KNOWN unto God are all his works from the foundation of the world, though manifest to us, only by the events of time, that fruit­ful mother of all things, which in the former age did bring forth, at least did bring to light the knowledge of this western world, called America, that in all foregoing times and ages, lay hid in this ob­scure and remote region, covered with a veil of igno­rance, and locked up from the knowledge of all the rest of the inhabitants of the earth. To whom the honor of its investigation doth of right more properly belong, is sufficiently declared by the history and reports of such as were eye-witnesses thereof, and not intended to be any part of the present disquisition. The most considerable part of all the north side of America, is called New-England. In the fertility of the soil, salubriousness of the air, and many other commodious advantages, most resembling the country from whence it borrowed its ap­pellation. For the knowledge thereof the world is most beholding to the discoveries of the English, under the conduct of Sebastian Cabot, a famous Portuguese, sent out under the commission of HENRY the VIIth, about the year 1497, though since much perfected by the in­dustry and travels of Capt. Gosnold, Capt. Hudson, Capt. Smith, and others of the English nation. North-Ame­rica, [Page 10]this posthumous birth of time, is as to its nativity, of the same standing with her two elder sisters, Peru and Mexico, yet was suffered to lie in its swadling-clothes, one whole century of years, nature having promised no such dowry of rich mines of silver and gold to them that would espouse her for their own, as she did unto the other two, which possibly was the reason why she was not so hastily courted by her first discoverers, nor yet so early se­cured by any of the Princes of Europe, lying wholly ne­glected as it were until a small company of planters, un­der the command of Captain George Popham, and Cap­tain Gilbert, were sent over at the charge of Sir John Popham in the year 1607, to begin a colony upon a tract of land about Sagadehoch, situate on the south side of the river of Kennebeck, and about that called Shipscot-river, and about twenty miles south-west from Pemma­quid, the most northerly bound of all New-England. But that design within two years expiring with its first [...]oun­der, soon after some honorable persons of the west of England, commonly called the Council of Plymouth, be­ing more certainly informed of several navigable rivers and commodious havens, with other places fit either for traffic or planting, newly discovered by many skilful navigators, obtained a grant by patent, under the great seal from King JAMES, of all that part of North-Ame­rica, called New-England, from the 40 to the 48 deg. of north latitude. From which grand and original pa­tent, all other charters and grants of land from Pemma­quid to Delaware-Bay, along the sea-coast, derive their lineage and pedigree. Thus was that vast tract of land, after the year 1612, cantoned and parcelled out into many lesser divisions and parcels, according as adven­turers presented, which said grants being founded upon uncertain, or false descriptions, and reports of some that travelled thither, did many of them interfere one upon another, to the great disturbance of the first planters, and prejudice of the proprietors themselves, as is too well known by any that have had occasion to [...]ay never so little amongst them, many of whom are yet surviving. For notwithstanding the great charge and vast expences the first adventurers were at, the first proprietors of the [Page 11]whole Province of Mayne and others, (reaching from the head of Casco Bay north-east, to the mouth of Pascata­qua river about sixty miles westward) and the hopes they might have conceived of being the first founders of New Colonies, and of enlarging their estates and inheritances by those new acquired possessions and lordships. there was little profi [...] reaped from thence, after the rich fleeces of beaver were gleaned away, nor any great improvement made of those large portions of lands, save the erecting of some few cottages for fishermen, and a few incon­siderable buildings for the planters, which were on those occasions drawn over the sea, to settle upon the most northerly parts of New-England.

BUT whether it were by the imprudence of the first adventurers, or the dissoluteness of the persons they sent over to manage their affairs, or whether for want of faithfulness or skill to manage their trust, they were by degrees in a manner quite deserted almost of law and government, and left to shift for themselves; by which means at last they fell under the jurisdiction of the Mas­sachusetts-Colony, not by usurpation, as is by great mis­take suggested to his Majesty, but by necessity, and the earnest desire of the planters themselves; to accept of whom, those of the Massachusetts-Colony were the more easily induced; in that they apprehended the bounds of their own patent, by a favorable interpretation of the words describing the northern line (three miles beyond the most northerly branch of Merimack-river) do reach somewhat beyond Pemmaquid, the most northerly place of all New-England.

THIS was the first beginning of things in New-Eng­land, at which time they were not unlike the times of old, when the people of Judah ware said to be without a teaching priest, and without law; and no wonder things were no more successfully carried on

IN the year 1620, a company belonging to Mr. Ro­binson's church at Leyden in Holland, although they had been courteously entertained by the Dutch, as strangers [Page 12]sojourning amongst them, yet foreseeing many incon­veniencies like to increase, and that they could not so well provide for the good of their posterity, under the go­vernment of a foreign nation, they resolved to intreat so much favor from their own sovereign Prince King JAMES, as to grant them liberty under the shelter of his royal authority, to place themselves in some part of New-England, then newly discovered; wherefore having obtained some kind of patent or grant, for some place about Hudson's-river, they set sail from Plymouth in Sep­tember, for the southern parts of New-England, but as they intended to bend their course thitherward, per vari [...]s casus, per tot discrimina rerum, they were at last cast upon a bosom of the south cape of the Massachu­setts-Bay called Cape-Cod, about the 11th of Novem­ber, from whence the winter so fast approaching, they had no opportunity to remove; and finding some en­couragement from the hopefulness of the soil, and cour­tesy of the heathen, they resolved there to make their abode for the future, which they did, laying the foun­dation of a new colony, which from the remembrance of the last town in England, they sailed from, they cal­led New-Plymouth; containing no very considerable tract of land, scarce extending an hundred miles in length through the whole cape, and scarce half so much in breadth where it is broadest. The first founders of that colony aiming more at religion than earthly pos­sessions, aspiring not to any large dimension of land [...] their settling upon those coasts.

AT Weymouth also was a plantation begun by Mr. Weston in the year 1622, but it came to little.

THE north and south border of the Massachusetts-Bay being thus planted, the middle part was the more easy to be filled up, which was thus brought about. Some gentlemen and others, observing how it fared with those of New-Plymouth, were desirous upon the like ground to make the same attempt for themselves, wherefore having by a considerable sum of money purchased of some gen­tlemen that had a grant from the council of Plymouth [Page 13]all their right and interest in a plantation begun in the Massachusetts-Bay, and having attained a confirma­tion thereof by patent from King CHARLES, in the year 1628, they sent over a Governor with several other persons to lay some foundation of another colony in the Massachusetts-Bay: And in the year 1630, more of the persons interested in the said patent (thence commonly called patentees) with several other persons, intending to venture their lives and all with them, transported themselves and their families into the said Massachusetts, who did in a short space of time by the accession of many hundreds, who every year flocked after them, make such increase, that in the space of five or six years, there were twenty considerable towns built and peopled; and many of the towns first planted became so filled with inhabitants, that like swarms of bees they were ready to swarm, not only into new plantations, but in­to new colonies, insomuch that in the year 1635, a new colony began to be planted upon Connecticut river, part­ly by combination amongst themselves, removing from some towns about the Massachusetts-Bay, and partly by the interest of a patent purchased of that honorable gentleman, Mr. Fenwick, agent for the Lord Say, and Lord Brook, the Lords proprietors of the said river Connecticut, at the mouth of which river they built a fort, (called after their own titles, Say-brook fort) com­manding the passage of the said river. Yea, such was the confluence of people making over into those parts, that in the year 1637, a fourth colony began to be planted, bearing the name of New-Haven, from the first town erected therein, seated near the midway betwixt Hudson's river and that of Connecticut. The sea coast from the pitch of Cape-Cod, to the mouth of Connecticut river, inhabited by several nations of Indians, Wampa­noogs (the first authors of the present rebellion) Narrha­gansets, Pequods, Mohegins, as the more inland part of the country by the Nipnets (a general name for all in­land Indians betwixt the Massachusetts and Connecticut river.) The sea-coast south-west from Plymouth was first possessed by some discontented with the government of [Page 14]the Massachusetts colony, from which some being exiled, others of their friends accompanying them, settled themselves upon a fair Island to the south-west of Cape-Cod, now called Rhode-Island; others settled upon the Main, at a place called Providence, and so by degrees planting toward Narrhaganset-Bay, made another plan­tation called Warwick, which places are since by patent conferred upon the inhabitants of Rhode-Island; the rest of the country from Pequod river to the river of Connec­ticut, falling within the bounds of Connecticut colony have since by patent also, been confirmed to the said colony. Things had been very prosperously and successfully car­ried on in all the aforesaid colonies and jurisdictions, from the year 1620, to the year 1636, at which time the war with the Pequods began. The following account of this war was either left under the hands of such as com­manded in chief, or is taken from the mouths of faith­ful witnesses, that were not only then present, but per­sonally concerned and engaged in the service.

THERE was a nation of the Indians in the southern parts of New-England, called Pequods, seated on a fair navigable river, twelve miles to the eastward of the mouth of the great and famous river of Connecticut; who (as was commonly reported about the time when New-England was first planted by the English) being a more fierce, cruel, and warlike people than the rest of the Indians, came down out of the more inland parts of the continent, and by force seized upon one of the goodliest places near the sea, and became a terror to all their neighbors, on whom they had exercised several acts of inhuman cruelty; insomuch that being flushed with victories over their fellow Indians, they began to thirst after the blood of any foreigners, English or Dutch▪ that accidentally came amongst them, in a way of trade, or upon other accounts.

IN the year 1634, they treacherously and cruelly murdered Capt. Stone, and Capt. Norton, who ca [...] oc­casionally with a bark into the river to trade with them. Not long after, within the compass of the next y [...] [Page 15]they in like treacherous manner, flew one Mr. Oldham (formerly belonging to New-Plimouth, but at that time an inhabitant of the Massachusetts) at Block-Island, a place not far from the mouth of their harbour, as he was fairly trading with them: Besides some other such like acts of perfidious cruelty towards some of the Dutch, that had formerly been trading up Connecticut river: By which practices perceiving that they began to stink in the nostrils of their neighbours, whose revenge they now began to fear, and not willing to have to deal with too many enemies at once, they imitated the subtlety of the children of Ammon, when they began to stink be­fore David; endeavoring to strengthen themselves with alliance of some of those they had formerly provoked. that by their assistance they might defend themselves a­gainst the rest, not doubting but to make their part good with their foreign enemies, if they could be reconciled to their Indian neighbours, the Narrhagansets, or other home-bred enemies, and could but fortify themselves by a league of friendship with any of their foreign neigh­bours that were newly come to plant in these parts. To this end they sent messengers with gifts to the Mas­sachusetts in the latter end of the same year 1634; the first messengers were dismissed without an answer: But [...]ey being sensible of their own danger, and of the great importance a peace with the English of the Mas­sachusetts might be, pursued the business very earnest­ly, sending messengers a second time, who offered much Wampam (Indians money) and beaver, with these se­cond messengers: The Governor and Council of the Massachusetts had much conference many days; and at last after the best advice they could take amongst them­selves, concluded a peace and friendship with them, upon these conditions.

1. THAT they should deliver up to the English those persons amongst them that were guilty of Capt. Stone's death, and the rest that were with him.

2. THAT if the English desired to plant in Connec­ticut they should give up their right to them.

[Page 16] 3. THAT the English should hence forward trade with them as their friends, which was a chief thing aim­ed at; the said Pequods being at that time in war with the Dutch, and the rest of their neighbours, on the rea­sons forementioned. To these conditious they readily agreed, and also cunningly insinuated their desire that their new confederates, the Massachusetts, should mediate a peace for them with the Narrhagansets; intimating likewise their willingness that a part of the present which they promised to send should be given to them, standing so much upon their honor, that they would not be seen to give any thing themselves; such was the pride and heighth of spirit lodged in this company of treacherous villians, the dregs and lees of the earth, and the dross of mankind.

AS for Capt. Stone's death they slily evaded the guilt of it, falsely adding, that there were but two left that had any hand therein, and that it was a just quarrel wherein he was slain: For, said they, he surprised some of our men, and would by force have compelled them to shew him the way up the river, whereupon the said Stone coming ashore, with two more, was watched by nine of our men (say they) who finding them asleep in the night, slew them to deliver our own men, one of whom going afterward to the bark, it was suddenly blown up: Whereas the truth of the matter was thus:

THE said Capt. Stone formerly belonging to Chris­t [...]phers in the West-Indies, occasionally coming to these parts, as he passed between this place and Virginia put in at that river, where the Indians after they had been often on board his vessel to trade with him, at the last came friendly on board as they used to do, but finding the Capt. asleep in his cabin, took the opportunity to murder him as he lay, casting a covering over him that he might not be discerned by the rest whom they pre­sently after dispatched one after another, all but Captain Norton who made stout resistance, for a long time de­fending himself in the cook-room of the bark, till the gun-powder which he had set in an open vessel, to be [Page 17]more ready for his use, accidentally took fire, by which fatal accident he was so burned and his eyes so blinded that he could not make any longer resistance, but forth­with fell into the hands of these cruel and blood-thirsty wretches, who after they had taken away his life made a prey of all that was in the vessel.

AS for Mr. Oldham, he was murdered at an Island called by the Indians, Manisses (since known by the name of Block-Island) but those that murdered him (probably inhabitants of the said Island) fled presently to the Pequods, by whom they were sheltered, and so became also guilty themselves of his blood.

IN the year 1636, the death of this Mr. Oldham ^‡ was so manifest, that it could neither be concealed nor excused, the discovery whereof being remarkable, is here inserted.

ONE John Gallop, with one man more, and two boys, coming from Connecticut, and intending to put in at Long-Island, as he came from thence, being at the mouth of the harbour, was forced by a sudden change of the wind to bear up for Block-Island, or Fisher's Island, where, as they were sailing along, they met with a Pinace, which they found to be John Oldham's, who had been sent to trade with the Pequods, (to make trial of the reality of their pretended friendship after the mur­der of Capt. Stone) they hailed the vessel, but had no answer, although they saw the deck full of Indians (14 in all) and a little before that had seen a canoe go from the vessel full of Indians likewise, and goods, whereup­on they suspected they had killed John Oldham, wh [...] had only two boys and two Narrhaganset Indians in his [Page 18]vessel besides himself, and the rather because they let slip, and set up sail (being two miles from the shore, the wind and tide coming off the shore of the Island whereby they drove toward the main land of Narrha­ganset) therefore they went a head of them, and having nothing but two pieces, and two pistols, they bore up near the Indians, who stood on the deck of the vessel ready armed with guns, swords and pikes; but John Gallop, a man of stout courage, let fly among them and so galled them, that they got all down under the hat­ches, and then they stood off again, and returning with a good gale, they stemmed her upon the quarter, and al­most overset her, which so affrighted the Indians, as six of them leaped overboard, and were drowned, yet they durst not board her, but stood off again, and fitted their anchor, so as stemming her the second time, they bored her bow through with their anchor, and sticking fast to her, they made divers shot through the sides of her, and so raked her fore and aft (being but inch board) as they must needs kill or hurt some of the Indians; but seeing none of them come forth, they got loose from her, and then stood off again: then four or five more of the In­dians leaped into the sea, and were likewise drowned: whereupon there being but four left in her, they boarded her; when an Indian came up and yielded; him they bound, and put into the hold: then another yielded; him they also bound, but Gallop, being well acquainted with their skill to unloose one another, if they lay near toge­ther, and having no place to keep them asunder, flung him bound into the sea; then looking about they found John Oldham under an old sail stark naked, having his head cleft to the brains; his hands and legs cut as if they had been cutting them off, yet warm: so they put him into the sea: but could not well tell how to come at the other two Indians (who were in a little room under­neath with their swords) so they took the goods which were left, and the sails, and towed the boat away, but night coming on, and the wind rising, they were forced to turn her off, and the wind carried her to the Narrha­ganset shore, where they left her.

[Page 19] ON the 26th of the said July, the two Indians which were with John Oldham, and one other Indian, came from Canonicus (the chief Sachem of the Narrhagansets) with a letter from Mr. Williams, to signify what had befallen John Oldham, and how grievously they were of­fended: and that Miantonimo (the second Sachem of the Narrhagansets) was gone with 17 canoes and 200 men to take revenge. But upon examination of the other Indian, who was brought prisoner to them, they found that all the Sachems of the Narrhagansets, except Ca­nonicus and Miantonimo, were contrivers of John Old­ham's death, and the occasion was because he went to make peace, and trade with the Pequods last year: The prisoner said also that Oldham's two Indians were ac­quainted with it; but because they were sent as messen­gers from Canonicus, they would not imprison them: But the Governor wrote back to Mr. Williams to let the Narrhagansets know, they expected they should send home John Oldham's two boys, and take revenge upon the Islanders, and withal gave Mr. Williams caution to look to himself, if there should be occasion to make war with the Narrhagansets (for Block-Island was under them) and the next day he wrote to Canonicus, by one of those Indians, that he had suspicion of him that was sent, and yet he had sent him back, because he was a messenger: but did expect, if he should send for the said two Indians, he should send them to him.

FOUR days after John Oldham's two boys were sent home by one of Miantonimo's men, with a letter from Mr. Williams, that Miantonimo had caused the Sachem of Niantick to send to Block-Island for them, and that he had near 100 fathom of peag, and much other goods of Oldham's which should be reserved for them. And three of the seven that were drowned were Sachems, and that one of the two which was hired by the Niantick Sachem, was dead also. So they wrote back to have the rest of those which were necessary to be sent, and the rest of the goods, and that he should tell Canonicus and Miantonimo that they held them innocent, but the six other Sachems were guilty.

[Page 20] LIEUT. Gibbons and Mr. Higginson were sent soon after with Cushamakin the Sachem of the Massachusetts, to Canonicus, to treat with him about the murder of John Oldham. They returned with acceptance and good success of their business; observing in the Sachem much state, great command of his men, and marvellous wis­dom in his answers; and in the carriage of the whole treaty clearing himself and his neighbours of the mur­der, and offering revenge of it, yet upon very safe and wary conditions.

THE English of Massachusetts after the peace con­cluded with the Pequods, sent a bark thither for trade, that trial might be made of the reality of their friend­ship, but they found them treacherous and false, and that no advantage was to be had by any commerce with them, insomuch as they took up a resolution never more to have to do with them; which the said Indians perceiving, made no account of the former peace, but took all advantage to do us mischief, not only by har­bouring those who had murthered Mr. Oldham, but sur­prizing many of the English in the year 1636, when Connecticut river began first to be planted, divers of whom were killed (nine at one time in April, 1637) by them about Wethersfield, when the plantation then first began, so as they could not pass up and down the river without a guard, but they would be in danger of being cut off or carried away, as two maids were said to be; thirty men have been killed by them in all; those who fell into their hands alive, were cruelly tortured, after a most barbarous manner, by insulting over their prison­ers in a blasphemous wise, when in their dying agonies, under the extremity of their pains (their flesh being first flashed with knives, and then filled with burning em­bers) they called upon God and Christ with gasping groans, resigning up their souls into their hands; with which words these wretched caitifs used to mock the English afterward, when they came within their hearing and view.

ABOUT the same time some agents sent over by the Lord Say, and the Lord Brook, built a fort at the mouth [Page 21]of Connecticut river, wherein was placed one Lieutenant Gardiner, and a convenient number of soldiers to secure the place, intended soon after to be planted, but all the winter following, being the end of the year 1636, they were little better than besieged by the said savages, not daring to stir out of command of the fort, but they were ready to be seized by these their barbarous enemies: At one time the Lieutenant himself with [...]en or twelve of the soldiers, marching out of the fort, with intent to pass over a neck of land, to burn the marshes; as soon as they had passed over the streight of the neck, they espied a company of Indians making towards the said isthmus, which if they could not recover, they see they must all perish; whereupon returning back with all speed, they very narrowly escaped, and were two or three of them killed notwithstanding, before they could get back into the fort, which was presently surrounded with multitudes of them; but the discharging of a piece of ordnance gave them warning to keep further from the walls. Sometimes they came with their canoes into the river in view of the soldiers within the fort, and when they apprehended themselves out of reach of their guns, they would imitate the dying groans and invoca­tions of the poor captive English, which the English soldiers were forced with silent patience to bear, not be­ing then in a capacity to requite their insolent blasphe­mies. But they being by these horrible outrages justly provoked to indignation, unanimously agreed to join their forces together, to root them out of the earth, with God's assistance.

THE Governor and Council having soon after as­sembled the rest of the magistrates, and the ministers, to advise with them about doing justice for Oldham's death, they all agreed that it should be done with all expedition; and accordingly on the 25th of August fol­lowing, 80 or 90 men were sent out under the com­mand of Capt. Endicot of Salem, who went to the Pe­quod country by water, with commission to treat with the said Pequods, first offering terms of peace, if they [Page 22]would surrender the murderers of the English, and for­bear further acts of hostility, or else fight them.

THE Captain aforesaid coming ashore with his com­pany, by a message sent them by an interpreter, obtain­ed some little speech with a great number of them at a distance; but after they understood what was propound­ed to them, first cunningly getting behind a hill, they presently ran away into the woods and swamps, where there was no pursuing of them: however, one discharg­ing a gun among them as they were taking their flight, stayed the course of one, which was all that could be done against them at that time.

WINTER approaching, and no encouragement pre­senting further to pursue them at that time, it was re­solved better to return back for the present, and wait a further season, when more forces could be gathered toge­ther to pursue the quarrel to the utmost.

MIANTONIMO soon after sent a message to them with a letter from Mr. Williams, to signify that they had taken one of the Indians, who had broken prison, and had him safe for them, when they should send for him (as they had before sent to him for that end) and that the other had stolen away (not knowing it seems that he was their prisoner) and that according to their promise they would not entertain any of that Island, which should come to them; but they conceived it was rather in love to him whom they concealed, for he had been his servant formerly, but when they sent for those two Indians, one was sent them, but the other was said to be dead before the messenger came: But the Pequods harboured those of Block-Island, and therefore justly brought the revenge of the English upon them.

AMONGST those soldiers that were sent under Capt. Endicot, were twenty that belonged to Saybrook-fort, and were appointed to stay there, to defend the place against the Pequods: After the said Capt. and the rest [Page 23]were departed, those twenty lay wind bound in the Pe­quod harbour, and in the mean while went all of them ashore, with sacks to fetch some of the Pequods corn: and having fetched each man one sack full to their boat, they returned for more, and having loaded themselves the Indians set upon them, so they laid down their corn, and gave fire upon the Indians, and the Indians shot their arrows against them; the place was open about the distance of a musket shot; the Indians kept the covert, save when they came forth one at a time and discharged their arrows: The English put themselves in a single file, and ten only that had pieces that could reach them, shot, the others stood ready to keep them from breaking in. So they continued most part of the after­noon; the English, as they supposed, killed divers of them, and hurt others; and the Indians wounded but one of the English, who was armed, all the rest being without: For they shot their arrows compass-wise, so as they could easily see and avoid them standing single, then always gathered up their arrows: At the last the Indians being weary of the sport, gave the English leave to retire to their boat.—This was in October, 1636.

ABOUT two days after, five men of Saybrook went up the river about four miles to fetch hay out of a meadow on the Pequod side: The grass was so high as some Pe­quods hiding themselves in it, set upon the English before they were aware, and took one that had hay on his back, the rest fled to their boat, one of them had five arrows in him, yet recovered: He that was taken was a goodly young man, whose name was Butterfield; whereupon the meadow was ever after called Butter­field's meadow.

ABOUT fourteen days after, six of the soldiers were sent out of the fort to keep an house which they had set up in a corn-field, about two miles from the fort. Three of them went forth a fowling, which the Lieutenant had strictly forbidden, two had pieces, and the third only a sword, when suddenly about an hundred Indians came [Page 24]out of the covert and set upon them, he who had the sword brake through, and received only two shot, and those not dangerous, and so escaped to the house which was not above a bow shot off, and perswaded the other two to follow, but they stayed still, 'till the Indians came and took them, and carried them away with their pieces. Soon after they beat down the said house, and out-houses, and hay stacks, and within a bow shot of the fort, killed a cow, and shot divers others, which came home with arrows sticking in them.

AFTER Mr. Endicot's departure, the Pequods perceiv­ing that they had by several late injuries and outrages, drawn upon themselves the hatred of all the English, as well as of their own people by former wrongs, and dis­trusting their own ability to deal with them all at once, did at the last by all subtle insinuations and per­suasions, try to make their peace with the Narrhagan­sets, using such arguments as to right reason seemed not only pregnant to the purpose, but also (if revenge, that bewitching and pleasing passion of man's mind had not blinded their eyes) most cogent and invincible: But they were, by the good providence of God, with-held from embracing those counsels, which might otherways have proved most pernicious to the design of the Eng­lish, viz. That the English were strangers, and began to overspread the country, the which would soon be pos­sessed by them to the depriving the ancient inhabitants of their right, if they were not timely prevented; and that the Narrhagansets would but make way for their own ruin, by helping to destroy the Pequods; for after themselves were subdued, it would not be long ere the Narrhagansets themselves, would in the next place be [...]ooted out likewise: whereas if they would but join to­gether against the English they could demonstrate how the English might easily either be destroyed or forced to leave the country, and that without any danger to themselves: Telling them also that they never need come to any open battles, they might destroy them only by firing their houses, and killing their cattle, and lying in wait for them as they went about their ordinary oc­casions; [Page 25]which course if it were pursued, they said their new and unwelcome neighbours could not long subsist; but would either be starved with hunger and cold, or forced to forsake the country.

MATCHIAVEL himself if he had sat in counsel with them could not have insinuated stronger reasons to have perswaded them to a peace.

IT is said that so much reason was apprehended in these motives, that the Narrhagansets were once waver­ing, and were almost perswaded to have granted an ear to their advice and perswasion and joined all against the English; but when they considered what an advantage they had put into their hands by the strength and favor of the English, to take a full revenge of all their former injuries, upon their inveterate enemies, the thought of that was so sweet, that it turned the scale against all other considerations whatsoever.

SOON after this, Miantonimo Sachem of the Narrha­gansets, came to Boston (being sent for by theGovernor) with two of Canonicus's sons, and another Sachem, and near twenty of their men, whom they call Sannaps. The Governor, having notice by Cushamakin the Mas­sachusetts Sachem, sent twenty musketeers to Roxbury to meet them. They came to Boston about noon, where the Governor had called together all the Magistrates and Ministers to give countenance to their proceedings, and to advise about the terms of peace. After dinner, Miantonimo declared what he had to say to them in several propositions, which were to this effect, that they had always loved the English, and now desired a firm peace with them, and that they would continue war with the Pequods, and their confederates, till they were subdu­ed, and desired the English would do so too: Promising to deliver their enemies to them, or kill them, and two months after to send them a present. The Governor told them they should have an answer the next morning, which was done, upon articles subscribed by him, and [Page 26]they also subscribed with him, wherein a firm peace was concluded, but because they could not make them well understand the articles, they told them they would send a copy of them to Mr. Williams, who could best inter­pret the same to them. So after dinner they took leave, and were conveyed out of town by some musketeers, and dismissed with a volley of shot.

The ARTICLES here follow.

I. A FIRM peace betwixt them and their friends on either part (if they consent) and their confederates (if they will observe the articles) and their posterity.

II. NEITHER part to make peace with the Pequods without the others consent.

III. NOT to harbour any of the Pequods.

IV. TO put to death, or deliver up any of the murderers of the English.

V. TO return fugitive servants.

VI. THE English to give them notice when they go out against the Pequods, and the other to send them guides.

VII. FREE trade to be between them.

VIII. NONE of them to come near the English plantations during the war with the Pequods, without some Englishman, or known Indian.

IX. TO continue to the posterity of both parts.

THESE Articles were indifferently well observed by the Narrhagansetts, till the Pequods, their mortal ene­mies, were totally subdued; but then they began to grow insolent and treacherous, especially this Miantonimo himself; as will appear in the sequel.

[Page 27] CUSHAMAKIN also the Sachem of the Massachusetts subscribed those articles with the English.

THE report of the unheard of cruelties foremention­ed, which had been perpetrated by the Pequods filling the ears of the English throughout the country; it was agreed by the joint consent of the English thro'out the three colonies to unite all their forces together, for the suppressing the common enemy, early in the spring Anno 1637, who were also moved thereunto by their own ne­cessities as well as by the earnest request of their friend at Connecticut.

THOSE of Plimouth being written unto by the Go­vernor of the Massachusetts, appeared very cordially willing thereunto, to which end they agreed to send fifty men at their own charge, with as much speed as the matter required, with sufficient leaders appointed, and a bark provided to carry them provisions, and [...]end upon them on all occasions; but before they could be dispatched away the next spring, news was brought that the enemy was wholly routed, so as their journey wa [...] stopped, and their good will accepted for the deed; a [...] if they really had been there to have borne their part in the service; their non-appearance in time and place being not to be imputed to any backwardness in their minds, but to their too late invitation to the service; the motion fetching a large compass from Connecticut down to the Massachusetts; from whom in the last place they were sollicited thereunto. And for the other tw [...] colonies, those of Connecticut being quickened on by the spur of necessity, and present sense of the insolency daily acted at their very doors, were soonest upon their march, and by the good hand of God upon them, had given the main stroke before their friends of the Massachusetts could come up with them, yet was there no repining for the want of the glory of the victory, nor was there any cause, those that were the chief actors therein being for­ward to give God the glory of the whole, and not will­ing to pocket up any thing thereof themselves, acknow­ledging that they never saw more of God, or less of [Page 28]man in any business of that nature, as may more fully be understood by particulars ensuing.

THE colony of the Massachusetts determined to send an hundred and sixty, of whom an hundred and twenty were ordered under the conduct of Capt. Patrick of Watertown, and Capt. Trask of Salem, Capt. Stoughton of Dorchester being to command in chief; with whom was sent that holy man of God, Mr. John Wilson, (pastor of the church of Boston) the chariots and horsemen of our Israel, by whose faith and prayer, as sometimes was said of Luther (in reference to Germany) the country was preserved, so as it was confidently believed that no enemy should break in upon a place whilst he survived, which as some have observed accordingly came to pass.

THE matter requiring great expedition, and it being long before the whole company could be dispatched away, Capt. Patrick with forty men were sent before­hand, to be sure to meet with those of Connecticut in case they should be in action, before the rest of our forces could get into a readiness, which accordingly come to pass; for the main business in taking the fort was over, even before the said Patrick could get thither. Capt. Underhill was sent by Mr. Vane the Governor to Say­brook the winter before to strengthen the garrison there. The assaulting and surprizing of this Indian fort, being the most remarkable piece of service in that whole ex­pedition; take it as it was delivered in writing by that valiant, faithful, and prudent commander, Capt. Mason, chief in the action, who lived long after to reap the fruit of his labor, and enjoy the benefit of that day's service, having an inheritance given him in that part of the country, as a just reward of his faithful service on that day as well as at other times. Wequash a Pequed by nation, but disgusted by the Sachem, proved a good guide to the English, by whose direction they were led to a fort near Mystick river, some miles nearer than Sassacous's fort, which they first intended to assault.

THIS service being thus happily accomplished by these few hands that came from Connecticut; within a while after, the forces sent from the Massachusetts under the conduct of Capt. Stoughton as commander in chief arrived there also, who found a great part of the work done to their hands, in the surprizal of the Pequods fort as aforesaid, which yet was but the breaking of the nest, and unkennelling those savage wolves; for the body of them, with Sassacous the chief Sachem (whose very name was a terror to all the Narrhagansets) were dispersed a­broad and scattered all over their country, yet so far were the rest dismayed, that they never durst make any assault upon the English, who in several parties were scattered about in pursuit of them.

IT was not long after Capt. Stoughton's soldiers came up before news was brought of a great number of the enemy, that were discovered by the side of a river up the country, being first trapanned by the Narrhagan­sets, under pretence of securing them, but they were truly hemmed in by them, though at a distance, yet so as they could not, or durst not stir from the place, by which means our forces of the Massachusetts had an easy conquest of some hundreds of them, who were there couped up as in a pound; not daring to fight, not able to fly away, and so were all taken without any oppositi­on: The men among them to the number of 30, were [Page 35]turned presently into Charon's ferry-boat, under the command of skipper Gallop, who dispatched them a lit­tle without the harbour; the females and children were disposed of according to the will of the conquerors, some being given to the Narrhagansets, and other In­dians that assisted in the service.

THE rest of the enemy being first fired out of their strong hold, were taken and destroyed, a great number of them being seized in the places where they intend­ed to have hid themselves, the rest fled out of their own country over Connecticut river, up toward the Dutch plantation. Our soldiers being resolved by GOD'S as­sistance to make a final destruction of them, were mind­ed to pursue them which way soever they should think to make their escape, to which end in the next place, our soldiers went by water towards New-Haven, whi­ther they heard, and which in reason was most likely, they bent their course: Soon after they were informed of a great number of them, that had betaken themselves to a neighbouring place not far off, whither they might hope it was not likely they should be pursued; but up­on search they found fifty or sixty wigwams, but without any Indians in any of them, but heard that they had passed along toward the Dutch plantation; whereupon our soldiers that were before, all embarked for Quille­piack, afterwards called New-Haven, and being landed there, they had not far to march unto the place where it was most probable they should either find or hear of them; accordingly in their march they met here and there with sundry of them, whom they all slew or took prisoners, amongst whom were two Sachems, whom they presently beheaded; to a third that was either a Sachem or near a-kin to one, they gave his life upon condition that he should go and enquire where Sassacous was, and accordingly bring them word; this Indian, overlooking all other national or natural obligations, in consideration of his life that was received on that con­dition, proved very true and faithful to those that sent him; his order was to have returned in three days, but not being able within so short a time to make a full [Page 36]discovery of the business, and also find a handsome way to escape, he made it eight days before he returned, in which something fell out not a little remarkable; for those he was sent to discover, suspecting at the last by his withdrawing himself, that he came for a spy, pursu­ed after him, so as he was forced to fly for his life, and getting down to the sea side he accidentally met with a canoe a little before turned adrift, by which means he paddled by some shift or other so far out of the harbour, that making a sign he was discerned by some on board one of the vessels that attended on our soldiers, by whom being taken up he made known what he had discovered: But after he was gone, Sassacous suspecting (and not without just cause) what the matter was, made his escape from the rest with 20 or 30 of his men to the Mohawks, by whom himself and they that were with him, were all murdered afterward, being hired there­unto by the Narrhagansets, as was confidently affirmed and believed. ^§

THUS this treacherous and cruel villain with his companions, having against his faith and promise, as well as contrary to the laws of nature and nations, mur­dered several others, both of the Dutch and English nation, is in the same manner himself, against the laws of hospitality murdered by those to whom he fled for refuge. Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord, I will re­pay it.

IT is worthy our observation, that this Sassacous the chief Sachem of the Pequods, as afterwards Phillip of Mount-Hope, (both of them in their several times and places the contrivers of many bloody and cruel mischiefs, yet) escaped the hands of those whom they had so many ways provoked to the utmost degree of indignation, that so they might not too much gratify their own spirits in taking revenge; but it must be brought about by those [Page 37]means, by which the glory of divine vengeance and justice shall more eminently shine forth, that it might be truly said of them as Adonibezek confessed of himself, As I have done, so God hath requited me.

BUT to return.

THE rest of the Pequods from whom Sassacous had made an escape, shifted every one for himself, leaving but three or four behind them (when a party of our soldiers according to the direction of him that was se [...]t as a spy came upon the place) who would not or could not tell them whither their company were fled; but our soldiers ranging up and down as providence guided them, at the last, July 13, 1637, they lighted upon a great number of them, they pursued them to a small Indian town seated by the side of an hideous swamp (near the place where Fairfield or Stratford now stand) into which they all slipt, as well Pequods as natives of the place, before our men could make any shot upon them, having placed a centinel to give warning. Mr. Ludlow and Capt. Mason with half a score of their men happened to discover this crew. Capt. Patrick and Capt. Trask with about an hundred of the Massachusetts forces came in upon them presently after the alarm was given; such commanders as first happened to be there gave special or­ders that the swamp should be surrounded (being about a mile in compass) but Lieut. Davenport belonging to Capt. Trask's company, not hearing the word of command, with a dozen more of his company, in an over eager pursuit of the enemy, rushed immediately into the swamp, where they were very rudely entertained by those evening wolves that newly kennelled therein; for Lieut. Davenport was sorely wounded in the body, John Wedgwood of Ipswich in the belly, and was laid hold on by some of the Indians; Thomas Sherman of said Ips­wich in the neck; some of their neighbours that ven­tured in with them were in danger of the enemy's arrows that flew very thick about them, others were in as much hazard of being swallowed by the miry boggs of the [Page 38]swamp, wherein they stuck so fast, that, if Serjeant Riggs of Roxbury had not rescued two or three of them, they had fallen into the hands of the enemy; but such was the strength and courage of those that came to their res­cue, that some of the Indians being slain with their swords, their friends were quickly relieved, and drawn out of the mire and danger.

BUT the Indians of the place, who had for company sake run with their guests the Pequods into the swamp, did not love their friendship so well as to be killed with them also for company sake, wherefore they began to bethink themselves that they had done no wrong to the English, and desired a parly, which was granted, and they presently understood one another by the means of Thomas Stanton an exact interpreter then at hand. Upon which the Sachem of the place with several others and their wives and children, that liked better to live quietly in their wigwams than to be buried in the swamp, came forth and had their lives granted them: After some time of further parly with these, the inter­preter was sent in to offer the like terms to the rest, but they were possessed with such a spirit of stupidity and sullenness that they resolved rather to sell their lives for what they could get there; and to that end began to let fly their arrows thick against him as intending to make his blood some part of the price of their own; but thro' the goodness of God toward him, his life was not to be sold on that account, he being presently fetched off.

BY this time night drawing on, our commanders perceiving on which side of the swamp the enemies were lodged, gave orders to cut through the swamp with their swords, that they might the better hem them round in one corner, which was presently done, and so they were begirt in all night, the English in the circumference plying them with shot all the time, by which means many of them were killed and buried in the mire, as they found the next day. The swamp by the foremen­tioned device being reduced to so narrow a compass, that our soldiers standing at twelve feet distance could sur­round [Page 39]it, the enemy was kept in all the night; but a little before day-break (by reason of the fogg that useth to arise about that time, observed to be the darkest time of the night) twenty or thirty of the lustiest of the enemy broke through the besiegers, and escaped away into the woods, some by violence and some by stealth dropping away, some of whom notwithstanding were killed in the pursuit; the rest were lest to the mercy of the con­querors, of which many were killed in the swamp like sullen dogs, that would rather in their self-willedness and madness sit still to be shot through or cut in pieces, than receive their lives for asking at the hand of those into whose power they were now fallen. Some that are yet living and worthy of credit do affirm, that in the morning entering into the swamp, they saw several heaps of them sitting close together, upon whom they discharged their pieces laden with ten or twelve pistol bullets at a time, putting the muzzels of their pieces un­der the boughs within a few yards of them; so as be­sides those that were found dead (near twenty it was judged) many more were killed and sunk into the mire and never were minded more by friend or foe: Of those who were not so desperate or sullen to sell their lives for nothing, but yielded in time, the male children were sent to the Bermudas, of the females some were dis­tributed to the English towns, some were disposed of among the other Indians, to whom they were deadly enemies as well as to ourselves.

THIS overthrow given to the Pequods struck such a terror into all the Indians in those parts (some of whom had been ill-affected to the English before) that they sought our friendship, and rendered themselves to be un­der our protection, which they then obtained, and have never since forfeited it any of them till this late rebellion of Philip the subject of the following discourse. A­mongst the rest of the prisoners special notice was taken of the wife of a noted Indian called Mononotto, who with her children submitted herself, or by the chance of the war fell into the hands of the English: it was known to [...] her mediation that two English maids (that were taken [Page 40]from Wethersfield upon Connecticut river) were saved from death, in requital of whose pity and humanity, the life of herself and her children was not only granted her, but she was in special recommended to the care of that honorable gentleman Mr. John Winthrop, for that time being the worthy Governor of the Massachusetts; who taking notice of her modest countenance and behaviour, as well as of her only request (not to suffer wrong either as to the honor of her body or fruit of her womb) gave special charge concerning her, according to his noble and christian disposition.

AFTER this slaughter at the swamp, the Pequods be­ing upon every turn exposed to the revenge of the Mohegins on one side, and the Narrhagansets on the other, chose ra­ther to submit themselves to the English, ^¶ by whom they were put, some under the Mohegins and some under the Narrhagansets, which at last proved the occasion of the present quarrel as is conceived, through the ambi­tion of Miantonimo, as will be hereafter related.

ON the 12th of July, 1637, one Aganemo, a Sachem of the Niantick Indians (who were a branch of the Nar­hagansets) came to Boston with seventeen of his own men; he made divers propositions to the English, which they took into consideration, and promised to give him an answer the next day: But finding that he had rescued divers of the Pequods, submitting to him since the last defeat, they first demanded the delivery of them, which he sticking at, they refused further confer­ence with him: But the next morning he came and of­fered what they desired. So the Governor referred him to the Captains at the Pequod country, and writ in­structions to them how to deal with him. So receiving his ten fathom of wampam, they friendly dismiss'd him.

IN July 1638, Uncas the Sachem of the Mohegins, having entertained some of the Pequods, came to the [Page 41]Governor at Boston with a present, and was much de­jected because it was not first accepted: But afterwards the Governor and Council being satisfied about his inno­cency, they accepted it, whereupon he promised to sub­mit to the order of the English, both touching the Pe­quods he had received, and as concerning the differences be [...]wixt the Narrhagansets and himself, and confirmed all with this compliment; this heart, said he, (laying his hand upon his heart) is not mine but your's, com­mand me any difficult service and I will do it, I have no men but they are all your's, I will never believe any Indian against the English any more; and so he con­tinued for ever after, as may be seen in the following transactions between the Indians and the English; whereupon he was dismissed with some small reward, and went home very joyful carrying a letter of appro­bation for himself and his men, through the English plantations.

THIS was the issue of the Pequod war, which in the day of it here in New-England was as formidable to the country in general as the present war with Philip; the experience of which, because it may administer much matter of comfort and encouragement to the surviving generation, as well as of praise and thanksgiving to Al­mighty God, from all those who have thus long quietly enjoyed the benefit and reaped the frui [...] of their labor and courage who engaged therein, the more pains hath been taken to search out the broken pieces of that story and thus put them together, before the memory thereof was buried in the ruins of time, and past the recove [...] and knowledge of the present age.

AFTER subduing the Pequods in the year 1637, the Narrhagansets the most numerous of the other Indians, either out of discontent, that the whole sovereignty over the rest of the Indians was not adjudged to belong to them, or out of envy, that Uncas the chief Sachem of the Mohegin Indians, had insinuated further than them­selves into the savor of the English, were observed to be [Page 42]always contriving mischief against them, notwithstand-a firm agreement was made between the English and the said Narrhagansets in the year 1637, when they had helped to destroy the Pequods, and also notwith­standing the triple league between the said Narrhagan­sets, the Mohegins and the English at Hartford (the chief town of Connecticut) made in the year 1638, wherein the said Indians were solemnly engaged, not to quarrel with the Mohegins or any other Indians, until they had first asked the advice of the English, to whose determi­nation, they had likewise obliged themselves to stand, in all following differences among them. They carried it subtilly and underhand for some years, and were pre­tending quarrels with the said Uncas, against whom they always had an inveterate malice, ever since the agree­ment made about distributing the Pequods, after the war with them was ended; expecting in all probability that all should have been left to their sole arbitriment. The Mohegins on the other side, though not so numerous, yet a more warlike people and more politic, always made their recourse to the English, complaining of the inso­lencies of the Narrhagansets, contrary to their league, so as they would hardly be kept from making open war against them, when they saw all other attempts to kill and destroy Uncas the Mohegin Sachem, by treachery, poison, and sorcery, prove ineffectual. Insomuch that at last the malice of Miantonimo and his Narrhagansets grew to that height, that they began to plot against the English themselves, for defending of Uncas.

THE Narrhagansets were animated by the haughty spirit and aspiring mind of Miantonimo, the heir appa­rent of all the Narrhaganset people, after the decease of the old Sachem, Canonicus, who was his uncle. This Miantonimo was a very goodly personage, of tall stature, subtil and cunning in his contrivements, as well as haughty in his designs. It was strongly suspected that in the year 1642, he had contrived to draw all the In­dians throughout the country into a general conspiracy against the English: For, the first of September, 1642, letters came to Boston from the Court at Connecticut, and [Page 43]from two of the Magistrates there, that the Indians had conspired to cut off the English all over the country: Mr. Ludlow certified so much from the place where he lived near the Dutch. The time appointed to be for the assault, was said to be after harvest, the manner to be by several companies entering into the chief men's houses, by way of trade, and then to kill them in their houses, and seize their arms, and others should be a [...] hand to prosecute the massacre: This was also confirm­ed by three Indians that were said to reveal it in the same manner, and at the same time, to Mr. Ludlow; and to the Governor of New-Haven. It was added also that another Indian should discover the same plot to Mr. Haines of Connecticut, by some special circumstances, viz. that being much hurt by a cart (which usually there are drawn with oxen) he should send for Mr. Haines and tell him, that Englishman's God was angry with him, and sent Englishman's cow (meaning the oxen in the cart, or wayne) to kill him, because he had concealed a plot against the English, and so told him all as the other Indians had done.

UPON this, their advice from Connecticut was, that we should begin with them, and enter upon a war pre­sently, and that if the Massachusetts would send 120 men to Saybrook, at the river's mouth, they would meet them with a proportionable number. This was a very probable story, and very likely it was, that the Indians had been discoursing of some such business among them­selves. But the General Court of the Massachusetts when called together, did not think those informations to be a sufficient ground whereon to begin a war. Al­though the Governor and Magistrates as many as could convene together before the Court, ordered that all the Indians within their jurisdiction should be disarmed, which they willingly yielded unto: And upon all the enquiries and examinations which were made by the Court when assembled together, they could not find any such violent presumption of a conspiracy, as to be the ground of a war. Besides, it was considered, that the reports of all Indians were found by experience to be [Page 44]very uncertain, especially when it may well be supposed, that they are or may be raised and carried by such as are at variance one with another; who may be very like to accuse one another to ingratiate themselves with the English. Miantonimo, Sachem of Narrhaganset, was sent unto, and by his readiness to appear, satisfied the English that he was innocent as to any present conspi­racy; though his quarrel with the Mohegins (who bor­dered upon Connecticut colony) might very probably, as was judged, render him the subject of such a report, or an occasion of it.

THE said Miantonimo when he came before the Court peremptorily demanded that his accusers might be bro' [...] before him face to face, and if they could not prove it, then to be made to suffer, what himself if he had been found guilty had deserved, i. e. death, his reasons for which were very plausible. He urged very much the prosecuting such a law against his accusers; alledging, that if the English did not believe it, why did they disarm the Indians round about: And if they did believe it, equity required, that they who accused him should be punished according to the offence charged upon himself. He offered also to make it good against Uncas, Sachem of the Mohegins, that the report was raised either by him, or some of his people. The English answered, that divers Indians had robbed some of the English men's houses, which might be a sufficient ground to disarm; and with that he was something satisfied. The Connecticut men were hardly prevailed with to for­bear the war against them, but at last they were overcome with the allegations of the Massachusetts to lay it aside.

MIANTONIMO when he was at Boston was very de­liberate in his answers, shewing a good understanding in the principles of justice and equity, as well as a seeming ingenuity withal: But though his words were smoother than oil, yet, as many conceived, in his heart were drawn swords. It was observed also, that he would never speak but when some of his Counsellors were pre­sent, that they might, as he said, bear witness of all his speeches at their return home.

[Page 45] THEY spent two days in the treaty, wherein at last he gave them satisfaction in all things, though he held off long about the Nianticks, of whom he said they were as his own flesh, engaging on their behalf, that if they should do any wrong, so as neither he nor they could satisfy without blood, then he would leave them to the mercy of the English. At his departure he gave his hand to the Governor, telling him, that was for the Magistrates that were absent.

WHILE he was at Boston one of his own followers had been a principal evidence against him; he how­ever promised to deliver him to the Mohegin Sachem whose subject he was; notwithstanding which promise, going homeward he cut off his head to prevent his tell­ing more tales. And with great discontent as he was going home said he would come no more to Boston, wherein he proved a truer prophet than he himself be­lieved when he uttered the words, for in the end of the same year, 1643, making war upon Uncas, he was taken prisoner by him, and soon after by the advice of the Commissioners of the four colonies (at that time firmly united into a league offensive and defensive, on which account they were after that time called the united co­lonies of New-England; though since that time they are reduced to but three colonies; that of New-Haven and Connecticut by the last patent being united in one) his head was cut off by Uncas, it being justly feared, that there would never be any firm peace, either betwixt the English and the Narrhagansets, or betwixt the Narrha­gansets and the Mohegins, while Miantonimo was left a­live: However, the Narrhagansets have ever since that time [...] implacable malice against Uncas, and all the Mohegins, and for their sakes secretly against the English, so far as they durst discover it.

IN the years 1645 and 1646, they grew so insolent, that the Commissioners of the united colonies were com­pelled to raise forces to go against them, but when they preceived that the English were in good earnest, they began to be afraid, and sued for peace, and submitted [Page 46]to pay tribute to satisfy for the charge of preparation for the war, but were always very backward to make pay­ment until the English were forced to demand it by new forces, so that it appeared they were unwillingly willing to hold any friendly correspondence with the English, yet durst they never make any open attempt upon them, un­til the present rebellion, wherein they had no small hand, is too, too evident, notwithstanding all their pretences to the contrary, as will appear in the sequel of this history.

