calamity, it had been neceſſary in any one year to anticipate the taxes, and to borrow of the Bank.—In ſuch circumſtances I can ſcarcely doubt, but an alarm would ſpread of the moſt dangerous tendency.—The next foreign war, ſhould it prove half as expenſive as the laſt, will probably occaſion ſuch a deficiency; and bring our affairs to that criſis towards which they have been long tending.—But the war with America has a greater tendency to do this; and the reaſon is, that it affects our reſources more; and is attended more with the danger of internal diſturbances.

Some have made the proportion of our trade depending on North-America to be near ONE HALF. A moderate computation makes it a THIRD. See the ſubſtance of the evidence on the petition preſented by the Weſt-India Planters and Merchants to the Houſe of Commons, as it was introduced to the BAR, and ſummed up by Mr. GLOVER. Let it, however be ſuppoſed to be only a FOURTH. I will venture to ſay, this is a proportion of our foreign trade, the loſs of which, when it comes to be felt, will be found inſupportable.—In the article of Tobacco alone it will cauſe a deduction from the Cuſtoms of at leaſt 300,000 l. per ann.

The annual average of the payments into the Exchequer, on account of the duties on tobacco, was for five years, from 1770 to 1774, 219, 117 l. excluſive of the payments from Scotland.—Near one half of the tobacco trade is carried on from Scotland; and above four fifths of the tobacco imported is afterwards exported to France Germany and other countries. From France alone it brings annually into the Kingdom, I am informed, about 150,000 l. in money.

In 1775, being, alas! the parting year, the duties on tobacco in ENGLAND brought into the Exchequer no leſs a ſum than 298, • 92 l.

In order to give a clearer view of this ſubject, I will in an Appendix, ſtate particularly the national expenditure and income for ten years, from 1764 to 1774. From that account it will appear, that the money drawn every year from the public by the taxes, falls but little ſhort of a ſum equal to the whole ſpecie of the kingdom; and that, notwithſtanding the late increaſe in the productiveneſs of the taxes, the whole ſurplus of the national income has not exceeded 320,000 l. per ann. This is a ſurplus ſo inconſiderable as to be ſcarcely ſufficient to guard againſt the deficiencies ariſing from the common fluctuations of foreign trade, and of home conſumption. It is NOTHING when conſidered as the only fund we have for paying off a debt of near 140 millions.—Had we continued in a ſtate of profound peace, it could not have admitted of any diminution. What then muſt follow, when one of the moſt profitable branches of our trade is deſtroyed; When a THIRD of the Empire is loſt; when an addition of many millions is made to the public debt; and when, at the ſame time, perhaps, ſome millions are taken away from the revenue?—I ſhudder at the proſpect.—A KINGDOM, ON AN EDGE SO PERILOUS, SHOULD THINK OF NOTHING BUT A RETREAT.

ONE of the pleas for continuing the conteſt with America is, That our honor is engaged; and that we cannot recede without the moſt humiliating conceſſions.

With reſpect to this, it is proper to obſerve, that a diſtinction ſhould be made between the nation and its rulers. It is melancholy that there ſhould be ever any reaſon for making ſuch a diſtinction. A government is, or ought to be, nothing but an inſtitution for collecting and for carrying into execution the will of the people. But ſo far is this from being in general the fact, that the meaſures of government, and the ſenſe of the people, are ſometimes in direct oppoſition to one another; nor does it often happen that any certain concluſion can be drawn from the one to the other.—I will not pretend to determine, whether, in the preſent inſtance, the diſhonour attending a retreat would belong to the nation at large, or only to the perſons in power who guide its affairs. Let it be granted, though, probably far from true, that the majority of the kingdom favour the preſent meaſures. No good argument could be drawn from hence againſt receding. The diſgrace to which a kingdom muſt ſubmit by making conceſſions, is nothing to that of being the aggreſſors in an unrighteous quarrel; and dignity, in ſuch circumſtances, conſiſts in retracting freely, ſpeedily, and magnanimouſly.—For, (to adopt, on this occaſion, words which I have heard applied to this very purpoſe, in a great aſſembly, by a peer to whom this kingdom has often looked as its deliverer, and whoſe ill ſtate of health at this awful moment of public danger every friend to Britain muſt deplore) to adopt, I ſay, the words of this great man— RECTITUDE IS DIGNITY. OPPRESSION ONLY IS MEANNESS; AND JUSTICE, HONOUR.