THUS it is apparent upon what terms the English stood with the Narrhagansets, ever since the cutting off Miantonimo, their chief Sachem's head by Uncas, it being done with the advice and counsel of the English, Anno 1643. As for the rest of the Indians, ever since the suppressing of the Pequods in the year 1637, until the year 1675, there was always in appearance amity and good correspondence on all sides, scarce an English­man was ever known to be assaulted or hurt by any of them, until after the year 1671, when the son of one Matoonas, who as was supposed, being vexed in his mind that the design against the English, intended to begin 1671, did not take place, out of meer malice and spite against them, slew an Englishman traveiling along the road, the said Matoonas being a Nipnet Indian, which Nipnets were under the command of the Sachem of Mount-Hope, the author of all the present mischiefs.

UPON a due enquiry into all preceeding transactions between the Indians and the English, from their first settling in these coasts, there will appear no ground of quarrel that any of them had against the English, nor any provocation upon one account or another; for when Pli­mouth colony was first planted, within three months af­ter their first landing, March 16, 1620, Massasoit, the chief Sachem of all that side of the country, repaired to the English at Plimouth, and entered into a solemn league upon sundry articles, (printed in New-England's Memorial, 1669) which are as follows, viz.

[Page 47] 1. THAT neither he nor any of his should injure or do hurt to any of their people.

2. THAT if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he should send the offender that they might punish him.

3. THAT if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they should do the like to his.

4. THAT if any did unjustly war against him, they should aid him, and if any did war against them, he should aid them.

5. THAT he should send to his neighbour confede­rates, to certify them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might likewise be comprised in these conditi­ons of peace.

6. THAT when his men came to them upon any occasion, they should leave their arms (which were then bows and arrows) behind them.

7. THAT so doing, their sovereign Lord King JAMES would esteem him as their friend and ally.

THIS league the same Sachem, September 25, 1630, a little before his death, coming with his eldest son, af­terward called Alexander, did renew with the English at the Court of Plimouth, for himself and his son, and their heirs and successors: And after that he came to Mr. Brown's, who lived not far from Mount-Hope, bringing his two sons, Alexander and Philip with him, desiring there might be love and amity after his death, between his sons and them, as there had been betwixt himself and them in former times: Yet it is very remarkable, that this Massasoit, called also Woosamequen (how much soever he affected the English, yet) was never in the least degree well affected to the religion of the English, but would in his last treaty with his neighbours at Pli­mouth, when they were with him about purchasing some land at Swanzey, have had them engaged never to at­tempt to draw away any of his people from their old [Page 48]pagan superstition, and devilish idolatry, to the christian religion, and did much insist upon it till he saw the Eng­lish were resolved [...]ever to make any treaty with him more upon that account, which when he discerned, he did not further urge it: but that was a bad omen that notwithstanding whatever his humanity were to the Eng­lish, as they were strangers, (for indeed they had re­payed his former kindness to them, by protecting him afterwards against the insolencies of the Narrhagansets) he manifested no small displacency of spirit against them, as they were christians: which strain was evident more in his son that succeeded him, and all his people, inso­much that some discerning persons of that jurisdiction have feared that that nation of Indians would all be root­ed out, as is since come to pass. The like may be ob­served concerning the Narrhagansets, who were always more civil and courteous to the English than any of the other Indians, tho' never as yet received the least tincture of christian religion, but have in a manner run the same fate with their neighbours of Mount-Hope, there being very few of them now lest standing. Nor is it unworthy the relation, what a person of quality amongst us hath of late affirmed, viz. One much conversant with the Indians about Merimack river, being Anno 1660, invit­ed by some Sagamores or Sachems to a great dance, (which solemnities are the times they make use of to tell their stories, and convey the knowledge of some past and most memorable things to posterity) Passaconaway, the great Sachem of that part of the country, intending at that time to make his last and farewell speech to his children and people, that were then all gathered toge­ther, addressed himself to them in this manner:

‘I AM now going the way of all flesh, or ready to die, and not likely to see you ever met together any more: I will now leave this word of counsel with you, that you may take h [...]ed how you quarrel with the English, for though you may do them much mis­chief, yet assuredly you will a [...] be destroyed, and roo [...]ed off the earth if you do; for, I was as much an enemy to the English, at their [...] coming into th [...]se [Page 49]parts, as any one whatsoever, and did try all ways and means possible to have destroyed them, at least to have prevented them sitting down here, but I could no way effect it, therefore I advise you never to con­tend with the English, nor make war with them:’ And accordingly his eldest son Wonnalancet by name, as soon as he perceived that the Indians were up in arms, withdrew himself into some remote place, that he might not be hurt by the English, or the enemies, or be in danger by them.

THIS passage was thought sit to be inserted here, it having so near an agreement with the former, intima­ting some secret awe of God upon the hearts of some of the principal amongst them, that they durst not hurt the English, although they bare no good affection to their religion, wherein they seem not a little to imitate Ba­laam, who whatever he uttered, when he was under the awful power of divine illumination, yet when left to himself, was as bad an enemy to the Israel of God as ever before. But to return.

AFTER the death of this Woosamequen, or Massasoit, his eldest son succeeded him about 20 years since, Alex­ander by name, who notwithstanding the league he had entered into with the English, together with his father, in the year 1639, had neither affection to the English­men's persons, nor yet to their religion, but had been plotting with the Narrhagansets to rise against the Eng­lish; of which the Governor and Council of Plimouth be­ing informed, they presently sent for him, to bring him to the Court; the person to whom that service was com­mitted, was a prudent and resolute gentleman, the pre­sent Governor of the said colony, who was neither a­fraid of danger, nor yet willing to delay in a matter of that moment, he forthwith taking eight or ten stout men with him well armed, intended to have gone to the said Alexander's dwelling, distant at least forty miles from the Governor's house▪ but by a good providence, he found him whom he went to seek at an hunting-house, within [Page 50]six miles of the English towns, where the said Alexander with about eighty men were newly come in from hunt­ing, and had left their guns without doors, which Major Winslow with his small company wisely seized, and con­veyed away, and then went into the [...] de­manded Alexander to go along with him before the Go­vernor, at which message he was much appalled, but being told by the undaunted messenger, that if he stirred or re­fused to go he was a dead man; he was by one of his chief Counsellors, in whose advice he most confided, per­swaded to go along to the Governor's house, but such was the pride and height of his spirit, that the very surprizal of him, so raised his choler and indignation, that it put him into a feaver, which notwithstanding all possible means that could be used, seemed mortal; whereupon intreating those that held him prisoner, that he might have liberty to return home, promising to re­turn again if he recovered, and to send his son as hostage till he could so do; on that consideration he was fairly dismissed, but died before he got half way home. Here let it be observed, that, although some have taken up false reports, as if the English had compelled him to go further or faster than he was able, and so he fell into a feaver, or as if he were not well used by the Physician that looked to him, while he was with the English, all which are notoriously false; nor is it to be imagined that a person of so noble a disposition as is that gentle­man (at that time employed to bring him) should him­self, or suffer any else to be uncivil to a person allied to them, by his own, as well as his father's league, as the said Alexander also was; nor was any thing of that nature ever objected to the English of Plimouth, by the said Alexander's brother, by name Philip, commonly for his ambitious and haughty spirit nick-named King Philip, when he came in the year 1662, in his own person with Bavsam [...]n his Secretary and chief Counsellor to renew the former league that had been between his pred [...]sio [...]s and the English of Plimouth: But there was as much correspondence betwixt them for the next seven years as ever had been in any former times. What can b [...]im [...]gi [...] ­ed therefore, beside, the instigation of Satan, that envied [Page 51]at the prosperity of the church of God here seated, or else fearing lest the power of the Lord Jesus, that had overthrown his kingdom in other parts of the world, should do the like here, and so the stone taken out of the mountain without hands, should become a great mountain itself, and fill the whole earth; no cause of provocation being given by the English? For once be­fore this, in the year 1671, the devil, who was a mur­derer from the beginning, had so filled the heart of this savage miscreant with envy and malice against the Eng­lish, that he was ready to break out in open war against the inhabitants of Plimouth, pretending some trifling in­juries done him in his planting land, but when the mat­ter of controversy came to be heard divers of the Massa­chusetts Colony, yea, when he himself came to Boston, as it were referring his case to the judgment of that colony, nothing of that nature could be made to appear, where­upon in way of submission, he was of necessity by that evident conviction forced to acknowledge that it was the naughtiness of his own heart, that put him upon that rebellion, and nothing of any provocation from the English; and to a confession of this nature, with a solemn renewal of this covenant, declaring his desire, that this his covenant might testify to the world against him, if ever he should prove unfaithful to those of Plimouth, or any other of the English colonies therein, himself with his chief Counsellors subscribed in the presence of some messengers sent on purpose to hear the difference be­tween Plimouth and the said Philip. But for further satisfaction of the reader, the said agreement and sub­mission shall here be published.

PHILIP also in the same year signed the following ARTICLES.

To which, for the further clearing the justice of the present war, the result of the debate of the Com­missioners of the united colonies about the matter of the war shall be here inserted.

BUT whatever his submission was before, or his sub­jecting himself and his people to our King, or his en­gagement to pay a sum of money in part of the charges then occasioned by him (and notwithstanding the Eng­lish in or about Plimouth, since, or before that time were never any ways injurious unto him, or any of his people) all which are fully declared in a Narrative given by the Commissioners of the colony of Plimouth, wherein they also signify that the settlement and issue of the for­mer controversy between Philip and them, was obtained and made (principally) by the mediation, and interposed advice and counsel of the other two confederate colonies, and also in a letter under the Governor's hand, in the following words:

YET did this treacherous and perfidious caitiff still harbour the same or more mischievous thoughts against the English than ever before, and hath been since that time plotting with all the Indians round about, to make a general insurrection against the English in all the co­lonies; which, as some prisoners lately brought in have confessed, should have been put in execution at once, by all the Indians rising as one man, against all those plan­tations of English, which were next to them. The Nar­rhagansets having promised, as was confessed, to rise with four thousand fighting men in the spring of this present year, 1676. But by the occasion hereafter to be mentioned about Sausaman, Philip was necessitated for the safety of his own life to begin his rebellion the year before, when the design was not sully ripe. Yet some are ready to think, that if his own life had not now been in [Page 56]jeopardy by the guilt of the murder of the aforesaid Sausaman, his heart might have failed him, when it should have come to be put in execution, as it did be­fore in the year 1671, which made one of his Captains, of far better courage and resolution than himself, when he saw his cowardly temper and disposition, fling down his arms, calling him white liver'd cur, or to that pur­pose, and saying, that he would never own him again, or fight under him; and from that time hath turned to the English, and hath continued to this day a faithful and resolute soldier in their quarrel.

THAT the Indians had a conspiracy amongst them­selves to rise against the English, is confirmed by some of the Indians about Hadley, although the plot was not come to maturity when Philip began, the special providence of God therein over-ruling the contrivers: For when the beginning of the troubles first was report­ed from Mount-Hope, many of the Indians were in a kind of a maze, not knowing well what to do, sometimes ready to stand for the English, as formerly they had been wont to do; sometimes inclining to strike in with Philip (which at the last they generally did) which if it had been foreseen, much of that mischief might have been prevented that fell out in several places, more by perfi­dious and treacherous dealing than any other ways; the English never imagining that after so many obliging kindnesses received from them by the Indians, besides their many engagements and protestations of friendship, as formerly, they would have been so ungrateful, perfi­diously false and cruel, as they have since proved.

THE occasion of Philip's so sudden taking up arms the last year was this—There was one John Sausaman a very cunning and plausible Indian well skilled in the English language, and bred up in a profession of the christian religion, employed as a school-master at Na­tick, the Indian town, who upon some misdemeanor fled from his place to Philip, by whom he was entertained in the room and office of a Secretary, and his chief Counsellor, whom he trusted with all his affairs and se­cret [Page 57]counsels: But afterwards, whether upon the sting of his own conscience, or by the frequent sollicitations of Mr. Eliot, that had known him from a child, and in­structed him in the principles of our religion, who was often laying before him the heinous fin of his apostacy, and returning back to his old vomit, he was at last pre­vailed with to forsake Philip, and returned back to the christian Indians at Natick, where he was baptized, ma­nifesting public repentance for all his former offences, and made a serious profession of the christian religion: and did apply himself to preach to the Indians, wherein he was better gifted than any other of the Indian nati­on; so as he was observed to conform more to the English manners than any other Indian: yet having occasion to go up with some others of his countrymen to Namasket; (now Middleborough) whether for the ad­vantage of fishing, or some such occasion, it matters not; being there not far from Philip's country, he had occa­sion to be much in the company of Philip's Indians, and of Philip himself; by which means he discerned by se­veral circumstances, that the Indians were plotting anew against us; the which out of faithfulness to the English, the said Sausaman informed the Governor of, adding also, that if it were known that he revealed it, he knew they would presently kill him. There appearing so many concurrent testimonies from others, making it the more probable, that there was a certain truth in the in­formation, some enquiry was made into the business, by examining Philip himself, and several of his Indians, who although they would own nothing, yet could not free themselves from just suspicion. Philip therefore soon after contrived the said Sausaman's death, which was strangely discovered, notwithstanding it was so cun­ningly effected, for they that murdered him met him up­on the ice on a great pond, and presently after they had knocked him down, put him under the ice, yet leaving his gun and hat upon the ice, that it might be thought he sell in accidentally through the ice and was drowned: but being missed by his friends, who finding his hat and gun, they were thereby led to the place, where his body was found under the ice. When they [Page 58]took him up to bury him, some of his friends, particu­larly one David, observed some bruises about his head, which made them suspect he was first knocked down, before he was put into the water, however, they buried him near about the place where he was found, with­out making any further enquiry at present: nevertheless David his friend, reported these things to some English at Taunton (a town not far from Namasket) which occa­sioned the Governor to enquire further into the business, wisely considering, that as Sausaman had told him, if it were known that he had revealed any of their plots, they would murder him for his pains: wherefore, by special warrant the body of Sausaman being digged again out of his grave, it was very apparent that he had been kill­ed and not drowned. And by a strange providence, an Indian was found, that by accident standing unseen up­on a hill, had seen them murdering the said Sausaman, but durst never reveal it for fear of losing his own life likewise, until he was called to the Court at Plimouth, or before the Governor, where he plainly confessed what he had seen. The murderers being apprehended, were convicted by his undeniable testimony, and other re­markable circumstances, and so were all put to death, being three in number; the last of them confessed im­mediately before his death, that his father (one of the Counsellors and special friends of Philip) was one of the two that murdered Sausaman, himself only looking on. This was done at Plimouth Court, hold in June, 1675, insomuch that Philip apprehending the danger his own head was in next, never used any further means to clear himself from what was like to be laid to his charge, either about his plotting against the English, nor yet about Sausaman's death; but by keeping his men continually about him in arms, and gathering what strangers he could to join with him, marching up and down constantly in arms, both all the while the Court sat, as well as afterwards. The English of Plimouth hearing of all this, yet took no further notice, than only to order a military watch in all the adjacent towns, hoping that Philip, finding himself not likely to be ar­raigned by order of the said Court, the present cloud [Page 59]might blow over, as some others of like nature had done before; but in conclusion, the matter proved otherwise, for Philip finding his strength daily increasing by the flocking of neighbour Indians unto him, and sending over their wives and children to the Narrhagansets for security (as they use to do when they intend war with any of their enemies) they immediately began to alarm the English at Swanzey (the next town to Philip's coun­try) as it were daring the English to begin; at last their insolencies grew to such an height, that they began not only to use threatening words to the English, but also to kill their cattle and rifle their houses; whereat an Englishman was so provoked, that he let fly a gun at an Indian, but did only wound, not kill him; whereup­on the Indians immediately began to kill all the Eng­lish they could, so as on the 24th of June, 1675, was the alarm of war first sounded in Plimouth colony, when eight or nine of the English were slain in and about Swanzey; they first making a shot at a company of English as they returned from the assembly where they were met in a way of humiliation on that day, whereby they killed one and wounded others, and then likewise at the same time, they slew two men on the high-way, sent to call a surgeon; and the same day barbarously murdered six men in and about a dwelling-house in a­nother part of the town; all which outrages were com­mitted so suddenly, that the English had no time to make any resistance: For on the 14th day of the same month, besides endeavors used by Mr. Brown of Swan­ [...] [...] of the Magistrates of Plimouth jurisdiction, an [...] letter was sent from the Council of Plimouth [...], shewing their dislike of his practices, and ad­ [...] [...] him to dismiss his strange Indians, and not suffer [...] to be abused by false reports, concerning them [...] intended him no hurt; but no answer could be ob­ [...], otherwise than threatning of war, which it was hoped might have been prevented, as heretofore it had [...]en, when things seemed to look with as bad a face as they then did. However, the Governor and Council of Plimouth, understanding that Philip continued in his re­solution, and manifested no inclination to peace, they [Page 60]immediately sent up what forces they could to secure the towns thereabouts, and make resistance as occasion might be; and also dispatched away messengers to the Massa­chusetts Governor and Council, letting them know the state of things about Mount-Hope, and desiring their speedy assistance; upon which care was immediately ta­ken with all expedition to send such supplies as were de­sired: But in the mean time two messengers were dis­patched to Philip, to try whether he could not be di­verted from his bloody enterprize, so to have prevented the mischief since fallen out, hoping, that as once before, viz. in the year 1671, by their mediation, a stop was put to the like tragedy, so the present war might by the same means have been now turned aside: For in the said year Philip had firmly engaged himself, when he was at Bos­ton, not to quarrel with Plimouth until he had first ad­dressed himself to the Massachusetts for advice and ap­probation: But the two messengers aforesaid, finding the men slain in the road June 24, as they were going for the surgeon, apprehended it not safe to proceed any further, considering also, that a peace now could not honorably be concluded after such barbarous outrages committed upon some of the neighbour colony: Where­fore returning with all speed to Boston, the Massachusetts forces were dispatched away with all imaginable haste, as the exigence of the matter did require, some of them being then upon, or ready for their march, the rest were ordered to follow after, as they could be raised. The sending forth of which, because it was the first engage­ment in any warlike preparations against the Indians, shall be more particularly related.

ON the 26th of June, a foot company under Captain Daniel Henchman, with a troop under Captain Thomas Prentice, were sent out of Boston toward Mount-Hope: It being late in the afternoon before they began to march, the central eclipse of the moon in Capric. hap­pened in the evening before they came up to Naponset river, about twenty miles from Boston, which occasioned them to make a halt, for a little repast, till the moon recovered her light again. Some melancholy fancies [Page 61]would not be perswaded, but that the eclipse falling out at that instant of time was ominous, conceiving also that in the centre of the moon they discerned an unusu­al black spot, not a little resembling the scalp of an In­dian: As others not long before, imagined they saw the form of an Indian bow, accounting that likewise omin­ous (although the mischief following was done by guns, and not by bows) both the one and the other, might rather have thought of what Marcus Crassus the Roman General, going forth with an army against the Parthians, once wisely replied to a private soldier, that would have disswaded him from marching that time, because of an eclipse of the moon in Capricorn, that he was more a­fraid of Sagitarius than of Capricornus, meaning the arrows of the Parthians (accounted very good archers) from whom as things then fell out, was his greatest dan­ger. But after the moon had waded through the dark shadow of the earth, and borrowed her light again, by the help thereof, the two companies marched on toward Woodcock's house, thirty miles from Boston, where they arrived next morning; and there retarded their motion till the afternoon, in hope of being overtaken by a com­pany of volunteers, under the command of Captain Samuel Mosely, which accordingly came to pass, so as on June 28th, they all arrived at Swanzy, where by the advice of Capt. Cudworth, the commander in chief of Plimouth forces, they were removed to the head-quarters, which for that time were appointed at Mr. Miles's house, the Minister of Swanzy, within a quarter of a mile of the bridge, leading into Philip's lands. They arriving there some little time before night, twelve of the troop unwilling to lose time passed over the bridge, for discovery into the enemies territories, where they found the rude welcome of eight or ten Indian, firing upon them out of the bushes, killing one William Ham­mond, wounding Corporal Belcher, his horse being also shot down under him; the rest of the said troopers hav­ing discharged upon those Indians that run away [...]f [...]r their first shot, carried off their two dead and wounded companions, and so retired to the main guard for that [Page 62]night, pitching in a barricado about Mr. Miles's house. The enemy thought to have braved it out by a bold assault or two at the first; but their hearts soon began to fail them when they perceived the Massachusets and Plimouth forces both engaged against them: For the next morning they shouted twice or thrice, at half a mile's distance, and nine or ten of them shewing them­selves on this side the bridge, our horse-men with the whole body of the volunteers under Capt. Mosely, not at all daunted by such kind of alarms, nor willing so to lose the bridge, ran violently down upon them over the said bridge, pursuing them a mile and a quarter on the other side: Ensign Savage, that young martial spark, scarce twenty years of age, had at that time one bullet lodged in his thigh, another shot through the brim of his hat, by ten or twelve of the enemy discharging upon him to­gether, while he boldly held up his colours in the front of his company: But the weather not suffering any fur­ther action at that time, those that were thus far ad­vanced, were compelled to retreat back to the main guard, having first made a shot upon the Indians as they ran away into a swamp near by, whereby they killed five or six of them, as was understood soon after at Narrhaganset: This resolute charge of the English forces upon the enemy made them quit their place on Mount-Hope that very night where Philip was never seen after; till the next year, when he was by a divine mandate sent back; there to receive the reward of his wickedness where he first began his mischief: The next day Major Savage that was to command in chief over the Massachusetts forces, being come up with other supplies, about six o' clock over night the whole body intended to march in­to Mount-Hope, and there beat up the enemy's quar­ters, or give him battle, if he durst abide it: But the weather being doubtful, our forces did not march till near noon, about which time they set out, with a troop of horse in each wing, to prevent the danger of the enemy's ambuscadoes; after they had marched about a mile and a half, they passed by some houses newly burned: Not far off one of them, they found a bible newly torn, and the leaves scattered about by the enemy, in hatred of our [Page 63]religion therein revealed; two or three miles further they came up with some heads, scalps, and hands cut off from the bodies of some of the English, and stuck upon poles near the highway, in that barbarous and inhuman manner bidding us defiance; the commander in chief giving order that those monuments of the ene­my's cruelty should be taken down, and buried: The whole body of the forces still marched on two miles fur­ther, where they found divers wigwams of the enemy, among which were many things scattered up and down, arguing the hasty flight of the owners; half a mile further, as they passed on through many fields of stately corn, they found Philip's own wigwam; every place giving them to perceive the enemy's hasty departure from thence; after they had marched two miles further they came to the sea-side, yet in all this time meeting with no Indians, nor any sign of them, unless of their flight to some other places. The season being like to prove very tempestuous, and rainy, Capt. Cudworth with some of the men of Plimouth passed over to Rhode-Island. The forces under Major Savage were forced to abide all night in the open field, without any shelter, notwithstand­ing the abundance of rain that fall, and in the morning, despairing to meet with any enemy on Mount-Hope, they retreated back to their head-quarters at Swanzy, in the way meeting with many Indian dogs, that seemed to have lost their masters. That night Capt. Prentice's troop for conveniency of quarters, as also for discovery, was dismissed to lodge at Seaconke or Rehoboth, a town within six miles of Swanzy. As they returned back in the morning. Capt. Prentice divided his troop, deliver­ing one half to Lieut. Oakes, and keeping the other himself, who as they rode along, espied a company of Indians burning an house; but could not pursue them by reason of several fences, that they could not go over till the Indians had escaped into a swamp. Those with Lieut. Oakes had the like discovery, but with better suc­cess, as to the advantage of the ground, so as pursuing of them upon a plain, they flew four or five of them in the chase, whereof one was known to be Thebe a Sachem of Mount-Hope, another of them was a chief Counsellor [Page 64]of Philip's; yet in this attempt the Lieutenant lost one of his company, John Druce by name, who was mortally wounded in his bowels, whereof he soon after died, to the great grief of his companions. After the said troop came up to head-quarters at Swanzy, they under­stood from Capt. Cadworth that the enemy were dis­covered upon Pocasset, ^§ another neck of land lying over an arm of the sea, more towards Cape-God: However it was resolved that a more narrow search should be made after them, both upon Mount-Hope and upon the ground between Swanzy and Rehoboth to scour the swamps, and assault them if they could find where they were entrenched. Capt. Henchman and Capt. Prentice were ordered to search the swamps, while Capt. Mosely and Capt. Paige with his dragoons attending on Major Cavage, should return back into Mount-Hope, that they might be sure to leave none of the enemy behind them, when they should remove to pursue them elsewhere.

ABOUT ten o'clock the next morning, July 4th, Capt. Henchman, after a long and tedious march, came to the head-quarters, and informed that he came upon a place where the enemy had newly been that night, but were escaped out of his reach: But the following night, before they were determined of any other motion, Cap­tain Hutchinson came up from Boston with new orders for them to pass into Narrhaganset, to treat with the Sachems there, and if it might be, to prevent their joining with Philip. Capt. Cudworth by this time was come up to the head-quarters, having left a garrison of 40 men upon Mount-Hope neck. The next morning was spent in consultation how to carry on the treaty; it was then resolved, that they should go to make a peace with a sword in their hands, having no small ground of suspicion that the said Narrhagansets might join with the enemy, wherefore they thought it necessary to carry all the Massachusetts forces over into the Narrhaganset country, to fight them if there should be need; Capt. Mosely passed over by water to attend Capt. Hutchinson [Page 65]in his dispatch; the other companies with the troopers riding round about. As they passed they found the In­dians in Pomham's country (next adjoining to Philip's borders) all fled, and their wigwams without any peo­ple in them.

AFTER they came to the Narrhaganset Sachems, three or four days were spent in a treaty, after which a peace was concluded with them by the messen­gers of Connecticut colony (who were ordered to meet with those of the Massachusetts) and the comman­ders of the forces sent against Philip: Hostages were also given by the said Narrhagansets for the perfor­mance of the agreement. A copy of the said agree­ment, and the articles on which a peace was concluded, here follow. It being always understood, that Plimouth colony was included in the said agreement, although their forces were not then present, but remained at home near the enemies borders, to secure their owns, and oppose Philip as there might be occasion, if he of­fered to make any new attempt in the mean time.

ARTICLES, covenant and agreements had, made and concluded by, and between Major Thomas Savage, Captain Edward Hutchinson, and Mr. Joseph Dudley, in behalf of the government of the Massachusetts colony, and Major Wait Winthrop and Mr. Richard Smith on behalf of Connecticut colony, on the one party, and Agamaug, Wampsh alias Corman, Taitson, Tawage­son, Councellors and Attornies to Canonicus, Ninigret, Matataog, old Queen Quaiapen, Quananshit and Pom­ham, the six present Sachems of the whole Narrhaganset country on the other party, referring to several differences and troubles lately risen between them; and for a final con­clusion of settled peace and amity between the said Sachems, their heirs and successors for ever, and the Governors of the said Massachusetts and Connecticut, and their successors in the said governments for ever.

I. THAT all and every of the said Sachems shall from time to time carefully seize, and living or [...] deliver unto one or other of the abovesaid government [...] all and every of Sachem Philip's [...] [Page 66]shall come, or be found within the precincts of any of their lands, and that with greatest diligence and faithfulness.

II. THAT they shall with their utmost ability use all acts of hostility against the said Philip and his sub­jects, entering his lands or any other lands of the Eng­lish, to kill and destroy the said enemy, until a cessation from war with the said enemy be concluded by both the abovesaid colonies.

III. THAT the said Sachems, by themselves and their agents, shall carefully search out and deliver all stolen goods whatsoever taken by any of their subjects from any of the English, whether formerly or lately, and shall make full satisfaction for all wrongs or in­ [...]uries done to the estate of any of the subjects of the several colonies, according to the judgment of indif­ferent men, in case of dissatisfaction between the offen­ders and the offended parties, or deliver the offenders.

IV. THAT all preparations for war, or acts of hos­tility against any of the English subjects, shall for ever for the future cease; together with all manner of thefts, pilferings, killing of cattle, or any manner of breach of peace whatsoever shall with utmost care be prevented, and instead thereof their strength to be used as a guard round about the Narrhaganset country, for the English inhabitants safety and security.

V. IN token of the abovesaid Sachems reality in this treaty and conclusion, and for the security of the several English governments and subjects, they do freely deliver unto the abovesaid gentlemen, in the behalf of the a­bovesaid colonies, John Wobequob, Weowthim, Pewkes, Weenew, four of their near kinsmen and choice friends, to be and remain as hostages in several places of the English jurisdictions, at the appointment of the honor­able Governors of the abovesaid colonies, there to be civilly treated, not as prisoners, but otherwise at their honors discretion, until the abovesaid articles are fully accomplished to the satisfaction of the several govern­ments, the departure of any of them in the mean time to be accounted breach of the peace, and of these present articles.

[Page 67] VI. THE said gentlemen in the behalf of the go­vernments to which they do belong, do engage to every the said Sachems and their subjects, that if they or any of them shall seize and bring into either the abovesaid English governments, or to Mr. Smith inhabitant of Nar­rhaganset, Philip Sachem alive, he or they so delivering, shall receive for their pains, forty trucking cloth coats, in case they bring his head they shall have twenty like good coats paid them: For every living subject of said Philip's so delivered, the deliverer shall receive two coats, and for every head one coat, as a gratuity for their service herein, making it appear to satisfaction, that the heads or persons are belonging to the enemy, and that they are of their seizure.

VII. THE said Sachems do renew and confirm un­to the English inhabitants or others, all former grants, sales, bargains or conveyances of lands, meadows, tim­ber, grass, stones, or whatever else the English have heretofore bought or quietly possessed and enjoyed, to be unto them, and their heirs, and assigns for ever; as also all former articles made with the confederate colo­nies.

Lastly, THE said councellors and attornies do pre­meditately, seriously, and upon good advice, covenant, conclude and agree all abovesaid solemnly, and call God to witness they are, and shall remain true friends to the English governments, and perform the abovesaid articles punctually, using their utmost endeavor, care and faithfulness therein: In witness whereof they have set their hands and seals. Petaquamscot, July 15, 1675.

Signed, sealed and delivered in the presence of us under­written, being carefully interpreted to the said In­dians before Sealing.

• DANIEL HENCHMAN,
• THOMAS PRENTICE,
• NICHOLAS PAIGE,
• JOSEPH STANTON, Interp.
• HENRY HAWLAWS,
• PECOE BUKOW,
• JOB NEFF.

• Tawageson, his C Mark.
• Taytson, his D Mark.
• Agamaug, his T Mark.
• Wampsh, alias Corman, his X Mark.

[Page 68] DURING this treaty of peace with the Narrhagansets, Capt. Cudworth with the forces from Plimouth, under his command, found something to do nearer home, tho' of another nature as it proved, sst. to make war whilst the other were (as they thought) making peace: In the first place therefore he dispatched Capt. Fuller (joining Lieut. Church together with him in commission) with fifty in his company to Pocasset, on the same account, as the other went to Narrhaganset; either to conclude a peace with them, if they would continue friends, and give hostages for the confirmation thereof, or fight them if they should declare themselves enemies, and join with Philip; himself intending to draw d [...]wn his forces to Rehoboth, to be ready for a speedy march to Taunton, and so down into the other sale of the country, upon the news that some of the enemy were burning and spoiling of Middleborough and Dartmouth, two small villages ly­ing in the way betwixt Pocasset and Plimouth. Upon Thursday July 7, Capt. Fuller with Lieut. Church went into Pocasset to seek after the enemy, or else as occasion might serve, to treat with those Indians at Pocasset, with whom Mr. Church was very well acquainted, always holding good correspondence with them. After they had spent that day and most of the night, in traversing the said Pocasset neck, and watching all night in a house which they found there, they could hear no tidings of any Indians; insomuch that Capt. Fuller began to be weary of his design: Mr. Church in the mean while assuring him that they should find Indians before it were long: yet for greater expedition they divided their company, Capt. Fuller taking down toward the sea-side, where it seems, after some little skirmishing with them wherein one man only received a small wound, he either saw or heard too many Indians for himself and his company to deal with, which made him and them betake themselves to a house near the water-side, from whence they were fetched off by a sloop before night to Rhode-Island. Capt. Church (for so he may well be stiled after this time) marched further into the neck, imagining that if there were Indians in the neck, they should find them about a pease field not far off. As soon as they came near the [Page 69]said field he espied two Indians among the peas, who also had at the same time espied him; and presently mak­ing some kind of shout, a great number of Indians came a­bout the field, pursuing the said Capt. Church and his men in great numbers to the sea side: there being not above fifteen with Church, yet seven or eight score of the Indians pursuing after them. Now was a fit time for this young Captain and his small company to hand­sel their valour upon this great rout of Indians, just ready to devour them: But victory stands no more in the num­ber of soldiers, than verity in the plurality of voices: And although some of these fifteen had scarce courage enough for themselves, yet their Captain had enough for himself, and some to spare for his friends, which he there had an opportunity of improving to the full. When he saw the hearts of any of his followers to fail, he would bid them be of good courage and fight stoutly, and (pos­sibly by some divine impression upon his heart) assured them not a bullet of the enemy should hurt any one of them; which one of the company, more dismayed than the rest, could hardly believe, till he saw the proof of it in his own person, for the Captain perceiving the man was not able to fight, made him gather rocks together for a kind of shelter and baricado for the rest, that must either of necessity fight or fall by the enemies. It chanc­ed as this faint-hearted soldier had a flat stone in his arms, and was carrying it to the shelter that he was mak­ing upon the bank, a bullet of the enemy was thus ward­ed from his body, by which he must else have perished, which experience put new life into him, so as he follow­ed his business very manfully afterward, insomuch that they defended themselves under a small shelter hastily made up, all that afternoon, not one being either slain or wounded, yet it was certainly known that they killed at least fifteen of their enemies: And at the last, when they had spent all their ammunition, and made their guns unserviceable by often firing, they were fetched all off by Capt. Golding's sloop and carried safe to Rhode-Island in spite of all their enemies; yea, such was the bold and un­daunted courage of this champion, Capt. Church, that, not willing to leave any token behind of their flying for want [Page 70]of courage, he went back in the face of his enemies to fe [...]h his hat, which he had left at a spring, whither the extream heat of the weather, and his labor in fighting had caused him to repair for the quenching of his thirst an hour or two before. It seems in the former part of the same day, five men coming from Rhode-Island, to look up their cattle upon Pocasset-Neck, were assaulted by the same Indians, one of the five was Capt. Church's ser­vant, who had his leg broke in the skirmish, the rest hardly escaping with their lives: This was the first time that ever any mischief was done by the Indians upon Pocasset-Neck. Those of Rhode-Island were here­by alarmed to look to themselves, as well as the rest of the English of Plimouth, or the Massachusetts colony.

THIS assault rather heightned and increased than daunted the courage of Capt. Church; for not making a cowardly flight, but a fair retreat, which providence offered him by the sloop aforesaid, after his ammunition was spent, he did not stay long at Rhode-Island, but hast­ed over to the Massachusetts forces, and borrowing three files of men of Capt. Henchman with his Lieutenant; Mr. Church and he returned again to Pocasset, where they had another skirmish with the enemy, wherein some few of them (fourteen or fifteen) were slain, which struck such a terror into Philip, that he betook himself to the swamps about Pocasset, where he lay hid till the return of the rest of the forces from the Narrhagansets, like a wild boar kept at a bay by this small party till more hands came up.

THUS were the Plimouth forces busied, during the time of the treaty with the Narrhagansets, which being issued as it was:

ON Friday July 15, our forces marched for, and ar­rived at Rehoboth, where having no intelligence of the enemy nearer than a great swamp on Pocasset, eighteen miles from Taunton; they marched next day twelve miles to an house at Metapoiset (a small neck of land in the bottom of Taunton-Bay, in the midway between Mount-Hope and Pocasset-Neck) from whence they marched for [Page 71] Taunton, July 17, whither after a tedious march of 20 miles they came in the evening, and found the people generally gathered into eight garrison-houses.

ON Monday July 18, they marched eighteen miles before they could reach the swamp where the enemy was lodged: As soon as they came to the place, Pli­mouth forces being now joined with them, our soldiers resolutely entered in amongst the enemies, who took the advantage of the thick under-wood, to make a shot at them that first entered, whereby five were killed out­right, seven more wounded, some of whose wounds proved mortal: After the first shot, the enemy present­ly retired deeper into the swamp, deserting their wigwams (about an 100 in all) newly made of green bark, so as they would not burn: In one of them they found an old man, who confessed that Philip had been lately there. Having spent some time in searching the swamp, and tired themselves to no purpose (yet it was said one half hour more would have at that time utterly subdued Philip and all his power) the commander in chief, night drawing on a pace, not thinking it safe to tarry longer in so dangerous a place, where every one was in as much danger of his fellows as of his foes, being ready to fire upon every bush they saw move supposing lndians were there, ordered a retreat to be sounded, that they might have time to dispose of their dead and wounded men, which accordingly was attended: ^* Plimouth forces who had entered in the rear, retreating in the front. It was judged that the enemy being by this means brought into a pound, it would be no hard matter to deal with them, and that it would be needless charge to keep so many companies of soldiers together to wait upon such an inconsiderable enemy, now almost as good as taken: Whereupon most of the companies belonging to the Massachusetts were drawn off, only Capt. Henchman with an 100 foot being left there, together with Plimouth forces, to attend the enemies motion, being judged suf­ficient [Page 72]for that end. Major Savage, Capt. Paige with Capt. Mosely and their companies returned to Boston: Capt. Prentice with his troop were ordered toward Mendham, where it seems, about the middle of July, some Indians, wishing well to Philip's design, had made an assault upon some of the inhabitants, as they were at their labor in the field, killing five or fix of them; as soon as they had done, flying away into the woods, so as they could not easily be pursued. The inhabitants of the same village, lying in the heart of the enemy's country began to be discouraged, so as within a little time after they forsook the place, abandoning their houses to the fury of the enemy, which by them were soon after turned into ashes. But to return to King Philip, who was now lodged in the great swamp upon Pocasset-Neck, of seven miles long: Capt. Henchman and the Plimouth forces kept a diligent eye upon the enemy, but were not willing to run into the mire and dirt after them in a dark swamp, being taught by late experience how dangerous it is to fight in such dismal woods, when their eyes were muffled with the leaves, and their arms pin­nioned with the thick boughs of the trees, as their feet were continually shackled with the roots spreading every way in those boggy woods. It is ill fighting with a wild beast in his own den. They resolved therefore to starve them out of the swamp, where they knew full well they could not long subsist: To that end they be­gan to build a fort, as it were to beleaguer the enemy, and prevent his escape out of the place, where they thought they had him fast enough. Philip in the mean time was not ignorant of what was doing without, and was ready therein to read his owndoom if he tarried much longer there, he knew he should fall into their hands from whom he could expect no mercy: The case being therefore desperate, he resolved with an hundred or two of his best fighting men to make an escape by the water, all passages by the land being sufficiently guarded by the English forces. The swamp where they were lodg­ed being not-far from an arm of the fen, coming up to Taunton, they taking the advantage of a low tide, either waded over one night in the end of July, or else wasted [Page 73]themselves over upon small rafts of timber very early before break of day, by which means the greatest part of his company escaped away into the woods, lead­ing into the Nipmuck country, altogether unknown to the English forces, that lay encamped on the other side of the swamp. About an 100 or more of the women and children, which were like to be rather burdensome than serviceable, were left behind, who soon after resigned up themselves to the mercy of the English. Philip's escape thus from Pocasset could not long be concealed after the day appeared, there being much champaign land thro' which he was to pass, so as being discovered to some of Rehoboth, the inhabitants presently followed him, toge­ther with a party of the Mohegins, that a little before came to Boston, offering their service against Philip, and were sent up into those parts to be ordered by Captain Henchman, but before they came to him were easily per­suaded to go along with any of the English that were engaged in the pursuit of Philip. News also thereof was carried to Capt. Henchman, who, as soon as he could get over with six files of men (rowing hard all or most part of the day, to get to Providence) followed after the enemy. The Mohegins with the men of Rehoboth, and some of Providence came upon their rear over night, slew about 30 of them, took much plunder from them, without any considerable loss to the English. Captain Henchman came not up to them (pursuing them only by the track) till the skirmish was over, and having march­ed 22 miles that day was not well able to go any fur­ther that night; on the other hand, the forces that came from Rehoboth and that belonged to Plymouth, having left their horses three miles off, could not go back to fetch them without much loss of time, and therefore looking at it altogether bootless to go after them in the morning, returned back the next day, leaving Captain Henchman with his six files, and the Mohegins to pursue the chase to Nipsatchet, which he did the next morning. Capt. Henchman, that he might the better engage the Mohegins to march with him 30 miles, gave them half his provision, and was himself recruited again by the [Page 74]care of Capt. Edmunds of Providence, and Lieut. Brown who brought provision after him to the Nipmuck forts. Mr. Newman, the Minister of Rehoboth, deserved not a little commendation for exciting his neighbours and friends to pursue thus far after Philip, animating of them by his own example and presence: But what the reason was why Philip was followed no further, it is better to suspend, than too critically to enquire. This is now the third time when a good opportunity of sup­pressing the rebellion of the Indians, was put into the hands of the English; but time and chance happeneth to all men. so that the most likely means are often fru­strated of their desired end. All human endeavors shall arrive at no other success, than the counsel of God hath pre-ordained, that no flesh might glory in their own wisdom, but give unto God the praise of all their successes, and quietly bear whatever miscarriages he hath ordered to befall them. It appears by the issue of these things, that although this wound was not incurable, yet much more blood must be taken away before it could be healed. But by this means Philip escaped away to the westward, kindling the flame of war in all the wes­tern plantations of the Massachusetts colony wherever he came, so that by this fatal accident, the fire that was in a likely way to be extinguished, as soon almost as it be­gan, did on a sudden break out through the whole juris­diction of the Massachusetts, both eastward and west­ward, endangering also the neighbour colony of Connec­ticut, which hath also suffered somewhat by the fury of this flame, though not considerable to what the other colonies have undergone.

WHILE things after this manner proceeded in and about the colony of Plimouth, the Commissioners of the rest of the colonies were consulting and advising what was to be done for preventing the mischief threatened from spreading any further, fearing (as indeed there was too much cause) that although Philip only appeared to make the first attempt, yet more either already were, or soon might be persuaded to join with him in acting this bloody tragedy.

[Page 75] IF hath been already declared what hath been done for the securing of the Narrhagansets, those that were sent as messengers on that errand, always reported that the elder people were in appearance, not only inclina­ble to peace, but seemed very desirous thereof, insomuch as their two eldest Sachems expressed much joy when it was concluded; but as since hath appeared, all this was but to gain time, and cover their treacherous intents and purposes, that they might in the next spring fall upon the English plantations all at once, as some priso­ners lately brought in have owned and confessed; nor have any of those Indians with whom the present war hath been, ever regarded any agreements of peace made with the English, further than out of necessity and sla­vish fear they were compelled thereunto, as may be seen by the records of the united colonies from the year 1643 to the present time, notwithstanding all their fair pretences; for Ninigret, the old Sachem of the Narrha­gansets, who alone of all the rest of that country Sa­chems disowned the present war, and refused to have any hand therein, had threatned, as was proved to his face before the commissioners, in the years 1646 and 1647, that they would carry on the war against the Mohegins, whatever were the mind of the Commission­ers, and that they would kill the English cattle, and heap them up as high as their wigwams, and that an Englishman should not stir out of his doors to piss, but they would kill him; all which he could not deny, yet this old fox made many promises of peace, when the dread of the English ever since the Pequod war moved him thereunto; foreseeing as he is said to have told his neighbours, that they would all be ruined if they made war with the English, as is since come to pass. How­ever the good hand of God was seen in so ordering things, that the Narrhagansets were for the present re­strained from breaking out into open hostility against the English, at that time when Philip began; which if they had then done, according to the eye of reason, it would have been very difficult, if possible, for the En­glish to have saved any of their inland plantations from being destroyed. Thus, altho' God hath in his wisdom [Page 76]suffered so much of the rage of the heathen to be let loose against his people here, as sorely to scourge them, that by the wrath of men, praise might be yielded to his holy name, yet hath he in his abundant goodness re­strained the remainder that it should not consume.

THE next thing in order to be related, is the calami­ty that befel the village of Brookfield, which notwith­standing all the care that was taken, fell into the hands of the perfidious Nipnet Indians, as shall here in the next place be declared; only, as we pass along, to remind the reader in a sew words, what was the issue of Captain Henchman's pursuit of Philip. The Plymouth forces be­ing returned home, as was said before, Capt. Henchman with his six files of men, and the Mohegin Indians, having continued in the pursuit of Philip till they had spent all their provision, and tired themselves, yet never coming within sight of him, the Mohegin Indians in their company directed them to Mendham, and then leaving them, returned also to their own country. Captain Henchman in his march toward Mendham, or at Mend­ham, met with Capt. Mosely coming up to bring him provision, and advertising him of what success he had met with in the pursuit, they altered their course, for Capt. Henchman was sent down to the Governor and Council, to know what they should do: They presently remanded him to Pocasset, and ordered him to stay there if there was need, or else to draw off, surrendering the fort he had been building to Plimouth forces, which last was chosen by those of Plimouth, whereupon Capt. Hench­man returning to Boston, was ordered to disband his men. Capt. Mosely was ordered to march to Quabaog or Brook­field, where he continued a while, with the other Captains sent up for the relief of the people there, and to seek af­ter the enemy in those woods; but after some time spent in ranging the country thereabouts, not meeting with any of the infidels, he with his company came downwards, searching the woods betwixt Lancaster (where a man and his wife with two children were slain on Lord's-day, Aug. 22) and Marlborough, where also a lad keeping sheep was shot at by an Indian that wore a [Page 77]sign, as if he had been a friend: the Indian was suppo­sed to belong to the Hassanemesit Indians, at that time confined to Marlborough, where they had liberty to dwell in a kind of a fort. The next day the inhabitants sent to demand their guns, Capt. Mosely acquainted there­with, marched to the fort and found much suspicion a­gainst eleven of them, for singing and dancing, and hav­ing bullets and slugs, and much powder hid in their baskets; insomuch that eleven of them were sent down prisoners to Boston, upon suspicion that they had an hand in killing the four at Lancaster, and shooting at the Marlborough shepherd: But upon tryal, the said pri­soners were all of them acquitted of the fact, and were either released, or else were with others of that fort, sent for better security, and for preventing future trouble in the like kind to some of the islands below Boston toward Nantosket.

ABOUT this time Capt. Mosely was sent with a com­pany of soldiers to some Indian plantations up Merri­mack river, as high as Pennycook, but they found no In­dians there; those that belonged to the place having withdrawn themselves from their native place, that they might not meddle in the present quarrel, as is confident­ly believed that Woonalonset the Sachem of that country had so resolved. That coast being clear of the enemies, Capt. Mosely soon after was sent up with his men to the towns westward about Hadley, if it might be, to subdue the enemy, who a little before, and at that time, was doing all the mischief he could in those western planta­tions, both by fire and sword.

BUT to return and pursue the rebellious Indians, and keep pace with them in our history, though our forces as yet could never overtake them in the woods. The Governor and Council of the Massachusetts were sensible of as much danger from the Nipnet Indians, as from the former; they being the inland part of the country be­twixt the sea coast and Connecticut river westward, and the towns about the Massachusetts-Bay eastward, where­upon [Page 78]some persons that used to trade with the said Nip­nets, were sent to sound them, and find how they stood affected, for which also there was the more reason, be­cause they were always in subjection to the Sachem of Mount-Hope, and so were the more like to engage in the present quarrel; of which there had been sufficient proof already; when on the 14th of July, some of the Nipnet Indians next bordering on Philip's country, set upon some of Mendham, ^‖ where they killed four or five persons, which was the first mischief done upon any of the inha­bitants within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, acted as was said by one Matoonas, who was father to him that had committed a murder soon after Philip's first rebelli­on, Anno 1671. The messenger that was sent thi her, brought word back that they found the said Indians wa­vering; the young men very surly and insolent, the el­der ones shewing some inclination to maintain the won­ted peace. Soon after, July 28, 1675. Capt. Wheeler was sent to assist Capt. Hutchinson with a party of 20 horse to treat further about the peace, who going first to Quabaog or Brookfield, (a town situate about 60 or 70 miles from Boston, in the road of Connecticut, lying a­bout 25 miles from the said river, and not far distant from the chief seat of the Nipnet Indians) the inhabi­tants of the said Brookfield had been so deluded by those treacherous villains, that fearing no danger, they obtained of those Nipnets, the promise of a treaty upon the 2d of August; whereupon some of the chief of the town rode along unarmed with the said Wheeler and Hutchinson, with their party of horse until they came to the place appointed; but finding no Indians, so secure were they, that they ventured along further, to find the infidels at their chief town, never suspecting the least danger, but when they had rode four or five miles that way, they fell into an ambush, of two or three hundred Indians, said in such a narrow passage, betwixt a steep hill on the one hand, and an hideous swamp on the other, that it was scarce possible for any of them to [Page 79]escape, eight of them being shot down upon the place (whereof three were of Brookfield) and three mortally wounded, whereof Capt. Hutchinson was one; Capt. Wheeler also was near losing his life, whose horse was shot down under him, and himself shot through the bo­dy, so that all manner of hopes to escape had been re­moved from him, had it not been for his son, who was (by God's good providence) near or next unto him, this son, being a man of undaunted courage, (notwithstanding his own arm was broken with a bullet) with great nim­bleness and agility of body, dismounted himself, and speedi­ly mounted his father upon his own horse, himself getting upon another, whose master was killed, by which means they both escaped, and were afterwards cured. Much ado had those that were left alive to recover Brookfield, which in all probability they never had done (the com­mon road being way laid with Indians on every side as was afterwards known) had it not been for one well ac­quainted with those woods, who led them in a by path, by which means they got thither a little before the In­dians, who quickly came flocking into the town, with full intent to destroy it with fire and sword. But by special providence the inhabitants were all gathered to the principal house of the village (there being scarce zo in the town) before the barbarous miscreants came upon them, immediately setting fire upon all the dwelling houses, with most of the other buildings in the town, save that one into which the inhabitants were retired, the which they several times attempted to burn, but were almost miraculously defeated of their purpose by the immediate hand of God. In the mount of the Lord it shall be seen. For when they had for two days as­saulted that poor handful of helpless people, both night and day pouring in shot upon them incessantly with guns, and also thrusting poles with fire brands, and rags dipt in brimstone tyed to the ends of them to fire the house; at last they used this devilish stratagem, to fill a cart with hemp, flux and other combustible matter, and so thrusting it backward with poles spliced together a great length, after they had kindled it; but as soon as it had begun to take fire, a storm of rain unexpectedly [Page 80]falling, put out the fire, or else all the poor people, a­bout 70 souls, would either have been consumed by mer­ciless flames, or else have fallen into the hands of their cruel enemies, like wolves continually yelling and gap­ing for their prey.

THUS was that distressed company strangely deliver­ed, who have for ever cause to say with the Psalmist, Blessed be the Lord, who hath not given us a prey to their teeth, our soul is escaped as a bird out of the snare of the fowlers, the snare is broken and we are escaped. For the next night Major Willard, by accident hearing of the danger the people were in, came with forty eight dra­goons to their relief. The occasion which brought Ma­jor Willard, and Capt. Parker of Groton with forty-six more, so timely to their relief was this; Major Willard in pursuance of his commission from the Governor and Council, was upon Wednesday August 4th, in the morn­ing, marching out after some Indians to the westward, to secure them: just as they were setting forth, some of Marlborough, who had intelligence (by those that were going to Connecticut, and forced to return) what distress Brookfield was in, and knowing of Major Willard's pur­pose to go out that morning from Lancaster, sent a post to acquaint him therewith, which though it did not find him in the town, yet overtook him before he had gone above four or five miles from the place: whereupon, con­ceiving it more needful to succour Brookfield in so eminent danger, than to proceed further upon his intended design, he altered his course and marched directly thither, being about 30 miles distant when the tidings were brought him; so he arrived there that night very seasonably, a­bout an hour after it was dark, or else in probability they had all perished before the relief sent up from Bos­ton could have reached them, which was not till three days after. The providence of God likewise in bring­ing in the said Major so safely, as well as seasonably to their relief, was very remarkable: For the Indians had subtilly contrived to cut off all relief sent, before it could come at them, by laying ambushes, and placing their scouts at two or three miles distance round the town: [Page 81]About an hundred of them were lodged at an house not far off in the way toward Boston, to cut off any succour that might come from thence: but it is supposed they were so intense upon the project they were about for fir­ing the house, concluding it would without fail take place, that either they did not mind their business of watching, or made such a noise for joy thereof, that they did not hear their centinels when they shot off their guns, at two miles distance. It is said that another party of the In­dians let the Major and his company purposely pass by them, without any opposition, waiting for the blow to be given at their first approach near the house, purposing then to have themselves fallen upon their rear, and so to have cut them all off, before the besieged understood any thing thereof. But it pleased God so to order things in pro­vidence, that no notice was taken of them by the be­siegers, nor were they at all discerned by them, till they had made themselves known to their friends; and were admitted within the court of guard; which when the e­nemy had notice of, they poured in their shot abundant­ly upon them; but they were now sheltered from the danger thereof; only it seems their horses were exposed to their fury, as many of them were maimed and kil­led, as were most of the cattle belonging to the inhabi­tants of the place soon after. This honored person, Major Willard, continued at Brookfield, after this famous exploit for the preservation of the poor besieged there, divers weeks, to order such compani [...]s as were sent up that way for the securing the plantations on that side of the country; and not long after he went himself also to Hadley upon the like service of the country in the present war: but after some time spent in those parts, he returned back to his own place, to order the affairs of his own regiment, much needing his presence, and leaving the forces about Hadley under the command of the Major of that regiment.

BUT to return to what was in hand before. After the Indians understood that succours were come in to the besieged, they fired all that they had left standing for their own shelter while they had besieged the place [Page 82]before mentioned, and ran all away into their own dens, in the neighbouring woods: however it was confessed by one of themselves, that the enemy had 80 of their men killed and wounded in this business. But are we pass any further in pursuit of the history of these matters, it will not be amiss to let the reader understand the horrible perfidious and treacherous dealing of these Nipnet Indians, who, although of all other they had the least reason as to any pretence of injury, yet did most deceitfully and barbarously join with Philip and his Indians, after they had been several times sent unto by the Governor and Council of the Massachusetts, by the advice of Plimouth, to have prevented their rising, as well as the rising of the Narrhagansets, and also had faithfully promised not to meddle in the quarrel, as may more fully appear by the engagement under the hands of their Sachems, some time before Capt. Hutchinson and Capt. Wheeler were sent up to them, which by reason of the haste and unskilfulness of the messengers on that behalf sent, is not so fit for public view: but the account of it from their return, was under their hand and oath, July 24, 1675, when Lieut. Ephraim Curtice spake with five of the Nip­net Sachems, four too many to govern so small a peo­ple, but lying upon the head of the principal Indian territories, they were divided into so many small parties, two of whom, viz. Sam, Sachem of Weshacum, and Ne­taump were executed together afterward at Boston. All of them did at that time solemnly renew their covenant and promise under their hands to come to Boston to speak further with the Governor, instead of which, what they perfidiously did against Capt. Hutchinson and others, hath already been declared.

UPON the report of this sad disaster that befel the inhabitants of Brookfield, forces were sent up under the command of Capt. Lothrop and others, to pursue after those Indians, harbouring about those places, and if it might be, to prevent them from joining with the In­dians upon Connecticut river, who as yet had not disco­vered themselves as willing to espouse Philip's interest, hut rather made some semblance to the contrary. There [Page 83]was much time spent by Major Willard, and several companies of soldiers left under his command, about the Nipnet country, but all to no purpose, for partly by the treachery of some of the Indians that came to their as­sistance, that seemed to favor the English, but rather acted in behalf of the enemy, partly by the subtleties of the enemies themselves, who could easily by their scouts discern the approach of our soldiers, and by the nimble­ness of their feet escape them, our soldiers could never meet with any of them, but only by that means driving them further westward, they gathered all the Indians they could to their party about Pecomptuck, alias Deer­field, Swamscot, and Squakeag, where were some planta­tions of the English newly began, whom they assaulted in the next place, and did what mischief they could up­on them.

IT is here to be noted, that although that worthy pa­triot and experienced soldier, Major Willard, hearing of the distress of Brookfield by some that were travelling to Connecticut, was the first that relieved the distressed peo­ple of Quabaog or Brookfield, yet Major Pynchon of Springfield also by accident hearing of their calamity, had not only sent word thereof to Hartford, (from whom he received a supply of 25 or 30 soldiers under Capt. Wats) but did also send a band of men under Lieut. Cooper, (afterwards villainously slain by Springfield Indians) who with those sent from Hartford, and some In­dians belonging to Springfield (seemingly forward to help the English) made up fourscore or thereabouts: these marched down to Brookfield the same day that Capt. Lothrop and Capt. Beers came up from the Mas­sachusetts, who having spent some time in searching the woods about Springfield, and finding none of the Indi­ans, did the next day march up to a place called Memi­nimisset by the Indians, where Capt. Hutchinson and Capt. Wheeler were assaulted, and finding no sign of any Indians amongst those woods and swamps, the company that came from Springfield, left the other soldiers (who returned to their quarters at Brookfield) and went up themselves further northward at least 20 miles from the [Page 84]said Brookfield, and finding no track of Indians in all those woods, they returned back to Springfield, leaving enough to defend the people of Brookfield, and the gar­rison there.

BY this it appears, that the Indians by this occasion were driven more westward into the woods between Hadley and Squakbeag, ^† where they soon effected their design, viz. to leaven the Indians on that side the coun­try with the same prejudice and malice against the En­glish. with which they themselves were (though without cause) imbittered; for in a few days the device took place amongst Hadley and Deerfield Indians, and was presently put in execution by the said Indians, withdrawing from the English and assisting Philip and the Nipnets to spoil and destroy all the towns westward, as soon after came to pass: yet at the first some of the Hadley Indians pre­tended real friendship to the English, and offered them­selves to fight against Philip, but the Mohegin Indians that came afterward from Martford began to suspect the treachery of the other, and told the English plainly, that no good would be done, while any of that company went along with them in pursuit of the enemy, for as was said, they would always give some shout when they came near the enemy, as if they should thereby wish them to look to themselves; insomuch that the said Hadley Indians sell into great suspicion with the En­glish, and for a proof of their fidelity, they were requir­ed to bring in their arms to the English, but upon that motion they delayed a little, but that very night they fled away from their dwellings, which was in a wooden fortification, within a mile of Hatfield, whereby they plainly discovered that they had secretly plotted to join with Philip's party, as far as they had an opportunity to do them any eminent service. Some think the Eng­lish failed in point of prudence, not managing that bu­siness so warily as they might, which if they had done, their defection had been prevented, but it is most proba­ble that Philip had hired them to own his quarrel, by [Page 85]sending them gifts in the spring: and that the body of the said Indians were most readily inclined thereunto: but the Sachems and the elder ones of them, seemed loth at first to engage against the English. In conclu­sion, when they had so falsly left their dwellings, and were running after Phillip and the Nipnet Indians ( [...]t that time harboured in those woods) the English were so provoked that were under the Capts. Lothrop and Beers, that they pursued after them very early the next morning, and overtook them about ten miles above Hatfield, at a place called Sugarloaf [...]hill, and had a small skirmish with them, wherein there were nine or ten of the English slain, and about 26 Indians: Yet the rest escaped, and so joined with Phillip and his company; presently after which accident, they were so emboldened, that upon the first of Sept. about seven days after, they set upon Deerfield, killed one man, and laid most of the houses in ashes. About two or three days after they fell upon Squakeag, another new plan­tation, fifteen miles higher up the river, above Deer­field, where they killed nine or ten of the people, the rest hardly escaped into the garrison house.

The next day, this disaster not being known, Capt. Beers, for fear of the worst, with 36 men, was sent up to the said Squakeag, with supplies both of men and provision to secure the small garrison there, but before they came very near to the town, they were set upon by many hundreds of Indians out of the bushes by a swamp side. By this sudden surprizal Capt. Beers (who was known to fight valiantly to the very last) with a­bout 20 of his men, were slain, the rest flying back to Hadley. Here the barbarous villians shewed their in­solent rage and cruelty, more than ever before, cutting off the heads of some of the slain, and fixing them up­on poles near the highway, and not only so, but one (if not more) was found with a chain hooked into his under jaw, and so hung up on the bough of a tree, ('tis seared he was hung up alive) by which means they thought to daunt and discourage any that might come [Page 86]to their relief, and also to terrify those that should be spectators with the beholding so sad an object: Inso­much that Major Treat with his company, going up two days after to fetch off the residue of the garrison, were solemnly affected with that doleful sight, which made them make the more haste to bring down the gar­rison, not waiting for any opportunity to take revenge upon the enemy, having but an 100 with him, too sew for such a purpose. Capt. Appleton going up after him, met him coming down, and would willingly have persuaded them to have turned back, to see if they could have made any spoil upon the enemy, but the greatest part advised to the contrary, so that they were all forced to return with what they could carry away, leaving the rest for a booty to the enemy, who shall are long pay a sad reckoning for their robberies and cruel­ties, in the time appointed: But the sufferings of the English were not as yet come to their height, for after they were come to Hadley, the commander in chief taking counsel with the officers of the soldiers, ordered them that were then present to garrison the towns a­bout; some to be at Northampton, Hatfield and Deer­field, and some to remain at Hadley, where were the head-quarters of the English. But perceiving that lit­tle good was to be done upon the enemy in those pares, it was agreed that what corn was left at Deerfield, [...] [...]h [...]shed out as well as they could in those tu­mulus (about 3000 bushels was supposed to be there standing in stacks) should be brought to Hadley, and to wait further time to fight the enemy. It came to Capt. Lothrop's turn, or rather it was his choice with about So men to guard several carts laden with corn, and o­ther goods. The company under Capt. Mosely then quartering at Deerfield intended that day to pursue af­ter the enemy. But upon Sept. 18, that most fatal day, the saddest that ever befel New-England, as the compa­ny under Capt. Lothrop were marching along with the carts (it may be too securely) never apprehending dan­ger so near, they were suddenly set upon, and almost all cut off, (90 killed, teamsters included) not above 7 or 8 escaping: Which great defeat came to pass by [Page 87]the unadvised proceedings of the Captain (who was himself slain in the first assault) although he wanted neither courage nor skill to lead his soldiers; but hav­ing taken up a wrong notion about the best way and manner of fighting with the Indians (which he was al­ways wont to argue for) viz. that it were best to deal with the Indians in their own way, soil by skulking behind trees, and taking their aim at single por [...]s. which is the usual manner of the Indians fighting one with another; but herein was his great mistake, in not considering the great disadvantage a smaller company would have in dealing that way with a greater multi­tude: For if five have to deal with one, they may sur­round him, and every one take his a [...]m at him, while he can level but at one of his enemies at a time: Which gross mistake of his, was the ruin of a choice company of young men, the very flower of the county of Essex. all culled out of the towns belonging to that county, none of which were ashamed to speak with the enemy in the gate; their dear relations at home mourn­ing for them, like Rachel for her children, and would not be comforted, not only because they were not, but because they were so miserably lost. The like mistake was conceived to be the reason of the loss of the former persons slain with the said Lothrop, pursuing the Indians that ran away from Hadley, and of the 20 slain with Capt. Beers's men, who betook themselves at first to the trees, and at the last a few got to their horses soon after their Captain was shot down. For had he order­ed his men to march in a body, as some of his follow-commanders advised, either backward or forward, in reason they had not lost a quarter of the number of them that fell that day by the edge of the sword. For the Indians, notwithstanding their subtilty and cruelty, durst not look an Englishman in the face in the open field, nor ever yet were known to kill any man with their guns, unless when they could lie in wait for him in an ambush, or behind some shelter, taking aim un­discovered, so that although it was judged by those that escaped, that there were 7 or 800 Indians at least that encountred that company of 80 English, yet if [Page 88]they had kept together in a body, and fought march­ing, they might have escaped the numbers of the ene­my, with little loss in comparison of what they sustain­ed. For the valiant and successful Capt. Mosely, and his Lieutenant, coming (though too late) to their res­cue, marched through and through that great body of Indians, and yet came off with little or no loss in com­parison of the other. And having fought all those In­dians for five or six hours upon a march, lost not above two men all that while. nor received other damage ex­cept that 8 or 9 were wounded, who were carried to their quarters at night at Ha [...]field, whereas if these had proceeded in the same way of fighting as Capt Lothrop did in the morning, they might have been surrounded, and so have been served as the former were: But God had otherwise determined in his secret counsel, and therefore that was hid from the one, which was a means to preserve the other company.

OTHER relief also was seasonably sent in, viz. a company of English and Mohegin or Pequod Indians un­der the command of Major Treat, who was in the morning marching another way, viz. up toward Squa­keag to seek after the enemy that way, with about 100 soldiers, Indians and English, upon whose approach the enemy, pretty well acquainted by this last encounter with the valour of the English, immediately went clear away, giving Major Treat and Capt. Mosely, who re­turned to Deerfield that night, an opportunity to bury the slain the next day. As Capt. Mosely came upon the Indians in the morning, he found them stripping of the slain, amongst whom was one Robert Dutch of Ipswich, having been sorely wounded by a bullet that rased to his skull, and then mauled by the Indian-hatchets, was left for dead by the savages, and strip't by them of all but his skin, yet when Capt. Mosely came near, be almost miraculously as one raised from the dead, came towards the English, to their no small amazement, by whom being received and cloathed, he was carried off to the next garrison, and is living and is in perfect health at this day. May he be to the [Page 89]friends and relations of the rest of the slain, an em­blem of their more perfect resurrection at the last day, to receive their crowns among the rest of the martyrs that have laid down or ventured their lives, as a testi­mony to the truth of their religion, as well as love to their country.

THIS sore defeat of Capt. Lothrop and his men, was the more to be lamented, in that (falling out so soon after two other of the like nature) it so emboldened the enemy, that they durst soon after adventure upon considerable towns, though well garrisoned with sol­diers, and gave them occasion of the most insolent braving the garrison at Deerfield the next day, hanging up the garments of the English in sight of the soldiers, yet on the other side of the river. However, it plea­sed God, who is always wont to remember his people in their low estate, to put such a restraint upon them, that when they passed very near the garrison-house at Deerfield, (wherein where not left above 27 soldiers) their Captain using this stratagem, to cause his trum­pet to sound as if he had another troop near by to be called together, they turned another way and made no attempt upon the house where that small number was, which if they had done with any ordinary resolution, so small a handful of men could hardly have withstood the force of so many hundreds as were then gathered together.

WHAT loss the enemy sustained by the resistance of Capt. Lothrop and his men, (who no doubt being all resolute young men, and seeing they should be forced by the hard law of the sword to forego their liver, held them at as high a rate as they could) is not certainly known. It hath since been confessed by some of the Indians themselves, that they lost 96 of their man that day. Capt. Mosely's men coming suddenly upon them when they were pillaging of the dead, sell upon them with such a smart assault, that they drove them p [...]ntly into a swamp, following them so close, that for seven [Page 90]miles together they fought them upon a march, charging them through and through. Periz Savage and Mr. Pickering, his Lieutenants, deserving no little part of the honor of that day's service, being sometimes called to lead the company in the front, while Capt. Mosely took a little breath, who was almost melted with la­bouring, commanding, and leading his men through the midst of the enemy.

The Indians gathered together in those parts, ap­p [...]ing so numerous, and, as might justly be supposed, growing more confident by some of their late successes, and the number of our men being after this sad rate diminished, recruits also not being suddenly to be ex­pected, at so great a distance as an hundred miles from all supplies, the commander in chief with the officers, law a necessity of fighting that garrison at Deerfield, employing the forces they had to secure and streng then the three next towns below upon Connecticut river. And it was well that counsel was thought upon; for now those wretched caitiffs begin to talk of great mat­ters, hoping that by degrees they might destroy all the towns thereabouts, as they had already begun: Their hopes no doubt, were not a little heightened by the accession of the Springfield Indians to their party, who had in appearance all this time stood the firmest to the interest of the English of all the rest in those parts: But they all hanging together, like serpents eggs, were easily persuaded to join with those of Had­ley (there being so near alliance between them, for the Sachem of the Springfield Indians was father of Hadley Sachem) not only by the success of their trea­cherous an [...] blood thirsty companions, but by the same [...] and antipathy against the English man­ners and religion.

THE inhabitants of Springfield were not it sensible of their danger, and therefore had upon the first breaking [...] of these troubles been t [...]ting with their Indians, and [...] received from them the firmed assurance and [...] of their [...]ithfulness [...] that could [Page 91]be imagined or desired, both by covenant, promises, and hostages given for security, so as no doubt was left in any of their minds: Yet did these faithless and un­grateful monsters plot with Philip's Indians to burn and destroy all Springfield, as they had done Brookfield before. To that end they sent cunningly and enticed away the hostages from Hartford, where they were, perhaps too securely watched over, a day or two before: Then receiving above 300 of Philip's Indians into their sort, privately in the night time, so as they were neither discerned nor suspected. Yea so confident were such of the inhabitants as were most conversant with the Indians at their fort, that they would not be­lieve there was any such plot in hand, when it was strangely revealed by one Toto an Indian at Windsor, better affected to the English, (about 18 or 20 miles below Springfield, upon the same river) and so by post tidings thereof brought to Springfield the night before, insomuch that the Lieutenant of the town, Cooper by name, was so far from believing the stratagem, that in the morning himself with another would venture to ride up to the fort, to see whether things were so or no. The fort was about a mile from the town; when he came within a little thereof, he met these bloody and deceitful monsters, newly issued out of their Eqnus Trojanus to act their intended mischief; they presently fired upon him, divers of them, and shot him in se­veral places through the body, yet being a man of stout courage, he kept his horse, till he recovered the next garrison house, his companion they shot dead up­on the place; by this means giving a sad alarm to the town of their intended mischief, which was instantly fired in all places where there were no garrisons. The poor people having never an officer to lead them, being like sheep ready for the slaughter, and no doubt the whose town had been totally dearoved, but that a report of the plot being carried about over night, Major Treat came from W [...]field same enough in a manner for their [...], but wanting boats to trans­port his men, could not [...]. Major [...] [Page 92] pleton and what forces they could bring along with them, 32 houses being first consumed, preserved the rest of the town from being turned to ashes, in which the over credulous inhabitants might now see (what before they would not believe at the burning Major Pynchon's barns and stables a few, days before, to a very great damage of the owner) the faithless and de­ceitful friendship amongst those perfidious, cruel and hellish monsters.

AMONGST the ruins of the said dwellings, the sad­est to behold was the house of Mr. Pelatiah Glover, minister of the town, furnished with a brave library, which he had but newly brought back from a garrison wherein it had been for some time before secured, but as if the danger had been over with them, the said minister, a great student, and an belluo librorum, being impatient for want of his books, brought them back to his great sorrow, fit for a bonfire for the proud insult­ing enemy. Of all the mis [...]iefs done by the said ene­my before that day, the burning of this town of Spring­field did more than any other discover the said actors to be the children of the devil, full of all subtilty and malice, there having been for above 40 years so good correspondence betwixt the English of that town and the neighbouring Indians: But in them is made good what is said in the Psalm. That though their words were smoother than oyl, yet were they drawn swords.

AFTER some little time spent in garrisoning the place, and helping the inhabitants to secure what they had left. the English soldiers most of them returned back to Hadley, their head-quarters, and Major Pynchon be­ing so full of incumbrances, by reason of the late spoils done to himself, and his neighbours at Springfield, could not any longer attend the service of commanding in chief as he had done before, wherefore being ac­cording to his earnest request of the Council eased of that burden; Capt. Samuel Appleton was ordered to succeed in taking the charge of the soldiers left in those upper towns, by whose industry, [...]ill and courage, [Page 93]those towns were preserved from running the same sate with the rest, wholly or in part so lately turned into ashes. For the enemy growing very confident by the late successes, came with all their fury the 19th of October following upon Hatfield, hoping no less than to do the like mischief to them, they had newly done to Springfield: But according to the good providence of Almighty God, Major Treat was newly returned to North-Hampton, Captain Mosely and Captain Pools were then garrisoning the said Hatfield, and Capt. Ap­pleton for the like end quartering at Hadley, when on a sudden 7 or 800 of the enemy came upon the town in all quarters, having first killed or taken two or three of the scouts belonging to the town, and seven more belonging to Capt. Mosely's company: But they were so well entertained on all hands where they attempted to break in upon the town, that they found it too hot for them. Major Appleton with great courage defend­ing one end of the town, and Capt. Mosely as stoutly maintaining the middle, and Captain Poole the other end; that they were by the resolution of the English instantly beaten off, without doing much harm. Capt. Appleton's serjeant was mortally wounded just by his side, another bullet passing through his own hair, by that whisper telling him that death was very new, but did him no other harm. Night coming on, it could not be discerned what loss the enemy sustained, divers were seen to fall, some run through a small ri­ver, others cast their guns into the water, it being their manner to venture as much to recover the dead bodies of their friends, as to defend them when alive.

AT last after the burning of some few baras, with some other buildings, the enemy hasted away as fast as they came on, leaving the English to bless God who had so mercifully delivered them from the fury of their merciless foes, who had in conceit without doubt, de­voured them all: But this resolute and valiant repulse, put such a check upon the pride of the enemy, that they made no further attempt upon any of those towns [Page 94]for the present, but winter drawing on, they retired all of them to their general rendezvous at Narrhagan­set, where we shall leave them for the present plotting their general design of accomplishing their intended mischief against the English the next Spring.

OUR western plantations upon Connecticut river, where the stage whereon were acted the most remark­able passages of this barbarous war hitherto, which was soon after removed into many other places of the country in the winter and spring following, whither our discourse must in the next place pursue it. There was not any great matter acted by the enemy amongst the plantations upon the great river during the winter, after the assault made upon Hatfield October 19th. It is evident that the body of them returned to Narrha­ganset upon the approach of the winter, which set in more early than it used in other years. Where Philip did bestow himself in the winter season is not so cer­tain, some say that he repaired further westward, to try his fortune with those Indians that lie towards Al­bany, near the Dutch river: Others more probably conceive that he lay hid in some part of the Narrha­ganset country; for though he was not certainly known to be about the fort at Narrhaganset, when it was taken by our forces in the winter, yet as soon as ever they were driven out of the country in February, he was found amongst them that did the mischief at Lan­caster in that month.

SOME stragling parties of them remained about North-Hampton, Westfield and Springfield some time after their defeat at Hatfield: Seven or eight of the inhabitants of North-Hampton in the end of October, venturing to fetch in some of their harvest, that was lest somewhere out of town, were in danger of being surprised, having laid their arms under their cart, so as being destitute of means to make their defence, they were glad to fly away with the horses out of their carts, leaving what they were about to the pleasure of the Indians that assaulted them. Major Treat upon hear­ing [Page 95]the alarm, presently repaired thither, but could not come time enough to destroy any of the enemy, nor yet to prevent their burning of four or five houses, with two or three barns that stood somewhat out of the town. Within a little time after they killed three of the same town, as they were at work in a meadow not far from the town: They intended also to have burn­ed the mill, but it was too well guarded by two files of musketiers lodged there for the purpose, who put them beside their intent. Six or seven of Springfield soon after going to the mill at Westfield (that which belonged to their own town being burned October 5th) and venturing without arms, three of them were killed by some of the enemy, who took the advantage also to burn four or five houses that belonged to the said West­field: But by the end of November the coast was pretty clear of them, unless some few of them that lay lurk­ing in the swamps thereabouts all the winter, doing some small mischief upon some out-dwellings of Spring­field.

THE expedition into the Narrhaganset country fol­lows in order in the next place to be related; but be­fore we come thither, a little notice must be taken by the way, of an unsuccessful attempt upon the Indians about Hassanemesit ^* and Poppachuog, whither Capt. Henchman was sent in the beginning of November; where also Capt. Still was ordered to meet him with another company from Cambridge, with intent to have beat up the Indian quarters in those parts: They be­ing known to have had an hand in the outrages com­mitted upon those that belonged to Marlborough and Mendham, cutting off the scalp of a miller's boy, who is yet alive.

NOVEMBER 1st, 1675, Capt. Henchman marched out of Boston, inter ding to visit the Indians about Hassa­nemesit: The third day they saw some fires of the In­dians, yet could not meet with them that made them: [Page 96]The 4th day they marched to some part of the Indian plantations called Hassanemesit: The Captain would have taken up his quarters a mile on this side, but some of his officers over-ruled him, to whose impor­tunity he gave way, and marched a mile further to­ward the enemy, and by that means saved the miller's youth, taken the week before from Marlborough; for in the morning very early, as the scouts were looking out, they spyed a wigwam, where some Indians that had carried away the youth, had lodged all night, or in some wigwam near by. When the Indians saw our soldiers, they hasted away, and left the Marlborough youth behind them, who by that means escaped their hands. Our men under Capt. Henchman marched on to Poppachuog, and finding the Indians all fled, (al­though they perceived by a messenger accidentally sent back, that the Indians followed them all that way they marched) they came back to Mendham to settle things in that town. Some of the inhabitants informed them of some Indian wigwams about ten miles off: The Captain with Philip Curtice, his Lieutenant, resolved to give them a camisado in their wigwams that night: To that and they mounted 22 upon horses, riding up ten miles into the woods, and when they came rear the wigwams, they dismounted, and intended pre­sently to march up, and give an assau [...]t upon them, after they had first made a shout to fright the enemy: They ordered one half to follow the Lieutenant, the other to follow the Captain, when they came within a quarter of a mile of the place, their dogs began to bark, at which they stop'd, and by marching again, intended presently to fire in upon them, but the Captain's foot slipping, he could hardly recover himself, when sud­denly looking behind him, he say, no man following of him: The Lieutenant had five behind him, who with those five resolutely filed on that side he was ap­pointed to make the assault upon; but they were re­pulsed by the Indians, who firing out of their dens, shot down the Lieutenant and another, the rest pre­sently ran away to a fence: The Captain with all ve­hemency urged them to stay, they replied, they went [Page 97]back only to [...] means, together [...], so sad a loss befel the company, as could not easily he repaired: However, the enemy presently deserted the wigwam and gave our men the next day an opporu­nity to fetch off their two dead men, and bury them, and so with grief and shame were constrained to return to their quarters at Mendham, to whose inhabitants they gave notice of 200 bushels of corn belonging to the Indians, that might have been preserved, which for want of hands was lost by the fire, that the ene­my might not be benefited thereby. It appears by the foregoing passage, that the time of our deliverance was not yet come, and that God had further [...]ials to ac­quaint us with before he would turn his hand upon our enemies. But it pleased the Lord in mercy so to order things, that they themselves fell into that pit they were digging for others, as shall appear more fully in what follows.

THE English plantations about Hadley being for the present set a little at liberty by the Indians drawing off, like seamen after a storm, counted it their best course to repair their tackling against another that may be next coming, wherefore the inhabitants concluded it the safer way to make a kind of barricado about their towns, by setting up pallizadoes or cleft wood, about eight foot long, as it were to break the force of any sudden assault which the Indians might make upon them; which counsel proved very successful; for although it be an inconsiderable defence against a warlike enemy, that hath strength enough, and confidence to besiege a place, yet it is sufficient to prevent any sudden assault of such a timorous and barbarous enemy as these were, for although they did afterwards in the spring break through those pallizadoes at North Hampton, yet as soon as ever they began to be repulsed, they saw them­selves like wolves in a pound, that they could not fly away at their pleasure, so as they never adventured to break through afterward upon any of the towns so secured.

[Page 98] AS for those of Springfield they were now and then alarmed with a few skulking Indians lurking about in the adjacent woods; as once at the Long Meadow, where half a score of them were seen about an house remote from the town, who were pursued by a party of the English toward Windsor, and so escaped, after the English had made one shot upon them, not know­ing certainly how many they killed. So at another time, a sew of those barbarous wretches killed a poor man belonging to Springfield, as he was going to his house to look after his corn, on the other side of the river, and after they had killed the man, they burnt down his house; yet attempted no further mischief upon that part of the town that had escaped the fury of the flames, October 5. By which it is evident, that all the number of Indians that had assaulted them before, had withdrawn themselves now to their winter quarters, some to the Dutch River, but the greatest number of them to besure were found in the winter at the Narrhaganset fort, where we shall leave them for the present till the forces of the united colonies shall fire them out of their nests.

THE soldiers continuing some time at Hatfield after this victory, as we may well call it (for it seems to have given the first check to the rage of the heathen within the jurisdiction of the united colonies, they have been observed ever since to have been on the loosing hand, seldom or ever daring to meet our sol­diers in the open field, unless when they have very great advantage as to their numbers, or covert of the woods and bushes: Although like some ranging beasts they have done much mischief several times since, when they were ready to expire, or when the pangs of death were coming upon them) our forces were all called home, save some left for garrisoning the towns thereabouts.

THE Commissioners of the united colonies taking into serious consideration the present state of things, viz. that there were before this time so many hundreds [Page 99]gathered together into one body, and that there was great reason to fear, if they were let alone till the next spring they might all rise together as one man round about us, and that one town after another might easily be destroyed, before any help could be dispatched to them. On the one hand, the sharpness of the winter in these parts was well weighed, so extream that it might hazard the loss of a thousand men in one night, if they were forced to lodge abroad in the open field; as also the difficulty, if not impossibility of sending any relief to them at any distance, the depth of snow usually making the ways unpassable for divers months together.

ON the other hand, it was considered, that if the enemy were let alone till the next summer, it would be impossible to deal with them, or find them any where, but they might waste one company of soldiers after another, as was seen by the experience of the former year. Considering also that the Narrhagansets, the most numerous of all the rest, and the best provi­ded of provision of all the other Indians, had now declared themselves our enemies, who if they were let alone till the winter was over, we should be unable to deal with so many enemies at once, that could on a sudden on any occasion spread themselves like grashop­pers all over the country.

IT was therefore finally agreed upon by the general consent of all, to fall upon the winter quarters of our enemies, by a more considerable army (if I may so call it) gathered out of all the three colonies, and that with all expedition, at farthest not to exceed the 10th of December, before they should have a thousand men in arms, ready for the design.

AS for the late league made or rather renewed with the Narrhaghansets, it was sufficiently evident and known, that they had all along from the first day when it was confirmed, broken every article of it, especially in not delivering up the enemies, which had [Page 68] [...] [Page 69] [...] [Page 70] [...] [Page 71] [...] [Page 72] [...] [Page 73] [...] [Page 74] [...] [Page 75] [...] [Page 76] [...] [Page 77] [...] [Page 78] [...] [Page 79] [...] [Page 80] [...] [Page 81] [...] [Page 82] [...] [Page 83] [...] [Page 84] [...] [Page 85] [...] [Page 86] [...] [Page 87] [...] [Page 88] [...] [Page 89] [...] [Page 90] [...] [Page 91] [...] [Page 92] [...] [Page 93] [...] [Page 94] [...] [Page 95] [...] [Page 96] [...] [Page 97] [...] [Page 98] [...] [Page 99] [...] [Page 100]sheltered themselves with them all this while, which though they did not positively deny, yet did nothing but find excuses, to defer it one week after another, till at the last they would be excused till the next spring, upon pretence that they could not before that time get them together. And besides, the favouring of those that fled to them, and supplying the whole body of the enemy with victuals, upon all occasions. It was likewise strongly suspected that in all the late proceed­ings of the enemy, many of their young men were known to be actually in arms against us, many of whom were found either wounded amongst them in their wigwams, or elsewhere occasionally seen return­ing back, after exploits abroad, to be healed of their wounds at home. Also some of our mens guns that were lost at Deerfield, were found in the fort when it was fined. Therefore all scruples as to the justness and necessity of the war being removed, the only question was, whether it were feasible and expedient in the win­ter. The exigent was very great, and the choice very hard: But as David when he was streightened with many difficulties at once, chose rather to fall in­to the hands of God whose mercies were great, though he might be provoked to cause his jealousy to smoak against those of his own heritage for a time; so in this exigent it was generally conceived to be most ex­pedient for the country, to cast themselves upon the providence of a merciful and gracious God, rather than by delays to expose themselves to the treachery and cruelty of a perfidious enemy.

A WAR therefore speedily to be carried on in the very depth of winter. being agreed upon, care was taken for supplies, as the difficulty of such an affairs so circumstanced did require, though possibly not with so much necessary care, and so suitable provision, as had been desired, if what came afterward to pass could have been foreseen (which peradventure might be the reason things went on so heavily for want of well oil­ing the wheels) in the mean time a small army of a a thousand fighting men, well appointed, were or­dered [Page 101]by the Commissioners to be gathered by propor­tion out of all the colonies, of which number the share of the Massachusets was to be 527, the rest were to be supplied out of Plimouth and Connecticut colonies: All other supplies were taken care for, as well as the sud­denness of the expedition, and difficulty of the season would allow. The said thousand men, beside some voluntiers of Indian friends, were by the time and place appointed as near as could be had, called together, and a commission granted to the honorable Josiah Winslow, Esq the present Governor of Plimouth co­lony, a man of known ability and integrity, every way so well qualified with courage and resolution, as well as prudence and discretion, as might have preferred him to the conduct of a far greater army than ever is like to be gathered together in this part of the world, in this or in following generations. And indeed as he was the first Governor over any of the united colonies in New England, of them that were born in the place, so may he well pass for a pattern of any of the succeed­ing race, that may come after.

UNDER him as Commander in Chief, were ordered six companies from the Massachusets, under the com­mand of Major Appleton, Capt. Mosely, Capt. Gar­dener, Capt. Davenport, Capt. Oliver, Capt. John­son; five companies from Connecticut under Major Treat, Capt. Siely, Capt. Gallop, Capt. Mason, Capt. Watts, and Capt. Marshall; two companies from Plimouth, under Major Bradford, and Capt. Goram.

UNDER the Governor of Plimouth, as Commander in Chief in this expedition, were sent as Majors of the forces belonging to each colony; Major Robert Treat, for the forces belonging to Connecticut, and Major Bradford, for those of the colony of Plimouth, and Major Samuel Appleton, for those of the Massachu­sets, to whom by the honorable Major General of the colony, were six companies of foot, delivered at Ded­ham, December the 9th, 1675, containing in number [Page 102]465 fighting men, besides a troop of horse, under the command of Capt. Thomas Prentice, attending upon them. That night they marched to Woodcock's, about 27 miles from Dedham. The next night they arrived at Seaconck, Capt. Mosely and his company went from thence with Mr. Smith by water, the rest fersied over the water to Providence.

THE next day, December the 12th, they passed over Patuxet river, and then marching through Pomham's country; at night they met with Capt. Mosely and his company, at Mr. Smith's in Wickford, the place in­tended for their head-quarters. Capt. Mosely in his way thither had happily surprised 36 Indians, one of whom he took along with him as a guide, Peter by name, that was at that time under some disgust with his country-men, or his Sachem, which made him prove the more real friend to our forces in that service, wherein he faithfully performed what he promised, and without his assistance our men would have been much at a loss to have found the enemy, until it had been too late to have fought them.

Two days after, December 14th, five files of men sent out under serjeant Bonnet, and another, upon the scout, killed one man and one woman, and brought in four more by one of the clock: The whole com­pany marched after into some of the Sachem's country, where they burnt an 150 wigwams, killed 7 of the enemy, and brought in 8 prisoners when they return­ed at night.

THE next day an Indian called Stone wall John, pretended to come from the Sachems, intimating their willingness to have peace with the English, yet could the messenger hardly for bear threatning, vapour­ing of their numbers and strength, adding wichal that the English durst not fight them: Whatever were pre­tend by this treacherous fellow, some of his crew as he want home met with some of Capt. Gardner's men, that were stragling about their own business, contrary [Page 103]to order, and slew his serjeant with one or two more. Two also of Capt. Oliver's men were killed in like manner; a solemn warning for soldiers not to be too venterous in an enemy's country. For preventing the like mischief upon other companies, more care was taken as they passed to the head-quarters, some of the companies being lodged three miles therefrom. Capt. Mosely's, Capt. Dapenport's, and Capt. Oliver's Com­panies being also sent about that time to bring Major. Appleton's to the general quarters, a few desperate In­dians creeping under a stone wall near the place, fired twenty or thirty guns at Mosely in particular, a commander well known amongst them, but the rest of the company running down upon them, killed one of them, and scattered the rest.

THE next day Capt. Prentice with his troop, be­ing sent to Pettyquamscot, returned with the sad news of burning Jerry Bull's garrison house, and killing 10 English men and five women and children, but two escaped in all. This is the chance of war which they who undertake, must prepare to undergo.

THE next day brought from the same place a little better news, though not enough to balance the sorrow of the former, viz. that Connecticut forces were come thither with three hundred English, and an hundred and fifty Mohegins, ready fixed to war on the behalf of the English against the Narrhagansets, their mortal enemies; and by the way meeting a party of the ene­my, they slew 5 or 6 of them and took as many pri­soners. The whole number of all our forces being now come, the want of provision with the sharpness of the cold, minded them of expedition, wherefore the very next day, the whole body of the Massachusets and Pli­mouth forces marched away to Pettyquamscot intending to engage the enemy upon the first opportunity that next offered itself: To the which resolution those of Connecticut presently consented, as soon as they met together, which was about five o'clock in the afternoon: Bull's house intended for their general rendezvous, being unhappily burnt down two or three days before, [Page 104]there was no shelter left either for officers or private soldiers, so as they were necessitated to march on to­ward the enemy through the snow, in a cold stormy evening, finding no other defence all that night, save the open air, nor any other covering than a cold and moist fleece of snow. Through all these difficulties they marched from the break of the next day, Decem­ber 19th, till one of the clock in the afternoon, with­out either fire to warm them, or respite to take any food, save what they could chew in their march. Thus having waded fourteen or fifteen miles through the country of the old Queen, or Sunke Squaw of Narrha­ganset, they came at one o'clock upon the edge of the swamp where their guide assured them they should find Indians enough before night.

OUR forces chopping thus upon the seat of the ene­my, upon the sudden, they had no time either to draw up in any order or form of battle, nor yet opportunity to consult where or how to assault. As they marched Capt. Mosely and Capt. Davenport led the van, Major Appleton and Capt. Oliver brought up the rear of the Massachusets forces; General Winslow with the Pli­mouth forces marched in the centre; those of Con­necticut came up in the rear of the whole body: But the frontiers discerning Indians in the edge of the swamp, fired immediately upon them, who answer­ing our men in the same language, retired presently into the swamp, our men followed them in amain, without staying for the word of command, as if every one were ambitious who should go first, never making any stand till they came to the sides of the fort, into which the Indians that first fired upon them betook themselves.

IT seems that there was but one enterance into the fort, tho' the enemy found many ways to come out, but neither the English or their guide well knew on which side the enterance lay; nor was it easy to have made another; wherefore the good providence of Almighty God is the more to be acknowledged, who as he led [Page 105] Israel sometimes by the pillar of fire, and the cloud of his presence, a right way thro' the wilderness, so did he now direct our forces upon that side of the fort, where they might only enter through not without utmost danger and hazard. The fort was raised upon a kind of island of five or six acres of rising land in the midst of a swamp; the sides of it were made of palizadoes, set upright, the which was compassed about with an hedge of almost a rod thickness, through which there was no passing, unless they could have fired a way through, which then they had no time to do. The place where the Indians used ordinarily to enter themselves, was upon a long tree over a place of water, where but one man could enter at a time, and which was so way-laid that they would have been cut off that had ventured there: But at one corner there was a cap made up only with a long tree, about four or five foot from the ground, over which men might easily pass: But they had placed a kind of a block-house right over against the said tree, from whence they sorely galled our men that first entered, some being shot dead upon the tree, as Capt. Johnson; and some as soon as they entered, as was Capt. Davenport; so as they that first entered were forced presently to retire, and fall upon their bellies till the fury of the enemy's shot was pretty well spent, which some companies that did not discern the danger, not observing, lost sundry of their men, but at the last two companies being brought up, besides the four that first marched up, they animated one another, to make another assault, one of the commanders crying out, they run, they run, which did so encourage the soldiers that they presently entered amain. After a considerable number were well entered, they pre­sently beat the enemy out of a flanker on the left hand, which did a little shelter our men from the enemy's shot, till more company came up, and so by degrees made up higher, first into the middle, and then into the upper end of the fort, till at last they made the enemy all retire from their sconces, and fortified places, leaving multitudes of their dead bodies upon the place. Connecticut soldiers marching up in the rear, being not [Page 106]aware of the dangerous passage over the tree, in com­mand of the enemy's block-house, were at their first enterance many of them shot down, although they came on with as gallant resolution as any of the rest, under the conduct of their wise and valiant leader, Major Treat.

THE brunt of the battle, or danger that day lay most upon the commanders whose part it was to lead on their several companies in the very face of death, or else all had been lost; so as all of them with great valour and resolution of mind, as not at all afraid to die in so good a cause, bravely [...]ed on their men in that desperate assault; leaving their lives in the place as the best testimony of their valour, and of love to the cause of God and their country: No less than fix brave Captains fell that day in the assault, viz. Capt. Davenport, Capt. Gardner, Capt. Johnson, of the Mas­sachusets, besides Lieutenant Upham, who died some months after of his wounds received at that time. Capt. Gallop also, and Capt. Siely, and Capt. Marshall were slain of those belonging to Connecticut colony. It is usually seen that the valour of the soldiers is much wrapped up in the lives of their Commanders, yet was it found here, that the soldiers were rather enraged than discouraged by the loss of their Commanders, which made them redouble their courage, and not give back after they were entered the second time, till they had driven out their enemies: So after much blood and many wounds dealt on both sides; the English seeing their advantage, began to fire the wig­wams, where was supposed to be many of the enemies women and children destroyed, by the firing of at least five or six hundred of their smoaky cells.

IT is reported by them that first entered the Indians fort, that our soldiers came upon them when they were ready to dress their dinner, but our sudden and unexpected assault put them beside that work, making their cook-rooms too hot for them at that time, when they and their mitchin fried together: And probably some of them eat their suppers in a colder place that [Page 107]night: Most of their provision as well as their huts being then consumed with fire, and those that were left alive forced to hide themselves in a cedar swamp, not far off, where they had nothing to defend them from the cold but bought of spruce and pine trees: For after two or three hours fight, the English became makers of the place, but not judging it tenable, after they had burned all they could set fire upon, they were forced to retreat, after the day light was almost quite spent, and were necessitated to retire to their quarters, full fifteen or sixteen miles off, some say more, whither with their dead and wounded men they were to march, a difficulty scarce to be believed, as not to be paralleld almost in any former age.

IT is hard to say who acquitted themselves best in that day's service, either the soldiers for their man­like valour in fighting, or the Commanders for their wisdom and courage, leading on in the very face of death. There might one have seen the whole body of that little regimental army, as busy as bees in a hive, some bravely fighting with the enemy, others hauling off, and carrying away the dead and wounded men (which I rather note) that none may want the due testimony of their valour and faithfulness, though all ought to say, not unto us, but unto thy name, O Lord, &c.

FOR though there might not be above three or four hundred at any time within the fort at once, yet the rest in their turns came up to do what the exigence of the service required in bringing off the dead and wounded men: Massachusetts regiment, together with Captain Mosely, was very serviceable, for by that means the fort being clear of the dead bodies, it struck a greater terror into the enemy, to see but eight or ten dead bodies of the English left, than to meet with so many hundreds of their own slain and wounded car­cases. The number of the slain was not then known on the enemy's side, because our men were forced to leave them on the ground: But our victory was found after­wards to be much more considerable than at the first [Page 108]was apprehended; for although our loss was very great, not only because of the desperateness of the at­tempt itself (in such a season of the year, and at such a distance from our quarters, whereby many of our wounded men perished, which might otherwise have been preserved, if they had not been forced to march so many miles in a cold snowy night, before they could be dressed) yet the enemy lost so many of their principal fighting men, their provision also was by the burning of their wigwams, so much of it spoiled, at the taking of their fort, and by surprizing so much of their corn about that time also; that it was the oc­casion of their total ruin afterwards: They being at that time driven away from their habitations, and put by from planting for the next year, as well as deprived of what they had in store for the present winter. What numbers of the enemy were slain is uncertain, it was confessed by one Poteck, a great Councellor amongst them, afterwards taken at Rhode-Island, and put to death at Boston, that the Indians lost 700 fight­ing men that day, besides 300 that died of their wounds, the most of them: The number of old men, women and childen, that perished either by fire, or that were starved with hunger and cold, none of them could tell. There was above 80 of the English slain, and and 150 wounded, that recovered afterwards.

THERE were several circumstances in this victory very remarkable.

First, The meeting with one Peter a fugitive Indian, that upon some discontent, flying from the Narrhagansets, offered himself to the service of the English, and did faithfully perform what he promised, viz. to lead them to the swamp where the Indians had seated themselves within a fort raised upon an island of firm earth, in the midst of a swamp, whither none of the English could have piloted them without his as­sistance, the place being near eighteen miles from the place where they were quartered.

Secondly, Their being by a special providence di­rected just to a place where they found so easy enterance, [Page 109]which if they had missed they could never have made a way through the hedge, with which they had sur­rounded the pallizadoes of the fort in half a day's time.

AND Thirdly, If they had entered by the way left by the Indians for passage, they might have been cut off, before they could have come near their fortifi­cation.

Lastly, In directing their motion to begin the as­sault just at the day they did, for if they had deferred but a day longer, there fell such a storm of snow the next day, that they could not have passed through it in divers weeks after: And on a sudden there fell such a thaw, that melted away both ice and snow, so that if they had deferred till that time, they could have found no passage into their fortified place.