I will add, that PRUDENCE, no leſs than HONOUR, requires us to retract. For the time may come when, if it is not done voluntarily, we may be obliged to do it; and find ourſelves under a neceſſity of granting that to our diſtreſſes, which we now deny to equity and humanity, and the prayers of America. The poſſibility of this appears plainly from the preceding pages; and ſhould it happen, it will bring upon us diſgrace indeed, diſgrace greater than the worſt rancour can wiſh to ſee accumulated on a kingdom already too much diſhonoured.—Let the reader think here what we are doing.—A nation, once the protector of Liberty in diſtant countries, and the ſcourge of tyranny, changed into an enemy to Liberty, and engaged in endeavouring to reduce to ſervitude its own brethren.—A great and enlightened nation, not content with a controuling power over millions of people which gave it every reaſonable advantage, inſiſting upon ſuch a ſupremacy over them as would leave them nothing they could call their own, and carrying deſolation and death among them for diſputing it.—What can be more ignominious?—How have we felt for the brave Corſicans, in their ſtruggle with the Genoeſe, and afterwards with the French government? Did GENOA or FRANCE want more than an abſolute command over their property and legiſlations; or the power of binding them in all caſes whatſoever?— The Corſicans had been ſubject to the Genoeſe; but finding it difficult to keep them in ſubjection, they CEDED them to the French.— All ſuch ceſſions of one people to another are diſgraceful to human nature. But if our claims are juſt, may not we alſo, if we pleaſe, CEDE the Colonies to France? —There is, in truth, no other difference between theſe two caſes than that the Corſicans were not deſcended from the people who governed them, but that the Americans are.

There are ſome who ſeem to be ſenſible, that the authority of one country over another, cannot be diſtinguiſhed from the ſervitude of one country to another; and that unleſs different communities, as well as different parts of the ſame community, are united by an equal repreſentation, all ſuch authority is inconſiſtent with the principles of Civil Liberty. But they except the caſe of the Colonies and Great Britain; becauſe the Colonies are communities which branched forth from, and which, therefore, as they think, belong to Britain. Had the colonies been communities of foreigners, over whom we wanted to acquire dominion, or even to extend a dominion before acquired, they are ready to admit that their reſiſtance would have been juſt.—In my opinion, this is the ſame with ſaying, that the Colonies ought to be worſe off than the reſt of mankind, becauſe they are our own Brethren.

Again. The United Provinces of Holland were once ſubject to the Spaniſh monarchy; but, provoked by the violation of their charters; by levies of money, without their conſent; by the introduction of Spaniſh troops among them by innovations in their antient modes of government; and the rejection of their petitions, they were driven to that reſiſtance which we and all the world have ever ſince admired; and which has given birth to one of the greateſt and happieſt Republics that ever exiſted.—Let any one read alſo, the hiſtory of the war which the Athenians, from a thirſt of Empire, made on the Syracuſans in Sicily, a people derived from the ſame origin with them; and let him, if he can, avoid rejoicing in the defeat of the Athenians.

Let him, likewiſe, read the account of the ſocial war among the Romans. The allied ſtates of Italy had fought the battles of Rome, and contributed by their valour and treaſure to its conqueſts and grandeur. They claimed, therefore, the rights of Roman citizens, and a ſhare with them in legiſlation. The Romans, diſdaining to make thoſe their fellow-citizens, whom they had always looked upon as their ſubjects, would not comply; and a war followed, which ended in the ruin of the Roman Republic. The feelings of every Briton in this caſe muſt force him to approve the conduct of the Allies, and to condemn the proud and ungrateful Romans.

But not only is the preſent conteſt with America thus diſgraceful to us, becauſe inconſiſtent with our own feelings in ſimilar caſes; but alſo becauſe condemned our own practice in former times. The Colonies are perſuaded that they are fighting for Liberty. We ſee them ſacrificing to this perſuaſion every private advantage. If miſtaken, and though guilty of irregularities, they ſhould be pardoned by a people whoſe anceſtors have given them ſo many examples of ſimilar conduct. ENGLAND ſhould venerate the attachment to Liberty amidſt all its exceſſes; and, inſtead of indignation or ſcorn, it would be moſt becoming them, in the preſent inſtance, to declare their applauſe, and to ſay to the Colonies— We excuſe your miſtakes. We admire your ſpirit. It is the Spirit that has more than once ſaved ourſelves. We aſpire to no dominion over you. We underſtand the rights of men too well to think of taking from you the ineſtimable privileges of governing yourſelves; and, inſtead of employing our power for any ſuch purpoſe, we offer it to you as a friendly and guardian power, to be a mediator in your quarrels; a protection againſt your enemies; and an aid to you in eſtabliſhing a plan of Liberty that ſhall make you great and happy. In return, we aſk nothing but your gratitude and your commerce.

This would be a language worthy of a brave and enlightened nation. But alas! it often happens in the Political World as it does in Religion, that the people who cry out moſt vehemently for Liberty to themſelves are the moſt unwilling to grant it to others.