ALL which considerations put together, make it a signal favour of God to carry them through so many difficulties to accomplish their desired end. For after they were retired to their quarters, but sixteen miles from that place, there was so great want of provision, the vessels being frozen in at the harbour about Cape-Cod, that should have brought them relief, and the frost and snow set in so violently, that it was not possible for them, with all the force they could make (so many of their ablest soldiers being slain and wounded) to have made another onset: But the goodness of Almigh­ty God was most of all to be admired, that notwith­standing all the hardships they endured that winter, in very cold lodgings, hard marches, scarcity of provision, yet not one man was known to die by any disease or bodily distemper, save them that perished of their wounds.

OUR forces being compelled by the aforesaid occa­sions, to lie still some weeks after, hoped also that the enemy so sorely broken, would gladly have sued for peace: But as was said of old, God hardened their [Page 110]hearts to their own ruin and destruction afterwards. For us soon as our soldiers were able to march, finding that all the enemy's overtures of peace, and prolonging of treaties, was only to gain time, that they might get away into the woods; they pursued after them, and sometimes came upon their rear, but then they would immediately fly an hundred ways at once into swamp [...], so as our men could not follow them, or if they did, could not see two of them together; so that now there was little good like to be done, unless they could take them at some advantage. At length having spent all their provision, and tiring themselves in pursuing of them sixty or seventy miles, up through the woods to­wards Marlborough and Lancaster, towns that lye on the road to Connecticut, having killed and taken near 70 of them, our soldiers were ordered to return towards Boston, to recruit themselves, supposing that the Narr­bagansets, and those with them were so enfeebled that they would have no mind suddenly to assault any of the English towns.

IF any desire a more particular account of the loss which we sustained at the taking of the Narrhaganset fort, December 19th, 1675, they may take it as here it follows:

BESIDES the six Captains mentioned before, that either were slain in the assault, or died afterwards of their wounds, to whom may be reckoned Lieutenant Upham, that died lately at Boston, of the wounds he then received:

THERE were out of the company belonging to

[Page 111] THERE were slain and wounded of

IF there had not been so great a distance between the place of the fight and their quarters, and so much cold attending them in their retiring thereunto, some better account might have been given of that expedition, than now they were able to do. For a march of sixteen or eighteen miles is too much to breathe a fresh soldier, unless he were well mounted; but enough to kill the heart of them that have been wearied with a long and tedious fight. As for the coldness of the weather, although it be a good besom to sweep the chamber of the air (which might be the reason there was no more diseases amongst them) yet it is an unwelcome com­panion to wearied, especially to wounded men, in so long a retreat.

BUT the want of provision falling in, in conjunction with the unseasonableness of the weather, and length of the way, hindred our forces from any new attempt upon the enemy, which if they could have attended, it was thought it might have put an end to our troubles; but he that holdeth the scales of victory in his hand, turpeth them to which side; and by what degrees pleaseth him best.

THE rest of the winter was spent in fruitless treaties about a peace; both sides being well wearied with the late desperate fight, were willing to refresh themselves the remaining part of the winter, with the short slum­ber of a pretended peace, at least with a talk or dream thereof: Our Commasiders aim therein was christian and good, if it had proceeded, sc. to have [Page 112]prevented the shedding of more blood: And possibly some of the elder and wiser of the enemy, did really desire what was pretended by them all (for they had now full proof of the valour and resolution of the English, which some of them upon former successes might be ready to question) and they could not but see their destruction already begun, in the loss of their dwellings, and all their provisions, as well as the slaughter of the best part of their fighting men; but through consciousness of their barbarous treachery and falsehood, they could not trust others, and so were willing to run the utmost hazard, as people hardened to their own destruction. The particular passages of the treaty being carried on by the enemy only in pretence, and by our men (that soon discerned their fraud) rather out of necessity, to conceal their incapacity of engaging them anew, than any real expectation of a good effect, are not worthy the relating. However, though the foot were unable to do any service in the depth of the snow, and sharpness of the cold, the troop was sent out upon all occasions to scout about the country, who brought in daily much of the enemy's corn and beans, which they had hid in barns under the ground, or at least kept them from making use of their own provision, or spoil­ing the English cattle; now and then also bringing in prisoners from their quarters, as they were stragling about to get victuals.

ON the 27th of December, Capt. Prentice was sent into Pomham's country, where he burnt near an hundred wigwams, but found never an Indian in any of them.

ON the 28th of December, a squaw was sent to them, who had been taken in the fight, with a proffer of peace, if they would submit to such terms as were pro­pounded; the principal of which was, the delivering up all Philip's Indians that were with them; the squaw returned, not pretending that she was lame and unable to come again; but the 30th of December, an Indian came from the Sachems, with seeming thanks for the [Page 113]peace proffered, yet complained we made war upon them, and gave them no notice; but his mouth was soon stopped, by the answer they made him: He owned, as the squaw had said before, that they lost 300 of their best fighting men, and so did two pri­soners of theirs, taken January the 4th, whereof one being of Philip's company, was put to death. The messenger that was sent was fairly dismissed, with the express mention of what terms they must expect, if they desired a peace.

January 4th, there came two messengers from them, as they said to make way for a treaty of peace; who laid the blame upon Canouchet, that came to Boston in October last, to confirm the peace with the Com­missioners of the united colonies, as if he had misin­formed them, viz. that they were not by the former treaty to have delivered up the Wompanoogs, or Philip's Indians, until the said Canonchet's brother, one of the hostages at Hartford, was released. This was but a mere pretence, for he and they too, better understood the particulars of the agreement: For by chance the articles which they had of the peace concluded with them, were found open (whether purposely or acci­dentally was not known) in a wigwam in the fort, when it was taken, so as they could not be ignorant of the articles of the agreement.

January 5th, an English child of about three or four years old, taken from Warwick, was sent in to put the better pretence upon the treaty mentioned.

January 8th, the messengers were sent back, and told what they must trust to. In the afternoon a mes­senger came from Ninigret, the old Sachem of Narr­baganset, who brought a letter from Mr. Stanton, the interpreter, signifying the reality of the said Ni­nigret, his friendship to the English, and the streights of the enemy, that corn was two shillings a pint with them. Yet notwithstanding all their difficulties, they rather delayed the time till they could get away, than [Page 114]really endeavoured the making a peace, as was soon manifest: For that young insolent Sachem, Canonchet, and Panoquin, said they would fight it out to the last man, rather than they would become servants to the English.

January 10th, fresh supplies of soldiers came up from Boston, wading through a sharp storm of snow, that bit some of them by the heels with the frost. The next day one that came with them, going out with the scouts, fell amongst the Indians barns, in one of which, as he was groping to find corn for the relief of his horse, he catched hold of an Indian's hair, under the leaves, who presently held up his hands, when the soldier was drawing his sword, to spare his life, which was granted, but after he was brought to the head­quarters, he would own nothing but what was forced out of his mouth, by the woolding of his head with a cord, wherefore he was presently judged to die as a Wompanoog.

January 12th, another messenger came from Ca­nonicus, desiring the space of a month longer, wherein to issue the treaty, which so provoked the Commander of our forces, that they resolved to have no more trea­ties with the enemy, but prepare to assault them, with God's assistance, as soon as ever the season would per­mit, and it was high time to take up that resolution, for within a few day's after, they understood by some that were taken prisoners, that the enemy were gone, or going into the Nipmuck country.

WITHIN a few days after, about the 16th of Ja­nuary, the scouts brought in one Joshua Tift, a rene­gado Englishman, of Providence, that upon some dis­content amongst his neighbours, had turned Indian, married one of the Indian squaws, renounced his re­ligion, nation, and natural parents, all at once, fight­ing [...] them. He was taken by Capt. Fenner, of Providence, who with some of his neighbours were pursuing some Indians that had driven away their cat­tle. [Page 115]This Tift being one of the company, was wound­ed in the knee, and so was seized by the English; he had in his habit conformed himself to them amongst whom he lived. After examination, he was con­demned to die the death of a traitor. As to his re­ligion he was found as ignorant as an heathen, which no doubt caused the fewer tears to be shed at his funeral, standers-by being unwilling to lavish pity upon him that had divested himself of nature itself, as well as religion, in a time when so much pity was needed elsewhere, and nothing left besides wherewith to relieve the suf­ferers.

January 21st. Capt. Prentice's troop being abroad, met with a party of the enemy, of whom they took two prisoners, and killed nine; in which exploit, something happened very remarkable, for one W. Dodge, of Salem, riding in company with another friend, they happened to meet with two Indians, the said Dodge be­ing better horsed than his friend, made after the fore­most, leaving his friend to deal with the hindmost, but his pistol missed firing, whereupon the Indian taking him by the leg, turned him off his horse, and getting upon him, was about killing him with his knife, which W. Dodge by chance espied, and came time enough to rescue his friend, and dispatch the Indian lying upon him, and yet overtook the first Indian he was pursuing, time enough to do his busi­ness also: By that means he did three good offices at once, saved the life of one friend, and slew two of his enemies. But within two or three days after, the weather much altering from what it was, induced our forces to take the first opportunity to pursue the enemy, who as they understood by messengers from Providence, were now upon their flight into the Nipmuck country: But so many difficulties were cast in their way, that they could not be ready time enough to prevent the mischief they did at Warwick, as they took their farewell of their country. For,

January 27th they [...] Mr. Carpenter of two [Page 116]hundred sheep, and fifty head of neat cattle, and fif­teen horses; all which they drove along with them, and were gone too far to be rescued before our forces set out. Two that belonged to the said Carpenter were wounded, and one of the enemy's slain. As they marched after the enemy, they found a good house burned, with a barn belonging to it. They perceived also that the enemy dealt much in horse-flesh, meeting with no less than sixty horses heads in one place, which they had left behind them. Our soldiers in their pur­suit, came upon their rear, killed and took about se­venty of them, yet never could come to charge them, for they would presently betake themselves into swamps, and not two of them run together, so as they saw it was an endless work to proceed further in the chace of such an enemy; but our forces having pursued them into the woods, between Marlborough and Brookfield, in the road toward Connecticut, were constrained to turn down to Boston, in the beginning of February, for want of provision, both for themselves and their horses, which gave an occasion to the loss of those les­ser towns that were destroyed by the Nipnet Indians, who presently joined with the Narrhagansets, upon their first approach, as shall be related afterwards.

ABOUT the 10th of February after, some hundreds of the Indians, whether Nipnets or Nashaway men (is uncertain) belonging to him they call Sagamore Sam, and possibly some of the stoutest of the Narrhagansets that had escaped the winter brunt, fell upon Lancaster, a small village, of about fifty or sixty families, and did much mischief, burning most of the houses that were not garrisoned: And which is most sad and awful to consider, the house of Mr. Rowlandson, minister of the said Lancaster, which was garrisoned with a com­petent number of the inhabitants; yet the fortification of the house being on the back side, closed up with fire-wood, the Indians got so near as to fire a leanter, which burning the house immediately to the ground, all the persons therein were put to the hard choice, either to perish by the flames, with the house, or to [Page 117]yield themselves into the hands of those cruel savages, which last (considering that a living dog is better than a dead lion) they chose, and so were forty-two per­sons surprized by the Indians, above twenty of the wo­men and children they carried away captive, a rueful spectacle to behold; the rest being men, they killed in the place, or reserved for further misery: And many that were not slain in fighting, were killed in attempt­ing to escape. The minister himself was occasionally absent, to seek help from the Governor and Council to defend that place, who returning, was entertained with the tragical news of his wife and children sur­prized, and being carried away by the enemy, and his house turned into ashes, yet it pleased God so to uphold his heart, comforting himself in his God, as David at Ziklag, that he would always say, he believed he should see his wife and children again, which did in like manner soon come to pass within five or six months after; all, save the youngest, which being wounded at the first, died soon after among the Indians. ^¶

AND such was the goodness of God to those poor captive women and children, that they found so much favor in the fight of their enemies, that they offered no wrong to any of their persons, save what they could not help, being in many wants themselves. Neither did they offer any uncivil carriage to any of the females, nor ever attempted the chastity of any of them, either being restrained of God, as was Abimeleck of old, or by some other accidental cause which withheld them from doing any wrong in that kind.

UPON the report of this disaster, Capt. Wadsworth, then at Marlborough, with about forty resolute men, adventuring the rescuing of the town that was remain­ing: And having recovered a bridge, they got over safe, though the planks were pulled off by the enemy, and [Page 118]being led up in a way, not discovered by them, they forced the Indians for the present to quit the place, after hey had burnt and destroyed the better half of it. Yet afterwards it not being judged tenable, it was abandoned to the pleasure of the insulting foe.

Ten days after they were so flushed with this suc­cess, that two or three hundred of them came wheeling down to Medfield, a town twenty miles from Boston, westward from Dedham, which they surprized very earl in the morning (and though there were one hun­dred and sixty soldiers in it, or more, besides the in­habitants) they burnt near one half of the town, kill­ing about twenty persons, but by the resistance of the soldiers, as soon as they could be rallied together (it being at or before break of day, none in the least suspecting such an assault so early) they were quickly forced to forsake the place, and so (not without some loss) took their way to Plimouth colony.

THE western towns above Connecticut were the chief seat of the war, and felt most of the mischiefs thereof, in the end of the year 1675; but the scene is now to be changed; and the other towns and villages that lye eastward, nearer Boston, must bear their part in the like tragedies: For as was said before, the Narrha­gansets having been driven out of the country, fled through Nipnet plantations, towards Watchuset hills, meeting with all the Indians that had harboured all winter in those woods about Nashaway, they all cam­bined against the English, yet divided their numbers, and one half of them were observed to bend their course toward Plimouth, taking Medfield in their way, which they endeavoured to burn and spoil, February 21st, 1675, as their fellows had done Lancaster ten days before.

THE surprisal of this Medfield, in regard of some remarkable circumstances it was attended with, is not unworthy a more particular relating as to the manner thereof: The loss of Lancaster had sufficiently awak­ened and alarmed the neighbouring villages, all to stand upon their guard; and some had obtained gar­risoned soldiers for their greater security, as was the [Page 119] [...]se with the town of Medfield, within twenty-two miles of Boston. And at that time were lodged there­in several garrison soldiers, besides the inhabitants; yet being billeted up and down in all quarters of the town, could not be gathered together till a great part of the town was set on fire, and many of the inhabitants slain, which how it could be effected is strange to be­lieve: But most of those inland plantations being over­run with young wood (the inhabitants being very apt to engross more land into their hands than they were able to subdue) as if they were seated in the midst of a heap of bushes: Their enemies took the advantage thereof, and secretly over night, conveyed themselves round about the town, some getting under the sides of their barns, and fences of their orchards, as is supposed, where they lay hid under that covert, till break of day, when they suddenly set upon sundry houses, shooting them that came first out of their doors, and then fired their houses, especially those houses where the inha­bitants were repaired to garrisons, were fit for the pur­pose: Some were killed as they attempted to fly to their neighbours for shelter: Some were only wound­ed, and some taken alive and carried captive: In some houses the husband running away with one child, the wife with another, of whom the one was killed, the other escaped. They began at the east end of the town, where they fired the house of one Samuel Morse, that seems [...]o have been a signal to the rest, to fall in on other parts: Mo [...] of the houses in the west, or south­west and of the town, were soon burnt down: And generally when they burnt any out-houses, the cattle in them were burnt also. Two mills belonging to the town, were burnt also: A poor old man of near an hundred years old, was burnt in one of the houses that were consumed by fire. The Lieutenant of the town, Adams by name, was shot down by [...] own door, and his wife normally wounded by a gun fired afterwards accidentally into the house. After the burning of forty or fifty nouses and barns, the Cannibals were frighted away out of the town. over a bridge that lies upon Charles-River, by the sh [...]ing off a [...]ece of ordnance [Page 120]two or three times: When they had passed over the bridge, they fired one end thereof, to hinder our men from pursuing them, they were thought to be a­bove five hundred; there were slain and mortally wounded, seventeen or eighteen persons, besides others dangerously hurt. The loss sustained by the inhabitants amounted to above two thousand pounds. This mer­cy was observed in this sad providence, that never a garrison house was lost in this surprisal; nor any of the principal dwellings, so as the chiefest and best of their buildings escaped the fury of the enemy, who as they passed the bridge, left a writing behind them, expressing something to this purpose. that we had pro­voked them to wrath, and that they would fight with us these twenty years (but they fell short of their ex­pectation by nineteen) adding also, that they had nothing to loose, whereas we had houses, barns, and corn: These were some of the bold threats used by the barbarous crew, but their rage shall proceed no further than the counsel of God had determined. The week before was heard a very hideous cry of a kennel of wolves round the town, which raised some of the in­habitants, and was looked upon by divers persons, as an ominous presaging of the following calamity.

ANOTHER assault was feared, but as soon as the sol­diers could be gathered together, they turned their backs, as if they never intended to visit them more: whither these Indians went when they left Medfield, is not so certainly known; the soldiers in the town not having opportunity to pursue them over the river, by reason that the bridge was part of it burned: But it is most probable that they took their way toward Plimouth, and continued about that side of the country for the future, waiting opportunities to do what mischief they could to the English in those parts: For within a month after this [...]ult of Medfield, there was near fix hundred of them [...]en about Pautuxet and Providence, where Capt. Pierce, with about fifty of his men were lost, though with no great advantage to the enemy, who at that time lost above double that number: Our worthy Captains in this and other exploits, being called [Page 121]so imitate Sampton, who was content to die with his enemies, that he might overthrow them thereby: It having so fallen out with many of our choice Com­manders and soldiers a [...] Deerfield, Narrhaganset, Pau­tuxet, and likewise not long after at Sudbury.

THE Governor and Council of Plimouth perceiving by the report of these outrages committed upon the towns of the Massachusets, that they were like to be visited this spring by their old neighbours, sent out Capt. Peirce, of Scituate, about the latter end of March, with about fifty English, and twenty of their christian Indians, about Cape-Cod, who proved none of his worst soldiers, as the sequal of this his last expedition will declare.

CAPT. Pierce, as is said before, being sent out to pursue the enemy, marched towards Pautuxet, where he understood the Indians were many of them gathered together: He being a man of resolute courage, was willing to engage them though upon never at so great disadvantage: Some say the Indians by counterfeiting, drilled him into a kind of ambush; possibly more of them discovered themselves after he began to engage than he was aware of; and being got over the river in pursuit of them, where he discovered so great a number of them, he drew down towards the side of the river, hoping the better by that means to prevent their sur­rounding of him; but that proved his overthrow which he intended as his greatest advantage: For the Indians getting over the river so galled him from thence, that he was not able to defend himself; thus assaulted on all sides, and himself not being able to travel much a foot, was thereby hindred from retiring to any better place in time, so as he saw himself constrained to fight it out to the last, which he did with most undaunted courage, and as is said, to the slaughter of an hundred and forty of his enemies, before himself and his company were cut off. It is said also, that being apprehensive of the danger he was in, by the great numbers of the enemy like to overpower him with their multitude, he seat a [Page 122]messenger timely enough to Providence, for relief, but as Solomon faith, a faithful messenger is as snow in har­vest, another is as smoke to the eyes, and vinegar to the teeth. (Whether through sloth or cowardice, is not much material) this message was not delivered to them to whom it was immediately sent; by accident only some of Rehoboth understanding of the danger, after the evening exercise (it being on the Lord's day, March 26th, 1676) repaired to the place, but then it was too [...]ate to bring help, unless it were to be spectators of the dead carcases of their friends, and to perform the last office of love to them.

IT is worth the noting, what faithfulness and courage some of the christian Indians, with the said Capt. Pierce, shewed in the fight: One of them, whose name was Amos, after the Captain was shot in his leg or thigh, so as he was not able to stand any longer, would not leave him, but charging his gun several times, fired stoutly upon the enemy, till he saw that there was no possibility for him to do any further good to Capt. Pierce, nor yet to save himself, if he stayed any longer; therefore he used this policy, perceiving the enemy had all blacked their faces, he also stooping down, pulled out some blacking out of a pouch be carried with him, discoloured his face therewith, and so making himself look as like Hohamackco, as any of his enemies, he ran amongst them a little while, and was taken for one of them, as if he had been searching for the English, until he had an opportunity to escape away among the bushes; therein imitating the cuttle fish, which when it is pursued, or in danger, cas [...]eth out of its body a thick humour, as black as ink, through which it passes away unseen by the pursuer.

IT is reported of another of these Cape Indians (friends to the English of Plimouth) that being pursued by one of the enemy, he betook himself to a great rock, where [...] sh [...]ered himself for a while, at last pe [...]e [...]ving that his enemy lay [...]cady with his gun on the other side, to discharge upon him, as soon as he [Page 123]stired never so little away from the place where he stood: In the issue he thought of this politic stratagem to save himself, and destroy his enemy (for as Solomon said of old, wisdom is better than weapons of war) he took a stick, and hung his hat upon it, and then by degrees gently listed it up, till he thought it would be seen, and so become a fit mark for the other that watched to take aim at him: The other taking it to be his head, fired a gun and shot through the hat; which ou [...] christian Indian perceiving, boldly held up his head and discharged his own gun upon the real head, not the hat, of his adversary, whereby he shot him dead upon the place, and so had liberty to march away with the spoils of his enemy.

THE like subtle device was used by another of the Cape Indians at the same time, being one of them that went out with Capt Pierce; for being in like manner pursued by one of Philip's Indians, as the former was, he nimbly got behind the butt end of a tree, newly turned up by the roots, which carried a considerable breadth of the surface of the earth along with it (as is very usual in these parts, where the roots of the trees lye deep in the ground) which stood above the Indian' [...] height, in form of a large shield, only it was some­what too heavy to be easily removed; the enemy In­dian lay with his gun ready to shoot him down upon his first deserting his station; but a subtle wit taught our christian Netop a better device, for boring a little hole through this his broad shield, he discerned his enemy, who could not so easily discern him; a good musketier need never desire a fairer mark to shoot at, whereupon discharging his gun, he shot him down: What can be more just than that he should be killed, who lay in wait to kill another man? neque erim lex justior ulla est, quàm necis artifices arte perire suâ.

INSTANCES of this nature shew the subtlety and dex­terousness of these natives, if they were improved in seats of arms: And possibly if some of the English had not been too shy in making use of such of them as were well affected to their interest, they need never [Page 124]have suffered so much from their enemies; it having been found upon late experience, that many of them have proved not only faithful, but very serviceable and helpful to the English; they usually proving good seconds, though they have not ordinarily confidence enough to make the first onset But to return to the proceedings of the Indians towards Plimouth.

February 25th, they assaulted Weymouth, and burnt seven or eight houses and barns there, which Weymouth is a town lying towards Plimouth colony.

March 12th, following, they assaulted the house of one Mr. Clarke, in Plimouth, cruelly murdering ele­ven persons that belonged to two families that lodged therein, and then fired the house. The cruelty towards these persons was the more remarkable, in that they had often received much kindness from the said Clarke. It is the usual custom of such debtors, to use them worst, of whom they have taken up much kindness upon trust before hand.

March 17th, another party of them fell upon War­wick, a place beyond Philip's land, toward the Narr­baganset country, where they burnt down to the ground all but a few houses, which they left standing as a mo­nument of their barbarous fury. The like mischief was acted by them upon the houses of the English re­maining in the Narrhaganset country.

THIS 26th day of March, being the first day of the week, as the first of the year after our Julian account, seemed ominous at the first, on sundry accounts, threat­ning a gloomy time, yet proved in the issue, but as a lowering morning before a lightsome day.

FOR besides the burning of Marlborough, at least a great part of it, on the same day, a very sad accident fell out the same time at Springfield, as shall be spe­cified hereafter; besides that which befell Captain Pierce, which is already related, with whom fell so [Page 125]many of his soldiers on the same day also; yet had the enemy no cause to beast, being forced by the va­lour of the English, to give so many of their own lives in exchange: Some few made their escape, as is said, by subtle devices: Besides the three forementioned, another by a like shift, not only saved himself, but helped an Englishman to escape also, whom he ran after, with his hatchet in his hand, as if he were about to kill him; whereby both of them made a shift to get away; the rest were all lost (the unfaithfulness of the messenger being as was intimated before, the cause of their slaughter) unto a few that hardly escaped by the advantage of the bushes, giving them opportunity to pass unseen, yet was it confessed by a prisoner of the enemy, taken afterward by the English, that they lost an hundred and forty in that encounter: And had not the said English by wading after the enemy over a ri­ver, made their ammunition useless, there had not half so many of them been cut off. From thence they turn­ed back towards Rehoboth, near Swanzy, where on March 28th, they burnt thirty barns, and near upon forty dwelling-houses, thereby as it were threatning the utter desolation of that poor town; and so proceed­ing on that side the country, they burnt the very next day about thirty houses in Providence, in their way to­ward Narrhaganset.

BUT it was now full sea with Philip's affairs, for soon after the tide of his successes began to turn about the sea coast, which made way for the falling of the water up higher in the country. For about this time news came to Boston that our neighbours and friends of Connecticut colony, hearing of the attempts of the ene­my on that side of the country, sent a party of their soldiers, under the command of Capt. George Denison, with some friendly Indians, part Mohegins and Pequods, part Nianticks, belonging to Ninigret, a Narrhaganset Sachem, who never engaged in this quarrel against the English; who in pursuit of the enemy, meeting with a considerable part of them about the Narrhaganset [Page 126]country, killed and took forty-five of them, without the loss of one of their own men. This victory was the more considerable, in that several of the chief Captains of the enemy were at this time killed or ta­ken; amongst whom was Canonchet (who came down to get seed corn to plant at Squakbeag) he was the chief Sachem of all the Narrhagansets, the son of Mianto­nimoh, and the heir of all his father's pride and inso­lence, as well as of his malice against the English, a most perfidious villian, who had the last October been at Boston, pretending to make a firm peace with the English, but never intending to keep one article there­of: Therefore, as a just reward of his wickedness he was adjudged by those that took him, to die, which was accordingly put in execution at Stonington, whither he was carried; there his head being cut off, was car­ried to Hartford: The Mohegins and Pequods that had the honor to take him prisoner, having the honor likewise of doing justice upon him, and that by the prudent advice of the English Commanders, thereby the more firmly to engage the said Indians against the trea­cherous Narrhagansets. There are diff [...]ing reports about the manner of his taking, and by whom, whether the Indians or the English first took him; however, it was sufficient matter of rejoicing to all the colonies of the English, that the ring-leader of almost all this mischief, and great incendiary betwixt the Narrhagan­sets and us, died himself by that sword of war which he had drawn against others.

CONCERNING the Narrhagansets, this is further to be added here, that Mr. Thomas Stanton, and his son Robert, who have a long time lived amongst them, and best acquainted with their language and manners of any in New-England, do affirm, that to their knowledge, the Narrhaganset Sachems before the late troubles, had two thousand fighting men under them, and nine hun­dred arms, yet they are at this day so broken and scattered, that there is none of them left on that side of the country, unless some few, not exceeding seventy in number, that have sheltered themselves under the [Page 127]inhabitants of Rhode-Island, as a merchant of that place, worthy of credit, lately affirmed to the writer hereof. It is considerable by what degrees they have been consumed and destroyed.

THE first week in April, 1676, Canonchet, their chief Sachem, having with this people been driven out of his own country, by the sword of the English, the winter before, breathed still nothing but rage and cruelty against them, bearing himself upon his great numbers: Yet as appeared in the issue, himself and they that escaped with him, were not so much pre­served from the present calamity that befell the rest in their fort, as reserved to another and more ignomi­nious death. For the whole body of the Indians to the westward, trusting under the shadow of that aspiring bramble; he took a kind of care of them upon himself: wherefore foreseeing so many hundreds could not well subsist without planting, he propounded it in his coun­cil, that all the west plantations upon Connecticut river, taken from the English, should this last summer be planted with Indian corn; which was indeed in itself a very prudent consideration: To that end he resolved to venture himself with but thirty men (the rest de­clining it) to fetch seed-corn from Seaconk, the next town to Mount-hope, leaving a body of men, not few­er than fifteen hundred to follow him, or meet him about Seaconk the week after. This adventure brought him into the snare, from whence he could not escape: For Capt. George Denison, of Stonington, and Capt. Avery, of New-London, having raised forty-seven En­glish, the most part volunteers, with eighty Indians, twenty of which were Narrhagansets, belonging to Ninigret, commanded by one called Catapazet; the rest Pequods, under Casasinamon, and Mohegins under Oneco, son to Uncas, being now abroad upon their third expedition, which they began March 27th, 1676, and ended on the 10th of April following: They met with a stout Indian of the enemy's whom they presently slew, and two old squaws, that confessed Nanunttenoo, alias Canonchet (those chief Sachems usually changing [Page 128]their names at every great dance, and by that name of Nanunttenoo was he then known) was not far off; which welcome news put new life into the wearied sol­diers, that had travelled hard many days, and met with no booty till now; especially when it was con­firmed by intelligence the same instant, brought in by their scouts, that they met with new tracks, which brought them in view of some wigwams, not far from Pautuket, by some called Blackstone's river, in one of which the said Sachem was at that moment diverting himself with the recital of Capt. Pierce's slaughter, surprized by his men a few days before, but the alarm of the English at that time heard by himself, put by that discourse, apalled with the suddeness thereof, as if he had been informed by secret item from Heaven, that now his own turn was come; so as having but 7 men about him, he sent up two of them to the top of the hill, to see what the matter was, but they affrighted with the near approach of the English, at that time with great speed mounting over a fair champagna on the other side of the hill, ran by, as if they wanted time to tell what they saw; presently he sent a third, who did the like; then sending two more on the same errand, one of these last endued with more courage, or a better sense of his duty, informed him in great haste that all the English army was upon him; whereupon, having no time to consult, and but little to attempt an escape, and no means to defend himself; he began to dodge with his pursuers, running round the hill on the contrary side; but as he was running so hastily by, Catapazat, with twenty of his followers, and a few of the English, lightest of foot, guessed by the swiftness of his motion, that he fled as if an enemy, which made them immediately take the chace after him, as for their lives; he that was the swifter pursuer put him so hard to it, that he cast off first his blanket, then his silver laced coat (given him at Boston, as a pledge of their friendship, upon the renewal of his league in October before) and belt of peag, which made Catapazat con­clude it was the right bird, which made them pursue as eagerly as the other fled; so as they forced him to [Page 129]take to the water, through which as he over hastily plunged; his foot slipping upon a stone, it made him fall into the water so deep, as it wet his gun, upon which accident, he confessed soon after, that his heart and his bowels turned within him, so as he became like a rotten stick, void of strength; insomuch as one Monopoide, a Pequod, swiftest of foot, laid hold of him within thirty rod of the river side, without his making any resistance; though he was a very proper man, of goodly stature, and great courage of mind, as well as strength of body; one of the first English that came up with him, was Robert Stanton, a young man that scarce had reached the twenty-second year of his age, yet adventuring to ask him a question or two, to whom this manly Sachem looking with a little neglect upon his youthful face, replied in broken English, you much child, no understand matters of war; let your brother, or your chief come, him I will answer, and was as good as his word; acting herein, as if by a Pythagorean metempsychosis, some old Roman ghost had possessed the body of this western Pagan; and like Attilius Re­gulus, he would not accept of his own life, when it was tendered him, upon that (in his account) low con­dition of compliance with the English, refusing to send an old Counsellor of his to make any motion that way, saying he knew the Indians would not yield; but more probably he was not willing they should, choosing ra­ther to sacrifice his own, and his peoples lives, to his private humour of revenge, than timely to provide for his own, and their safety, by entertaining the counsels of a peace, so necessary for the general good of all: He continuing in the same obstinate resolution, was carried soon after to Stonington, where he was shot to death, by some of his own quality, sc. the young Sa­chem of the Mohegins, and two of the Pequods, of like quality. This was the confusion of a damned wretch, that had often opened his mouth to blaspheme the name of the living God, and those that make profession there­of. He was told at large of his breach of faith, and how he boasted he would not deliver up a Wampanoog, or the paring of a Wampanoog's nail, that he would [Page 130]burn the English alive in their houses; to which he re­plied, others were as forward for the war as himself; and that he desired to hear no more thereof. And when he was told his sentence was to die, he said, he liked it well, that he should die before his heart was soft, or had spoken any thing unworthy of himself. He told the English before they put him to death, that the killing him would not end the war; but it was a considerable step thereunto, nor did it live much longer after his death, at least, not in those parts; for after Sudbury fight, when the sun of their hopes was at its highest; April the 18th following, it visibly declined, till it set in a night of obscure and utter darkness upon them all, as is to be feared.

THE inhabitants of New London, Norwich, and Stonington, apprehensive of their danger, by reason of the near bordering of the enemy, and upon other pru­dent considerations, voluntarily listed themselves under some able gentlemen, and resolute soldiers, amongst themselves, Major Palmes, Capt. George Denison, Capt. Avery, with whom, or under whom, within the com­pass of the year 1676, they made ten or more several expeditions, in all which, at those several times, they killed and took two hundred and thirty-nine of the ene­my, by the help and assistance of the Pequods, Mohegins, and a few friendly Narrhagansets; besides thirty taken in the long march homeward, after the fort fight, December 19th, 1675; and besides sixteen captivated in the second expedition, not reckoned within the compass of the said number; together with fifty guns, and spoiling the enemy of an hundred bushels of corn.

IN January they went again in pursuit, and took five men and a boy. Certain Nipnets intended to have sheltered themselves under Uncas; but he perceiving it would be distasteful to the English, soon shabbed them off, so as they were in the beginning of the winter brought into Boston, many of them by Peter Ephraim, and An­drew Pityme, with their fellows.

[Page 131] IN all which exploits, neither they, nor any of their followers sustained any loss by the sword of the enemy, or sickness; as is expresly declared by the Reverend Minister of Stonington, Mr. James Noyee, which is a matter very admirable to consider, engaging all that were any way concerned in such signal testimonies of divine favour, to be [...]ady to pay their vows to the Most High, who alone teacheth the hands of his people to war, and their fingers to fight.

NOT long after Capt. George Denison, of Stonington, with sixty-six-volunteers, and an hundred and twelve Pequods, killed and took seventy-six of the ene­my, amongst whom were two Narrhaganset Sachems, one of which was the grand-child of Pomham (who is accounted the most warlike, and the best soldier of all the Narrhaganset Sachems) taking at the same time 160 bushels of the enemy's corn, no small damage to our enemies at that time, and all this without the loss of one man of the said Captain's followers.

The greatest mischief which after this time was done by the enemy in Plimouth colony, was by burning of houses and barns, which they might easily do, the in­habitants in most of those towns being repaired to gar­rison houses for their greater security: For about the 20th of April, fifty of the enemy burnt about nineteen houses and barns at Scituate, but were so resolutely en­countered by a few of the inhabitants, that they were driven away, and thereby prevented from doing of fur­ther mischief.

NOT long after, May 8th, they burnt about seven­teen houses and barns in Bridgewater, a small town in Plimouth colony, twelve miles on this side Taunton; but it pleased God just at the time to send a thunder­shower, which put out the fire, or else it might have prevailed much further.

IT is very remarkable, that the inhabitants of the said Bridgewater, never yet lost one person by the [Page 132]sword of the enemy, though the town is situate with­in Plimouth colony, yet they have helped to destroy many of the enemy. None knows either love or ha­tred by all that is before them in things of this nature; nor ought standers-by that may escape, think them­selves less sinners than those that so perish by the sword of the enemy: Yet about this time four of the inha­bitants of Taunton were killed as they were at their work in the field, whereby it is said, thirty children were made fatherless: So unsearchable are the judgments of the Almighty, and his ways past finding out.

DURING these calamities, God's dispensations have been very various, as well in reference unto towns and villages, as unto persons: As if some places had been by special providence marked out to preservation, as others unto destruction; of which no other reason can be rendered according unto man, than the good plea­sure of God so to order and dispose of events, which sometimes, as Solomon says, are all one to the good, and to the clean, and to the unclean.

AND because special notice is taken of the town of Bridgewater, the which although it is seared, as it were, in the midst of danger, and hath been often as­saulted by considerable numbers of the enemy, yet never lost any one of their inhabitants, young or old; a particular account shall here be given of the most re­markable passages of divine providence relating to that plantation since the war began. June 26th, 1675, when Philip's malice against the English, mixed with a particular prejudice against Governor Winslow, began to boil up to the height of an open rebellion; the people of Swanzy being like to be distressed by the Indians, a post was instantly sent to the Governor of Plimouth, the way lying through Bridgewater; the said post returned the next day, and about 9 or 10 of the clock, as he passed through the town, left an order from the Governor for the raising of twenty men, well armed, and furnished with horses, to be forthwith dis­patched away for the relief of Swanzy; seventeen were [Page 133]all that could be raised on the sudden, who were sent thither that night, and were the first that were upon their march in all the country; and possibly they fared not the worse for their forwardness: As Deborah the prophetess blessed God for them that offered themselves willingly among the people: These seventeen of Bridge­water, were June 21st, ordered by Capt. Bradford [...] Metapoiset, a place at twelve miles distance from Swan­zy, to strengthen the garrison at one Bourn's [...], wherein were seventy persons, amongst whom w [...] only found sixteen men. After they had marched five miles of their way, having Mr. Brown's son for their pilot, they met with some Swanzy people, newly turn­ed out of their houses (by which they were to pass) who having not as yet resisted unto blood, yet ma [...]e doleful lamentations, wringing of their hands, and be­wailing of their lesses, very much also persuading Bridgewater men to turn back, because of the danger, but they having so clear a call, had also more courage than cowardly to desert the cause of God and his peo­ple, lest they should thereby betray the lives of so many of their friends into the enemy's hands; and so by the good hand of God towards them, came safe to Meta­poiset that night.

THE next day in the morning, a part of them went to guard Mr. Brown, their pilot, back to his quarters; in their return they came suddenly upon a party of Indians, about thirty in all; they were within shot of one another, but the English having no commission to fight till they were assaulted, and not being impended in their passage, they returned safe to their garrison at Metapoiset: The Indians presently drawing off, and firing three guns (though not with intent to do them any hurt, as was conceived) gave a shout, and so le [...]t them. When this party of the English drew near to their garrison, they met with a company of carts going to fetch corn from an house deserted near by, about a quarter of a mile off from Mr. Bourn's house, the sol­diers gave them notice of the Indians which they dis­covered, [Page 134]and withal advised them by no means to ven­ture any more, because of the danger; but they were resolved notwithstanding these earnest persuasions of the soldiers to have another turn, which they soon found to be to the peril of their own lives, six of them being presently after killed right out, or mortally wounded, as soon as they came to the barn where was the corn; these six are said to be the first that were slain in this quarrel. The soldiers at the garrison hearing the guns, made what haste they could to the place, but being most of them in that interim gone to look their horses, they could not come time enough to the relief of their friends, yet upon their approach, they who had done the mischief presently fled away: One Jones hard pur­sued by two Indians, was by their coming delivered from the extent of the enemy's cruelty, but having re­ceived his mortal wound, had only that favour thereby, to die in the arms of his friends, though by the wounds received from his enemies.

THE next week, fifteen of those soldiers looking after their horses, fell into an ambush of twenty of the Indians, but being prepared for the encounter, they discharged their guns upon each other; but our men received no hurt, some of them felt the wind of the bullets passing by their faces; what damage the enemy received is uncertain, yet some of the English report they found some of their enemies dead bodies in the place afterward.

THUS were they not only preserved in many perils themselves, but became instrumental also for the pre­servation of most of that garrison, who with their goods, by their means, with the help of a small party of Pli­mouth forces, sent thither after the six were killed (as is mentioned before) were soon after transported safely to Read-Island.

MANY outrages were that summer committed upon their neighbours at Taunton and Namasket, yet it pleased God to protect this poor town of Bridgewater from any [Page 135]other hurt, till the beginning of April following, when themselves, with their neighbours of Taunton and Reho­both, were strongly solicited to desert their dwellings, and repair down to the towns by the sea side, but God en­couraged them to keep their stations, notwithstanding the extream danger then presented. It is reported that Philip gave orders that Taunton and Bridgewater should not be destroyed till the last, which is all the favour to be expected from an enemy, but these things are only in the hands of God, and not to be determined by man.

April 9th, being Lord's day, a small party of the enemy came down upon the said Bridgewater, burnt an out house and barn, broke up and rifled several other houses in the same quarter of the town, which are not­withstanding yet remaining; they sent out a party of their men to pursue them that night, and many days after, but could not hear of them.

May 7th, the Lord's day also (no doubt but the bet­terness of the day, will increase the badness of their deed attempted thereon) they had intelligence of a great body of Indians dispersed that way, with intent to have fallen upon the town that very day, but were casually prevented by a great deal of rain that fell the night before; however, they were resolved not to miss the opportunity, wherefore on the next day ( May 8th) about three hundred of them, one Tisguogen being their chief leader, at 8 or 9 in the morning made an assault upon the ecast end of the town, on the south side of the river: Many of the inhabitants stayed at home that morning, because of the intelligence the day before, and so were the more ready to entertain them; some that not taking that warning, ventured into the field about their occasions, were in danger of surprizal, but by the special favour of God escaped, and came time enough to help defend their own and their neighbours dwellings, being shot at, and hard pursued a consi­derable way.

THE Indians presently began to fire the town, but it pleased God so to spirit and encourage several of the [Page 136]inhabitants, issuing out of their garrison houses, that they fell upon them with great resolution, and beat them off; at the same instant of time, the Lord of Hosts also fighting for them from Heaven, by sending a storm of thunder and rain very seasonably, which prevented the burning of the houses which were fired: The soldiers also fighting under the banner of God's special protection, were so successful in repelling the enemy, that they neither had any of the inhabitants killed or taken, and but one wounded. The Indians by this stout resistance, being beaten off to the skirts of the town, made a fresh onset upon another quarter thereof, on the north side of the river, where they had done much more mischief, but that God stirred up sun­dry of the people to venture out of their fortified houses, who fired upon the enemy, and beat them from their dwellings, so as in the evening they drew off to an out­house, three miles distant from the town: The next day the inhabitants expected another assault, but the enemy having burnt the house and barn were they kept their rendezvous over night, and one house more not far distant, they marched all clear away for that time.

THUS it pleased God so to order his dispensations toward this small town, as a brand plucked out of the fire, that they did but just taste of this bitter cup, which others drank deeper of; yet had they not such mercy, as these had, mixed therewith: Under God, the cou­rage of the inhabitants was a great means of their pre­servation, for they fired so stoutly upon the enemy, that they durst not come very near any of the garrisoned houses, saluting them only at a distance. God was emi­nently seen upholding the spirits of all sorts, men and women, so as no consternation of mind was seen upon any of them, during the whole time of the dispute.

IN this assault they lost but thirteen dwelling houses, whereof five only were in the town (the rest being out­houses, and deserted for the present,) with some few [...]rns, and some of their cattle; all which was a very [Page 137]inconsiderable loss, in comparison of what befel others, and themselves might have endured, if God had not by his special favour prevented.

July 14th and 15th, another party of Indians came down upon the north-west side of the town, but with no better success; for they had no commission from the Lord of Hosts to touch any of the persons of the inhabitants, their power reaching only to the slaying of their cattle at this time.

July 18th, 19th, and 20th, they sent our parties after the enemy to pursue them by their track, who fell upon some of them. On the 20th they took sixteen, whereof two were men: On this day they had to assist them, it seems, some of the Bay Indians, sent them from Capt. Brattle; some of the captives informed that there were but seventy or eighty in the company, and but ten or twelve men amongst them: But within a few days these Bridgewater men shall find better success in pursuit of their enemies, when Philip himself shall hardly escape their hands, as shall be seen afterwards.

WHILE one party of the enemy thus acted their part in and and about Plimouth colony, towards the sea­coast, other parties of them were not idle in the Mas­sachusets colony, where they assaulted many places, doing what mischief they could by firing of houses, and killing several persons in the inland plantations.

March 2d, they assaulted Groton; the next day over night Major Willard, with seventy horse came into the town; forty foot also came up to their relief from Wa­tertown, but the Indians were all fled, having first burnt all the houses in the town, save four that were garrisoned, the meeting-house being the second house they fired; soon after Capt. Sill was sent with a small party of dragoons, of eight files, to fetch off the inha­bitants of Groton, and what was left from the spoil of the enemy, having under his conduct about sixty carts, [Page 138]being in depth from front to rear above two miles, when a party of Indians lying in ambush, at a place of eminent advantage, fired upon the front and mortally wounded two of the first carriers, who both died the next night; and might (had God permitted) have done eminent damage to the whole body, it being a full hour before the whole body could be drawn up, which was done with care and courage; but the Indians after a few more shot made, without doing harm, retired, and made no further assault upon them, being the same party of Indians which the day before had burnt some part of Chelmsford. Soon after this village was desert­ed and destroyed by the enemy; yet it was a special providence, that though the carts were guarded with so slender a convoy, yet there was not any considerable loss sustained.

THE surprizal of Groton was after this manner: On March 2d, the Indians came in the night and rifled eight or nine houses, and carried away some cattle, and alarmed the town.

ON March 9th, about ten in the morning, a parcel of Indians (having two days lurked in the town, and taken possession of three out-houses, and feasted them­selves with corn, divers swine and poultry, which they there seized) laid an ambush for two carts, which went from their garrison to fetch in some hay, attended with four men, two of which espying the enemy, made a difficult escape, the other two were set upon, and one of them slain, stript naked, his body mangled, and dragged into the high-way, and laid on his back in a most shameful manner: The other taken captive, and after sentenced to death; but the enemy not concurring in the manner of it, execution was deferred, and he by the providence of God escaped by a bold attempt the night before he was designed to have been slaugh­tered, and fled to the garrison at Lancaster, the cattle in both towns wounded, and five of them slain.

March 13th was the day when the enemy came in a full dody, by their own account four hundred, and [Page 139]thought by the inhabitants to be not many less. The town was at this time (having been put into a fright by the sad catastrophe of Lancaster, the next bordering town) gathered into five garrisons, four of which were so near together, as to be able to command from one to the other, between which were the cattle belonging to those families, driven into pastures, which afterwards proved their preservation; the other was near a mile distant from the rest.

THIS morning the Indians (having in the night placed themselves in several parts of the town) made their onset; which began near the four garrisons; for a body of them having placed themselves in ambuscado, behind a hill, near one of the garrisons, two of them made discovery of themselves, as if they had stood up­on discovery. At this time divers of the people, not suspecting any such matter (for the day before, many had been upon discovery many miles, and found no signs of an enemy being so near) were attending their occasions, some foddering their cattle, some milking their cows, of whom the enemy might easily have made a seizure, but God prevented; they having another design in hand, as soon after appeared: These two Indians were at length espyed, and the alarm given; where­upon the most of the men in the next garrison, and some also in the second (which was about eight or nine pole distant) drew out and went to surprize those two Indians, who kept their station till our men reached the brow of the hill, then arose the ambush and dis­charged a volley upon them, which caused a disorderly retreat, or rather a rout, in which one was slain, and three others wounded: Mean while another ambush had risen, and come upon the back side of the garrison so deserted of men, and pulled down the pallizadoes: The soldiery in this rout, retreated not to their own, but passed by to the next garrison, the women and children mean while exposed to hazard, but by the goodness of God made a safe escape to the other forti­fied house, without any harm, leaving their substance to the enemy, who made a prey of it, and spent the [Page 140]residue of the day in removing the corn and houshold stuff (in which loss five families were impoverished) and firing upon the other garrison: Here also they took some cattle. No sooner was the signal given by the first volley of shot, but immediately in several parts of the town at once, did the smoke arise, they firing the houses.

IN the afternoon they used a stratagem not unlike the other, to have surprized the single garrison, but God prevented. An old Indian, if an Indian passed along the street with a black sheep on his back, with a slow pace, as one decrepid; they made several shot at him, but missed him, at which several issued out to have taken him alive, but the watchman seasonably [...]pying an ambush behind the house, gave the signal, whereby they were prevented.

THE night following the enemy lodged in the town, some of them in the garrison they had surprized, but the body of them in an adjacent valley, where they made themselves merry after their savage manner. The next morning they gave two or three volleys at Capt. Parker's garrison, and so marched off, fearing as was thought, that supply might be nigh at hand. This assault of theirs was managed with their wonted subtlety and barbarous cruelty; for they stript the body of him whom they had slain in the first onset, and then cutting off his head, fixed it upon a pole, looking towards his own land. The corpse of the man slain the week be­fore, they dug up out of his grave, they cut off his head and one leg, and set them upon poles, and stript off his winding sheet. An infant which they found dead, in the house first surprized, they cut in pieces, which afterward they cast to the swine. There were about forty dwelling houses burnt at that time, besides other buildings. This desolation was followed with the breaking up of the town, and scattering of the in­habitants, and removal of the candlestick after it had been there seated above twelve years.