One of the moſt violent enemies of the Colonies has pronounced them "all Mr. Locke's diſciples."—Glorious title! —How ſhameful is it to make war againſt them for that reaſon?

But farther. This war is diſgraceful on account of the perſuation which led to it, and under which it has been undertaken. The general cry was laſt winter, that the people of NEW-ENGLAND were a body of cowards, who would at once be tumbled into ſubmiſſion by a hoſtile look from our troops. In this light were they held up to public deriſion in both Houſes of Parliament; and it was this perſuaſion that, probably, induced a Nobleman of the firſt weight in the ſtate to recommend, at the paſſing of the Boſton Port Bill, coercive meaſures; hinting at the ſame time, that the appearance of hoſtilities would be ſufficient, and that all would be ſoon over, SINE CLADE.—Indeed no one can doubt, but that had it been believed ſome time ago, the people of America were brave, more care would have been taken not to provoke them.

Again. The manner in which this war has been hitherto conducted, renders it ſtill more diſgraceful.—Engliſh valour being thought inſufficient to ſubdue the Colonies, the law and religion of France were eſtabliſhed in Canada, on purpoſe to obtain the power of bringing upon them from thence an army of French Papiſts. The wild Indians and their own Slaves have been inſtigated to attack them; and attempts have been made to gain the aſſiſtance of a large body of Ruſſians.— With like views, German troops have been hired; and the defence of our Forts and Garriſons truſted in their hands.

Theſe are meaſures which need no comment. The laſt of them, in particular, having been carried into execution without the conſent of parliament, threatens us with imminent danger; and ſhews that we are in the way to loſe even the Forms of the conſtitution—If, indeed, our miniſters can, at any time, without leave, not only ſend away the national troops, but introduce foreign troops in their room, we lie entirely at mercy; and we have every thing to dread.

LET us next conſider how far there is a poſſibility of ſucceeding in the preſent war.

Our own people, being unwilling to enliſt, and the attempts to procure armies of Ruſſians, Indians, and Canadians, having miſcarried; the utmoſt force we can employ, including foreigners, does not exceed, if I am rightly informed, 30,000 effective men. Let it, however, be called 40,000. This is the force that is to conquer half a million at leaſt A quarter of the inhabitants of every country are fighting men.—If, therefore, the Colonies conſiſt only of two millions of inhabitants, the number of fighting men in them will be half a million. of determined men fighting on their own ground, within ſight of their houſes and families, and for that ſacred bleſſing of Liberty, without which man is a beaſt, and government a curſe. All hiſtory proves, that in ſuch a ſituation, a handful is a match for millions.

In the Netherlands, a few ſtates thus circumſtanced, withſtood, for thirty years, the whole force of the Spaniſh monarchy, when at its zenith; and at laſt humbled its pride, and emancipated themſelves from its tyranny.—The citizens of SYRACUSE alſo, thus circumſtanced, withſtood the whole power of the Athenians, and almoſt ruined them.—The ſame happened in the conteſt between the houſe of Auſtria, and the cantons See the Appendix to Dr. Zubly's Sermon, preached at the opening of the Provincial Congreſs of Georgia. of Switzerland.—There is in this caſe an infinite difference between attacking and being attacked; between fighting to deſtroy, and fighting to preſerve, or acquire Liberty. —Were we, therefore, capable of employing a land force againſt America equal to its own, there would be little probability of ſucceſs. But to think of conquering that whole continent with 30,000 or 40,000 men to be tranſported acroſs the Atlantic, and fed from hence, and incapable of being recruited after any defeat—This is indeed a folly ſo great, that language does not afford a name for it.