[Page 141] CONCERNING the surprizing of Groton, March 13, there was not any thing much more material than what is already mentioned, save only the insolency of John Monoco, or one eyed John, the chief Captain of the Indians in that design; who having by a sudden sur­prizal, early in the morning, seized upon a garrison house in one end of the town, continued in it, plunder­ing what was there ready at hand, all that day; and at night did very familiarly in appearance, call out to Capt. Parker, that was lodged in another garrison house, and entertained a great deal of discourse with him, whom he called his old neighbour; dilating upon the cause of the war, and putting an end to it by a friendly peace; yet oft mixing bitter sarcasams, with several blasphemous scoffs and taunts, at their praying and worshiping God in the meeting-house, which he derid­ingly said he had burnt. Among other things which he boastingly uttered that night, he said he burnt Medfield, (though it be not known whether he was there personally present or no) Lancaster, and that now he would burn that town of Groton, and the next time he would burn Chelmsford, Concord, Watertown, Cam­bridge, Charlostown, Roxbury, Boston, adding at last in their dialect, what me will, me do: Not much unlike the proud Assyrian (if his power had been equal to his pride) sometimes threatened against Jerusalem, but was by the remarkable providence of God, so confounded within a few months after, that he was bereft of his four hundred and fourscore (of which he now boasted) and only with a few more braggadocio's like himself, Sagamore Sam, old Jethro, and the Sagamore of Quo­baog, were taken by the English, and was seen (not long before the writing of this) marching towards the gallows (through Boston streets, which he threatened to burn at his pleasure) with an halter about his neck, with which he was hanged at the town's end, Septem­ber 26th, in this present year, 1676. So let thine ene­mies perish O Lord, and such contempt be poured on all them that open their mouths to blaspheme thy holy name.

[Page 142] THINGS looked with a disagreable face about those parts, at this time, yet though the righteous fall seven times, let not their enemies rejoice, for the righteous shall rise again, but their wicked enemies shall fall into mis­chief, and rise no more. It was ebbing water with New-England at this time, and a while after; but God shall turn the stream before it be long, and bring down their enemies to lick the dust before them.

AETER this, April 17th, Capt. Sill being appointed to keep garrison at Groton, some Indians coming to hunt for swine, three Indians drew near the garrison-house, supposing it to have been deserted, were two of them slain by one single shot, made by the Captain's own hands, and the third, by another shot made from the garrison.

THE danger which these inland towns were like to be exposed unto from the enemy, after they were dri­ven out of the Narrhaganset country, was foreseen by the Council of the Massachusets, yea they had some intimation thereof from the enemy themselves; but they were not well able to prevent it in that unseason­able time of the year; no way fit for marching of sol­diers, and transporting of provisions (the winter then beginning to break up in this country) for while our forces were up in the Narrhaganset country in the win­ter, a couple of christan Indians were sent as spies into the Nipnet and Narrhaganset country, through the woods, in the depth of winter, when the ways were impassable for any other sort of people: These two, James and Job, ordered their business so prudently, as that they were admitted into those Indian habitations as friends, and had free liberty of discourse with them; they were at the first a little jealous of them, but by the means of one-eyed John (a great Captain of the Indians, that afterwards led them that spoiled Groton, who ha­ving been a companion of one of the said spies, both in hunting, and in fighting against the Mohawks formerly; so esteemed of him, that he would not suffer any of the rest to touch him) they passed through all the In­dian [Page 143]towns lying thirty miles distant from Quobaog, and twenty miles northward of the road to Connecticut. One of the said spies returned about January 24th, in­forming those that sent him, what he had observed, both the number of the Indians (about three hundred in all) also their several towns, and what provision they had; plenty of venison, much pork from the English­men's hogs which they had taken; they confessed like­wise that he and some of his party had killed the peo­ple at Nashaway, the last year, suspected to have been done by the Indians of Marlborough: He told them al­so they intended to burn Lancaster within three weeks after that time, which accordingly they did, much about the same time; adding moreover, that some Frenchmen were with them at Pocomptuck, encouraging of them to go on with their designs, promising them assistance, which made some ready to think the Indians were stirred up by the French to do all this mischief, but more of this afterwards. What might be gathered from the foresaid premises is easy to conceive; where­upon new forces with as much speed as the season would allow, were raised and sent up into those parts, under the command of Major Savage in chief: They were dispatched away the beginning of March, and appointed to meet with such as should be sent from Connecticut colony, which they did about Quabaog, and so intended to march directly up to those Indian towns about Watchuset-Hill, to the northwest; but the In­dians were gone, and our forces in the pursuit of them taking the wrong path, missed of them, yet ranging through those woods, they were at one time suddenly assaulted by a small party of Indians firing upon them, wounding Mr. Cershom Bulkly, by a shot in his thigh, and killing one of their soldiers; after which as they marched along, they accidentally fell upon another small party of the enemy, of whom they slew some, and took others, to the number of sixteen, yet could not meet with the main body of the enemy, who it seems had passed over a great river by rafts, so our men could follow them no further, wherefore turning down to­wards Hadley and Northampton, whither it was supposed [Page 144]the Indians intended to pass, they came very season­ably to the relief of the said towns, which else had been in danger of being lost. For,

March 14th, the enemy fell upon Northampton, and in three places broke through the fortification of pali­zadoes, set up round about the town a little before for their better security; but the town being at that time full of soldiers, they were quickly repulsed, after they had killed four men and two women, and fired four or five dwelling houses, and as many barns, with the loss of many of their lives, as was supposed.

WHILE our forces under Major Savage continued on that side of the country, a sad accident fell out at Springfield, the certainty of which it is judged meet here to relate to prevent mistakes; the matter having through a great oversight been otherwise represented than indeed it was, not only to the prejudice of truth, but to the disadvantage of some persons concerned therein. While the soldiers were quartered amongst the several towns upon Connecticut river, a party of the troop were quartered at a place belonging to Spring­field, called the Long-Meadow, three miles from the town below, toward Windsor; several of the inhabi­tants having most of the winter kept from the public meeting on the Lord's days for fear of the enemy, were encouraged to adventure to the assembly, on the 26th of March, riding in the company of the troopers; but having heard of no Indians thereabouts a good while, were more secure than they had cause; for rid­ing some of them with women behind them, and some with their children in their arms, yet not so careful as to keep in the middle, but rather in the rear, and at some distance stragling from the rest of the company, a party of Indians lying in the bushes, as they rode along, fired upon the hindmost, and killed two, and wounded others: Those in the front having also women and maids behind some of them, were at a stand to know what to do, fearing they might expose those wo­men they had in their company, if they should ride [Page 145]back (in that winding road making through a woody place for near a mile or two together) to look after them that were behind; at the last, one that came rid­ing up, told the foremost company there was no hurt, and that they were all coming: They that were before, rode away with all speed to the end of the town, where setting down the women, the troopers returned back, but too late to recover two poor women, and two chil­dren, who upon the first assault were thrown off their horses, and immediately hauled into the bushes, and through a swamp on the other side of a steep bank, so as they could not be heard of all that afternoon, nor the next day till toward night, although they were diligently searched after by all the troopers in and a­bout the town; at last when they were discried just by a swamp side, the cruel wretches endeavoured to have killed them all, but in haste only wounded them with their hatchets, yet so as one of [...]he poor creatures re­covered; the other, with the children, died of their wounds before they were brought home, or within a little time after. They did not complain of any inci­vility toward them while they were in their power; but by the farewell given them at their parting, they found it true by their own experience, that the tender mercies of the wicked are cruelty.

THERE happened no other matter of moment wor­thy the reporting while our forces tarried in those parts, and the commanders observing that the enemy was turned back again through the woods, towards the Massachusets-Bay, after a month's time retired back, yet could never meet with the enemy in their return through the woods, although while they were at the towns aforesaid, they understood of several attempts made upon Sudbury and Marlborough, the most part of which last they destroyed March 26th, which made the inhabitants forsake their dwellings, leaving only a few houses garrisoned with soldiers, the better to secure a passage to the towns westward upon Connecticut river.

[Page 146] THE inhabitants of Sudbury, with the soldiers under Lieut. Jacobs, of Marlborough, sufficiently alarmed by the late mischief done about those towns, resolved to try what work they could make with the enemy in the night; whereupon going forth March 27th, toward morning, they discerned where the enemy lay by their fires, (near three hundred of them) and that within half a mile of a garrison-house, near the place where they had done so much mischief the day before. Such was the courage and resolution of the English, though but forty in number, townsmen and soldiers, that they adventured to discharge upon them as they lay by their fires, when it was so dark that an Indian could hardly be discerned from a better man; yet God so directing, they discharged several times upon them, wounded thirty, fourteen of whom either died of their wounds the same day, or soon after, which had been chief agents in this present mischief against the English. Such was the success of this skirmish that the assailants came off without the loss of one man.

AFTER this time the enemy began to scatter about in small parties, doing what mischief they could about the Massachusets, killing a man at Weymouth, another at Hingham, as they lay skulking up and down in swamps and holes, to assault any that occasionally look­ed never so little into the woods; sometimes alarming the towns about Boston, by discharging guns upon par­ticular persons at Billerica, Braintree, and at Wrentham, near to which place, in the road to Rehobot, they as­saulted one Woodcock's house, killed one man, and one of his sons, wounded another, and burnt his son's house.

NOTWITHSTANDING the little success of former at­tempts, Philip and his men have one prize more to play in the Massachusets colony, before they go off the stage, and then we shall soon see their power visibly declining every where, until their final overthrow come upon them. There were several small parties of them scattered up and down all over the country, yet the [Page 147]main body of them was still lurking up and down in those woods that lye between Brockfield, Marlborough, and Connecticut river. Possibly they had some hopes of driving all the country before them to the towns upon the sea-coast; for having burnt the deserted houses at Marlborough April 17th, the next day they set upon Sudbury with all their might (hoping tis like) to do there as they had done at the towns next beyond it. They did at the first prevail so far as to consume se­veral houses and barns, and kill several persons, ten or twelve of the English, that came from Concord to assist their neighbours at Sudbury, a town distant five miles from them, at the first hearing of the alarm, who unawares were surprized near a garrison, in hopes of getting some advantage upon a small party of the ene­my that presented themselves in a meadow; a great number of Indians that lay unseen in the bushes, sud­denly lose up, and intercepting the passage to the gar­gison house, killed and took them all:

BUT our sorrows and losses that day are not yet come to their height; for in the after part of the same day, that resolute stout-hearted soldier, Capt. Wadsworth (who had not long before, with not above forty men, rescued Lancaster, when it was in danger to have been all lost at once) being sent from Boston with fifty soldiers to relieve Marlborough, having marched twenty-five miles, and then understanding the enemy was gone through the woods toward Sudbury: This unwearied company, before ever they had taken any considerable rest, marched immediately back toward Sudbury (that lies ten miles nearer Boston) and being come within a mile of the town, they espyed a party of Indians not far from them, about an hundred, not more, as they conceived, these they might easily deal with; who retiring back a while, drew Capt. Wadsworth and his company above a mile into the woods, when on a sud­den a great body of the enemy appeared, about five hundred as was thought, who compassing them around, forced them to the top of an hill, where they made very stout resistance a considerable while; but the night [Page 148]drawing on, and some of the company beginning to scat­ter from the rest, their fellows were forced to follow them, so as the enemy taking the chace, pursued them on every side, as they made too hasty a retreat, by which accident, being so much overpowered by the enemy's numbers, they were most of them lost: The Captain himself, with one Capt. Brocklebank (a choice spirited man, much lamented by the town of Rowley, to which he belonged) and some others that fell into his company as he marched along, scarce twenty escap­ing in all; so as another Captain ^‡ and his fifty men perished at that time, as brave soldiers as any ever employed in the present service.

THUS as in former attempts of like nature too much courage and eagerness in pursuit of the enemy, hath added another fatal blow to this poor country.

THE same day another party of the English coming from Brookfield, whither they were sent as a convoy with provision for the garrison, were in danger likewise of falling in the hands of the same Indians, yet riding upon a good speed, and keeping their guns always rea­dy presented against them they met, they never durst fire at them; only three or four having unadvisedly first discharged their guns against the enemy, and fall­ing too much in the rear of their company, were cut off and lost. It is reported by some that afterwards escaped, how they cruelly tortured five or six of the English that night: Yet whatever their success was this day, it was observed by some (at that time their prisoners, and since released) that they seemed very pensive after they came to their quarters, shewing no such signs of rejoicing as they usually were wont to do in like cases; whether for the loss of some of their own company in that day's enterprize (said to be an hundred an [...] twenty) or whether it were the Devil in whom [Page 149]they trusted, that deceived them, and to whom they made their address the day before, by sundry conju­rations of their powawes? Or whether it were by any dread that the Almighty sent upon their spirits, upon their execrable blasphemies, which tis said they used in the torturing of some of their poor captives (bidding Jesus come and deliver them out of their hands from death, if he could) we leave as uncertain, though some have so reported, yet sure it is that after this day, they never prospered in any attempt they made against the English, but were continually scattered and broken, till they were in a manner all consumed. After this time, however they had braved it before, they seemed to ap­prehend that it was scarce feasible for them to withstand the power of the English, and therefore seemed more inclinable to a peace, by several overtures made by them, if they knew how to have brought it about. For during these encounters they were willing to admit of some kind of treaty with the English, about the releasing of sundry of their captives, which they took at Lancaster in February last, and elsewhere: To this end sundry attempts were made by help of several of the praying Indians (as they were called) about the re­demption of some of the women and children, which were at that time in their possession, and by degrees something was effected that way; possibly their own present sufferings and wants that were upon them, might induce them thereunto: For by this time the spring of the year came on, their provision was all spent, and they forced to live wholly upon ground nuts, and upon the flesh of the English creatures, both horse and near cattle, which they daily plundered. The ground nuts running up to seed in the summer, begin to grow so sticky, as they were scarce eatable; the flesh also of the English cattle proving unwholsome for their bodies, filling them with sundry diseases: One of them having eaten much horse-fiesh, complained that he had before eaten horse, and now horse began to eat him, meaning some deadly disease growing upon his eating such rank flesh, unwholsome for their bodies, espe­cially [Page 150]without falt, as their usual manner is. The fish­ing season also began now to come in, wherein they use to take abundance of all sorts, with which those great rivers up the country are abundantly stored; they used to take thereof, and drying it in the smoke, make provision thereof for the greatest part of the year; and if the war continued, they could not but see they should utterly be cut off therefrom; and that if the planting season also were lost, they should be in great want of summer fruits, sc. beans and squashes (besides their corn) with which they were wont to live all the latter part of the summer. Upon all considerations they seemed pretty inclinable to hearken to a peace, though some were apt to think they would never have kept it, further than would stand with their own advantage, and that their present desire thereof was only to gain time.

A PERSON formerly acquainted with the Indians about Lancaster, did adventure upon the forementioned overtures, to go amongst them to try if he could not prevail with them for the redemption of the minister's wife, taken captive in February last, from Lancaster, and through the favour of him who having the hearts of all in his hand, inclines them as he pleases, obtained the desired end upon an inconsiderable sum, which gave encouragement to the council to send two mes­sengers on the like errand the same week, to procure the redemption of others, not without success: The former, viz. Mrs. Rowlandson being brought to Boston upon the election day, May 3d, it was generally look­ed at as a smile of providence, and doubtless was a re­turn of prayer, and answer of faith, with which her husband had been upheld, and supported from the day of her captivity; his two children also were returned back not long after, more by the over-ruling hand of God ( that turns the captivity of his people as the streams of the south; and sometimes inclining them to pity his servants, that are of themselves more cruel than the sea monsters) than by any other contrivance of man's policy.

[Page 151] AND yet notwithstanding motions of this nature a­bout the redemption of some of our prisoners still in their hands, there was no cessation of arms between us.

ABOUT this time letters were sent down from Con­necticut colony, informing the general court then as­sembled at Boston, that some of the Mohawks (a sort of fierce and savage Indians, yet mortal enemies to these we were at war with) had fallen upon some of Philip's party, and destroyed many of them: Like­wise that many of them were destroyed by fevers and fluxes, with other distempers falling amongst them, which was some reviving to our hopes, that the foot of our enemy should slide in due time, and that destruc­tion was hastening upon them, though still they were permitted to do mischief in sundry particular places of the country, which must be minded as we pass along.

THOSE Indians that were our professed enemies, af­ter they had been beaten out of the Narrhaganset coun­try, February 1st, tarried a while at Winimazeag, a place two day's journey north of Quabaog, where they divided themselves into two companies, one of them tarried on that side the county, the other made toward Plimouth colony, taking Medfield in their way, from whence as they marched along they met with a notable repulse at Boggiston, a small hamlet, or company of farms not far from the said Medfield, where they at­tempted a garrison, but meeting with stout resistance, they left the enterprize, and kept on their way toward Plimouth colony, where they scattered themselves up and down, waiting for opportunities to spoil and de­stroy the English plantations on that side of the coun­try.

BESIDES what is already mentioned, on May 11th, a party of them assaulted the town of Plimouth, burnt eleven houses, and five barns belonging thereunto: On the other side, a small party of the English scouting about in pursuit of the Indians, fell upon a party of [Page 152]them that lay waiting in ambush, but being discerned by an Indian in the company of our men, that gave timely notice, our soldiers had an opportunity thereby to make the first shot, and thereby not only prevented a mischief to themselves, but killed also some of the enemy (one of whom was observed to be of more note than his fellows, by his attire) the rest fled away from them that pursued, though but a small company; so that there were daily reciprocal acts of hostility in those parts.

WITHIN a few days after this, seven houses and two barns more were burnt by the enemy in and a­bout Plimouth; who did the like mischief about the same time to the remaining houses of Namasket or Mid­dleborough.

ABOUT this time another fort of Indians that belong­ed [...]o Wamesit, a place near Chelmsford, bordering upon Merrimack (who had been provoked by the rash, un­advised, cruel act of some of the English, about Oc­tober 27th, and November 4th, had fired upon them several g [...]s, both at Chelmsford and Woburn, to the killing of some, and wounding of others, upon sus­picion that the said Indians were guilty of burning a barn, and hay-stack not far off) suddenly turned our enemies, after the winter was over; having first with­drawn themselves from the place assigned them, and where they had been relieved all the winter (some of them after a former revolt) and took their opportunity to fire Mr. Falconer's house in Andover town, early that spring, and wounded one Roger Marks, and killed his horse. Two more houses about Shawskin, beyond the said Andover, were burnt about March 10th: Also they killed a young man of the said town, April 8th, the son of George Abbot; and another son of his also was carried away the same day, who notwithstand­ing was returned some few months after, almost pined to death with hunger.

AT the same time they killed some of their cattle, cutting out only the tongues of some of them for haste, [Page 153]being shot at by several of the inhabitants from their garrisons.

March 10th, at Concord two men going for hay, one of them was killed. At Chelmsford, the said Wamesit Indians, about March 18th before, fell upon some houses on the north side of the river; burnt down three or four that belonged to the family of Edward Colburn: The said Colburn, with Samuel Varnham, his neigh­bour, being pursued, as they passed over the river to look after their cattle on that side of the river; and making several shote against them, who returned the like again upon the said Indians, (judged to be about forty) what success they had upon the enemy, was best known to themselves; but two of Varnham's sons were slain by the enemy's shot before they could re­cover the other side of the river. April 15th also, were fourteen or fifteen houses burnt there.

NOT long before this, February 1st, 1676, Tho­mas Eames that kept a farm at Sudbury, whose dwell­ing was three or four miles out of town, had his house assaulted and fired, his wife killed, and his children carried captive among the Indians.

ALSO two men were killed at a farm about Concord, Isaac and Jacob Shepard by name, about the middle of February, and a young maid that was set to watch up­on a hill, of about fifteen years of age, was carried captive, who strangely escaped away upon an horse that the Indians had taken from Lancaster a little before. In the like strange manner did one of Eames's children es­cape away about May 3d last, travelling thirty miles a­lone in the woods, without any relief till he came to an English town. Eames's house was assaulted when he was from home, by an Indian called Netus (not long after slain at Marlborough) which had been very famili­ar with the English, with nine or ten more of his com­pany, as perfidious and barbarous as himself. They burned all the dwellings that belonged to the farm, corn, hay and cattle, besides the dwelling-house with [Page 154]what was therein; it is probable those at Concord were killed by the same hands about a fortnight after.

MANY such-like remarkable instances of special providences might be mentioned, if it were convenient to insert such particular passages into the general narra­tive of the late troubles with our barbarous enemies.

ON May 3d a party of them killed a man at Ha­verhill, upon the edge of Merrimack-River, and passing over the said River to Bradford, spoiled another fami­ly, killing one Thomas Kimball, and carrying his wife and five children captive, forty miles up in the woods; although it was questioned whether this last mischief was done by any of Philip's party, but rather by some that belonged to the Eastward Indians, of which there may be occasion, God willing, to speak more of afterward.

FOR the suppressing of these insolencies several com­panies of fresh soldiers both horse and foot were raised in the Massachusets by the governor and council of that colony, and sent out to suppress the common enemy; the foot under the command of the Captains Sill, Cut­ler and Holbrook; the horse under the command of the Captains Brattle, Prentice and Henchman, the last of which was commander in chief. These several com­panies modelled as aforesaid, were sent out April 27th, 1676, to range the woods towards Hassanemesit.

THE 6th of May they met with a considerable party of the enemy; they were first discovered by the Na­tick scouts pursuing a bear, and at the first not discern­ing that the Natick Indian scouts belonged to our men, it gave some advantage to our forces; our horsemen falling upon them before they were aware, killed and took of the enemy about 16, which they took no no­tice of at the present, altho' it was confessed by them­selves that they lost 20 in that encounter. It was re­ported that the sounding of a trumpet without order did much hurt, but the commander in chief affirmeth that it was no disadvantage to the service in hand, it [Page 155]neither being heard by our own foot, nor yet by the ene­my. If any error was committed by the English com­panies, it was that the horse did not timely enough draw down from the top of the hill, whereby they came to be discovered by the enemy, who thereupon made the more haste to escape; however, it was no small loss to the enemy, some of the slain being known to be considerable persons; and it struck such a terror in­to them that they never durst face our men afterwards; for although after our men returned to their quarters at Medfield, they saw 200 fires in the night, yet they could never come near them again to fight any company of them; but the season proving rainy hindred any fur­ther pursuit of them at that time. And soon after this the soldiers being visited with sickly distempers by rea­son of an epidemical cold at that time prevailing thro' the country, they were for the present released for the recovery of their health, with intent to be called toge­ther again at a more convenient time; this was done the 10th of May.

DURING this interval of time, upon a report that a party of the enemy that were discovered about Reho­both, busy in fishing in a river thereabouts, Captain Brattle was sent up about the 23d of May, who with the help of some of the inhabitants, killed 11 or 12 of them, without the loss of but one of our men. Had they not discovered some of our's on. the opposite shore, it was conceived a greater spoil might have been made amongst them.

BUT in the next place we must take notice of the proceedings of the enemy about Connecticut. The greatest body of them made towards Plimouth colony early in the spring, as was said before, where we shall leave them for the present, and observe what the re­maining part of them did westward.

SOME scattering parties were skulking about Spring­field and those lower towns, upon a small number of whom Capt. Holyoke (newly chosen Captain of Spring­field [Page 156]in the room of his father lately deceased) hand­selled his office early in the spring; for having notice of some of them in those woods, he marched after them with 10 or 12 resolute young men, and waiting his opportunity, surprized them near the great river, so as two or three of them were left dead upon the place, another mortally wounded got on an island in the ri­ver, where it was concluded he took his last night's lodging. The other being sorely wounded was taken alive and brought home to Springfield, where he con­fessed many things to one of the Inhabitants that un­derstood their language, owning the truth in many things against his own company, and soon after died of his wounds.

THIS was but a preparative to an higher piece of ser­vice which Capt. Holyoke was soon after engaged in, and wherein he acquitted himself beyond expectation, and taking more pains than ordinary in making his re­treat, he got a surfeit, which ended his days the Sep­tember following, near Boston.

ABOUT the beginning of April likewise, some of the inhabitants about Hadley, attending their tillage at Hockanum, within three miles of the town, and having a guard of soldiers with them, yet three of the com­pany were casually slain by a party of the enemy that lay in wait for such an opportunity. One of them was Mr. Goodman, a deacon of the church, that went a lit­tle beyond the command of the soldiers that came to guard them, to view the fence of his own land, and two others, that contrary to express orders would ven­ture upon the top of an high hill near by, to take a needless and unseasonable view of the country, were shot down by the enemy before they could recover their corps-du-guard.

BUT the great company of the enemy that stayed on that side of the country, and about Watchuset-hills, when the rest went towards Plimouth, though they had been disappointed in their planting by the death of [Page 157] Canonchet, were 10th to lose the advantage of the fish­ing season then coming in; wherefore, having seated themselves near the upper falls of Connecticut river, not far from Deerfield, and perceiving that the English for­ces were now drawn off from the lower towns of Had­ley and Northampton now and then took advantages to plunder them of their cattle, and not searing any as­sault from our soldiers, grew a little secure, while they were upon their fishing design, insomuch that a couple of English lads lately taken captive by the enemy, and making their escape, acquainted their friends at home how secure they lay in those places, which so animated the inhabitants of Hadley, Hatfield and Northampton, that they being willing to be revenged for the loss of their cattle, besides other preceeding mischiefs, took up a resolution with what strength they could raise among themselves (partly out of garrison soldiers, and partly of the inhabitants) to make an assault upon them, which if it had been done with a little more delibe­ration, waiting for the coming of supplies, expected from Hartford, might have proved a fatal business to all the said Indians; yet was the victory obtained more considerable than at first was apprehended; for not having much above an hundred and fifty fighting men in their company, they marched above twenty miles silently in the dead of the night, May 18th, and came upon the said Indians a little before break of day, whom they found almost in a dead sleep, without any scouts abroad, or watching about their wigwams at home; for in the evening they had made themselves merry with new milk and roast beef, having lately driven away many of their milch cows, as an English woman confessed, that was made to milk-them.

WHEN they came near the Indians rendezvous, they alighted off their horses, and tied them to some young trees at a quarter of a miles distance, so marching up, they fired briskly into their wigwams, killing many up­on the place, and frighting others with the sudden a­larm of their guns, and made them run into the river, [Page 158]where the swiftness of the stream carrying them down a steep full, they perished in the waters, some getting into canoes (small boats made of the barks of birchen trees) which proved to them a Charon's boat, being sunk, or overset by the shooting of our men, delivered them into the like danger of the waters, giving them thereby a pasport into the other world; Others of them creeping for shelter under the banks of the great river, were espyed by our men and killed with their swords; Capt. Holyoke killing five, young and old, with his own hands, from under a bank. When the Indians were first awakened with the thunder of their guns, they cried out Mohawks, Mohawks, as if their own native enemies had been upon them; but the dawn­ing of the light soon notified their error, though it could not prevent the danger.

SUCH as came back spake sparingly of the number slain; some say there could not in reason be less than two or three hundred of them that must necessarily pe­rish in the midst of so many instruments of destruction managed against them with such disadvantages to themselves. Some of their prisoners afterwards owned that they lost above 300 in that camisado, some where­of were principal men Sachems, and some of their best fighting men that were left, which made the victory more considerable than else it would have been; nor did they seem ever to have recovered themselves after this defeat, but their ruin immediately followed upon it. ^* Yet such was the awful hand of Providence in the close of this victory, mixing much bitter with the sweet, that it might well be called a costly victory to the conquerors, that so no flesh should glory in itself.

THE Indians that lay scattering on both sides of the river, after they recovered themselves and discovered [Page 159]the small number of them that assailed them, turned head upon the English, who in their retreat were a lit­tle disordered for want of the help of the eldest Captain that was so enfeebled by sickness before he set out, that he was no way able for want of bodily strength (not any way defective for want of skill or courage) to assist or direct in making the retreat: For some of the ene­my fell upon the guards that kept the horses, others pursued them in the rear, so as our men sustained very much damage as they retired, missing after their return thirty-eight of their men; and if Capt Holyoke had not played the man at a more than ordinary rate, some­times in the front, sometimes in the slank and rear, at all times encouraging the soldiers, it might have proved a fatal business to the assailants. The said Capt. Ho­lycke's horse was shot down under him, and himself ready to be assaulted by many of the Indians, just com­ing upon him, but discharging his pistols upon one or two of them, whom he presently dispatched, and a friend coming up to his rescue, he was saved, and so carried off the soldiers without any further loss. It is confidently reported by some that were there present at this engagement, that one told above an hundred Indians left dead upon the place; and another affirm­ed that he told near an hundred and forty swimming down the falls, none of which were observed to get alive to the shore, save one. The loss that befel our men in the retreat was occasioned principally by the bodily weakness of Capt. Turner, unable to manage his charge any longer, yet some say they wanted powder, which forced them to retire as fast as they could by Capt. Turner's order. It is also said by one present at the fight, that seven or eight in the rear of the English, through haste, missed their way, it being a cloudy dark morning, and were never heard of again; and with­out doubt fell into the Indians hands, and it is feared some of them were tortured. About seven days after this they had a mind to try the chance of war again, and see if they could not recover their loss by return­ing the like upon the English: For,

May 30th, a great number of them (supposed to be [Page 160]six or seven hundred) appeared before Hatfield, fired about twelve houses and barns without the fortification of the town; a number of houses in the centre of the town were surrounded with palisadoes; these were at­tacked in the day time, when the men were all out in the fields, except one aged man; they drove away multitudes of their cattle and sheep, spreading them­selves in the meadow near the town; which bravado so raised the courage of their neighbours at Hadley, that twenty-five resolute young men ventured over the river to relieve Hatfield in this distress, who charged the enemy with such undaunted courage and resolution ( Audaces fortuna juvat) that they beat down five or six at the first shot they made; so making way through the thickest of their enemies, that lay ready to take aim at them behind every tree as they passed by; yet they escaped all their shot till they came within a little of the town they came to relieve, where they lost five of their number.

THE enemy being amazed at the resolution of our men, being but so small a handful, that they fled im­mediately from the town; having lost twenty-five of their men in the enterprize. The council of the Mas­sachusets gathering by these proceedings of the Indians, that their desire of peace was only to gain time, order­ed that the forces raised before April 27th, and for a time released, should be hastened out again to range the woods towards Hadley, and those parts, made an agreement with Hartford colony to send forces from thence to meet them about Brookfield, and so to scour along on both sides Connecticut, to disrest the enemy what they could, and keep them from fishing in those waters, their hope of planting being now almost over. To this end, about May 30th, 1676, the forces under Capt. Henchman were called together again, and sent to Brookfield, to meet with those expected from Hart­ford colony; in the way, our's by the direction of Tom Doublet (a Natick Indian, who was a little before em­ployed in the redemption of captives) following tracks of Indians, came upon a party of the enemy fishing in [Page 161] Weshacom ponds, toward Lancaster, of whom they kil­led seven, and took twenty-nine, mostly women and chil­dren; yet belonging to considerable persons, it made the success the more to be valued. Our forces being by this means retarded, could not meet with those of Connecticut at Brookfield, but followed them the week after; having first returned from Weshacom to Marl­borough, to supply themselves with ammunition, and so marched directly towards Hadley, where they met with Connecticut forces; and from thence according to mutual agreement, our's marched on the east side of the river, and Connecticut forces on the west, up toward Squakbeag (now Northfield) coming to Deerfield, and the great [...]lls thereabouts, they sent up their scouts, but not hearing of the enemy, they marched up no higher, being in no good capacity to have gone fur­ther if there had been occasion, by reason of a tedious storm of rain, which occasioned much damage in their ammunition and provision. While our forces lay a­bout Deerfield, some of our soldiers ranging, lighted upon the body of Capt. Turner, about Green's river, in passing of which stream he was supposed to have re­ceived his mortal wounds.

WHILE our forces continued thereabouts, they did the enemy some little spoil, in seizing much of their fish, and goods stolen from the English, and hid in their barns under ground; conjecturing also that they found four or five places where some of the English had been tortured to death by cruel burning, after they had been fastened between stakes set in the ground; but not meeting with any of the enemy, they all re­turned home, conceiving that having been forced from their quarters in those parts, they were drawn down lower towards the English plantations eastward, viz. Plimouth and the Massachusets. What success Capt. Henchman's forces had in their retiring homeward, and what they observed of the motion of the Indians, may be [...]een in a letter of his dated June 30th: "Our scouts brought intelligence that all the Indians were to [Page 162]a continual motion, some toward Narrhaganset, others toward Watchuset, shifting gradually, and taking up each others quarters, and lay not above a night in a place. The twenty-seven scouts brought in two squaws, a boy, and a girl, giving account of five slain. Yesterday they brought in an old fellow brother to a Sachem, six squaws and children having killed five men, and wounded others, if not killed them, as they supposed by the blood found in the way, and an hat shot through. These and the other inform that Philip and the Narrhagansets were gone several days before to their own places, Philip's purpose being to do what mischief he could to the English. By advice I drew out a commanded party under the conduct [...] pt. Sill, viz. sixteen files of English, all my troop, and the In­dians, excepting one file, being all we could make provision for, for what with the failing short of the bread promised us, and a great deal of that we had proving mouldy, the rest of the forces had but one bis­ [...]et a man to bring them to this place: This party was ordered towards Watchuset, and so to Nashaway and the Washakem ponds, where we have notice Indians were, and so to return unto this place; whereby your Honors letter that came to me yesterday morning, I understood that provision was ordered [...] and which we found to our great relief, which we met with last night coming hither weary and hungry. The com­manded party we left at Quonsiquomon, where they in­tended to stay a while for the last scouts we sent out: Eleven prisoners we had in all, two of the eldest by council we put to death, the other nine the Commis­sary is ordered to convey to Boston, with the baggage, horses, and some of their attendants not fit for the service. DANIEL HENCHMAN."

IT plainly appears by the contents of the said letter, as well as by many other testimonies, that about this time the Indians, our enemies, who hitherto had been li [...]ked together as brethren in iniquity and cruelty, w [...]e now strangely divided and separated the one from the other; some impute it to an assault made upon [Page 163]them by the Mohawks, who falling upon Philip with the inland Indians, slew about 50 of them; where­upon those of Philip's company resolved to return to their own country, and do what mischief they could to the English thereabouts. This was reported by an Indian brought to Seaconk, June 29, 1676, taken at Providence. Others are ready to think that it was up­on some quarrel amongst themselves, occasioned by an evil spirit sent from God upon them, that thereby they might, being scattered, the more easily be taken and ruined by the English, now that the time of ven­geance was come, when they shall be called to an ac­count for all their former outrages and cruelties; for now is the snare hastening upon them wherein they shall be hampered in their own devices, so to be taken and destroyed. It cannot but be acknowledged as a very remarkable providence, that Capt. Henchman in his late expedition to Hadley, killed and took about 84 of the enemy, without the loss of any one of his own men; the like favorable success happened to Major Tal­cot in his passage from Norwich to Quabaog, as was said before, and soon after his return.

BUT by that time our forces were returned home as far as Sudbury; they were ordered upon the solicitation of the Governor of Plimouth, two companies of them at least, to march away immediately to Dedham, and so to Seaconk or Rehoboth, to join Major Bradford in the pursuit of Philip, who was it seems with many hundreds of his barbarous followers fallen upon the English plantations thereabouts, and whither also a lit­tle before, Capt. Brattle with a troop of horse, and Capt. Mosely with a company of foot, were sent up from Boston to pursue after them, now flocking in great numbers in those woods. There was at this time no small hopes of surprizing Philip; several reports being brought that he was seen in this and that place, not having above 20 or 30 men attending on him; but his time was not yet fully come, nor had he as yet ful­ly accomplished all that mischief he was like to be suf­fered to do: For on the 1st of July, 1676, a party of [Page 164]his Indians committed a horrid and barbarous murder upon Mr. Hezekiab Willet, of Swanzey, an hopeful young gentleman as any in those parts. They used frequently to keep a sentinel on the top of their house from a watch-house built thereon, whence they could discover any Indians before they came near the house, but not hearing of the enemy in those parts for a con­siderable time, that necessary piece of circumspection was omitted that day, whereby that deserving person was betrayed into their cruel hands; for within a quar­ter of an hour after he went out of his own door, with­in fight of his house, he was shot at by three of them at once, from every one of whom he received a mortal wound; they after their barbarous manner took off his head, and carried it away with them (which however was soon after recovered) leaving the trunk of his body behind, as a sad monument of their inhuman cruelty. The same Indians, not being above 30 in number, took away a negro belonging to the same family, who being faithful to his master's and the country's interest, ven­tured his life to make his escape, which was the preser­vation of many others; for the said negro being a lit­tle acquainted with their language, discovered to the English after his escape, Philip's purpose to seize such and such places: In the first place to assault Taunton, which in all probability had been in great danger, if their treacherous plots and purposes had not so wonder­fully been made known beforehand. The said negro affirmed, that there was near a thousand of them; for he observed that altho' they had killed 20 head of neat cattle over night, yet there was not any part of them left the next day at eight o'clock in the morning. By this special providence the enemy was defeated of their purpose, and never after had an opportunity of doing any considerable damage to the English in that part of the country. So, after this day, we may truely date the time of our deliverance, and beginning of revenges upon the enemy; now is their own turn come, when it shall be done unto them as they have done unto us; they that before led others into captivity, must hence­forth go into captivity themselves; and they that kil­led [Page 165]with the sword, must themselves be killed with the sword, as in the sequel of this narrative will abundant­ly be manifest; the history of which before we shall any further pursue, we must a little while wait upon our friends, (those forces sent from Connecticut) in their re­turn back into their own colony, which before it be done, some things should be premised concerning the occasion of their coming, and the success that did at­tend them in their march thither.

OUR friends and brethren of that colony, although they had never actually felt half of those miseries that befel the people of the other two, yet never denyed their assistance to the suppressing of the common enemy, yea, sometimes they did afford it, before it was expres­ly desired, according to the tenor of the articles of con­federation and rules of common prudence; considering that if the fire of this war was not timely extinguished it would endanger their own sabrick; therefore accord­ing to agreement, the council of that colony ordered their successful commander, Major Talcot, to meet our forces at Quabaog, or Brookfield, in order to the pursu­ing of the enemy in those parts. In the way as they were marching from Norwich thither, divine Provi­dence so far smiled upon the enterprize, as to give them an opportunity to surprize 51 of the enemy, [...] whom 19 were slain, without the loss of any one of their own company, which could not but much enhance the price of the victory to the conquerors.

THE like success had their friends which they left behind (the volunteers gathered out of the three towns by the sea-side, New-London, Stonington and Norwich) and who were some of them released by Major Talcot, when he first began his march, that they might the better in the absence of the army guard their own towns; for before the return of the forces under Maj. Talcot to that side of the country, they had made two expeditions against their enemies, the Narrhagansets, that were skulking up and down on that side of the country, in one of which they killed and took above [Page 166]30, the most of which being men, are said to have been slain by them. In the other 45, the most of which probably were women and children, but being all young serpents of the same brood, the subduing or ta­king so many, ought to be acknowledged as another signal victory and pledge of divine favor to the En­glish. But to return, It was not without the special direction of Providence that those Hartford forces were sent to those western towns a week before those of the Massachusets could get thither; for otherwise one or more of those towns might have been lost; seeing that on the 12th of June, soon after if not the next day af­ter they arrived there, the enemy, as if resolved to try the utmost of their power, violently assaulted the town of Hadley, with a body of about 700 men, at five or six o'clock in the morning, laying an ambush at one end of the town, while the greater part of them were alarming the other; but the Connecticut forces being at that time quartered in the towns thereabous, (who were English, and friendly Indians. Pequods and Mohegins, about 500 in all) that were ready at hand, besides those that had been quartered there ever since March, who had been left by Major Savage when he left those parts, under the command and charge of Capt. Turner, slain at the great falls, as is noted before, but since commanded by Capt. Swain. These by their joint and ready assistance, wherein the fence of palisadoes surrounding the town was no little advantage, gave the Indians such a smart repulse, that they found the place too hot for them to abide it; for the soldiers or towns­men within, firing a piece of ordnance, so affrighted the savages, or a party of them against whom it was discharged, that although they had just before surpri­zed and possessed an house at the north part of the town, yet they instantly fled, leaving some of their dead upon the place; nor did they any considerable mischief with all their numbers, save firing a barn a­bout that end of the town, and killing two or three of the soldiers, or too daring inhabitants, who would a­gainst express order, venture to go without the fortifi­cation.

[Page 167] IT was accounted by some that were present near the time of that assault, a great oversight, that having so fair an opportunity to chace the enemy upon so con­siderable advantage, it was let slip, and not improved, for Connecticut soldiers being all, or most of them fur­nished with horses, they might have been soon overta­ken, and many of them destroyed, but God hid it from their eyes. The commander in chief, it is said, quartered at one end of the towns ( Hatfield was then within the limits of Hadley) on the west side of the river, and did not apprehend the advantage till the season was over; hor was any such thing as an assault expected from the enemy so early in the morning; it being a general observation heretofore, that they seldom or e­ver used to make any attempts in the night; part of which could not but be improved in way of preparation for such a design. But the Lord of Hosts who is wise in council, and wonderful in working, will find some other way to destroy our enemies, wherein the hand of his providence should more remarkably be seen, that so no flesh should glory in its own wisdom or strength, but that salvation might appear to be from the Lord alone. The rest of this month was spent without any other matter of moment happening therein.

THE Governor and Council of the Massachusets, take­ing into serious consideration the many merciful oc­currences that had been returned upon us, notwithstand­ing the mixing of many dispensations of a contrary nature, thought themselves bound to make some pub­lic acknowledgment thereof, to him whose name alone is worthy to be praised. The 29th of June was set apart as a day of public thanksgiving to God, who had remembered his people thus in their low estate. And that matter of thanksgiving might not be wanting at the day appointed, the very day before were most of our English captives brought back from the Indians, and many more soon after, to the number of sixteen, whose mouths might then well be filled with laughter, and their tong [...]s with singing, both of themselves, and all that were any way concerned in their welfare.

[Page 168] AND as this day appointed for solemn and public thanksgiving, was ushered in by several special mercies, so also was it followed with many remarkable benefits. For besides the preserving the town of Northampton, March the 14th, and Hadley, June the 12th, by the timely sending of our forces the very night before they were assaulted; the saving the people of Marlborough from being cut off, was very observable; when Mr. Graves by occasionally going from the sermon with the extremity of the tooth-ach, March 26th, disco­vered the Indians ready to assault the town, and the people might have been cut off, had not that accident happened. It is certain that after the end of this month, the power of the enemy began every where to fail; for the body of the enemy that had lurked about Connecticut river all this spring, being visited with sun­dry diseases, disappointed of their fishing, and put by their planting, began to be at variance amongst them­selves; the Hadley and Pocumtuck (now Deerfield) In­dians quarreling with Philip for bringing all this mis­chief about, and occasioning the English and them to fall out, with whom they had always good corres­pondence, and lived lovingly together, but now they were like to be runied by the war. This quarrel pro­ceeded to that height, that from that time forward, those several Indians that had for so long time been combined together, resolved now to part, and every one to shift for themselves, and return to their own homes; Philip to Mount-Hope, and the Narrhagansets to their own country again; the Nipnet's and the ri­ver Indians bending their course westward, others northward, towards Pennicock, upon Merrimack, intend­ing to shift for themselves as well as they could for the future; all which is like to be the real and true state of the case with the Indians which were our enemies; for the next news we heard of Philip, was that he had returned back to Mount-Hope, now like to become Mount-Misery unto him and his vagabond crew, and that his friends and allies that had hitherto stood as neuters, waiting only which way the scale of success and victory would turn, began now to sue for mercy [Page 169]at the hands of the English: The Massachusets govern­ment having understood something of this nature, put forth a declaration, that whatsoever Indians should within fourteen days next ensuing, come in to the En­glish, might hope for mercy. Amongst sundry that came in, there was one named James, the printer, the supperadded title distinguishing him from others of that name; who being a notorious apostate, that had learn­ed so much of the English as not only to read and write, but had attained likewise some skill in printing, and might have attained more (had he not like a false villian ran away from his master before his time was out) he having seen and read the said declaration of the English, did venture himself upon the faith thereof, and came to sue for his life; he affirmed, with others that came along with him, that more Indians had died since this war began, of diseases (such as at other times they used not to be acquainted with) than by the sword of the English.

NOT long after many of them came and offered themselves, to the number of near two hundred, men, women, and children; and many more would have done the like, but their consciousness of guilt made them conclude that their cruelties and barbarous mur­ders could never be forgiven by the English. But what occurrences happened next shall be declared in their order. About the end of June news was brought to Boston that Philip with a small party of his men lurked about Swanzey or Rehoboth, and that he might easily be taken; an Indian offering to bring them to the place where they might find him; whereupon soldiers were instantly sent away from Boston, who spent some time in scarching all the woods on that side of the country, but at last were forced to return, having mis­sed of what they aimed at. Plymouth colony likewise sent out soldiers upon the same account, under Major Bradford, who by the help of some Indians of Cape-God, always true to the English interest, not only es­caped an ambush laid for them, whereby most of them [Page 170]might have been cut off, but slew many of those that laid in wait for them, without any loss to themselves; yea further, a squaw Sachem of Seaconet, one of Philip's allies, having first sent three messengers to the Gover­nor of Plimouth, to sue for life and liberty, pro­missing submission to their government on that con­dition; but understanding that Plimouth forces were abroad, before her messengers returned, she with her people, about ninety in number, rendered themselves up to Major Bradford, so that above one hundred and ten, on a moderate computation, were killed that day.

THE Connecticut forces had the like success when sent into Narrhaganset country, under the command of the wonderfully successful Major Talcot, Capt. George Denison, and Capt. Newbury, with other worthy com­manders of the said forces: For, on the 2d of July, 1676, as the said commanders with the forces under them were pursuing the enemy in and about the Nar­rhaganset country towards Mount-Hope, hearing that Philip with his black regiment of Wampanoogs was thereabouts, their Indian scouts from the top of an hill discovered a great number of the enemy that had new­ly pitched their station within the semicircle of a swamp. The English soldiers were all mounted on horse-back, to the number of three hundred; where­fore the commanders ordered the Indians to be ready at the top of a hill, upon a signal given to run down ra­pidly upon the enemy, who were securely lodged in the hallow of a swamp just opposite them, while the horse­men being divided into two squadrons, to ride round the hill, so that at the same instant both the horsemen upon the two wings, and the Indians a foot rushing down suddenly upon the enemy, put them into a terri­ble fright, making a lamentable outcry, some getting into the swamp, the rest that were prevented by the horsemen and the friendly Indians coming so suddenly upon them, were all taken prisoners; Capt. Newbury with his troop alighting from their horses ran into the swamp after them, where they killed at least an hundred, as was judged by some then present, taking also many [Page 171]prisoners out of those habitations of darkness, the ene­my scarce daring to make any resistance; for none of the English, and but one or two of the Mohegins and Pequods were hurt in the assault: yet it was affirmed by a captain present on the place, that with those they killed and took at Warwick neck in their return home, (which were not above sixty) that they killed and took of the enemy at that time above 300 young and old. At the same time was taken the old squaw of Narrhaganset, commonly called the old queen.

THEY were necessitated with this booty to return homewards to gratify the Mohegin and Pequod Indians that cccompanied them, who had done them very good service in the pursuit, having lost one or two of their men in the chace; but their return home was, as it proved in the issue, more beneficial than their longer stay might have been, to have made a fruitless pursuit after Philip, (whose time was not yet come, although hastening apace) for in their return they met 60 of the enemy, all of whom they slew and took, so as their sword returned not empty.

AMONG the prisoners then taken was a sprightly young fellow, seized by the Mohegins, who desired of the English commanders that he might be delivered in­to their hands, that they might put him to death in their own way, and sacrifice him to their cruel genius of revenge, in which bruitish and devilish passion they most of all delighted in. The English, tho' not delight­ed in blood, yet at this time were not unwilling to gratify their humour, lest by a denial they might diso­blige their Indian friends, of whom they lately made so much use; partly also that they might have an oc­cular demonstration of the savage barbarous cruelty of the heathen. And indeed, of all the enemies that have been the subjects of the preceeding narrative, this vil­lain did most deserve to become an object of justice and severity; for he boldly told them that he had with his gun dispatched 19 English, and that he had charged it for the 20th, but not meeting with another, and un­willing [Page 172]to lose a fair shot, he let fly at a Moghegin and killed him; with which having compleated his num­ber he was fully satisfied. But, as is usually said, jus­tice vindictive hath iron hands, though leaden feet; this cruel monster is fallen into the hands of those that will repay him seven fold. In the first place therefore, making a great circle, they placed him in the middle that all their eyes might at the same time be pleased with utmost revenge upon him; they first cut one of his fingers round in the joint, at the trunk of his hand with a sharp knife, and then broke it off, as was for­merly the custom to do with a slaughtered beast before he is uncased; then they cut off another, and another after that, till they had finally dismembered one hand of all its digits, the blood sometimes spirting out in streams a yard from his hand; which barbarous and unheard of cruelty the English were not able to bear, it forcing tears from their eyes; yet did not the unhappy victim ever relent, or shew any signs of an­guish; for, being asked by his tormentors how he liked the war? he replied, he liked it very well, and found it as sweet as Englishmen did their sugar. In this frame he continued till his executioners had dealt with the toes of his feet as they had done with the fin­gers of his hands before; all the time making him dance round the circle, and sing till he had wearied both himself and them At last they broke the bones of his legs, after which he was forced to sit down, which 'tis said he silently did, till they knocked out his brains.

WITHIN a few days after, 200 of the enemy with­in Plimouth jurisdiction being distressed with famine and fear of danger, came and submitted themselves to the government there; but three of the company were presently detected of a cruel murder, and villainous as­sault upon one Mr. Clarke's house of Plimouth, by a well-minded squaw that was among them (hoping that possibly such a discovery would be pleasing to the En­glish) and accordingly adjudged forthwith to undergo condign punishment, which the rest that surrendered themselves, did not in the least resent; such kind of [Page 173]villains being always exempted from acts of favor and mercy. Those 200 that had newly surrendered them­selves, that they might give full proof of their fidelity, offered to lead a party of the English to a place not far off, where 20 more of the enemy might be surpri­sed, amongst whom also was one known to be a bloody murderer of an Englishman the year before; accord­ingly 8 Englishmen took 14 of the said Indians, and the next day brought in all the aforesaid 20 of the e­nemy, together with the said murderer, who was pre­sently after executed, and the rest taken into favor.

IT is affirmed also that five or six Sachems of Cape-Cod, towards the eastern part of it, came with 300 Indi­ans to make peace with the English, on the 6th of Ju­ly, one of the said Sachems earnestly desiring the En­glish that none of them might be suffered to sell any strong liquors to the Indians, the trading of which, possibly [...]ath in a measure contributed to the present mischiefs.

THE next day, July 7th, a small party of ours, with a few friendly or christian Indians with them, killed and took seven of the enemy in the woods not far from Dedham, one of which was a Narrhaganset Sachem, who either himself informed, or by some other at that time certain intelligence was brought to Boston, that some of our enemy Indians had got to Albany, informing peo­ple there, that they might the more easily get powder and ammunition, that the English and they were now at peace. One of the said Indians was the Sachem of Springfield, a bloody and deceitful villian; it is hoped that he is now taken in the snare from whence he shall not be suffered to escape.

PHILIP by this time could not but think his ruin was near at hand; yet that he might, in imitation of him that stirred up all this mischief, express the more wrath because he knew his time was but short, inten­ded if possible to destroy one more town before his o­verthrow came; wherefore, on the 11th of July, with [Page 174]all the force he could get, or that he had left, he in­tended to set upon Taunten, having as was conceived, many hundreds in his company; but his design being strangely discovered by a negro whom they had taken captive a little before, that having lived near the In­dians before, understood much of their language, who making his escape from them, acquainted the inhabi­tants with the plot; who having timely notice, fur­nished themselves with soldiers, whereby they were a­ble to repulse the enemy upon his first approach; so as he only fired two houses, and then fled away: Ex­cept the Lord keepeth the city the watchman watcheth but in vain.

THE 22d of this month of July, as is hinted before, the companies sent from Concord May 30th, up towards Hadley, having spent much time and pains in pursuit of Philip all the country over (whom they could not yet overtake) having tired themselves with many long and tedious marches through the desert woods, before they returned home, some of them were sent toward Mount-Hope, yet their labour was well improved, and follow­ed with good success at the last: For in ranging those woods in Plymouth colony, they killed and took (by the help of Capt. Mosely's company, and Capt. Brat­tle's troop joining with Major Bradford's company of Plimouth colony) an hundred and fifty Indians, with­out the loss of a man.

IT was feared that Philip and his company would have returned into the Nipnet country, to prevent which; several horsemen were sent to guard the passage; but he [...]ked about his own country in swamps and other secret places, where he was as yet hid from the fight of the enemy, although many times they happened to lodge very near him, insomuch as an Indian captive promised in two hours time to bring our soldiers to the very place where he was; but they not being able to pass the nearest way, came a little too late; for they being so closely pursued, hasted away, leaving much of their treasure behind them; their kettles boiling over [Page 175]the fire, their dead unburried, and 20 of their party were overtaken, that fell into the English hands: Phi­lip himself, and some few of his stragling followers making their escape by a raft over an arm of the sea, into another neck of land on Pocasset side, not daring to trust himself any longer in Metapoiset woods, so full of our English soldiers, as well those of Plimouth, as of the Massachusets colony, who almost every day meet­ing with some of his party, much lessened his number. Capt. Church, that active and unwearied commander of Plimouth colony, was at this time as well as long before, out upon the chace with but 18 English, and 22 Indians that were friends, had four several engage­ments with Philip's party, wherein he spoiled 76 of the enemy, without the loss of one of his own men. In several of these skirmishes those Indians that upon submission had their lives given them, have done no­table service in hunting out the enemy in all their lurking places.

AT another time they took Philip's squaw, and one of his chief councellors; and about the same time ano­ther Sachem about Pocasset, with 40 Indians submitted himself to the government of Plimouth, on promise of life and liberty. It seemed that now the time of our deliverance was come, and the time also for the de­struction of our enemies: For the last week in July the Massachusets understanding that some Indians were seen roving up and down the woods about Dedham, almost starved for want of victuals, sent a small com­pany of 26, with about 9 or 10 christian Indians, who pursued and took 50 of the enemy, without any loss to the English; at which time also a great quan­tity of wampampeag and powder were taken from the enemy. That which increased this victory was the slaughter of Pomham, who was one of the stoutest and most valiant Sachems that belonged to the Narrha­gansets, whose courage and strength was so great, that after he had been mortally wounded in the fight so as he could not stand, yet catching hold of an Englishman that by accident came near him, had done him an in­jury [Page 176]if he had not been presently rescued by one of his neighbours. Amongst the rest of the captives at that time, was one of the said Pomham's sons, a very likely youth, and one whose countenance would have bespoke favor for him, had he not belonged to so bloody and barbarous an Indian as his father was.

THESE successes being daily spread abroad among the Indians, put many of them into a trembling con­dition, not knowing well how to dispose of themselves. Some that had been less active in these tragedies, and were rather led by others, than any wise inclined to mischief themselves, ventured to submit themselves, of which number was one of Nipnet Sachems, called Sagamore John, who July 27th came to surrender himself to the Governor and Council of the Massachu­sets at Boston, bringing along with him 180 of the enemy Indians. This John, that he might the more ingratiate himself with the English, whose friendship he was now willing to seek after, did by a wile get into his hands one Matoonas, an old malicious villian, who was the first that did any mischief within the Mas­sachnsets colony, July 14th, 1675; bearing an old grudge against them as is thought, for justice that was done upon one of his sons 1671, whose head ever since hangs upon a pole near the gibbet where he was hang­ed up: The bringing in of this malicious caitif was an hopeful presage that it would not be long before Philip himself, the grand villian, would in like man­ner receive a just reward of his wickedness and murders.

SAGAMORE John, who came in the 27th of July, affirmed that he had never intended any mischief to the English at Brookfield the last year (near which vil­lage it seems his place was) but that Philip coming over night amongst them, he was forced, for fear of his own life, to join with them against the English. Matoonas also when he was brought before the Council, and asked what he had to say for himself, confessed that he had rightly deserved death, and could expect no other, adding withal, that if he had followed their [Page 177]counsel, he had not come to this; for he had seemed to favor the praying Indians, and the christian religion, but like Simon Magus, by his practice afterwards dis­covered quickly that he had no part nor portion in that matter.

ABOUT this time several parties of English within Plimouth jurisdiction, were willing to have a hand in so good a matter as catching of Philip would be, who perceiving that he was now going down the wind, were willing to hasten his fall. Amongst others, a small party went out of Bridgewater, July 31st, upon discovery, and by providence were directed to fall upon a com­pany of Indians where Philip was; they came up with them, and killed some of his particular friends; Phi­lip himself was next to his uncle that was shot down, and had the soldier that had his choice which to shoot at, known which had been the right bird, he might as well have taken him as his uncle; but tis said that he had not long cut off his hair that he might not be known: The party that did this exploit were few in number, and therefore not being able to keep together close in the rear, that cunning fox escaped away through bushes undiscerned in the rear of the English: That which was most remarkable in this design, was that trembling fear appeared to be upon the Indians at this time, insomuch that one of them having a gun in his hand, well loaded, yet was not able to fire it off, but suffered an English soldier to come close up to his breast, and so shot him down, the other not being able to make any resistance; nor were any of the English hurt at this time.

THE like terror was seen in others at that time, for within two days after Capt. Church, the terror of the Indians in Plimouth colony, marching in pursuit of Phi­lip, with about 30 Englishmen and 20 reconciled In­dians, took 23 of the enemy, and the next day follow­ing them by their tracks, fell upon their head quarters, and killed and took about 130 of them, losing only one man. In this engagement God did appear in a more [Page 178]than ordinary manner to fight for the English, for the Indians by their number, and other advantages of the place, were so conveniently provided, that they might have made the first shot at the English and done them much damage, but one of their own countrymen in Capt. Church's company espying them, called aloud unto them in their own language, telling them that if they shot a gun they were all dead men; with which they were so amazed, that they durst not once offer to fire at the English, which made the victory the more remarkable. Philip made a very narrow escape at that time, being forced to leave his treasures, his beloved wife and only son, to the mercy of the English. Skin for skin, all that a man bath will be give for his life. His ruin being thus gradually carried on, his misery was not prevented but augmented thereby; being him­self made acquainted with the sense and experimental feeling of the captivity of his children, loss of friends, slaughter of his subjects, bereavement of all family re­lations, and being stripped of all outward comforts, be­fore his own life should be taken away. Such a sen­tence passed upon Gain, made him cry out, that his punishment was greater than be could bear. This bloody wretch hath one week more to live an object of pity, but a spectacle of divine vengeance, his own fol­lowers beginning now to plot against his life, that they might make the better terms for their own; as they did also seek to betray squaw Sachem of Pocasset, Phi­lip's near kinswoman and confederate. For,

August 6th, an Indian willing to shift for himself, fled to Taunton, offering to lead any of the English that would follow him, to a party of Indians, which they might easily apprehend, which 20 persons attempted, and accordingly seized the whole company, 26 in num­ber, all but the squaw Sachem herself, who intending to make an escape from the danger, attempted to get over the river, or arm of the sea near by, upon a raft or some pieces of broken wood; but whether tired and spent with swimming, or starved with cold and hun­ger, she was stark naked in Metapoiset, not far from the water side, which made some think that she was [Page 179]first half-drowned, and so ended her wretched life just in that place where the year before she had helped Philip to make his escape; her head being cut off and set upon a pole in Taunton, was known by some Indi­ans then prisoners, which set them into an horrible lamentation; but such was the righteous hand of God in bringing at last that mischief upon themselves, which they had without cause long acted against others.

PHILIP, like a savage wild beast, having been hunted by the English forces thro' the woods above an hundred miles backward and forward, at last was dri­ven to his own den upon Mount-Hope, where he reti­red with a few of his best friends into a swamp, which proved but a prison to keep him fast till the messengers of death came by divine permission to execute ven­geance upon him, which was thus accomplished.

SUCH had been his inveterate malice and wicked­ness against the English, that despairing of mercy from them, he could not bear that any thing should be sug­gested to him about a peace, insomuch that he caused one of his confederates to be killed for propounding an expedient of peace; which so provoked some of his company, not altogether so desperate as himself, that one of them (a relation to him that was killed) fled to Rhode-Island, whither the brave Captain Church was newly retired to recruit his men for a little time, being much tired with hard marches all that week, inform­ing them that Philip was fled to a swamp in Mount-Hope, whither he would undertake to lead them that would pursue him. This was welcome news, and the best cordial for such martial spirits; whereupon he immediately, with a small company of men, part En­glish and part Indians, beg in another march, which shall prove fatal to Philip, and end that controversy be-between the English and him: For coming very ear­ly to the side of the swamp, his soldiers began to sur­round it, and (whether the devil appeared to him in a dream that night, as he did unto Saul, foreboding his tragical end, it matters not) as he was endeavoring to [Page 180]make his escape out of the swamp, he was shot through the heart by an Indian of his own nation, as it is said, that had all this while preserved a neutrality untill this time, but now had the casting vote in his power, by which he determined the quarrel that had been so long in suspense. In him is fulfilled what was said in the prophet, Wo to thee that spoilest, and thou wast not spoiled, and dealest treacherously, and they dealt not trea­cherously with thee; when thou shalt cease to spoil thou shalt he spoiled, and when thou shalt make an end to deal treacherously, they shall deal treacherously with thee.

WITH Philip at this time fell five of his trustiest followers, of whom one was said to be the son of his chief captain, that had shot the first gun at the English the year before. This was done the 12th day of Au­gust, 1676, a remarkable testimony of divine favor to the colony of Plimouh, who had for their former suc­cesses, appointed the 17th day of August following, to be kept as a day of solemn thanksgiving to Almighty God. There having been so strange a turn of provi­dence observed in the late successes obtained in and a­bout Plimouth colony, it may not be amiss here to en­quire into the occasions that did lead thereunto, and also into the progress and continuance thereof, after the slaughter of Philip that grand REBEL.

IN the preceeding narration frequent mention hath been made of one Captain Church, whom God hath made an instrument of signal victories over the Indians in that colony, and of great advantage in that respect to that whole jurisdiction. It happened that the said Capt. Church some time in June, of this present year 1676, passing over in a canoe from Pocasset to Rhode-Island, as he used frequently to do, (having had much employment upon the said neck of land so called) seve­ral Indians whom he had known before at Lakenham, a village near Plimouth, beckoned to him, as if they had a mind to speak with him; he having had so much experience as well as others of their treachery, was not willing to adventure too hastily to come near [Page 181]them; but when they seemed to urge very much, and made signs to him, and at last laid down their guns in his fight, he began to think with himself there might be something in the matter more than ordinary, there­fore he resolved to go a little nearer to the shore, and then he perceived they had a great mind to speak with him, using much importunity for that end, insomuch that he ventured to go a-shore amongst them, having but one Englishman and two Indians with him; he di­rected them to keep off the canoe while he discoursed with the Indians on shore. As soon as he came among them, they told him they were weary of fighting, and that they had fought so long by Philip's instigation, but they could not tell for what end, and therefore were resolved they would fight no longer, and all they de­sired of him was, that he would make way for them to the Governor, that they might live quietly amongst the English as they had done before, and that they would deliver up their arms, or would go out with them if he pleased to accept of them, and fight for him; to that end they desired a time to parly with him further about that business, at what time and place he would appoint: He told them he would meet them two days after at Seaconet, a place up higher upon the said neck, about 12 o'clock; accordingly he came to the said place, and found the same Indians, with some others, and their Sunke Squaw, or chief woman of that plan­tation, there ready to meet him.

AFTER they had fallen into discourse about the be­ginning of the war, as well as the success and mischief of it, they would have put the blame off from them­selves, and laid it upon the English: But he presently convinced them by an undeniable evidence, that they first began the war: For said he, upon this Pocasset, July 7th, 1675, you first fought with some of Rhode-Island, whereof one was my own servant, whose leg you broke, and the same day you shot at myself and company, before ever we meddled with you. They were so fully convinced herewith, that they found no­thing [Page 182]to reply, but fell into other discourse about a peace, which they seemed very desirous to obtain upon any equal terms, as was said before. There were a­bout fifteen of the Indians present, besides their Sunke Squaw (which is with us their Governess or Lady) in conclusion they engaged forever after to leave Philip, and to go out with him; which they did forthwith, as soon as he had obtained a peace for them with the Governor.

IT is here to be observed, that these were not pro­perly Philip's Indians, but belonged to the Seaconet Squaw, who was nearly [...]lated to Philip, and her sub­jects had hitherto fought in Philip's quarrel, till they saw nothing but misery and mischief like to be the is­sue of it to themselves, as well as their neighbours. About 20 or 30 of these Seaconet Indians have constantly gone out with Capt. Church ever since, and not only been faithful and serviceable to him, but very success­ful in every enterprize they have gone about, nor hath he lost any of them in any skirmish with the other In­dians: And it is said that this act of these Indians broke Philip's heart as soon as ever he understood it, so as he never rejoiced after, or had any success in any of his designs, but lost his men one time after another, till himself at last fell into the hands of those under Capt. Church's command: For at the swamp when Philip was slain, Capt. Church appointed an English­man and an Indian to stand at such a place of the swamp, where it happened Philip was breaking away; the morning being wet and rainy, the Englishman's gun would not fire; the Indian having an old musket with a large touch-hole, it took fire the more readily, with which Philip was dispatched, the bullet passing directly through his heart, where Joab thrust his darts into rebellious Absalom.

THUS did divine vengeance retaliate on this noto­rious traitor, that had against his league and covenant risen up against the government of Plimouth, to raise up against him one of his own people, or one that was in league with him, as he was with the English: The [Page 183]Indian that did this execution was called Alderman, of Seaconet, that had never done any act of hostility against the English. By these passages it is manifest, that as the hearts of all are in the hard of God, so he turns them as he pleases, either to savor his people, or to hate and deal subtilly with his servants, as seems good to him. Since this engagement with the Seaconet Indians (to leave Philip, and to go with Capt. Church) it is cre­dibly affirmed, that such hath been their success, that since June aforesaid, to the end of October follow­ing, there have been 700 Indians subdued, either by killing or taking captive, by means of Capt. Church and his company, part Indians and part English, be­sides 300 that have come in voluntarily to submit them­selves to the government of Plimouth. It appears thus by the sequel of things, that after the Lord hath ac­complished his work upon his people, and he is be­ginning to call his enemies to an account, and punish them for the price of their hearts, and for all their treachery and cruelty against his servants. Philip's Captains have run the same fate with himself, some before and some since his own fall.

IN June last one Tioshq, a great Captain of his, his wife and child, or children being taken, though he escaped himself at first, yet came since and surrendered himself. The next noted Captain of Philip's Indians that was brought in after Philip's death, was called Tespiquin, a notorious villain, next to Philip, he was called the black Sachem's son: It was this Tespiquin that burnt so many houses in Plimouth lately. Capt. Church with his company were in pursuit of him in September last, two days before they could get near him, at the last, on the third day, they found the track made by the said Tespiquin's party, as they went to fetch ap­ples from the English orchards: This was something of a blind track, therefore they were forced to take up their quarters that night without discovering any place of their rendezvous. The next morning about 9 o'clock they came to their first rendezvous, from which they were just gone: At 1 o'clock they came to the second, [Page 184]and missing them there, they soon after came to the third track, wherein after they had marched a while, they perceived they grew very near them, by the cry­ing of a child which they heard: The place was near Lakenham, upon Pocasset neck, so full of bushes that a man could not see a rod before him: Capt. Church ordered his men to march up together in one rank, because he discovered the Indians were laid in one range by several fires, so that by that time they all came up into an even rank very near together, within a few yards of them, as he had appointed, they all suddenly rushed together in upon them, and catched hold of them, not suffering any to escape, there being about fifty of them in all: Tespiquin's wife and children were there, but he was absent, as also one Jacob, and a girl that belonged to that company. The Captain's haste would not admit of his tarrying till they came in, (though the Indians said they might come that night) wherefore he thought upon this project, to leave two old Squaws upon the place, with victuals, and bid them tell Tespiquin that he should be his Captain over his Indians if he was found so stout a man as they re­ported him to be; for the Indians had said that Tes­piquin could not be pierced by a bullet, for said they, he was shot twice, but the bullets glanced by him and could not hurt him. Thus the Captain marched away with his booty, leaving this trap behind him to take the rest: The next morning he came to see what his trap had catched, there he found Jacob aforesaid (a no­torious wretch) and the girl he missed before, but not Tespiquin: But within a day or two after the said Tespiquin, upon the hopes of being made a Captain under Capt. Church, came after some of the company, and submitted himself in the Captain's absence, and was sent to Plimouth, but upon trial (which was the condition on which his being promised a Captain's commission under Capt. Church did depend) he was found penetrable by the English guns, for he fell down at the first shot, and thereby received the just reward of his former wickedness. About a fortnight after the surprising of Tespiquin, was one Toteson's company ta­ken, [Page 185]wherein were above 50 persons; but Toteson es­caped, and is still out in rebellion, unless vengeance hath overtaken him since.

THE next that was seized was one Annawan, a very subtle, politic fellow, and one of Philip's chief coun­sellors; he had about twelve men, and as many wo­men and children in his company, who were discovered by their shooting at the English horses, and cattle; some of whom being taken, they made known the rest. Capt. Church at that time had but five Englishmen, and twenty Indians. The place where this Annawan had betaken himself, was a ledge of rocks inaccessible but at one place, which by a few hands might easily have been defended against a great number of assailants: But Capt Church by direction got up to their wig­wams before they were aware of it; and presently told Annawan that he came to sup with him that night; whereupon the said Annawan (who had fallen flat up­on the earth, expecting to have his head cut off) look­ed up and cried taubut, in their language, thank you, as one being much affected with the generosity of our English Captain; they found some of the English beef boiling in their kettles: After supper he had much discourse with the said Annawan, they lay down to sleep together in the wigwam; Capt. Church laying one of his legs upon Annawan, and the other upon his son, that he might have notice if any of them offered to stir: After midnight Annawan rose up, and Capt. Church was presently awake, and intended to watch after his prisoner: He thought at first he might have gone forth upon some necessary occasion; but not long after he returned again, having fetched out of a swamp hard by, two horns of powder, and a large belt of peag, supposed to be Philip's belt, all which he de­livered to Capt. Church, in a way of thankful acknow­ledgement of his courtesy. Amongst other discourse that passed between them concerning the occasion of the war, and carrying of it on, the Indian would fain have ex­cused Philip, and laid the blame upon the praying [Page 186]Indians (as they are distinguished from others by that character) and others of the younger sort of his follow­e [...], who coming with their several tales (which he li­kened to sticks laid on a heap) till by the multitude of them, a great fire came to be kindled: They make much use of parabolical expressions; for so said Solomon, where no wood is, there the fire goeth out; so where there is no tale-bearer the strife ceaseth, Prov. 26.20. But Philip had had large and long experience of the gentleness and kindness of the English, both to him­self and to his people, so as unless he had borne an evil and malicious mind against the English, he would never have hearkened to those stories, contrary to his faithful promise and allegiance.

THE said Annawan confessed also that he did be­lieve by all those late occurrences that there was a great God that over-ruled all; and that he had found that whatever he had done to any or those, whether Indians or English, the same was brought upon him­self in after time. He confessed also that he had put to death several of the English, that they had taken alive, ten in one day, and could not deny but that some of them had been tortured, and now he could not but see the justice of the great God upon himself, with many other things of a like nature. But whatever his confessions of this nature were, being forced from him by the power of conscience, after he was delivered up to authority, he was put to death, as he justly had deserved.

IT is said that Philip when he first began his rebel­lion, had about 300 fighting men under him, besides those that belonged to his kinswoman Wetamoe, drown­ed about Taunton, that had almost as many under her; and one Quenopin, a Narrhaganset Sachem that lived near him, and j [...]ined with him in his quarrel with the English: But it is certain that there are scarce any that are now left, that belonged to either of them: So a though the Almighty hath made use of them to be a scourge to his people, he hath now turned his hand [Page 187]against them to their utter destruction, and extirpation from off the face of the earth, peradventure to make room for others of his people to come in their stead.

As for the rest of the Narrhagansets that joined in Philip's quarrel, it is already declared what end they were come unto. As for the rest of the Indians, whe­ther Nipnet, Nashaway, Pacomtuck, Hadley, or Spring­field Indians, it is not so certain what is become of them; but after their separation one from the other about July last, it was observed by all the tracks in those woods, they went still westward; and about the mid­dle of August last, a great party of them were observed to pass by Westfield, a small town to the west of Spring­field, and were judged to be about 200: News there­of being brought to Major Talcot, he with the soldiers of Connecticut colony under his command, both Indians and English, pursued after them as far as Ausotunnoog river (in the middle way betwixt Westfield and the Dutch river, and Fort Albany) where he overtook them, and fought with them; killing and taking 45 prisoners, 25 whereof were fighting men, without the loss of any one of his company save a Mohegin Indian [...] Many of the rest were badly wounded, as appeared by the bushes being much besmeared with blood, as was observed by them that followed them a little further.

IT is written since from Albany, that there were sundry lost besides the 45 aforementioned, to the num­ber of threescore in all; and also that an 120 of them are since dead of sickness; so that vengeance seems to be pursuing of them as well as the rest. Several of their friends that belonged to Nashaway, and the places adjoining, repaired to Pasca aqua, hoping to shroud themselves under the wings of some honester In­dians about Quechecho, under pretence of a declaration sent out by the Governor and council of the Massachu­sets in the beginning of July last: But some of our forces under Capt. Hathorne and Capt. Sill, with the help of Major Walden, Capt. Frost, and others resid­ing in those parts, being then in readiness, separated the [Page 188]vile and wicked from the rest, and sent them down to the Governor at Boston, where 8 or 9 of [...] [...]ing-lead­ers, such as one eyed John, Sagamore Sam, of Nash­away, chief actors of the late outrages and bloody mis­chiefs, had justice done upon them soon after. As for the massacres and calamities that befel the English fur­ther eastward, they shall in the second part of this narrative be declared.

THE Indians being thus dispersed several ways, were strangely confounded and destroyed one parcel after a­nother, until there was none left in the western or southern parts, that durst make any opposition all the following part of the year. As for those that fled westward toward Albany, we shall there leave them for the present, wishing we may never hear any more of them: A person of quality informs, that at Hartford in September last, he was present at the examination of one Choes, an Indian, formerly of Connecticut, but one of the Narrhaganset fort the last winter, who confessed that he was one of that company of Indians that went westward the month before, toward Hudson's river; but after the fight at Ausotunnoog, he said he returned back to Connecticut for fear of the Mohawks; and that he lay hid about Farmington, till he was almost starved; and then he went to the sea-side to make use of the oyster-bank at Stratford for his relief, where he was espyed by the Indians, and so brought to Hartford.

HE affirmed that there were above 250 fighting men amongst those Indians that fled westward, besides wo­men and children; and that near 200 of them passed the great river below Albany, and were sheltered by the Indians of that place, called Moheganders; but about 80 of them tarried on the hither side of that ri­ver, near a Dutch village. But he being convicted of fighting against the English, was condemned to die, and executed about the same time. Some few of the rest were skulking about the Narrhaganset country the last fall, hoping to shelter themselves under Uncas, but he not willing to give them countenance against the [Page 189]mind of his friends at Connecticut, hath since abandon­ed them to shift for themselves, who have been most of them taken and brought in prisoners to the English this winter.

ABOUT the month of October last, Mr. Stanton chanced to come from Seaconk with 3 Indians in his company, Pequods or Mohegins, they hearing by a captive at one of the next towns, that there was a num­ber of the enemy not far off, presently left Mr. Stanton and pursued after them, whom they soon after overtook, and made them all prisoners: Amongst them was an old man, not able to go their pace, but promising to come after them, they spared his life: But as soon as the men returned at night from hunting, the old man told them what had befel their women and children, whereupon the next morning they presently following after them, overtook them, and so recovered the pri­soners, and slew one of the three that carried them a­way; the other two hardly escaped; one of them is called Major Symon, being part a Pequod and part a Narrhaganset, but of extraordinary strength and cou­rage; he perceiving the danger they were in, challenged to fight hand to hand with any five of them with their hatchets; but they unwilling to hang their success up­on the hazard of a single combat, came all towards him at once, whereupon first discharging his gun a­mongst the whole company, he broke through them all by force, and so escaped their hands, with one of his companions. This Symon hath been very active in killing and taking many of the enemy; some say that he with his own hands hath taken and killed above threescore; and either out of hatred to the enemy, or love to the English, is this last week gone with the soldiers to the eastward, in pursuit of our quarrel a­gainst them in those parts.

AT another time not long before, when he was out against the enemy, he came suddenly upon a great number of them as they were spread under a steep bank, from whence leaping down into the midst of [Page 190]them, he killed some and took others. Fighting it seems is a recreation to him, for he is seldom at home above four or five days together. Some say that in one of his former expeditions, being much wearied and spent he laid himself down to sleep, but towards morn­ing he fell into a dream, wherein he apprehended the Indians were upon him, when suddenly rising up he espyed the Indians coming toward him, but suddenly presenting his guns against them, he so frighted them, that they gave him an opportunity to make an escape from a multitude of them.

SINCE the beginning of December last, news com­ing down to Boston that mischief was done about Sea­conk and Rehoboth, by some remaining Indians therea­bouts, killing their swine and horses, several persons of Medfield went out after them, and pursuing them by their track, came upon a small party, of whom they took three, one of which escaped while some of the company were going after the rest. Those that were taken confessed there was about 60 that were lurking up and down in those woods. The said two Indians were brought into Boston the 8th of January.

A commission was formerly granted to Peter Ephra­im, an Indian of Natick, to go out in pursuit of them, with 29 of his company; a few of the English from Medfield went with him, who being soon tired with marching in the snow, returned. The Indians kept on in their design, and came across a considerable party of the enemy, having traced them till they found where they lodged over night; they surrounded them early in the morning, as their manner is, and then offered them quarter if they would yield; eight resolute fel­lows refused, who were instantly shot, the rest were all seized. the whole number was 42. This was done a­bout the middle of January, since which several such exploits have been done by them. January 23d, the same company of Indians took 22 of the enemy, among whom [...]ere five able men, and five arms; they sent the prisoners home by five of their company, the rest went further in the chace.

[Page 191] January 26th, another parcel of the enemy were brought in, eight in number, of whom five were men, amongst whom was the Indian called Cornelius, who three years since was indicted for killing an English­man's cow; upon which he is said to have uttered se­veral threatning speeches that he would kill English­men and their cows too; which was now remembered against him, when he was in particular called to ac­count for having a hand in killing some of the English and Indians also in league with us, for which he was sentenced to die, and was accordingly executed the 15th of February following.

CONCERNING the rest of the Indians either in the colony of Plimouth, Connecticut, or the Massachusetts, there is no occurrence more of moment come to light since the end of August last, save what is last mention­ed before; yet it is very remarkable, that although terms of peace were offered to all that would come in and surrender themselves (as appears by a declaration put out in July last) and that a Nipnet Sachem called John, did thereupon with a number of his company come in and offer themselves, and were accordingly se­cured of their lives and other concernments; yet did that treacherous villain make an escape this winter from Capt. Prentice's house (under whose charge he was put, about Cambridge village) and with above 20 more fled away into the woods to shift for himself a­mongst the rest of his bloody companions; they were soon after pursued, but had gone too fast and [...]oo far to be overtaken. Whether it were consciousness of their own guilt, that having had a hand in the blood of the English they feared vengeance hung over their heads; or whether they liked not the English manners so well as to be confined thereunto: Wild creatures ordinarily love the liberty of the woods better than the [...] of a cage. They made none acquainted with their design before they went away; and as yet little ac­count can be given of them, only it is known that one or two of their number have since been killed, and that one or two of their families are entertained by Un­cas, [Page 192]but what is become of the rest is uncertain; there were but seven of the company men, so they are not capable of doing much mischief. Some of late have travelled through the woods to Connecticut, but have met with no Indians, nor did they hear of any in their passing between this place and that.

AND because in the present narrative there hath been frequent mention made of Uncas the Mohegin ^§Sachem, and of his faithfulness to the interest of the English, I add in this place, that it is suspected by them that knew him best, that in his heart he is no better affected to the English or their religion, than the rest of his countrymen, and that it hath been his own advantage that hath led him to be thus true to them who have upheld him as formerly against the Pequods, so of late against the Narrhagansets; yet hath he not long since been convinced of the truth of our religion, and vanity of his own, as himself hath solemnly con­fessed; which will evidently appear by the passage that follows, which I shall here represent just as it was from under the hand of that reverend person it relates unto, namely, Mr. Fitch, pastor of the church at Nor­wich, near unto which Uncas's place is. There was a great drought the last summer, but as it seems, it was more extr [...]e in those parts than with us about the Ma­sachusets; and although probably the English might have prayed for rain themselves without any motion from the Indians, yet their address to the said Mr. Fitch on such an account, with the consequences there­of, is very remarkable, which take in his own words:

"CONCERNING the drought, &c. the true narra­tive of that providence is this. In August last such was the want of rain, that the Indian corn was not only [...] and parched up, but the apple trees withered, the fruit and leaves fell off as in autumn, and some trees seemed to be dead with that drought: the Indians [Page 193]came into town and did lament their want of rain, and that their powawes could get none in their way of wor­ship, desiring me that I would seek to God for rain: I appointed a fast-day for that purpose; the day being come, it proved clear, without any clouds until son setting, when we came from the meeting, and then some clouds arose; the next day remained cloudy; then Uncas with many Indians came to my house, Un­cas lamented there was such want of rain; I asked whether if God should send us rain he would not attri­bute it to their powawes; he answered no, for they had done their uttermost and all in vain; I replied, if you will declare it before all these Indians, you shall see what God will do for us; for although this year he hath shewn his anger against the English, and not only against the Indians, yet he hath begun to save us, and I have found by experience twice in the like case, when we sought him by fasting and prayer, he hath given us rain, and never denyed us. Then Uncas made a great speech to the Indians (which were many) con­fessing that if God should then send rain, it could not be ascribed to their powawing, but must be acknow­ledged to be an answer of our prayers. This day the clouds spread more and more, and the next day there was such plenty of rain, that our river rose more than two foot in height."

BY all that is recorded in the foregoing narrative, there are none into whose hands it shall come, but will be sensible that the present time hath been a day of great rebuke and trouble to the poor people sojourn­ing in this wilderness, upon whom sundry calamities have broke in at once this last, as well as in the form­er years: In many places they have been visited with sickness and mortality, more than in many years before, depriving them of many worthy and useful persons; amongst others the loss of Mr. John Winthrop, the late worthy Governor of the colony of Connecticut, is as it ought to be, much lamented by all, who died at Bos­ton, the 5th of April, 1676, in the 73d year of his [...], [Page 194]whither he was occasionally called the last winter, to sit with the rest of the Commissioners of the united co­lonies, to consult about the great affairs of them, now newly engaged in these troubles from the Heathen. He was the eldest son of the famous Governor of the Massachusets, deceased March 26, 1649, Proles simi­lima parenti. The memory of the father, though he died so long ago, yet still lives in the minds of the surviving generation, and is like to continue much longer by the remembrance of the many eminent vir­tues found in this the eldest of his offspring, who being [...]ot long after, or about that time called to take up his residence in that colony, was by the importunity of the people there, prevailed with to accept of the Go­vernor's place, which for a long time after he sustain­ed in that colony, though annually chosen thereunto; being so well furnished with many excellent endow­ments, as well moral as political and philosophical, which rendered him most fit to be an healer of that people. Though we are dealing in another subject, yet shall not we pass by his tomb as we go along, with­out paying the homage due to the memory of so ho­norable a gentleman.

AFTER all the aforementioned calamities and trou­bles, it pleased God to alarm the town of Boston, and in that the whole country. by a sad fire, accidentally kindled by the carelesness of an apprentice that set up too late over night, as was conceived; which began an hour before day, continuing three or four days, in which time it burned down to the ground 46 dwelling houses, besides other buildings, together with a large meeting­house. Some mercy was observed mixt with the judg­ment; for if a great rain had not continued all the time (the roofs and walls of their ordinary buildings consisting of such combustible matter) that whole end of the town had at that time been consumed. Where­by we see that God by his providence can turn our dwellings into ashes, without the help of either foreign or domestic enemies. Which consideration may awak­en all from security and confidence in these uncertain [Page 195]and unstable possessions, that have no firmer foundation, that may so soon after their first erection be eaten up by the flames of fire, before the iron teeth of time have had leisure to devour and feed upon them.

GOD grant that by the fire of all these judgments, we may be purged from our dross, and become a more refined people, as vessels fitted for our master's use.

THE occasion, rise and progress of the war with the Indians in the southen and western parts of New-England, together with the issue and success there­of, hath in the former part of this narrative been al­ready declared. Before an enterance be made into a relation of those troubles that befel the eastern and north­ern parts of the said country from the Indians inhabit­ing those parts, it will be requisite to give some ge­neral description of the place, as being less frequented, and so more unknown than the other, like Herald's that used to blazon the field before they meddle with the charge, as an historian once said, that so the rea­der may not miss the truth in a story, by being un­acquainted with the places connected with the discourse. Briefly therefore, that more cost and pains be not spent in the surveying a barren and rocky country, than will quit cost (the list or border here being known to be worth more than the whole cloth) that whole track of land being of little worth, unless it were for the bor­ders thereof upon the sea coast, and some spots and skirts of more desirable land upon the banks of some rivers, how much soever it be valued by them that know nothing thereof, but by the uncertain and fallible reports of such as have only sailed by the country, or viewed some of the rivers and havens, but never passed [Page 196]through the heart of the continent. The whole being scarce worth half those mens lives that have been lost these two last years in hopes to save it.

THIS north part of New-England, did first, like Zarah, put forth its hand, thereby inviting the ad­venturers to twist the scarlet thread of their hopes a­bout the same; by that auspicious beginning they were ready to promise themselves great prosperity in having that advantage before others to plant and people that part of the country. But that fair opportunity was al­most quite lost by some fatal and mischievous accidents happening soon after that noble enterprize was first set on foot, as hath been already in part, and may hereaf­ter be more fully declared.

THE first place that ever was possessed by the En­glish, in hopes of making a plantation in those parts, was a tract of land on the west side of the river Kenne­beck, then called Sagatawock, since Sagadahock O­ther places adjoining were soon after seized and im­proved for trading and fishing. The more remote and furthest northward at this time belonging to the En­glish ( Penobscot forty years since being surprized by the French, and by them held to this day) is called Pemma­quid, distant seven or eight leagues from Kennebeck, and is the utmost boundary of New-England, being about forty leagues distant from the mouth of Piscataqua ri­ver. Pemmaquid is a very commodious haven for ships, and hath been found very advantageous to such as used to come upon these coasts to make fishing voyages; south-west or south-east from whence about six or seven leagues, lies an island called Monhiggon, of much use on the same account for fishing, it lying three or four leagues into the sea from Damaril's cove, a place of like advantage for the stages of fishermen in former times. There have been for a long time seven or eight considerable dwellings about Pemmaquid, which are well accomodated with pasture land about the haven for feeding cattle, and some fields also for tillage; all the land improvable for such uses being already taken [Page 197]up by such a number of inhabitants as is already men­tioned.

IN the mouth of the river Kennebeck lies a consider­able island called Arowsick, some years since purcha­sed by Major Clarke and Capt. Lake, two merchants of Boston, on which they built several large dwellings, with a watch use and many other edifices near the wa­ter side, it being intended by the owners for a place of trading as well as planting; there being many of late seated there sit to carry on each design; where al­so was built a fort, which if it had been carefully de­fended, might have proved the defence and security of all that side af the country, as it used to be their ma­gazine. Up higher beyond the river Kennebeck, four leagues eastward tow [...] Pemmaquid, is another consi­derable river called [...]pscot, upon the banks of which were many scattered planters, who lately flying from their dwellings for fear of the Indians, left as was judg­ed, a thousand head of neat cattle for the use of the Indians that made the late insurrection against the in­habitants of those parts, besides their fields and barns full of corn. There is another river that issues into Kennebeck a little higher up into the country, called Pe­gypscot, that comes down from behind Casco-Bay. This Pegypscot is the seat of the Amoscogging Indians, who have had a great, if not a principal hand in the late mischiefs.

SOME few leagues to the south of Kennebeck lies the famous and spacious haven called Casco-Bay, the north east cape of which is made by an island called Saguin; the southern or opposite point of land is called Cape-Elizabeth. Within the bosom of this bay, being about eight or nine leagues over at the mouth of it, are a great number of small islands, many of them being in­habited by fishermen and others; one of the principal of those is called Jewels-Island. There are many pla­ces about this bay sit to make commodious habitations, and on the south side of it is a small village called Falmouth; all, or most of it lately destroyed by the Indians.

[Page 198] NOT far from Casco, to the southward or south-west, still is a river called Spurwick, over against which lies Richmond-island, not far from the main land, being di­vided therefrom by a small channel, fordable at low water; it hath for a long time been the seat of Mr. Jordan, in right of Mr. Winter, the former if not the first proprietor thereof, whose daughter [...] married.

THE next plantation southward is called Scarborough, a small village seated upon Black Point, over against which is another point, for distinction from the former, called Blue-Point. This Black-Point was lately the feat of Mr. Josselin, being a parcel of the province of Maine, or falling within the precincts thereof, and was formerly by patent granted [...] said Josselin or his predecessors, since purchased by [...]. Scotto, of Boston.

SACO river lies next in order to Piscataqua, a navi­gable river, where Major Phillips had a commodious [...]tuation lately; at the mouth of which river lies Win­ter-Harbour, encompassed on one side by a neck of land, formerly the property of one Mr. Winter, whose name it still retains, but lately purchased by Major Pendleton, where he enjoyed a very comfortable seat and habitation.

THERE is another harbour lying a little southward of Saco, made by that which is called Cape-Porpuise; a convenient seat for fishermen, as are most of the o­ther places above-named. Between Cape-Porpuise and Piscataqua there are but two small towns more, (tho' ambitions of great names) the one called Wells, and the other York. Wells is seated upon a small river or creek, affording a small harbour sit only for barks and smaller vessels; on each side of which town lies a small river, the first called Kennebunk, the second Magun­cuck. The other town is York, formerly known by the name of Agamenticus, from a high hill of that name not [...] therefrom. The point of land which lies be­tween the said towns, is called Cope-Nidduck, making a small harbour likewise, into which issues another [Page 199]pretty river, on the banks of which is situate the town of York. All or most of the forementioned towns and plantations are seated upon and near some greater or lesser river, whose streams are principally improved for driving of saw-mills, those late inventions so useful for the destruction of wood and timber, especially of firr­trees, which do so abound in those coasts, that there is scarce a river or creek in those parts that hath not some of those engines erected upon them.

THE upper branches of the famous river of Piscata­qua being also employed all of them that way, name­ly, Sturgeon Creek, Salmon Falls, Newechewannick, Quechecho, Oyster River, Swamscot, Greenland, Lam­prey-Eele River, together with the towns of Exeter and Dover, seated upon or near some of the main branches thereof. whose principal trade is in deal-boards, cut by those saw-mills, since their rift timber is near all con­sumed. On each side of that fine navigable river of Piscataqua, down towards the mouth of it, are seated on the north side, the town of Kittery, (a long seatter­ing plantation made up of several hamlets) on the south side the town of Portsmouth, to which belongs the great island lying in the mouth of the said river, a place of considerable trade of late years, which, together with Strawberry Bank, the upper part of the said town of Portsmouth, are the magazine, and chief or only place of trade and commerce for all the plantations betwixt it and Casco-Bay. All the said plantations have in these two last years, 1675 and 1676, felt more or less of the rage and cruelty of the barbarous and perfidious Indians belonging to that side of the country, as shall more particularly be declared in what follows, after a short discourse of the first planting of that side of the country, which may serve as a kind of prologue to the the following tragedy.

THIS part of New-England began first to be planted about the same time with Virginia, viz. in the year 1606. There the first letters patent granted by the King, for the limitation of Virginia, did extend from [Page 200] [...] and was divided in­to [...] and the second colony; the [...] appropriated to the city of London, the other to the cities of Bristol, Exeter, and town of Pli­mouth, each of which had laws, privileges, and autho­rity for the government, and advancing their several plantations alike, as faith Capt. Smith in his history of Virginia and New-England. This second colony of New-England, promising but little advantage to the undertakers, by reason of its mountainous and rocky situation, found but few adventurers forward to promote the planting thereof, after the death of Sir John Popham, who was the first that ever procured men or means to possess it; for when the main pillars are removed, what can be expected but that the whole building should fall to the ground. Yet notwithstand­ing the discouragements the first planters met with in their first winter seasoning, in that cold and rocky de­sart (which made them all return home in the year 1608) Sir Francis Popham, his son, having the ships and provision which remained of the company, and supplying what was necessary for his purpose, sent di­vers times to the coast for trade and fishing, of whose loss or gain, as faith my author, himself was best able to give an account: And some of the ships sent by him, and the Earl of Southhampton, with other noble adventurers, did bring home some of the natives of the place in one of the following years, by whose infor­mations some of the first undertakers were encouraged once more to try the verity of their hopes, and see if possibly they might find something that could induce a fresh resolution to prosecute so pious and honorable a work.

BUT in the mean time before there was yet any sp [...]ech or endeavour to settle any other plantation in those parts, that about Sagadahock being thus aban­doned for the present, by the first undertakers, the Frenchmen immediately took the opportunity to settle themselves within our limits, which being understood by those of Virginia, they discreetly taking into their [Page 201]consideration the inconveniences that might arise by suffering them to harbour there, Sir Samuel Argal was sent with a commission to displace them, which he with great discretion, dexterity, and judgment, performed about the year 1613, which made way for the planta­tion at Nova Scotia, granted afterwards by King James to Sir William Alexander, one of his Majesty's most honorable council of Scotland. The said Argal seized the forts which the Frenchmen had built at Mount Mansel, St. Croix and Port Real, and carried away their ordnance and provisions to the colony of Virginia, to their great benefit. The said places were held by the English many years after, till about the year 1635, by commission from the Scotch Lord aforesaid; but how his right came afterwards to be alienated to any of the French nation, doth not concern us with reference to the business in hand, further to enquire.

THINGS remaining in this posture for the space of near seven years, some of the first adventurers appre­hensive of better hopes of good that might ensue by a fresh attempt, resolved to set the design a foot a second time, to which end several ships were sent on that ac­count in the year 1615, but with as bad success as the former; for in the year before, viz 1614, Capt. Smith, desirous to promote the colony of New-England, as well as that of Virginia, came thither with two vessels, and returned back to England in the least of them. with intent to be there again that next year to promote the said plantation; but after he was gone, one Thomas Hunt, master of the ship he left behind, like a dishonest man, to prevent the carrying on the plantation, that he and a few merchants might wholly enjoy the benefit of the trade of the country, after he had made his voyage, seized upon 24 of the poor in­nocent natives, that in confidence of his honesty, had put themselves into his hands, then clapping them un­der hatches, carried them away to Malego, whither he was bound with the fish he had made upon the coast, for that market; but this vile act, although it kept him for ever after from any more employment in those [Page 202]parts, yet that was the least part of the mischief that attended his wicked practice; for upon the arrival of the adventurers ships the next year, two natives of the place that had been some years in England, and com­ing back unto the said ships as soon as they understood the injury so treacherously done to their countrymen, they contracted such a hatred against our whole nation, that although one of the said natives died soon after, yet the other called Epenow, studied how to be reveng­ed, which he so far found means to effect, that he frus­trated this second attempt of settling a plantation in these parts.

YET did not the adventurers cast off all hope of car­rying on their design. wherein Providence within a few years after so favored them, that one or more of the savages, called Tisquamtum and Samoset, carried a­way by Hunt, was brought back to Newfoundland, from whence he was soon after conveyed by the prudent endeavor of Captain Mason (then Governor of the plantation began upon Newfoundland) into the hands of some of the adventurers, by whose means they ho­ped to work a peace betwixt the said natives on that coast where the fire had been kindled before; for the adventurers employed Capt. Thomas Darmer, a prudent and industrious gentleman, to settle the affairs of the plantation, now a third time revived again about Ken­nebeck, about the year 1619. By his prudence and care a lasting peace was made betwixt the natives of the place and the English, who were but a little before so abhorred by them, for the wrong formerly received, so as the plantation began at last to prosper, and continue in good liking, and assurance of the friendship of their neighbours that had been lately so exasperated against them. This Tisquamtum beforementioned, was not a little instrumental and helpful to the plantation begun at New-Plimouth about the following year, 1620, in their weak beginnings, there being frequent mention of his name, as also of one Sameset, a native of the same place, by the like providence brought back to Kenne­beck, and from thence with Tisquamtum came to the [Page 203]new planters at Patuxet, or Plimouth, and bro't them into acquaintance with Massasoit, the great Sachem a­bout those parts; without whose friendship that new plantation would hardly have subsisted long.

THIS story premised, is the more to be observed in this place, because the friendship upon the means and occasions aforesaid, confirmed between the Indians in these eastern parts and the English, had continued stedfast and constant to this year, when it was broken by another treacherous and wicked practice of a like nature, and parrallel to that of the aforesaid Hunt, as may more fully be declared afterwards.