With reſpect to our naval force, could it ſail at land as it does at ſea, much might be done with it; but as that is impoſſible, little or nothing can be done with it, which will not hurt ourſelves more than the Coloniſts.—Such of their maritime towns as they cannot guard againſt our fleets, and have not been already deſtroyed, they are determined either to give up to our reſentment, or NEW-YORK has been long deſerted by the greateſt part of the inhabitants; and they are determined to burn it themſelves, rather than ſuffer us to burn it. deſtroy themſelves: The conſequence of which will be, that theſe towns will be rebuilt in ſafer ſituations; and that we ſhall loſe ſome of the principal pledges by which we have hitherto held them in ſubjection.— As to their trade; having all the neceſſaries and the chief conveniencies of life within themſelves, they have no dependence upon it; and the loſs of it will do them unſpeakable good, by preſerving them from the evils of luxury and the temptations of wealth; and keeping them in that ſtate of virtuous ſimplicity which is the greateſt happineſs. I know that I am now ſpeaking the ſenſe of ſome of the wiſeſt men in America. It has been long their wiſh that Britain would ſhut up all their ports. They will rejoice, particularly, in the laſt reſtraining act. It might have happened, that the people would have grown weary of their agreements not to export or import. But this act will oblige them to keep theſe agreements; and confirm their unanimity and zeal. It will alſo furniſh them with a reaſon for confiſcating the eſtates of all the friends of our government among them, and for employing their ſailors, who would have been otherwiſe idle, in making repriſals on Britiſh property. Their ſhips, before uſeleſs, and conſiſting of many hundreds, will be turned into ſhips of war; and all that attention, which they have hitherto confined to trade, will be employed in fitting out a naval force for their own defence; and thus the way will be prepared for their becoming, much ſooner than they would otherwiſe have been, a great maritime power. This act of parliament, therefore, crowns the folly of all our late meaſures.—None who know me, can believe me to be diſpoſed to ſuperſtition. Perhaps, however, I am not in the preſent inſtance, free from this weakneſs. —I fancy I ſee in theſe meaſures ſomething that cannot be accounted for merely by human ignorance. I am inclined to think, that the hand of Providence is in them working to bring about ſome great ends.—But this leads me to one conſideration more, which I cannot help offering to the public, and which appears to me in the higheſt degree important.

In this hour of tremendous danger, it would become us to turn our thoughts to Heaven. This is what our brethren in the Colonies are doing. From one end of North America to the other, they are FASTING and PRAYING. But what are we doing?—Shocking thought! we are ridiculing them as Fanatics, and ſcoffing at religion.—We are running wild after pleaſure, and forgetting every thing ſerious and decent at Maſquerades.—We are gambling in gaming-houſes; trafficking for Boroughs; perjuring ourſelves at Elections; and ſelling ourſelves for places.—Which ſide then is Providence likely to favour?

In America we ſee a number of riſing ſtates in the vigour of youth, inſpired by the nobleſt of all paſſions, the paſſion for being; free; and animated by piety.—Here we ſee an old ſtate, great indeed, but inflated and irreligious; enervated by luxury; encumbered with debts; and hanging by a thread. —Can any one look without pain to the iſſue? May we not expect calamities that ſhall recover to reflection (perhaps to devotion) our Libertines and Atheiſts?

Is our cauſe ſuch as gives us reaſon to aſk God to bleſs it? —Can we in the face of Heaven declare, that we are not the aggreſſors in this war; and that we mean by it, not to acquire or even preſerve dominion for its own ſake; not conqueſt, or Empire, or the gratification of reſentment; but ſolely to deliver ourſelves from oppreſſion; to gain reparation for injury; and to defend ourſelves againſt men who would plunder or kill us?—Remember, reader, whoever thou art, that there are no other juſt cauſes of war; and that blood ſpilled, with any other views, muſt ſome time or other be accounted for.—But not to expoſe myſelf by ſaying more in this way, I will now beg leave to recapitulate ſome of the arguments I have uſed; and to deliver the feelings of my heart in a brief, but earneſt addreſs to my countrymen.

I am hearing it continually urged— Are they not our ſubjects.—The plain anſwer is, they are not your ſubjects. The people of America are no more the ſubjects of the people of Britain ▪ than the people of Yorkſhire are the ſubjects of tne people of Middleſex. They are your Fellow-ſubjects.

"But we are taxed; and why ſhould not they be taxed?" —You are taxed by yourſelves. They inſiſt on the ſame privilege. —They are taxed to ſupport their own governments; and they help alſo to pay your taxes by purchaſing your manufactures, and giving you a monopoly of their trade. Muſt they maintain two governments? Muſt, they ſubmit to be triple taxed?—Has your moderation in taxing yourſelves, been ſuch as encourages them to truſt you with the power of taxing them?

"But they will not obey the Parliament and the Laws."— Say rather, they will not obey your parliament and your laws. Their reaſon is: They have no voice in your parliament. They have no ſhare in making

I have no other notion of ſlavery, but being bound by a law to which I do not conſent. See the caſe of Ireland's being bound by acts of Parliament in England, ſtated by William Molyneux, Eſq Dublin.—In arguing againſt the authority of Communities, and all people not incorporated, over one another; I have confined my views to taxation and internal legiſlation. Mr. Molyneux carried his views much farther; and denied the right of England to make any laws even to regulate the trade of Ireland. He was the intimate friend of Mr. Locke; and writ his book in 1698, ſoon after the publication of Mr. Locke's Treatiſe on Government.

What I have ſaid, in Part 1ſt. Sect. 3d, of ſubjecting a number of ſtates to a general council repreſenting them all, I ſuppoſe every one muſt conſider as entirely theoretical; and not a propoſal of any thing I wiſh may take place under the Britiſh Empire