POSSIBLY the like satisfaction may prove the more probable means to procure a settled peace. But to re­turn whence this digression hath been made. Some years were spent to bring things to this issue: The adventurers were put to much care and pains before they could get their patent confirmed and renewed again [...]t Many obstructions they met with from some interlopers that began to look into the trade of this country, and would irregularly have had a share there­in, or made it common to all traders, to which end they petitioned to a parliament then called, to bring about their ends, but at the last it was settled firmly in the hands of sundry noble and worthy patentees, Lords, Knights, gentlemen, and merchants, commonly known by the name of the council of Plimouth, who had the absolute power under the King for making all grants, and disposing of all lands from the 40th to the 48th degrees of north latitude; all which was accomplished about the year 1621. Some printed relations that speak of these transactions, write much of the flourish­ing state, and hopeful prosperity of this plantation, published about fifty years since, yet did it never ap­pear by what followed, that any considerable advan­tage did ever accrue to the first undertakers, from this their new plantation of the eastern parts, unless by the trade of fish and furs, which latter continued not long; as for the former, the chief benefit redounded only to [Page 204]them that managed it by their own particular stocks, and personal endeavors; and if without offence it may be spoken, the multitude of patents soon after granted to gentlemen of broken fortunes, have provided but places of an honorable exile or confinement, whither many deserving persons of better education than for­tune, were sent to shift for themselves in a foreign land, without being further troublesome to those nearer home, on whom they had their hopes and dependance; yet it must not be denied but that some of the underta­kers were at vast expence, casting their bread upon these waters, where none of their friends and relations have as yet had an opportunity to find it: The reason of which is not hard to give, in reference to all those lands and territories that lie to the eastward of Piscata­qua river. One main cause hath been the multiplicity of grants and patents for the dividing of the said tract of land, for besides the strife that hath been occasioned by the intricacy and indistinctness of their liberties and bounds, (enough to have maintained a greater num­ber of lawyers than ever were the inhabitants) if the grantees had been supplied with monies proportionable to their suits and controversies about their bounds and jurisdictions, which sometimes they have been ready to deside with their swords, witness those fatal names im­posed on such accounts upon some places belonging to those parts, as Bloody-Point, Black-Point, Blue-Point, and every considerable parcel of land being by patent granted to several particular persons, hindred the erect­ing of townships and villages, which if it had been o­therwise disposed of, might have been full of towns, and well peopled, and thereby the inhabitants had been able to have stood upon their guard, and defended themselves against the common enemy, whereas now they were but like scopoe dissolutoe, or like his arrows that being bound up in one bundle could not be broken by an ordinary force, but being loose, were easily snapped asunder by any single band. Another reason might be, the employing of such agents and instru­ments as either wanted skill or fidelity to manage what they were in [...]sted with, which made many of the [Page 205]adventurers long ago complain, that (instead of bills of exchange and other returns which they expected) they re­ceived nothing but large inventories of the wants of their several plantations, and the servants sent over to im­pove them, which were all the returns that many of them ever received for the large sums of money many dis­bursed for the carrying on their affairs. A third rea­son may be the several changes of government the in­habitants have passed under, which have occasioned not only much vexation and expence to such as were upon the place, but much discouragement to several others, who by the commodiousness of the place would willingly have chosen stations in those parts, had they seen any hope of a settled government ever like to be obtained; which is not hard to demonstrate, by giving a little touch as we pass along, on the several changes of government the places aforementioned have been moulded into, and the several proprietors that of late have claimed interest in the land. In the year 1624, a patent was granted by the council of Plymouth, the grand proprietors, to Capt. Mason, for a large tract of land about Piscataqua, but it not being distinctly bounded, himself with Sir Ferdinando Gorges, obtain­ed a joint patent in the year 1639, for the land be­twixt the east of Sagadahock, and the west of Naumkeag, but that also interfering with the bounds granted be­fore that time to sundry gentlemen and merchants that had obtained a patent from the south of Charles river, to the northward of Merrimack, Capt. Mason's bounds were afterwards by consent (as is said) of his agent or agents, reduced to some branches about Piscataqua ri­ver (who yet could not agree with those that acted in the name of Shrewsbury men) but being wholly ne­glected by the pretended proprietor or his successors, (till of late days) was by the desire of the inhabitants yielded up to the Massachusets government, near twen­ty years since.

IN the year 1630, a patent was granted by the said council of Plymouth (signed by the Earl of Warwick, [Page 209]and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and sealed with the com­mon seal of the council aforesaid) to John Dy, Tho­mas Lupe, Grace Harding, and John Roach, of Lon­don, for a large tract of land on the south side of Sa­gadabock, forty miles square by the sea-side, and so up into the country: John Dy aforesaid, and his partners took in another as partner and associate with them, Mr. Richard Dummer, of Newbury, in New-England, in the year 1638, to whom they delivered the origi­nal patent, with an order from them, and in their name to take up the land described in the patent, but he be­ing denied opportunity to effect it, as also a ship for­merly sent by the patentees for that end, not accom­plishing their desire, they not long after sold all their in­terest in the said patent, to one Mr. Rigby, a Lanca­shire gentleman, who made Mr. Cleaves his agent to manage the business of his purchased interest in the said patent; to whom Mr. Dummer was ordered to de­liver the original patent, which accordingly he did: What trouble was occasioned soon after between the said Mr. Cleaves and Mr. Umes, agent for Sir Ferdi­nando Gorges, is well known to the inhabitants of the place, and need not be here mentioned; nor yet how the said Mr. Rigby came afterward to lose his interest (at least with the inhabitants) in the patent.

IN the year 1632, Sir Ferdinando Gorges not resting in the joint patent obtained for himself and Capt. Mason, obtained a distinct patent for himself, and got it confirmed by King Charles the first, of blessed memo­ry, for all that large tract of land from Sagadahock to Piscataqua river, and so about an hundred miles up in­to the country, by the name of the province of Maine. What benefit and improvement was ever made thereof by his agents or successors, is best known to themselves; but for the inhabitants, who upon one account or ano­ther had been induced, either by any precedaneous grant or liberty from himself, or his agents, to take up any land within the bounds of the said province; they finding much inconvenience and trouble for want of an orderly and settled government, did at the last, [Page 207]petition the general court of the Massachusets to be taken under their jurisdiction and government (reserv­ing the liberties and privileges of their former pur­chases and grants, as to title, possession, and propriety to themselves) which was granted them, though not only and altogether upon the grounds on which it was desired by the petitioners. Yet notwithstanding all this, were not things settled either to the comfort or content of the inhabitants: For sometimes some de­manded right of jurisdiction over them, by virtue of Sir Ferdinando's patent, sometimes Commissioners em­ployed by his Highness the Duke of York, attempted to settle a government amongst the people; sometimes they tried what might be done by agreement amongst themselves, but after their return for England, by one means or other, the government relapsed again into the hands of the Massachusets, although a super­sedeas thereunto seems to have been put by an order from his Majesty this last year.

BY these several vicissitudes and changes of govern­ment, the flourishing of the said province hath been much obstructed, which else might have been much advanced, and the inhabitants been put into a capacity to have secured themselves against the late barbarous incursions of the Indians; and possibly those exorbi­tancies that many of the present proprietors have run into, to the just provocation of the Indians, might there­by have been prevented, and so the mischief also which hath ensued, might thereby have been averted: For a well ordered government would never have suffered those things that now were connived at, which if they had been timely looked into by such as had absolute or positive and unquestioned power of rule in their hands, would have been otherwise ordered, the present mis­chief that is come upon those places, might thereby have been, if not prevented, yet more easily re [...]essed, than now it is like to be.

AS for the tract of land that lies eastward beyond Kennebeck, betwixt that and Pemmaquid, it is said to [Page 208]have belonged to one Mr. Aldworth and his successors, who was Alderman of Bristol, and one that had a pa­tent thereof, and employed some as his agents, that did sometimes reside upon the place, and was lately settled in some order of government by his Highness the Duke of York's Commissioners, by whom also was an agreement made betwixt the Sagamores of the In­dians in those parts, and the English, at a court kept by their appointment in Kennebeck, which if it had been observed, might in all probability have prevent­ed in a great measure the quarrel which is now fallen out betwixt the English and the said Indians: For upon some jealousies of the rising of those Indians about twelve or thirteen years since, it was agreed that if any mischief should happen to be done by the English or Indians, one against another, though it were to the killing any person, neither side should right themselves, but complaint should be made to the Sagamores if the Indians did the wrong, and to the court if it was done by the English; both which did promise satisfaction should be made for the preventing any quarrel: The names of the Sachems, as likewise of them that were in power at the court, do still remain upon public record. But matters of government in those parts being since collapsed, no authority more than what was merely voluntary and persuasive being owned, things are now brought to that miserable state which follows next to be declared.

EVER since the first settling of any English planta­tation in those parts about Kennebeck, for the space of above fifty years, the Indians always carried it fair, and held good correspondence with the English, until the news came of Philip's rebellion, and rising against the inhabitants of Plimouth colony in the end of June, 1675; after which time it was apprehended by such as had the examination of the Indians about Kennebeck, that there was a general surmise amongst them, that they should be required to assist the said Philip, although they would not own that they were at all engaged in the quarrel. The like jealousies did appear in all the [Page 209]Indians that inhabited to the eastward of Piscataqua, which plainly shews that there was a design of a gene­ral rising of the Indians against the English all over the country (possibly as far as Virginia, the Indians there making insurrections the same year) and that many if not most of them were willing it should succeed, although the oldest and wisest of them did not like it, fearing the issue, as they had cause: But many of the young men about Casco Bay, and Amoscoggan, were certainly known to flock thither the last year, and did, sundry of them, come short home: For herein they acted but like savages, as those in Virginia did fifty years before, shewing themselves friendly and courte­ous to their new neighbours, till they had an oppor­tunity to do them mischief. So that notwithstanding many of the inhabitants in the eastern, as well as in the western parts of the country, that were wont to trade with the Indians, were not willing to believe any such purpose among them, but were ready to think some of the ruder sort of the English, by their im­prudent and irregular actions, had driven them into this rebellion; yet is it too evident that the said In­dians (who naturally delight in bloody and deceitful actions) did lay hold of any opportunity that might serve as a pretence for their barbarous practices The Indians about Wammeset and Piscataqua, that had join­ed with their countrymen in their rising against the English the last winter, when they were pinched with hunger, in the cold winter following returned back to the English, and desired to make peace, and firmly engaged to continue their wonted friendship; yea, some of them, as if they were really sorry for their murders and cruelties, of their own voluntary motion came with the prisoners they had taken, and resigned them up to the English, yet when their own ends were answered, and another opportunity was offered of do­ing further mischief of a like nature, they presently returned to their former practice, as is well known of Simon and Andrew, that had killed some, and led o­thers captive the last spring from Bradford and Ha­verhill, [Page 210]who came in in the end of June to Major Waldern's, bringing home English prisoners with them, yet did the very same Indians within less than two months after join with the Amoscoggan and Kennebeck Indians, in committing the sad tragedies that were last acted in those parts; yet was he and his partner suf­fered to escape for want of sufficient guarding the pri­son where they were put, in order for further trial. But serò sapiunt phryges; it is hoped that we shall after some few more experiences of this nature, learn to be­ware of this subtle brood and generation of vipers. Ever since enmity was put between the seed of the wo­man and the seed of the serpent, it hath been the por­tion of her seed in every generation, and in every nation to meet with the sad effects of that enmity; nor can they ever expect to find better dealing from any of the other sort, further than either fear of their power, or hope of benefit by their favor, may in­duce them to another disposition, as we the inhabitants of New-England have found by this late and sad ex­perience in reference to these Pagans in the west, a­mongst whom our lot is cast, they proving, as one says of the Mahometans in the east, like a nest of hornets, that if any one of them chance to be provoked, they will be all about his ears that comes near them. But it is now time to begin with the particulars of the tra­gedy itself, that the reader account not the prologue too long. It was on the 24th of June, 1675, when the first mischief was done by the Indians about Mount-Hope, before twenty days were over, the first fire be­gan to kindle in these more remote and northerly bounds of the said country, or two hundred and fifty miles distance, and upon this occasion, the 11th of Ju­ly, 1675, a letter was brought to Kennebeck from one Henry Sawyer, an inhabitant of York, signifying the news of the Indians rising about Plimouth, and that a course was taken to disarm the Indians along the shore. This [...]umour did so far awaken the inhabitants of those parts, that the very next day, at a general meeting of the English, at one Capt. Pa [...]tishal's house, several offer­ed themselves as volunteers to go up the said river of [Page 211] Kennebeck, to make discovery of the Indians fidelity, or else to fight them if there was occasion. The third day after, marching up the river to Quegeseck, they met with the inhabitants of Sheepscut river, which is a river lying about twelve or fourteen miles to the north east of Kennebeck. Divers of the Indians thereabouts, by the persuasion of one Mr. Walker, that used to trade with them, brought down an inconsiderable part of their ammunition, as a few guns, a little powder and shot, with a few knives. About 7 of the Kenne­beck Indians, and 5 of those called Amoscoggan In­dians, about Pegypscot (a river more southward towards Casco) made this pretence of bringing in their arms. Capt. Lake, Capt. Pattishall, with Mr. Wiswall, in whose hands was settled a kind of military power for those parts, were sent for further to examine the said In­dians, of whom upon examination they saw reason to suspect some, if not all, whereupon they sent messen­gers a second time to the Amoscoggan Indians, and also a letter to Mr. Walker, to send down their arms and ammunition to them for their greater security. After Mr. Wiswall was returned home, the 5 Amos­coggan Indians aforesaid, brought in their guns, but probably with no good intent; for an Indian called Sowen, having an ax in his hand, struck at one Hosea Mallet, a Frenchman, but was prevented from doing him mischief; however, the said Indian was presently bound and put into a cellar. Some of the English that used to trade with those Indians were ready to excuse the Indian, saying he was drunk, or that he was a dis­tracted fellow, but Mr. Wiswall, with the other two examinants, looked upon those as mere excuses, and altogether groundless, for one of them to this day af­firms that he was as rational and sensible as any of the rest.

THE ancient Indians being asked what they thought was meet to be done in the said case, said be was wor­thy to die for such an affront, yet they would be glad if his life might be spared, offering to be jointly bound in his behalf, to pay 40 beaver skins at the next fall [Page 212]voyage, giving their hand [...] of their fidelity, and also leaving their arms in the hands of the English as a pledge of their faithfully keeping those articles of peace concluded on betwixt them. If they proved themselves honest men they were to have their arms again, which was accordingly performed the last June, 1676; they having in the mean time carried themselves peaceably toward the English. The day after, viz. July the 19th, 1675, an Indian of great note amongst them, called Robbinhood, with great applause of the rest, made a dance, and sung a song to declare their con­tent in what was transacted; and so they parted, set­ting the Indians at liberty that had thus engaged for their friend Sowen, the Indian; but yet to this day not one skin of beaver was ever paid to the English, as was promised; the Indians all this while were well provided for victuals by Capt. Lake, with other sup­plies of rum and tobacco, even to the disgusting of some English then present.

BUT the Indians left as hostages upon Sowen's ac­count, however civilly they were treated, ran all away at the last, trusting more to the celerity of their own feet, than to the civility of their English friends, who after they were escaped, joined with a parcel of their fellows soon after, about twenty in all, in robbing the house of one Mr. Purchase, an antient planter [...] Pegypscot river, and a known trader with the Indians, whatever wrong may be pretended by the said Indians, as done them in their trading (of which more may be spoken afterwards) that will in no wife excuse their perfidious treachery and falsehood, in breaking cove­nant with the English, dissembling and seeking all ad­vantages of cruelty against their English neighbours, of which in the following winter and summer, 1676, there will be a more full and undeniable discovery. This was done in the beginning of September, 1675. Those Indians that first assaulted Mr. Purchase's house, did no other mischief than pludering it of strong liquor and ammunition, also killing a calf or two, with a few sheep, but no more than what they eat, and spoiling a [Page 213]feather bed by ripping it open to turn out the feathers, contenting themselves with the case, which they might more easily carry away. They offered no incivility to the mistress of the house (her husband and sons being at that time from home) yet one of her sons approach­ing near the house, and finding it possessed by those new inhabitants, he rode away with all speed, and yet no faster than there was need, for an Indian followed him with a gun under his coat, to have shot at him, if he could by his flattery and dissembling, have got him within the reach of his piece.

IT is said that at the first they used fair words, and spoke of trading, but as they went away, told those of the house, that there were others coming after that would deal far worse with them, which within a short time after came to pass; for these were but the mes­sengers of death, which was soon after inflicted, and that in a most barbarous manner upon sundry inhabitants of the neighbouring plantations.

THE English in those parts being much incensed hereat, 25 of them soon after going up Casco-Bay in a sloop and two boats to gather Indian corn, and to look to what they had upon the said Bay, near Amoscoggan river; when they came near the houses they heard a knocking, and a noise about the houses, and presently espyed two or three Indians, who as yet did not see them. The English being come a good way from their vessel, endeavored to get between the Indians and the woods, which when they perceived, they ran to­ward the water side, but the English in pursuit killed one of them and wounded another, who however esca­ped away in a canoe across the river, a third running back toward the woods, fled to the other Indians, and acquainted them with what was done, who presently came down and lay in wait to intercept the English, that thought of no danger, but scattered themselves all about the place to gather their corn, and lade the boats therewith, but before they were ready to go away, the Indians coming down, fired upon them, and forced [Page 214]them all into the sloop; had not some of them been better prepared than the rest, they might all have been cut off; for some little resistance being made by them that were ready with their guns, it gave the rest an op­portunity to get all into the sloop, yet not without ma­ny wounds. So with much ado, they all escaped with their lives, leaving the two boats a most laden with corn, a prey to the Indians, who presently burnt one, and plundered the other of all that was therein; some are ready to think that the English did imprudently be­gin the quarrel, and not first enquire into what the In­dians were about in the house, and seek redress accord­ing to the aformentioned agreement, made at the court in Kennebeck. But if this happened after what follows next to be related, viz. that which was done to old Mr. Wakely and his family, the English can be blamed for nothing but their negligence and security, in that hav­ing alarmed their enemies, they stood not better upon their guard, which is not very certain; for tis thought that within a few days after, or the next week, a more horrible outrage was committed upon the family of an ancient man, whose name was Wakely, an inhabitant of Casco-Bay, who had some years before removed from Gloucester or Cape-Ann, out of some discontent, which afterwards he often bewailed, resolving either to have returned back, or else to have removed to some securer place, but he was arrested by the sons of vio­lence before he could effect his purpose.

THIS old man, together with his wife, his son, and his daughter in law, (then far advanced in pregnancy) with three grand-children, were cruelly murdered by those barbarous savages at one time; another of his grand-children was taken alive and led into captivity, a daughter of his was said to be carried to Narrhagan­set, which shews that they joined with the southern In­dians in the rebellion. When once these Indians had embrued their hands in English blood, they were em­holdened to the like bloody attempts in the adjacent places.

[Page 215] THIS Wakely lived so far from his neighbours, or else was encompassed with creeks or rivers, that no re­lief could presently be sent to him; however, Lieut. Ingerson, of Casco, the next day with a file of men, re­paired to the place where his house stood, to see what was the reason of the fire they discerned the day be­fore, where they found the house burnt to ashes, the bodies of the old man and his wife half consumed with the fire, the young woman killed, and three of the grand-children having their brains beat out, and their bodies laid under some oaken planks not far from the house; one girl of about 11 years old, was carried captive by them, and having been carried up and down the country some hundreds of miles, as far as Narrha­ganset fort, was this last June returned back to Major Waldern's, by one Squando, the Sagamore of Saco; a strange mixture of mercy and cruelty.

SOON after, Capt. Bonithon's and Major Phillips's dwellings were assaulted, one on the east, the other on the west side of Saco river. It is said they had sea­sonable notice of what was intended against them by their barbarous enemies, those Amoscoggan Indians, by an Indian of Saco, their neighbour, better minded than the rest of his countrymen, who observing a strange Indian coming to his wigwam in company with some of his acquaintance, one of whom informed him, after the rest with the stranger were gone, that the said stranger came from the westward, and that his business was to persuade the eastern Indians to fall upon the English in their dwellings here, as the rest had done to the westward. Capt. Bonithon, either upon this in­formation, or upon the knowledge of what was done a little before at Casco, had left his house, and was re­tired over the river with his family to Major Phillips's garrison. Thus two are better than one, for otherwise both might have been destroyed; for upon the 18th of September following, being the seventh day of the week, about 11 o'clock, those at Major Phillips's gar­rison saw Capt. Bonithon's house on fire, which by the good Providence of God was to them as the firing of [Page 216]a beacon, giving them notice to look to themselves, their enemies being now come; for otherwise they might, to their great disadvantage, have been too sud­denly surprized, for within half an hour after they were upon them, when a sentinel placed in the cham­ber gave notice that he saw an Indian by the fence side near a corn field; Major Phillips, not willing to believe till he might see with his own eyes, ran hastily up, a­nother of his men coming after, cried, Major what do you mean? do you intend to be killed; at which words he turned suddenly back from the window out of which he was looking, when presently a bullet struck him on the shoulder, grazing only upon it without breaking the bone. The Indians upon the shot, think­ing he had been slain thereby (as they heard afterwards) gave a great shout, upon which they discerned that they were surrounded by them, whereupon they instantly fired on the enemy from all quarters, and from the flankers of the fortification, so as they wounded the Captain of the Indians, who presently leaving the as­sault, retired three or four miles from the place, where he soon after died, as they were informed: He coun­selled them to leave the siege, but they were resolved not so to quit the place; nor were those within less resolute to defend it: One of the best men was soon after disabled from any further service, by a wound he received in one of the vollies made upon them by the assailants; but that did not in the least daunt the rest of the defendants, who continued still to fire upon the enemy: This dispute lasted about an hour, after which the enemy despairing to take the house by assault, tho't upon a device how to burn it.

FIRST, firing the house of one of his tenants, then his saw-mill, after that his corn-mill, hoping by that means to draw them out of the garrison to put out the fire, but missing of their purpose in that, they called out, you English cowardly dogs, come out and quench the fire. They continued this sport all the afternoon, continually almost without any intermission firing upon them. The besieged hoped for relief from the town, [Page 217]but none came, the Major still encouraging his men to hold it out, which they manfully did all that night, when they were alarmed almost every half hour; and between whiles they could hear their axes and other instruments, knocking about the mills till the next day. Those within the house conceived they were preparing some engine wherewith to burn the house, which really was the case, for about four or five o'clock in the morn­ing, at the sitting of the moon, the Major was called by his men to look out, when he saw a cart with four wheels, having a barricado built in the fore part to keep off shot, and filled with combustible matter, birch rinds, straw, powder, andpoles 20 foot long, ready to fire the house; he bid them let them drive it within pistol shot, before they made any shot against them; his men were a little discouraged at the fight of this engine; but he bid them be of good courage, and use means putting their trust in God, who, he was confi­dent would relieve them. The cart when brought a little nearer, became unweildy by reason of the barri­cado planted in it, and being to pass through a small gutter, one wheel stuck fast in the slough, which bro't the cart suddenly to the left, whereby the drivers lay all open to their right flanker, when they fired upon them out of the said flanker, and having so fair a shot upon them, and not being above pistol shot from the place, they killed 6 of the enemy, and wounded 15, as they found afterwards, which no doubt made them too late to repent of their resolution, not to follow their Captains counsel and example in leaving the siege; for now they presently departed; so as at sun-rise, those within the house espyed 40 of them marching away, but how many more were in the company they could not tell.

THE Indians it seems went towards Blue Point, where it is said they killed several persons; but these in the house feared they went for more help, and ex­pected their return; but it seems their courage failed them as to another attempt upon an house so well [Page 218]garrisoned and manfully defended. Major Phillips sent to the town for help, acquainting them with what had passed, but none was sent them either that day or the next, so having spent almost all their ammunition, the people that were with him would not be persuaded to tarry longer than tuesday morning, which constrain­ed him and his family to remove to the town. About a fortnight after, the Indians hearing thereof, came and burnt down the empty house. There were 50 persons in the said house during the time of the siege, and but 10 able hands; they had 5 more that could do some­thing, but through age or minority, not able to make any great resistance; yet it pleased God, in whose hands are all mens lives and limbs, who is never wont to fail them, who in time of danger are ready to con­fide in his power and goodness, as not to neglect the use of due means for their own preservation, so to or­der things, that not one person of all those 50 was ei­ther killed or mortally wounded. Major Phillips him­self was wounded, but not dangerously, at the begin­ning of the assault, his mills with other edifices were the first day burnt by the enemy, and so were all the houses at Saco, or most of them soon after, that were above the fishermens stages. One Mrs. Hitcock being carried captive by the enemy from the same place, died in the winter following, by eating some poisonous root instead of ground nuts, as was reported by the Indians afterwards.

MUCH about the same time, five persons going up the river of Saco, were all killed by the same Indians.

THESE tragedies being thus acted at Casco-Bay and Saco, those barbarous enemies dispersed themselves in parties, intending to do all the mischief they could to the English inhabiting about that side of the country. In the same month of September they came down to­wards Piscataqua, doing the like spoil upon the inha­bitants of the several branches of that river, which they had been doing elsewhere. In the first place they burnt the two Cheflyes houses about oyster river, and killed [Page 219]two men that were passing along the river in a canoe, and carried away an old Irishman, with a young man taken from about Exeter, who both of them soon after made an escape to a garrison at salmon falls in Kittery, by the help of an Indian better disposed than the rest, the first after seven weeks, the other after a month's captivity.

ABOUT the same time one Goodman Robinson, of Exeter, with his son, were travelling towards Hamp­ton, where, as they passed along, they were way laid by three Indians, viz. John Sampson, Cromwel, and John Linde, who shot the old man, and left him dead upon the place; his son, hearing the guns, escaped their hands by running into a swamp, whither the In­dians pursued him, but could not overtake him, so he got safe into Hampton about midnight, where he rela­ted what had besel him by the way, and how narrowly he avoided the danger, intimating likewise, that he feared his father was killed, which was found too true, by Lieut. Saver, who the next day with 12 soldiers of [...]e town went to search those woods, where they found [...]e poor old man shot through his back, the bullet hav­ing passed through his body, and was stopped by the skin on the other side. Another person of Exeter, whose name was Foulsam, was at the same time driv­ing a pair of oxen in the same road, where, soon after he heard the report of the guns when Robinson was killed, he espyed the three Indians creeping upon their bellies towards him, to do as much for him as they had done for Robinson, but leaving his oxen, he put on his house with all speed, and so was delivered from the danger that the other fell into; it is reported that one of the Indians made a shot at him; but he was either got out of their reach, or else they missed their aim at that time. The same Indians had a little before mer with another Englishman in those woods, one Charles Randlet, whom they carried captive, although he soon after escaped out of their hands, by the help of ano­ther Indian called James. It is said there were four Indians of that company, and that the fourth was sent [Page 220]away with Randlet, so that there were but three seen together at the killing and pursu [...] [...] the other afore­mentioned. One of the said Indi [...] [...] viz. John Sam­son, was killed by some of Capt. Hathorn's soldiers at Casco Bay, in September following, 1676, when the scou [...]s of our forces came upon the Indians on a sudden, and had a small brush with them, but all the rest made a shift to get away: As for the other two, viz. Crom­well and John Linde, one of them, it is said, is since killed, or taken and sold away, the other is at Kenne­beck, whom vengeance may also in due time overtake, as it hath done the other.

WITHIN a few days after that barbarous fact at Oyster river, two Indians, viz. one named Andrew, and the other Hopehood, the son of him called Robin­hood, assaulted the house of one Tozer at Neweche­wannick, wherein were fifteen persons, yet all women and children, who without all doubt had all of them fallen into the merciless hands of the too cruel and barbarous caitiffs, had not a young maid of about 18 years of age, first espyed them, who being endued with more courage than ordinarilly the rest of the sex use to be (the blessing of Jael light upon her) first shut too the door, whereby they were denied enterance till the rest within escaped to the next house, that was better fortified; that young heroess kept the door fast against them so long, till the Indians had chopped it in pieces with their hatchets, when entering the house, they knocked the poor maid down with their hatchets, and gave her many other wounds, leaving her for dead up­on the place; after which they passed on toward the next dwelling, in their way meeting with two children that had escaped the house first broken open by them, they killed one of them, of three years old, which could not follow fast enough, or else they that carried it could not convey it over a fence soon enough to save themselves and it; and carried away the other of seven years old, which however was returned safe within half a year after. The poor maid that had ventured her use so far to save many others, was by a strange Provi­dence [Page 221]enabled to recover so much strengh after they were gone, as to repair to the next garrison, where she was soon after healed of her wounds, and restored to perfect health again.

THE next day toward night more of the barbarous enemies being gathered together, they made an assault upon the neighbouring dwellings. The English as many as could be spared out of the garrison (not above 8 in number) pursued after them about half a mile, but night coming on, it was judged best to retreat, lest otherwise they might have been intercepted in their re­turn home, by any of them lying in ambush, which is their usual way of doing mischief. After divers shot made on both sides, but 5 of the enemy appeared; who yet took the advantage of Capt. Wincol's absence, (whose dwelling was not far off) to burn his house and barn, with another house and two barns more, where­in was much English [...]orn, supposed to be above an hundred bushels in one of them. After they had done this mischief they fled away. The next day after, the same Indians, or others of their fellows, came upon the other side of the river, from whence they shot over several times, to some that were grinding in the mill, but after the exchanging of many shot on both sides the river betwixt them, 6 of the enemy shewed themselves in the twilight, uttering several insolent and barbarous speeches, calling our men English dogs, &c. yet all this while out of reach of their shot, and then they ran all away like dogs after they had done barking.

AFTER this those very Indians, as was supposed, burned 5 or 6 houses about Oyster river, and killed two men, viz one William Roberts, and his son in law. The inhabitants of Dover, with some other resolute young men, being much provoked by these many in­solencies and injuries done by the enemy, obtained liberty from the Major of the regiment, to try whe­ther they could not meet with some of the Indians, by secret amputhes, and skulking amongst the bushes and [Page 222]trees, as the Indians used to do with them; to which end about twenty divided themselves into several small parties: Soon after as they were looking for the ene­my, a party of ours espied 5 of the Indians, some ga­thering corn in the field, while the rest of them were busied in heating of an oven to bake some of the fruit which they also gathered in the same field. The En­glish were at such a distance that they could not make any sign to their comrades, without being discovered by the Indians in the field; wherefore two of them crept as near as they could to the house, at one end of the field, where they suddenly rushed upon two of the wretches, and knocked them down with the butt end of their muskets, which was not done so silently, but the other three in the field took the alarm and fled away, who might else as easily as the other two have been surprized.

THESE outrages thus daily committed, filled all the plantations about Piscataqua with fear and confusion; scarce any place where there was not reason for some to complain either of the loss of their friends, or burn­ing of their houses; which caused most of them that lived scatteringly, at any distance from neighbours, either to garrison their houses, or else to desert their own dwellings, and to repair to their next neighbours that were better fortified than themselves; but all the inhabitants in those parts in general were alarmed to stand upon their guard.

ON the 7th of October following, being a day of public humiliation, a man was shot down as he was riding between two garrison houses about Neweche­wannick, and died of his wounds two months after; about the same instant of time two young men were shot dead about a mile from that place; these two had their arms or guns with them, which were carried away by those who killed them, together with their upper garments: It it not said that these three last (though killed upon a day of humifiation) were sur­prized in their repairing to, or returning from the [Page 223]place of public worship, which would in a great mea­sure have abated the sorrow of their sad funerals, if when they were suddenly arrested by the harbingers of death, they had been found so doing. Soon after this they assaulted another house at Oyster river, notwith­standing it was garrisoned, and meeting with a good old man, whose name was Beard, without the garrison, they killed him upon the place, and in a barbarous manner cut off his head, and set it upon a pole in de­rision. Not far off about the same time they burnt a­nother house and barn.

UPON the 16th of October, being Sat [...]ay, about an 100 of the Indians were gathered together to assault Newechewannick; they began with one named Tozer, half a mile from the upper garrison, at Salmon Falls: The said Tizer was presently killed, his son taken captive (but returned after some months restraint) se­veral guns being shot at this assault, alarmed Lieut. Plaisted, at the next garrison, who like a man of a public spirit, immediately sent out 7 men from the gar­rison under his command, to see what the matter was, but being met by an ambush laid in the way as they went, lost 2 or 3 of their company, the rest hardly escaping back to the place from whence they came; where­upon the said Lieut. Plaisted immediately dispatched away a messenger to Major Waldern, at Quechecho, which because it seems to be the last time that ever that good and useful man set pen to paper, the letter shall be here inserted.

WHAT answer was returned to this importunate and pathetical letter is not fully known at present; most probably he that was most concerned in the contents of it was either absent from home, or in no capacity to send the relief desired, which if it could have been had, might have prevented the sad mischief that fell out the next day [...] when Lieut. Plaisted being more earnestly bent to perform that last office of love to his deceased friends, whom he could not by all his endcavours save from the danger of death, while they were in the land of the living, would needs venture himself with 20 sol­diers out of his garrison, to fetch off the dead bodies.

TO that end he ordered a pair of oxen to be yoked to bring them to his garrison, in order to their christi­an burial, not considering that the Indians lay skulking thereabouts, waiting for such opportunities. They went first to the furthest place, where they found R. Tozer's body, and put it in the cart, but coming back to take up the other two bodies which were fallen in a little swamp nearer to the garrison, they were set upon by 150 of the enemy, who had hid themselves in the bushes, and under a stone wall, and logs in the way as they were to pass; by the sudden noise of the guns the cattle being frighted, ran away to the garrison with such of the dead as were first laid thereon (and possibly with one of them wounded at that instant) leaving their owners to fight it out with the enemy. Lieut. Plaisted being thus desperately assaulted, he with his 20 men was forced to retreat to a place of better advantage; but being there so warmly pursued, they were not able to abide it long, although they killed and mortally wounded several of the Indians, as themselves have since confessed; but they most of them being so much over-matched, took the opportunity of a fair retreat, [Page 225]and so got safe to their garrison, while Lieut. Plaisted out of the height of his courage, disdaining either to fly from, or yield himself (for 'tis said the Indians were loth to kill him, but desirous rather to take him pri­soner) into the hands of such cursed caitiffs, did fight it out desperately, till he was slain upon the place; his eldest son and another man were slain in their too late retreat, and his other son was sorely wounded, so that he died within a few weeks after.

THE Indians were contented with this mischief for the present, and slunk away into the woods before the next day, when Captain Frost came up from Sturgeon Creek, a few miles below the river, with a party of his friends, and buried the dead. During these onsets the enemy also took the advantage to burn three houses and two barns before they left the place.

THE latter end of the same month they burnt a mill near the same place belonging to Mr. Hutchinson, a merchant of Boston; from whence they came down to­ward Sturgeon Creek, where they burnt one house and killed two men not far from Captain Frost's dwelling, he escaping himself very narrowly, being shot at by the enemy, about ten in number, who might easily have burnt his house and taken all that was in it, be­ing but three boys besides himself, had he not used this policy, to call out to some to march this, and the other way, to look after the Indians, as if he had had many at hand to command, which under God was the means of his escape; for his house was neither fortified, nor well manned, although far from neighbors.

THE next day the said Indians passed down the ri­ver on Kittery side, killed one man, whose house they first plundered, and then set it on fire; all this was done just over against Portsmouth, from whence out of a small battery was discharged a piece of ordnance, which by a good Providence was directed so to fling its shot, as it fell very near a party of the Indians, for they were so affrighted therewith (if none of them [Page 226]were killed) that they left a good part of their plun­der near the place. They were pursued by some of the English before they could recover their home, and by the help of the snow that fell about that time, were traced till they were overtaken, but being near a swamp escaped, thro' haste leaving two of their packs behind.

SOON after, they went up the river again to Quechecho, where they burnt a house and two or three barns.— Another party of them got over or beyond the other branches of Piscataqua river, towards Exeter, and Lampney Eele river, where they killed one man. Ma­ny of them were seen in the woods about Exeter, and between Hampton and Exeter, where they killed one or two men in the woods as they were travelling home­wards, occasioning the people of those towns to stand continually upon their guard, which proved a great an­noyance to the inhabitants.

BUT let us look a little back to the plantations more eastward from Piscataqua river, where these out­rages of the Indians first began.

AT Casco-Bay, Lieut. Ingerson's son with another man, going out a fowling about this time, were both killed before they returned home, his father's houses being burnt, with many others also thereabouts.

AT Black Point, Lieut. Augur with two more were assaulted by the Indians, where after many shot ex­changed betwixt them, himself was so wounded, that he died soon after, and his brother also was killed with­in a few days after, not far from the same place.

WHEN the rising of the Indians first began in those eastern parts (with us called the county of Yorkshire) Capt. Wincol of Newechewannick, with some others, having a sympathy for the sufferings of his neighbors, marched up that way with a small party of men. In his first skirmish with the enemy he chanced to lose two or three of his company; the rest, not being a­bove [Page 227]11 in all, as they were marching along by the sea side were assaulted by a great number of the Indi­ans, judged to be 150; being hard beset with so great a number, they retreated to an heap of bolts that lay near the water side, by the shelter of which they lay safe from the enemy's guns, and so well played their few guns, that they slew many of the Indians, and put them all to a kind of rout at last; after which, by the help of an old canoe, they recovered safe to the other side of the bank. But nine Saco men had worse suc­cess, who came with a good intention to help their friends, upon the hearing of their guns; but as they came to rescue Capt Wincol with his small party, they themselves fell into an ambush of the enemy, and so were all cut off, with two other men also, near the place where the first skirmish was, for the Indians from the shore side could discern any that were coming to­wards them when they were at a great distance, and so might easily way-lay them before they could come up to them. Near upon seven houses were burnt about this time, and some persons killed at Black Point.

TWO persons were killed at Wells in the beginning of winter, one of them was a servant to Mr. William Symonds (one of the principal men in the town afore­said) the gentleman himself with his family were re­moved to a garrison house in the middle of the town. His servant going early in the morning to look after some business there, tarried longer than was needful, to provide something for himself, the Indians invited themselves to breakfast with him, making the poor fellow pay the shot, when they had done, with the loss of his life.

A WEEK after one Cross was slain at Wells likewise, who was a kind of a distracted fellow. Also one Isaac Cousins was there killed in the beginning of winter, after there had been some overtures of peace between Major Waldern and the Indians.

WITH such kind of mutual encounters was the latter part of the year spent betwixt the Indians and the En­glish [Page 228]from Piscataqua river to Kennebeck, from the be­ginning of August to the end of November, wherein many were slain on both sides; of the English in those parts were slain upwards of fifty; the enemy lost, as appeared afterwards by their own confession, above 90, partly in the aforesaid skirmishes, and partly in their joining with the Indians to the westward, whither it is said, many of them were invited to repair, to help de­stroy the English, in hopes to enjoy their possessions afterwards; but God had otherwise determined, who did arise at last to save the meek ones of the earth, and plead the cause of his people.

THE Governor and Council of Massachusets had at this time their hands full with the like attempts of Philip and his accomplices to the westward, yet were not unmindful of the deplorable condition of these eastern plantations; having committed the care there­of to the Majors of the respective regiments of the se­veral counties on that side of the country, but more especially to the care and prudence of the Honorable Major D. Denison, Major General of the colony, a ge­tleman who by his great insight in, and long experi­ence of all martial affairs, was every way accomplished for the managing that whole affair; he had, to ease the other side of the country, drawn out a sufficient num­ber of soldiers from the next counties, to have re­duced all the Indians eastward to their obedience; but just as they were intended to march up to the head­quarters of the Indians, to fall upon them there, viz. to Ossapy and Pigwauchet, about an hundred miles up into the country northward, the winter setting in so sharp and severe in the beginning of December, and latter end of November, it was not possible to have marched a day's journey into the woods without ha­zarding all their lives that should venture up, the snow being found generally in those woods four foot thick on the 10th of December, so as it was not possible for any to have travelled that way unless they carried rackets under their feet, wherewith to walk upon the top of the snow: This only consideration forced them to lay [Page 229]aside their design for the present, but soon after it was done to their hands; for the depth of the snow, and sharpness of the cold, were so extream, that the Indians in those parts were so pinched therewith, that being starved they began to sue for peace, making their ad­dress first to Major Waldern on that account, by whose mediations that whole body of Indians eastward were brought to an hopeful conclusion of peace, which was mutually agreed upon, and possibly might have re­mained firm enough to this day, had there not been too just an occasion given for the breaking of the same, by the wicked practice of some lewd persons which opened the door, and made way for the bring­ing in all those sad calamities and mischiess that have since fallen upon those parts of the country, as shall hereafter be declared.

IN the latter end of June, 1676, the Indians that had made a general conspiracy against the English. were strangely dispersed and dispirited, so that they from that time began to separate one from another, and every nation of them to shift for themselves, as hath already been mentioned in the former part of this nar­rative. Canonicus, the great Sachem of the Narrha­gansets, distrusting the proffers of the English, was slain in the woods by the Mobawks, his Squaw surrender­ing herself, by this means her life was spared.

MANY of those about Lancaster, and the places ad­joining thereto, did cunningly endeavour to hide them­selves amongst those Indians about Piscataqua, that had newly made their submission to the English, by Major Waldern's means, and concluded a peace, yee could neither dissemble their nature and disposition past before from suspicion of mischief, nor yet so artisicially conceal their persons, but they were easily discerned by such as in former times had any acquaintance with the eastern Indians by way of trade, or other converse: Whereupon the forces newly raised in the Massachusets, under the command of Capt. William H [...]thonne, and [Page 230]Capt. Joseph Sill, designed for the subduing of those Indians about the river of Merrimack and Piscataqua, that still stood out in hostility against the English, meeting with those under the command of Major Wal­dern aforesaid, and Capt. Frost of Kittery; it was mutually agreed betwixt those several commanders to seize upon all those Indians that at that time were met together about Major Waldern's dwelling at Quechecho; the design succeeded according to expectation, and all the Indians were handsomely surprized the 6th of September, 1676, without the loss of any persons life, either Indian or English; to the number of near 400; by which device, after our forces had them all in their hands, they separated the peaceable from the perfidious, that had been our enemies during the late troubles; finding above 200 involved in the former rebellion, more or less, they accordingly were sent down to the Governor and Council at Boston, who adjudged 7 or 8 of them immediately to die; such as were known to have had their hands in the blood of the English, or that had been shed by their means; the rest that were found only accessaries to the late mischiefs, had their lives spared, but were sent into other parts of the world to try the difference between the friendship of their neighbours here, and their service with other masters elsewhere.

THOSE who had been always peaceable and true to the English, never intermeddling in the quarrel, as Wannalancet, the Sagamore of Pennicook, and some others, were quietly dismissed to their own places. Besides those that were surprized at the time aforesaid, there were several others who had been the chief actors, that were taken up and down in those woods beyond Merrimack, and so were delivered up to justice; as John Manoco, Sagamore Sam, old Jethro, with some others, as hath been already mentioned, yet young Jethro brought in 40 at one time. It was a special [...]vor from God so to order it, that the Indians afore­said, were so surprized; for had they continued in their former rebellion, and had taken the opportunity [Page 231]to have joined with the eastern Indians, as some of them did a few months before, they would in all likeli­hood have utterly destroyed all the plantations of the English beyond Piscataqua river, as manifestly appears by the mischief which was lately done by means of a few, that by too much connivance of some in those parts, that entertained a better opinion of them than it seems they deserved. For whereas mention was for­merly made of a small party of Indians, that on the 3d day of May, in this present year, had murdered one Thomas Kembel, of Bradford, and carried away his wife and 5 children captive; yet two or three of the actors did, upon what consideration is not known, return the woman and children again within six weeks, and because of their voluntarily returning of them, were dealt more favorably with; being only put into prison at Dover, for a time; yet possibly conceiving that a prison was but a preparation for a worse evil, they took an opportunity (two of the chief actors in the aforesaid mischief, one called Simon, the other Andrew) to convey themselves out of the place of re­straint, and afterwards going amongst the Amoscoggan and Kennebeck Indians, have joined with them in those bloody and cruel depredations lately made in those parts, which follow in order next to be related.

SOME little colour or pretence of injury was alledged before those eastern Indians began their outrage, both in the former, as well as in the present year; the chief actor or rather the beginner of all the aforesaid mis­chiefs eastward, is one Squande, the Sagamore of Saco Indians, whose Squaw, as is said, was abused by a rude and indiscreet act of some English seaman, the last summer, 1675, who either overset the canoe where­in the said squaw with her child were sailing in a river thereabouts, or else to try whether the children of the Indians as they had heard, could swim as naturally as any other creatures, wittingly cast her child into the water; but the squaw immediately diving into the water after it, fetched it up from the bottom of the ri­ver, yet it so falling out that within a while after the [Page 232]said child died (which it might have done if no such affront had been offered) the said Squando, fa­ther of the child, hath been so provoked thereat, that he hath ever since set himself to do all the mischief he can to the English in those parts, and was never as yet, since that time, truly willing to be reconciled, although he is said to have sent home some that were taken cap­tive the last year. Surely if their hearts had not been secretly filled with malice and revenge before, they might have obtained satisfaction for the wrong done at an easier rate; more probable it is that this was only an occasion to vent the mischief they had formerly conceived in their hearts.

THERE is an injury of an higher nature, mentioned as the ground of their quarrel with us who live about Pemmaquid and Kennebeck, which happened the last spring, viz. one Laughton, with another person or more, who having obtained under the hand of Major Waldern, a warrant to seize any Indians eastward that had been guilty of any murder or spoil done to the English in those parts, did (most perfidiously and wick­edly entice some of the Indians about Cape Sables, who never had been in the least manner guilty of any injury done to the English) on board their vessel, or else some other way, and then carried them away to fell them for slaves; which the Indians in those parts look upon as an injury done to themselves, and have alledged it to the inhabitants of Pemmaquid, as one of the principal grounds of their present quarrel: The thing alledged is too true as to matter of fact, and the persons that did it were lately committed to prison in order to their further trial. Yet all those Indians do, or may know full well, that they who did them that wrong, were liable to due punishment (or else their quarrel might be uncounted just, and they considered as Indians, must have the more allowance) if they could be found, nor ever were any countenanced a­mongst us, that had done them any kind of injury, nor did those that take upon them the revenging of the injury, know that they were inhabitants of this [Page 233]country that did the wrong; nor was there ever any orderly complaint made thereof; but this cannot ex­cuse their perfidiousness and cruelty. Some other pre­tences alledged by the said Indians that yet do bear no proportion to the mention of a wrong or injury, viz. because our traders were forbidden to fell any ammuni­tion to any Indians whatsoever; which those Indians say they cannot live without; yet seeing they them­selves, as well as the westward Indians have so ill im­proved that which they had before, there was little reason why they should quarrel with us for felling no more.

FURTHER also, it is affirmed by some persons wor­thy of credit, that for divers years past have lived in those parts, that the Indians thereabouts need not have wanted powder or shot, only they wanted something wherewith to cloak their malicious and barbarous practices of late committed against us; but there be­ing different opinions about this point, we shall leave it for the present. But this being premised in reference to the pretended ground, or occasion of the quarrel, it remains that the effects thereof be now related.

BEFORE the war with Philip was well ended to the southward, there was a fresh alarm founded again to the eastward; for on the 11th of August, 1676, the very day before Philip's heart, that had harboured so many mischievous and treacherous devices against the English, was by one of his own company shot through, a party of Indians began their outrages at Casco in a most perfidious and treacherous manner, killing and carring away captive, to the number of 30 persons, and burning their houses; amongst whom was the family of one Anthory Bracket, an inhabitant of Casco, who was thought to have been killed, but he himself, with his wife, and one of his five children car­ried away captive, with a negro, did happily make an escape from their bloody and deceitful hands, in No­vember next ensuing.

[Page 234] THE manner how Anthony Bracket and his wife made their escape was very remarkable, and therefore judged worthy to be here inserted, although out of due place. The Indians that led them captive, having brought them to the north side of Casco Bay, news was brought to the said Indians of the surprizal of Arowsick house, in Kennebeck, with all the stores therein, which did so rejoice them, that they made all haste to share in the good things there to be had: Thus eager to be gone, they promised Bracket and his wife that they also should have a share therein if they would make haste after them, bringing along a bur­then alloted to each of them: The woman having a little before observed an old birch canoe lying by the water side, hoped it was an opportunity Providence offered for their escape; whereupon she first prudently asked the Indians to let the negro, their own servant (at the same time carried captive by them) help them to carry their burthens, which was granted; then she begged of them a piece or two of meat, which was not denyed them. Thus being furnished with help and provision, the Indians leaving them behind to come after with their several burthens, and a young child, they could not but look upon it as a nutrus Di­vinus, to bid them shift for themselves: The woman also found a needle and thread in the house, with which she mended the canoe, while they tarried on that side of the bay, in which they soon ventured to get away, which prosperously succeeded; for in that old canoe they crossed a water eight or nine miles broad, and when they came on the south side of the bay, they might have been in as much danger of other Indians, that had lately been about Black-Point, and had taken it; but they were newly gone: So things on all sides thus concurring to help forward their deliverance, they came safely to the fat at Black-Point, where also by special Providence they met with a vessel bound for Piscataqua. that came into that harbour but a few hours before they came thither, by which means they attived safe in Piscataqua river soon after; all which circumstances are very worthy to be noted.

[Page 235] AMONGST those Indians that seized this Bracket's family, the Chief was one Simon, who had but a little before escaped out of Dover prison, where he was not carefully overlooked; he had had his hand in the murder of sundry English, as he had confessed; not missing any, save one, on whom he had discharged his gun; but because he came in voluntarily, bring­ing in a woman and 5 children of the English, who had been carried captive a little before, it was question­ed whether his last act of submission might not balance his former transgression, and therefore he was com­mitted to that, not so secure a prison, till his case might be further considered of. It is said that coming to that Bracket's house over night, he pulled forth a counterfeited pass, under the hands of some public officers, or men intrusted with that service, making shew of all friendship; but in the morning, or soon after, he pulled off the vizor of a friend, and discover­ed what he was; yet granting life to this person and his family, that did not, or could not resist, which he denied to someof the neighbours not far off, who were many of them killed by this bloody villian and his partners.

THERE are some circumstances in the assault of Anthony Bracket's house very considerable, which, be­cause it was the first outrage committed by the Indians in this their second insurrection, 1676, are worthy of a more particular remembering.

THIS Indian beforementioned, called Simon, after he had escaped out of the prison at Dover, came to Casco, and either in the end of July or beginning of August, acquainted himself with this Anthony Bracket, and oft frequented his house. Upon the 9th of August some of the Indians having killed a cow of his, the Indian Simon coming to his house promised to bring the Indians to him that had killed his cow. In the mean time they of the place sent two men to Major Waldern's at Dover, to complain of this injury done by the Indians, but before their return, very early in [Page 236]the morning on the 11th of August, Simon with a party of Indians came to Anthony Bracket's house, and told him there were the Indians that had killed his cow; but as soon as they had said that, the Indians went further in­to his house and took hold of all the guns they could see; Bracket asked what was the meaning of that, Si­mon replied, that so it must be, asking him withal, whether he had rather serve the Indians, or be slain by them, to which he answered, that if the case were so, he would rather chuse to serve them than be killed by them; Simon replied, that then they must be bound, which was presently done. The said Bracket, his wife, and a negro were all bound by the Indians; his wife and a brother, who offering to resist was killed forthwith, the rest, with five children were led away prisoners.

TWO hours after, one Pike, that lived not far off, but knowing nothing of all this, went up in a canoe toward one Robert Corbin's house, where he found one Humphry Durham and Benjamin At [...]el at work about their hay; after a little stay, he lost them, intending to go up higher with his canoe. but as soon as he was a little past, he heard the report of guns, which made him with another man he had with him presently re­turn back; before he came beyond Corban's house he saw an English boy running with all haste, which made him fear some mischief was in hand, and presently a volley of shot came against them, but the bullets flying over their heads, did them no hurt; presently Simon appeared, and called them to come on shore; but they liked not his courtesy, and turning their canoe into the stream, got out of the reach of their guns, hasting down to his own house with all speed; when he came near to his house, he called to the people to make haste a­way towards the garrison-house, and bid the rest look to themselves, and fire upon the Indians that were com­ing against them: In the mean while the Indians passing from Anthony Bracket's to Corban's, killed Corban him­self, together with Humph [...]y Durham and Benjamin At­wel beforementioned; then passing on to other houses, [Page 237]killed some, and carried others away captive. At one of the next houses the women and children got off into the water by a canoe; but one James Ross, his wife and children were carried away. Corban's wife, with one of the other men's wives, and the children of ano­ther, they carried away likewise.

IN another side of the town as three persons were going to reap at Anthony Bracket's, passing from an house where they left their canoe, met with John Mountjoy and one Wakely, to whom they told what had happened, soon after they heard two guns fired, whereby it seems two men were killed; wherefore coming back toward Thomas Bracket's, where they had left their canoe, they saw him shot down by the Indians; one of the three not so well able to run, hid himself in the bushes in hope to make his escape more conveni­ently afterwards, which accordingly he did; but in the mean time he saw the Indians carry away Thomas Brac­ket's wife and children. Soon after the three men a­foresaid, got safe to Mr. Mountjoy's garrison, but not trusting to the security of that garrison, they soon after repaired to an island in the bay, called James Andrew's island. One George Lewis and his wife tarried all this time in their house till the next day, when they had op­portunity to get safe to the island aforesaid, together with the two men that were now returned from Major Waldern; whither they had been sent, but too late, to make complaint of the Indians that had counterfeit­ed his pass to travel into those parts, and had done this mischief.

THE day after, one George Felt, suspecting the worst by reason of a smoke he saw on the opposite side of the town, took his wife and children into a canoe to see what the matter was, but when he came near a point of land not far off, he found several of his neighbors goods, which made him conclude their owners were killed, which was a sufficient warning to him likewise to fly for his life, which he did to the same island. After a number of them had escaped thither, they re­collected [Page 238]that they had left powder behind them in one or two places; whereupon they determined to venture a party of them in the night, to prevent the Indians from having any advantage thereby, and for their own defence if occasion should require; accordingly their attempt succeeded well, for they brought away a barrel of powder from one Well's house, and likewise a consi­derable quantity out of a chest in a store house, where the Indians had been ransacking, and had taken things out of the other end of the chest, yet overlooked the powder. In this surprizal of the plantation in Casco-Bay, called Falmouth, there were 34 persons killed and carried into captivity.

THAT this was not a casual attempt, but a designed plot, will appear, in that just about the same time, the Indians at Kennebeck made the like insurrection, where­by it is concluded, either that the Indians which esca­ped from Dover stirred them up thereunto, or else that the said Indians finding them in a disposition tending that way, by reason of some injuries done those that dwell farther northward, they offered their service to help forward the design.

IT is to be noted here that the Indians about Kenne­beck were persuaded to continue their former amity with the English, notwithstanding the report of Philip's rising that year before, and the outrages committed the last autumn and winter following; yet which is more, they had lately renewed their league with the English in those parts, although they had often complained to those of Pemmaquid, of the injury they suffered in the with-holding from them the trade of powder and shot, without which they said they could not subsist, and for want of which, it is alledged by themselves, that some of them perished the last winter.

BUT the quarrel of late fallen out betwixt the En­glish and the Indians about Kennebeck and eastward thereof, being a matter of great importance, it shall, for the satisfaction of the reader, in what follows be [Page 239]more particularly described, it being the duty of every one that publisheth things of this nature, to do the right of an historian to all who are any ways concern­ed in what is made public. The information was re­ceived from a prudent person, an eye and ear witness of all that happened amongst the said Indians both the former and the present year, and one that was more publickly concerned in those transactions than some o­thers, therefore the more credit may be given thereto.

MENTION is already made of what happened in September, 1675, to the company belonging to a sloop and two boats that went up Casco-Bay to gather corn. upon that accident it is said divers Indians on the east side of Kennebeck river repaired to their fort at Toton­nock (a place higher up into the country beyond Kenne­beck and Sheepscot river) where was an English trading house: And the Indians eastward of said river, had as yet done no harm to any of the English, yet did Capt. Sylvanus Davis, agent for Major Clarke and Capt. Lake of Boston, upon these overtures think fit to fetch down the powder and shot, with other goods from the said trading house, telling the Indians, by the mes­senger sent up, he would have them come down and live below in that river, to take off jealousies, and that he would then sopply them with what was needful.— But the messenger told them in case they would not come down and deliver up their arms the English would kill them. He that sendeth a message by the hand of a fool, faith Solomon, cutteth off the foet, and drink­eth damage. This message was delivered by him as he afterwards confessed, but who put it into his mouth, or whether it was the device of his own heart, does not at present concern us to enquire, but the damage that side of the country hath sustained thereby is not easy to recount; for upon this threatning message the Indians forsook their fort and went further eastward, and sent abroad to John's river and to the sea side, to get all the Indians they could together to come up Penobscot river.

[Page 240] A GENTLEMAN who at that time lived at Pemma­quid, a kind of superintendent over the affairs of that place, considering the sad state things were running in­to, laboured to obtain a parly with the said Indians, or with some of them, which after much trouble and cost he did accomplish. But in the mean time, such was the violence used by some refractory English in those parts, that they could scarce be restrained from offering violence to the persons he sent up as messengers, or o­thers that lived quietly amongst them, and did also as violently set themselves up to oppose him or any others that acted with more moderation than the rest; pro­testing against them as those who for gain supplyed the Indians with powder and shot, and said they would kill any Indian they met; others at Monhiggon offered five pounds for every Indian that should be brought, yet would not these persons that were so violent against the Indians in their discourse, be persuaded then or af­terwards to go out to fight the Indians in an orderly way, as appeared both by their security in not acting better upon their guard, and by their sudden flight af­terwards, running away like a flock of sheep, at the barking of any little dog. Things being in this pos­ture, what could be expected but a present war with the Indians, although as it seems, there were few or none to be found willing to undertake it, or fit to ma­nage it in those parts. However, the person aforesaid understanding the general court at Boston had appoint­ed a council of war at Kennebeck, applied himself to them, laying before them the desperate state things were falling into; whereupon they issued out warrants to re­strain all manner of persons from meddling with the Indians without further order, which within a few days should be had. In the mean time the Sachems of the Indians met at Pemmaquid, where after many com­plaints made of the hard dealing of the English in Ken­nebeck river, they came to terms of peace, promising to keep true friendship with the English, and to hinder the Amoscoggan Indians from meddling with the En­glish, if by any means the could, and also to return peaceably in the spring of the year. This gentleman [Page 241]aforesaid, having a long time waited to go to Boston, was willing to take the opportunity of the present win­ter, hoping things were now pretty well settled in those parts between the Indians and the English, found soon after that he was cited thither to answer some com­plaints, though ill grounded, for selling powder and shot to the Indians contrary to order. But those false opinions being easily blown away by his own appear­ance at Boston, and having dispatched his business there, he returned before the winter was over to Pemmaquid, where hearing of a vessel that intended to take Indians in those parts and carry them away to market, which he had many strong reasons to believe, (it being no hard matter to surprize many such, that suspecting no fraud, would easily be enticed aboard a vessel to trade, or may be to drink liquor) sent to both the master and company, if they had any such intent, to forbear, see­ing those Indians were at peace with us; and likewise to the Indians, to inform them of such a vessel, and to be aware thereof; but yet it seems the master and company took several Indians eastward, who were also at peace with us, and to our great sorrow shipt them on board for a market.

THE winter being now over, the aforementioned agent of Pemmaquid went to a meeting of the Indians eastward, to persuade them of the country's willingness to continue a peace with them. They seemed very joyful thereat, and in the spring brought some presents to confirm the peace, and to that end also delivered up an English captive boy to those of Kennebeck. But when the summer came on, the said Indians having li­berty to travel up and down the country to visit their friends as they used to do, they missed many of them, who had in the winter been perfidiously carried away. and as is related, they fell into a rage against the En­glish, making complaint thereof to the said agent, Mr. Earthy, Mr. Richard Oliver, and others. They were told means should be used for bringing them back a­gain, which had been so transported. Those to whom [Page 242]the complaint was made, did scarce believe it to be true, not having heard thereof from any other hand, and probably hoping none, especially after such so­lemn warning, would deal so perfidiously with hea­thens, to lay such a stumbling block before them.

THE Indians being certain of the thing done, could not be easily pacified, being likewise incensed against the English for with-holding the trade of powder and shot the last winter, saying they were frighted from their corn the last year by the people about Kennebeck, insomuch that many of them died in the following win­ter for want of powder and shot wherewith to kill venison and foul; adding withal, that if the English were their friends as they pretended, they would not suffer them to die for want thereof. However, the said agent making the best he could of a bad cause, used all means to pacify the complainants, and to that end promised them that if they would meet with any of the Amoscoggan Indians (who had all along the bit­terest enmity against the English) he would give them a meeting to treat in order to a peace, Major Waldern having already concluded a peace with the Piscataqua and Casco Indians, and by that means, if they could conclude the like peace with the Amoscoggan men (that could not yet be found) there would be a general peace with all the Indians eastward of Piscataqua, which the Indians that were present at this discourse seemed very joyful at. Yet still by one fatal accident or another, j [...]alousies still seemed to increase in their minds, or else the former injuries began to boil a fresh in their spirits, as not being easily diges [...]ed, whatever had been said or done to allay the offensiveness thereof. Soon after comes a post from Tetonnock, to desire him to repair thither according to his promise, where they told him he should meet Squando, and divers Amoscoggan Sachems, and that Mug was sent post to fetch the said Squando. This gentleman, mindful of his promise, went with the post to Kennebeck, finding Capt. Lake at his house in Arowsick. It was judged meet that Captain Sylvester Davis should go along with him, with instructions from [Page 243]the council then sitting in Kennebeck, how to carry on their treaty. After they had gone part of the way to­wards Totonnock, they came to an English house, where they were cold what great jealousies of deceit in the Indians were upon their spirits, from what they had heard of Mug, and Tarumkin, an Amoscoggan Sachem. Going further, to a place called Kedonucook, they met with Indians, who were very shy of telling them any thing; which, added to their former intimation, great­ly increased their fears; but being resolved on their voyage, they proceeded in their way thither, yet failing short of the place on purpose, that they might finish their business with them the next day. When they came to their fort, they were first faluted with a volley of shot, then brought into a wigwam where their Sa­chems were: Madockawando sat as chief, who now stiles himself their minister. Being set in council, they made Assiminalqua their speaker, whose adopted son was the said Madockawando: He told them it was not their custom, if any came as messengers to treat with them, to seize upon their persons, as sometimes the Mobawks did with such as had been sent to them: Capt. Davis, and the other gentleman told them there­in they dealt like men; answer was presently made them, you did otherwise by our men, when 14 came to treat with you, and set a guard over them, and took away their guns; and not only so, but a second time you required our guns, and demanded us to come down unto you, or else you would kill us, which was the cause of our leaving both our fort and corn, to our great loss.

IT was without doubt no small trouble to their minds, in a treaty with these Pagans, baec diei potuisse, and non potuisse refelli: Yet to put the best construction might be, on such irregular actions, which could not well be justified, they told them the persons who had so done, were not within the limits of their go­vernment, and therefore though they could not call them to an account for so acting, yet they did utterly disallow thereof; adding further, as soon as we under­stood [Page 244]thereof, we sent for you to Pemmaquid, and treated you kindly, and kept you, as you know, from the vio­lence of the English; the Indians replied, we do but inform you, and will treat further in the afternoon; but when the afternoon came, our two messengers told them their business was to treat with the Amoscog­gan Sachems, and that they were sorry Squando was not there; then having confirmed their peace with those eastward Indians, they intreated the Amoscoggan men to speak, who likewise urged Tarumkin, the chief Amoscoggan Sachem to speak, who after some pause, said he had been to the westward, where he had found many Indians unwilling for peace; but says he, I found three Sachems (whom he named, though those he spake to knew them not) willing to have peace; and for my own part I am willing for peace, and give them his hand, with protestation of his continuing in friendship; so did 7 or 8 more of the Amoscoggan men; whose names they took, of whom Mug and Robinhood's son were two. After this Madockawando asked them what they should do for powder and shot, when they had eat up their Indian corn, what they should do for the winter, for their hunting voyages; asking withal, whether they would have them die, or leave their country, and go all over to the French. Our messen­gers told him, they would do what they could with the Governor, some might be allowed them for necessity: He said they had waited long already, and therefore would have them now, say yea or nay, whether they should have powder as formerly, or not: Our mes­sengers then replied, you yourselves say many of the weftern Indians would not have peace, and therefore if we fell you powder, and you give it to the western men, what do we but cut our own throats? Adding further, it is not in our power without leave, if you should wait ten years more, to let you have powder, at which words they seemed much to be offended.

BUT yet the next day they resolved to go down with them, and to speak with the western men, there­by, if it might be, to stop their further proceeding.

[Page 245] SO going down with them the next day, they met with some Indians who had got strong liqour, with whom they fell a drinking; our messengers stayed at two places for them, and finding that still they tarried behind, not knowing what farther to do, they went home, it being the sixth day of the week; but the next night save one, news came to Kennebeck, that the Indians had killed divers English in Casco, although it was not yet known at Pemmaquid: Upon this news Capt. Davis set out one sentinel the next night; the rest (such was their security) went all to bed, and in the morning were all like Laish surprized; thus might it be said, Invadunt AEdem somno (sinon) vino (que) sepul­tam. The particulars of the surprizing of Kennebeck, and Arowsick house, are thus related by such as were acquainted therewith.

UPON the 13th of August, 1676, several Indians repaired in the evening to the house of one Mr. Ham­mond, an ancient inhabitant, and trader with the In­dians up Kennebeck river; his daughter, or a maid that was servant in the house, either naturally afraid of the natives, or else from something she observed in their countenance or carriage, manifested so much sear, as made her run out of the house to hide herself in some place abroad; the Indians perceiving it, the more to dissemble their treachery, ran after her, and brought her into the house, telling her (although they could not persuade her so to believe) that there was no reason to be afraid of them; presently after more of the barbarous villians coming into the house, she grew more afraid than before, being now more strongly persuaded that they came on purpose to kill or surprize those in the family, whereupon she suddenly made an escape out the house, and presently passed into a field of Indian corn, whereby she might the better avoid the danger of any pursuer, and so ran across over the land that night, ten or twelve miles, to give them no­tice that lived at Sheepscot river; it is said that after she got out, she heard a noise in the house, as if they [Page 246]were fighting or scuffling within doors; but she did not count it wisdom to go back and see what the mat­ter was, knowing before enough of their villanies, how well soever her mistress (that was more versed in the trade of the Indians) might think of them. Those of Sheepscot taking this warning, escaped away as soon as they could, leaving their cattle and dwellings as a prey to the Indians. What befel master Hammond and his family, is not yet certainly known: Reports pass up and down, that some who came down the river after­wards, saw some of the dead stripped upon the banks of the river, which makes us fear the worst concerning all the rest; for certainly the whole family, 16 in number, were all at that time either killed or carried away captive, none save the maid aforesaid, being known to make an escape, to inform their friends, like Job's messengers, what befel the rest of the family.

THE Indians having in this manner surprized Mr. Hammand's house, they passed down the river the same night, but going by another house, they med­dled not with the people, only turned their canoes adrift, that they might not find means afterwards to escape themselves, or help others so to do: Possibly their chief aim being at Arowsick house, they would no [...], for fear of being discovered, make any attempt upon any place near by; wherefore, the 14th of Au­gust, very early in the morning, having in the night, or before break of day, passed over on to the island called Arowsick; several of them undiscovered lay hid under the walls of the fort, and behind a great rock near adjoining, till the sentinel was gone off from his pl [...] (who went off it seems sooner than he should, considering the danger) when presently some Indians followed him in at the fort gate (as some report) while others of them immediately seized the port holes there­of, and shot down all they saw passing up and down within the walls, and so in a little time became mas­ters of the fore, and all that was within it: Capt. Lake (joint owner with Major Clarke, of the whole [Page 247]island) hearing the bustle that was below, betwixt the Indians and those that belonged to the place, was strangely surprized, yet himself with Capt. Sylvanus Davis, and two more, understanding that the Indians had seized the fort, and killed divers of the English, apprehending it bootless, or rather heartless to stay, as not being able to stand upon their guard, or make any refistance, made a shift to find a passage out at a back door, whereby they escaped to the water side, where they found a canoe, into which they all enter­ed, and made away toward another island near by: This was not done so secretly but the Indians discerned them before they were gone far; four of them there­fore hasted after those that had escaped in another canoe, and coming within shot, discharged their guns upon them, whereby said Davis was badly wounded; yet making haste, as they generally used to do that fly for their lives, timor addidit alas, they got a shore before the Indians overtook them; it is said they were strangely dispirited, or else they might easily have de­fended themselves against their pursuers: But when once mens hearts are sunk with fear and discourage­ment upon a sudden surprizal, it is hard to buoy them up, to make any competent resistance. Capt. Davis being badly wounded, could neither trust to his legs to fly, nor yet make use of his hands to fight, yet was strangely preserved; Providence directing him to go into the cleft of a rock, ear by the place where he first landed; the Indians by the glittering of the fun beams in their eyes as they came ashore, did not dis­cern him; so that lying hid under the covert of the hand of Providence for two days, he at last crawled a little above the water side, till he found a canoe, whereby he escaped with his life. The other two were better foot men, and parting with Capt. Lake, made their escape ten or twelve miles, to the farther end of the island, and so escaped from the Indians, till they found means to get off Poor Capt. Lake, who a few hours before slept quietly in his mansion house, fur­rounded with a strong fortification, defended with many soldiers, is now forced to fly away with none to [Page 248]attend him; and as the awful hand of Providence ordered things, was as some say, pursued by such Indians as were mere strangers to the place, that knew not the master from the man, but by one of whom he was shot down, as is supposed soon after he came ashore; Lieut. Davis heard two guns, by which it was thought, and soon after was known to be by an Indian, who hath since confessed to Capt. Davis that he shot him that day Arowsick was taken, which he intended not to have done, but that he held up his pistol against him; whereas if he had but asked quarter, he should have had his life. Capt. Lake was slain at that time, al­though many hopes were for some time entertained that he was taken alive, and kept with other captives amongst the Indians; and it is said the Indians of those parts did not intend to kill him, if they could have helped it; but it was known his hat was seen upon an Indian's head not long after, which made his friends conclude what had befallen that good man, who might emphatically be so termed, in distinction from them that may truly be called just men, and no more: For it seems according to the just agreement betwixt him­self and his part owner of Arowsick island, it was not his turn this year to have been upon the place, but such was his goodness, that he yielded to the desire of his friend and partner, as in his room and stead to take upon himself that service in this time of danger; it is hoped his goodness in future time will not be for­gotten by such as were any way concerned therein, or had advantage thereby.

THIS island (called Arowsick, from an Indian so named that formerly possessed it, and of whom it was purchased by one Mr. Richards, who sold it to Capt. Lake and Major Clarke) lies up ten miles within the mouth of Kennebeck river; it is some miles in length, and contains many thousand acres of very good land; where meadow and arable ground are in a good pro­portion well suited together. Within the fort aforesaid, were many convenient buildings for several officers, as well for wares and trading, as habitation: Six se­veral [Page 249]edifices are said to have been there erected. The warehouse at that time was well furnished with all sorts of goods; besides a mill and other accommodations and dwellings, within a mile of the fort and mansion house; some inhabitants of which hardly made their escape upon the first surprizal of the fort.

ALL which considered, the loss that befel the pro­prietors at the surprizal of this island, seems to be very great, valued at many thousands; but those that were the owners, with others of late times, have found from their own experience, what Solomon said of old, there is a time to get, and a time to lose, a time to keep, and a time to cast away; a time to break down, as well as a time to build up. The persons killed and taken at Kennebeck, both at Mr. Hammond's, and at Arowsick, are said to be 53.

UPON the report of this sad disaster, all the plan­tations of the English in those parts were soon after left, and forsaken by degrees. All the rest of the in­habitants of Kennebeck river, Sheepscot river, Sagadahock, and Damanicottee, fearing to be served in the same kind, fled to the islands of Cape Bonawagan, and Damaril's Cove.

ON the second day at night a post was sent to Pem­maquid to inform them of what had happened, who being but eight or ten men, had a mind to go on the island called Monbiggon, having secured the best of their goods, but the wind taking them short, they were forced to turn into Damaril's Cove, where they found Mr. Wiswall, and Mr. Colicot; there they laboured two days to settle a garrison; but thro' the mutinous disposition of the people, and the want of provision, nothing could be done to secure the island, so that it was soon deserted. From thence they went to Monbig­gon, resolving there to tarry till they heard from Boston, from whence Mr. Colicot and Mr. Wiswall promised to do their utmost endeavor to send help. There they settled three guards, and appointed 25 to watch every [Page 250]night, not knowing but that the Indians might come every hour. But continuing there a fortnight, and finding no relief like to come, and seeing all the coun­try burnt round about, (for after they had got all that could be saved from Pemmaquid, they saw all the other islands, Windgin's, Corbin's Sound, New-Harbour, and Pemmaquid, all on fire in two hours time) then considering what was best to be done, they found no boats could be sent to sea for fear of weakening the island, and that most of those who were on it were strangers, coasters, and such as came from the main, and ready to be gone upon every occasion, they laid an embargo for one week; after which a let­ter was received from Major Clarke, desiring their as­sistance for enquiring after Capt. Lake, if alive, saying, what could be had at Kennebeck, &c. but intimating nothing of any help like to come; besides, those that brought the letter told them it was in vain to expect any help from Boston, it being questioned there what they had to do with those parts. Upon which the in­habitants considered, that if they should tarry there and spend all their provision, and neither be able to go to sea, nor yet to live, or be safe ashore for want of help, it were better for them to remove while they had some­thing to live upon, and seek employment elsewhere; so by consent they resolved forthwith to transport them­selves and what they had saved of their goods, to some place of security, so they sailed the first opportunity, some for Piscataqua, some for Boston, and some for Salem, at one of which places they all safely arrived.

HAVING thus escaped at first, as Lot out of Sodom, but not counting themselves safe in that Zoar, where for a little while they made out to hide their heads, till they might escape to some surer place, there wait­ing for better times, when they may with peace and quietness return to their former habitations, or seek some other elsewhere.

WHEN the aforesaid exploits were done by the In­dians about Casco-Bay, several of the English removed [Page 251]to Jewel's island, where they hoped to be more secure from the Indians, but the barbarous enemy finding so little resistance made against them on the main land, a considerable party of them came with their canoes to destroy that island also, about three weeks after the a­forementioned mischiefs.

THERE was a fortified house upon the said island, where the English that either kept upon the island, or repaired thither, hoped to secure themselves. But at the time the Indians assaulted the place, many of the English were absent, and few left in the garrison but women and children. Some were gone to other places to fetch Indian corn, others were in a boat employed about fish, amongst whom was one Richard Pots with two more. The wife of the said Pots was washing by the water side, where she was surprized with her child­ren, and carried away in fight of her husband, who was not a little distressed with that sad spectacle, but was incapable of affording any relief either to his wife or children. One of these little innocents, espying his father in the boat, ran into the water, calling out for help; but an Indian was running after him to catch him up; the poor man in a great agony, being with­in half a gun shot, was about to fire upon the Indian, but fearing he might wound or perhaps kill his child, which the villian had seized and was carrying off, he forbore, chusing rather to have him carried away a­live, than expose him to the loss of his life or limbs, by shooting at the Indian.

IT is said some of the Indians were killed by those in the garrison; 'tis mentioned that a lad at one shot killed two or three of them; some guns were found afterwards under the fort, which were supposed to have belonged to some of the Indians that were killed. Some that were abroad when the fort was assaulted, despe­rately broke in through the Indians, whereby at the last many people were preserved. Some flying away to Jewel's island in a cance, to ward Richmond's island, met with a ketch, to which they made known the dis­tress [Page 252]the people were in, who thereupon went to the place and took in all the people they found there, and carried them off to a place of more safety. Yet there were several persons said to be killed and carried away at that time, viz. three men, who were known to be killed, two women and two children, that are supposed to be yet alive, though in the enemy's power.

FROM thence they went to Spurwinks, where they assaulted one place, or more, and killed one man, wounded another, and carried another away captive. Amongst those that were in danger of surprizal, one that could not run hid himself in a garden of cabbages, so that he was not found, yet was very near them, for he overheard several questions they asked him they took; by which means he was the better enabled af­terward to prevent the danger two more were coming into, for the poor fellow they had taken, told them that one Gendal, and another man were to come that way by and by; whereupon this man that had hid himself, meeting Gendal and the other man, gave them notice of the danger, whereby they were delivered out of the snare for that time. Not long after Mr. Gendal fell into their hands, as shall hereafter be related. Within a while after, or about the same time, another fatal accident befel six or seven persons belonging to Casco: For, upon the 23d of September, some persons that belonged to a sloop and a shallop, that were pres­sed into the service (one reason of which was to pre­vent their stragling, they being persons that belonged to those parts about Casco) were over desirous to save some of their provision, to which end they first made their address to Capt. Hathorne, (under whom they were ordered to serve) desi [...]ing they might be released; the Captain told them he could not do it, but desired them to have patience for a while; they told him they must and would go, else their families must starve at home; the Captain told them further of the danger, and bid them not stir at their peril. However go they would, and soon after went to Mountjoy's island to fetch sheep, where they landed seven men; but the Indians [Page 253]suddenly fell upon them, when they betook themselves to the ruins of a stone house, where they defended themselves as long as they could; but at last they were all destroyed either with stones cast in upon them, or with the enemies shot, except one, who, though at the first it was hoped his wounds were not mortal, yet soon after died thereof. Amongst these was one George Felt, much lamented, who had been more active than any man in those parts against the Indians, but at last he lost his own life amongst them, in this too desperate an adventure.

THE Indians growing more bold by these attempts in those remote places, drew down nearer towards Piscataqua, for not long after a party of them came upon Cape Nidduck, where they killed and carried away all the inhabitants of a few scattering houses, to the number of seven in all; and such was their savage cruelty exercised in this place, as is not usually to be heard of, for having dashed out the brains of a poor woman that gave suck, they nailed the young child to the dead body of its mother, which was found sucking in that awful manner, when the people came to the place. The day before a man and his wife were kill­ed by them at Wells, and two more soon after. On the 12th of October following, near an 100 of the Indians made an assault upon Block-Point, all the in­habitants being gathered into one fortified place upon that point, which a few hands might have defended against all the Indians on that side of the country; but as it seems, one called Mugg, was the leader of the Indians, one that had from a child been well ac­quainted with the English, and had lived some years in English families, who though a cunning fellow, and had succeeded much in his attempts, yet at this time shewed more courtesy to the English, than ac­cording to former outrages could be expected from any of those barbarous miscreants, and was willing to make offer of a treaty to Mr. Josselin, Chief of the garrison, to whom the said Mugg promised liberty for all that [Page 254]were there, to depart with their goods upon the sur­render of the place: The said Josselin reports, that when he came back from his treating with Mugg, that all the people were sled away out of the garrison, having carried away their goods by water before his return, insomuch that having none but his household servants to stand by him, he was capable of making no resistance, and so surrendered.

WHEN people have once been frighted with reports and sense of danger, they are ready to fly away like a hart before the hunter or his hounds; one of the in­habitants of the place affirmed he saw an 150 Indians, which was more by an 100 than any body else ever saw near the fort. But when a place is consigned to ruin, every thing they take in hand shall tend that way.

THE loss of Black Point was accompanied with a­nother sad accident that happened about the same time at Richmond's island: For young Mr. Fryer, with some others at Piscataqua, to whom it seemed grievous that the Indians should make all that spoil in every place in those farther plantations, ventured upon the great importunity of Mr. Gendal, with a ketch, to try what they could save of such things as the Indians had left; but things were so ordered, that before they had loaded their ketch, coming too near the stage head, they presently found themselves in danger of a sorprizal; for part of their company being ashore, were seized by the Indians, or in danger thereof, whom they were not willing to leave behind; and besides the wind blowing in hard upon them, they could not get out of the har­bour, but were forced to abide the danger of an assault; the Indians getting many of them into the stage head, annoyed them so fast with their shot, that not a man of them was able to look above deck, but he was in danger of being shot down; amongst the rest Mr. James Fryer venturing too much in view of the ene­my, received a wound in his knee, which appeared not dangerous at first, but for want of bover looking to, than could be found amongst that black regiment, in­to [Page 255]whose hands he soon after fell, it proved mortal unto him within a sew days after; he being by a strange accident brought home to his father's house, at the great island in Piscataqua Mr. Fryer being thus wounded, the rest of the company defended themselves for a while, with much courage and resolution, till they were brought to the sad choice of falling into the hands of one of these three bad masters, the fire, the water, or the barbarous heathen, to whom at last they thought it best to yield, in hopes of liberty afterwards, at least of lengthening out their lives a little longer, for the Indians had manned out a canoe with several hands to cut their cable, and others stood ready within the de­fence of the stage head, to fire upon any one that stir­ed in the ketch, by which means the vessel after the cable was cut, soon drove ashore; and then it was threatened to be presently burnt, if they did not all yield, to which they all at last consented.

THE Indians how barbarous soever in their own nature, yet civilly treated their prisoners, and upon farther discourse sent one or two of them to Piscataqua, to give them there an opportunity to ransom their friends. The persons sent home to procure a ransom, were to return with such a quantity of goods as the Indians had desired, by such a precise time; but they that brought the things for their ransom, coming a day or two before the time, when those that sent them were gone up the river at Black-Point, and not return­ed: Some other Indians waiting for such an opportu­nity, seized the goods, at least that part which they most desired, and through mistake, killing one of the three men that brought them, dismissed the other two, without return of the prisoners as was expected.

AS to what happened afterwards, we are yet much in the dark, and for the present can write but by guess: For within a few days after the return of Mr. Gendal, and the other man that went to carry the ransom, before the 1st of November, Mugg himself came to Piscataqua, bringing Mr. James Fryer, who soon after [Page 256]died of his wound; one of the prisoners along with him complaining that without his knowledge some of the Indians had seized what was sent for the ransom of the rest, promising upon his faith, that he would make good his word for the sending home all the prisoners, and offered also in the name of the other Indians to confirm a new peace with the English for the future. The Major General of the Massachusets colony was then at Piscataqua, but not willing to transact a matter of that nature and moment by his sole authority, or­dered the said Mugg (supposed to be the chief leader of the Indians) to be carried down to Boston, to the Governor and Council there, to conclude the business, with whom he soon after agreed upon a firm peace with the English of the Massachusets, in the name of Madockawando, the Chief of all the Indians in the eastern parts about Penobscot, engaging also to remain himself as hostage, aboard the vessel (in which he was sent home from Boston, the 21st of November following) until the prisoners (which are said to be 50 or 60, that they have still in their hands) be sent home, and the rest of the articles performed; the issue of which we as yet wait to hear in God's good time, this 12th day of December following, 1676, when they there have made an end of the reckoning, it is hoped we may have our right again.

THERE are two principal actors amongst the Indians that have all along promoted these designs amongst them, one named Squando, Sagamore of Saco, and the aforementioned Madockawando, the chief commander of the Indians eastward about Penobscot, who are said to be, by them that know them, a strange kind of moralized savages; grave and serious in their speech and carriage, and not without some shew of a kind of religion, which no doubt but they have learned from the Prince of Darkness (by the help of some Papist in those parts) that can transform himself into an Angel of light; under that shape, the better to carry on the de­signs of his kingdom. It is said also, they pretend to have received some visions and revelations, by which [Page 257]they have been commanded to worship the great God, and not to work on the Lord's day. We know where that fountain hath its rise, that sendeth forth at the same place sweet and bitter waters; and from whence their hearts are inspired, that join blessing of God, with cursing and killing his servants.

IT is reported by some that came lately from those parts, that the Indians there do as yet refuse to have any peace with the English, and will not as yet return any of our captive friends, till God speak to the afore­said enthusiasts, that are their leaders, that they should no longer make war with us, and the like.

BUT not to trouble ourselves farther with those ministers of Satan, or those that are actuated by the Angel of the bottomless pit, who possibly since their delusions are but two sold more the children of Hell than they were before. We know better how to un­derstand the mind of the great Lord of Heaven and Earth, than to depend on such lying oracles.

THAT God who hath at present turned their hearts to hate his people, and deal subtilly with his servants, we hope in time, will either turn the stream, and cause them to deal friendly and sincerely with his people as heretofore, or give us an opportunity to destroy them.

IN the next place it remains, that some account be given of our forces under Capt. Hathorne, and of their several expeditions into the eastern parts, since the middle of September last; first up toward Casco, by the sea-side, then afterwards through the woods, direct­ly northward, toward Ossapy and Pigwauchet, in hopes to have found the enemy there at their head­quarters.

UPON the first report of those devastations and spoils that had been made by fire and sword in those eastern plantations, it was judged necessary to send some forces that way to put a stop to the current of [Page 258]those outrages, before the remainder of the southern Indians could have an opportunity to join with them: To that end about an 130 English, with 40 Indians, were dispatched away into those parts, under the com­mand of Capt. William Hathorne, Capt. Sill. and Capt. Hunting, who were to join with such as could be raised in those parts, under Major Waldern and Capt. Frost. After they had surprized the Indians that flock­ed into those parts, (as was related before) which was done upon the 6th of September, 1676, Capt. Hath­borne, who was commander in chief, marched the for­ces by the sea-side, towards Casco; For at that time they were upon some demure, whether to march di­sectly toward Ossapy and Pigwauchet, where the head-quarters of the enemy was supposed to be, or else to march directly toward Casco Bay, where they heard parties of he enemy were daily spoiling the plantations of the English; at the last it was judged most expedient to try if they could not meet with some parties of the enemy amongst those plantations near the sea side, by that means at least to prevent them from doing more mischief, if they could not find an opportunity to fall upon some of them and destroy them; but their time was not yet come, nor were all the desolations as yet accomplished, which God had a purpose to bring about by their means: For notwithstanding there was a sufficient force to have suppressed all the numbers of the enemy, if they had been many more than they were, yet being emboldened and grown subtle by their former successes, they had so dispersed themselves all about the woods in those parts, that when our for­ces were in one place, they would be in another, and so did much mischief thereabouts, while our soldiers were out after them: For after they had by several stops in ten days time got to Casco from Newechewannick (about the 8th of September) they marched to Wells, and from Wells to Winter Harbour, and so from whence to Black-Point they passed by water, and then arrived at Casco Bay, about the 20th of September; [...]et about that very time were several of the English cu [...] off at Mountjoy's island, and that in sight of our forces, when [Page 259]they were not able to come at them for want of boats, the island lying two leagues off in the bay; this hap­pened the 23d of the same month, as was said before; and within two days after, another party of the enemy were doing mischief at Wells and Cape-Nidduck, and yet escaped away when they had done.

NOR could our forces in all their expedition meet with any of them, but two; one of which soon after he was taken, was let go by the treachery or careless­ness of them that held him. For when our forces were come within a few miles of the hither side of Casco Bay, some of our Natick Indian scouts going in company with the Indians under Blind Will (a Saga­more of Piscataqua, who went in company with 8 of his men, supposed to be good pilots for the places more eastward) met with some of the enemy, and laid hold of a couple of them; justice was done to one of them; the other, although he was led by two of Blind Will's Indians, they made shift to let go, who escap­ing, got over a river, and gave notice to the Indians who were on the other side, and were heard but a lit­tle before threshing in a barn that belonged to one Anthony Bracket, whom they had lately surprized, Another disappointment our forces met with about the same time; for when Capt. Hathorne was up at Casco Bay with his soldiers, he never could come up with the Indians, either through want of skill in them that were his scouts, or rather want of faithfulness in one that should have been his guide, who had got his living by trading with the Indians, therefore seemed unwilling to have the brood of them destroyed, as was known after­wards; and by that means a party of the enemy es­caped the hands of our soldiers. Yet it pleased God at one time to bring the forlorn of our forces upon a party of the enemy, who espying the English, presently fled away into the woods like so many wild dee [...]; yet one of them, viz J. Sanpson, who had been of the com­pany that killed Robinson the year before, was by the special hand of Divine justice, suffered to fell by some of our forces; he was a very lusty, stout man, and one [Page 260]that was armed with several forts of weapons, but there is no weapon shall defend them whom death hath a commission to destroy; there is no ransom in that war. The rest of the Indians that were scattered about Casco Bay, having discovered our forces, made their escape; but we hope their time is short, and that God will find some way to cut off the bloody and deceitful enemies of his people, and not suffer them to live out half their days.

BUT by one such accident or other, our soldiers could not meet with any of them that had done the mischief about those parts. While our forces lay a­bout Casco-Bay, a small party of the enemy came down upon the borders of the town of Wells, where they lay in ambush near a garrison house at one end of the town, and shot Mr. JamesGouge from his horse, on Lord's-day, Sept. 24th, as he was going home from the meeting, and then knocked down his wife, giving her several wounds with their hatchers about the head, or which she died in three days after.

THE next day, Sept. 25th, the same party, being not more than seven in number, went toward York, and surprized Cape-Nidduck in a most barbarous manner, killing most of the poor people belonging thereunto. Some of their neighbors hearing the guns, came to their rescue; the Indians being on the further side of a river, dared them to come over and fight with them man to man, using many reproachful expressions, and making a shot at them, which some of the company not being able to bear, did very resolutely adventure through the river after them; but they were not wil­ling to try the valour of the English, when they per­ceived they found a way to pass over the river upon them, but returned back towards Wells, where they killed one George Farrow, Sept. 27th, as he was too carelessly venturing to his house without any company. These things happened while our forces were at Casco, where they tarried seven or eight days; and bearing of these outrages committed in some of those places [Page 261]which they left behind them, and not being able to meet with any of them in the place where they were, they returned back towards Wells and York; but the Indians were escaped away into the woods after their companions, before they came there. Our soldiers having thus spent much time and pains in a fruitless expedition towards Casco, resolved to venture another march after them up towards Ossapy, supposing they might by that time be drawn homewards toward their winter quarters; or else that they might destroy what they had left behind them, to prevent their harbouring there for the future: But it seemed good to him, who by his sovereign power and infinite wisdom ordereth all events and purposes (wherein his people or others are concerned) to disappoint all endeavors used at that time for the suppressing of the enemy, or putting any stop to their wonted successes; for soon after our forces were returned back from Casco, news was brought of the surprizal of Black-Point, on the 12th of October, as was mentioned before; which notwithstanding, it was judged more adviseable to venture and proceed on with the expedition toward Ossapy, (whither it was supposed by this time the greatest number of them were retired) rather than to return back again to recover Black-Point, where was nothing to be expected but an empty fort, and some deserted houses, which it seems the Indians had forsaken by that time. And besides, that other forces were about the same time ordered to repair thi­ther, sufficient for the repairing and securing the place with what else was left remaining from the hands of the enemy: And likewise several soldiers were ordered to garrison the towns thereabouts, to prevent them from making any further assault upon them. However, they were so far emboldened by the taking of Black-Point, and the ketch at Richmond island, that a party of them came the very next week after, toward Wells, hoping to attain that, and all the towns and places between Casco-Bay and Piscataqua, as they had done Black-Point: For a party of them under Mugg their chief leader, brought Mr. Gendal along with them to Wells, where they summoned the first garrison at the town's [Page 262]end. To facilitate the business, they sent the said Gendal as their agent or messenger to move them' so surrender without hazarding an onset; but the people were not so despondent as to yield up the place upon so slight an occasion; which when the enemy discern­ed, they soon drew off, after they had done some little mischief to the inhabitants; for first they killed Isaac Littlefield, not far from the garrison; it is said they would willingly have had him yield himself prisoner, but he refusing, they shot him down, yet they were so civil as to suffer his friends to fetch away his body, without offering any further act of inhumanity to it, or hostility towards those that carried it off.

AN old man called Cross, was likewise killed by them about the same time; and another whose name was Joseph Bigford, belonging to the garrison, was so badly wounded that he died very soon after. Thirteen head of next cattle were also killed by them, out of which (through haste) they only took the tongues, leaving the bodies whole to the owners, unless it was the leg of one of them, which was also taken away.

THIS was all the mischief done by them after the taking of Black-Point. The inhabitants of Winter-Harbour, near adjoining thereto, being alarmed with the surprizal of the other place, fled away with their goods for a time, until they heard the enemy were moved farther eastward, and then it is said they return­ed to their place again. In this posture have things remained ever since in those eastera plantations be­tween Piscataqua and Casco-Bay.

BUT our forces under the command of Captain Hathorne and Capt. Sill, having at last obtained all things necessary for a winter march into the woods, did upon the first of November following, set out to­wards Ossapy, where, after four days march of a very difficult way, over many rivers, not easy to pass at that time of the year, they arrived; but found not an In­dian either there, or in the way as they marched along. [Page 263]The Indians belonging to those parts had not many years before, hired some English traders to build them a fort for their security against the Mohawks, which was built very strong for that purpose, fourteen foot high, with flankers at each corner; but at this time the soldiers intending to disappoint them of their re­fuge, made fuel thereof, which at that time was very needful for our people, who had marched many miles through deep snow in a very cold season, when they could hardly keep themselves from freezing as they passed along, so early in the winter. None of the e­nemy being to be found there in their strongest fort, it was not counted worth while for all the company to march any further; wherefore a small party being sent up eighteen or twenty miles farther northward amongst the woods, where as they passed along they met with many vast lakes, (supposed to be the cause of the sharpness of the cold in that side of the country) ma­king the place scarce habitable for any besides those savages that used to hunt thereabouts for moose in the winter, and beaver in the summer. But at this time it is supposed they were all gone lower toward the sea side, to share the spoils of the English plantations late­ly surprized by them, which is all the reward they have met with, who in former years for the sake of a little lucre by traffic with them, have run themselves there into the very jaws of destruction, either by irre­gular dealing with them, or by their too much confi­dence in their deceitful friendship.

THE 9th of November, our forces having spent nine days in this service, returned safe to Newechewannick, from whence they set forth at the first, having run more hazard of their limbs by the sharpness of the frost, than of their lives by any assault from their enemies.

THERE was great probability that the design might have had some good effect if Mugg did not much abuse those he fled unto, with a proffer of peace; for he told them that there were about an hundred of them about Ossapy not many days before. But it becomes us to [Page 264]look beyond second causes in events of this nature, and conclude that God had raised up these barbarous ene­mies to bring a like chastisement upon the English in this side of the country, with that which others had en­dured elsewhere in the end of the former and begin­ning of the present year.

WHEREAS mention was formerly made of a peace concluded at Boston, between the Governor and Coun­cil of the Massachusetts, and Mugg an eastward Indian, in the name of Madockawando, chief Sagamore of all the Indians about Pemmaquid and Penobscot; which said Mugg was sent from Boston, Nov. 21st, with two vessels to receive the prisoners were detained by the Indians, and also to see the ratification of the several articles of the said peace concluded upon; which ar­ticles for the better satisfaction of those that have not been acquainted with them, are thought fit to be here inserted, and are as follow, viz.

The said Mugg lifted up his hand to heaven for the true performance thereof, esteemed amongst them a strong obligation to perform what they promise.

THINGS were so ordered by the good Providence of God, that the said vessels arrived safely at Penobscot in the beginning of the next month, where they sound the said Madockawando, who was ready to confirm and make good the articles of the peace concluded at Boston by his agent in his name; and was willing also to de­liver all the prisoners that were then in his power, or under his command, which were but eleven, who were taken in the vessel at Richmond's island, the 12th of October last. The said Mugg likewise being sensible of the obligation he lay under to make his word good, did venture to go up himself to another plantation of the Indians, where was supposed some more of the English prisoners were, to see whether he could obtain their release, as also to persuade the rest of the Indians thereabouts to join in the confirmation of the peace: It appeared to the persons belonging to the vessels, that the said Mugg went with some reluctancy, as feating the Indians he was going amongst, would either kill him, or keep him prisoner; to which end, he order­ed [Page 267]the commanders belonging to the vessels, to tarry for him about three days, or four at the most, assuring them, that if he did not return by that time, they might certainly conclude that either his life or liberty was taken from him; however, the vessels tarried about or near a week beyond the time limited, in ex­pectation of his coming; but after so long stay, they neither seeing nor hearing from him, were ready to fear the worst, viz. that his countrymen had made him sure, from having more to do with the English; whereupon for fear of being shut up by the sharpness of the winter from returning themselves, they rook the opportunity of the next fair wind, of setting sail for Boston (only turning into Pemmaquid, to see if they could hear any farther news there) where they arrived with such prisoners as were freely delivered by Ma­dockawando, the 25th of December following, anne 1676; amongst which prisoners, besides the two afore­mentioned, who were found at Penobscot, there was a third, by a more remarkable Providence than ordinary, added unto them, Mr. Thomas Cobbet, son of that re­verend and worthy minister of the gospel, Mr. Thomas Cobbet, pastor of the church at Ipswich, a town with­in the Massachusets jurisdiction, who had all the time of his son's captivity, together with his friends, wrest­led with God in their daily prayers for his release, and accordingly he was with the more joy received by his friends, as an answer and return of their prayers. The said young man had lived with Mr. Fryer, mer­chant, of Portsmouth, for some years before, and had been often at sea with Mr. James Fryer, the eldest son of the said merchant, and who had after much expe­rience of his faithfulness, dexterity, and courage on all such accounts, borne him so much respect, that when he was urged by his father to go along with Mr. Gen­dal, as was said before, he would not venture unless his friend Thomas Cobbet, would go along with him; which service he only for his friends sake accepted, which proved a fatal adventure to Mr. James Fryer, and might have been to the other also, had not God otherwise disposed of him, having, as is hoped, more [Page 268]service for him in the land of the living. Amongst all the prisoners at that time taken, the said Thomas Cob­bet seemed to have had the hardest portion; for beside; the desperate dangers that he escaped, before he was taken, first by a bullet shot through his waistcoat, secondly by a drunken Indian, who had a knife at his throat to cut it, when his hands were bound, when the Indians came to share the prisoners amongst them, he fell into the hands of one of the ruggedest fellow, by whom within a sew days after his surprizal, he was carried first from Black-Point to Sheepscot river, in the ketch, which the Indians made to fail in, in the said river, from whence he was forced to travel with his Pateroon, four or five miles over land, to Damariscottee, where he was compelled to row or paddle in a canoe, about fifty miles farther to Penobscot, and there taking leave of all his English friends and acquaintance, at least for the winter, he was put to paddle a canoe up fifty or sixty miles farther eastward, to an island called Mount-Desert, where his Pateroon used to keep his win­ter [...]ion, and to appoint his hunting vovages; and in that desert-like condition was the poor young man forced to continue nine weeks in the service of a sa­vage miscreant, who sometimes would tyrannize over him, because he could not understand his language, and for want thereof, might occasion him to miss of his game, or the like. Whatever sickness he was sub­ject to, by chance of diet, or on any other account, he could expect no other allowance than the wigwam will afford: If Joseph be in the prison, so long as God is with him there, he shall be preserved, and in due time remembered.

AFTER the end of the nine weeks, the Indian whom he was to serve, had spent all his powder, whereupon on a sudden he took up a resolution to send this young man down to Penobscot to Mr. Casteen, to procure more pow­der to kill moose and deer, which it seems is all their way of living at Mount-Desert; the Indian was certain­ly over-ruled by Divine Providence, in sending his captive down thither, for a few days before, as it seems, [Page 269]after the Indians in that place had been powawing together. he told him, that there were two English vessels then come into Pemmaquid, or Penobscot, which indeed proved so; yet was it not minded by him sure­ly when he sent his captive thither for powder, for it proved the means of his escape, which his Pateroon might easily have conjectured, if it had not been hid from him. As soon as he arrived at Penobscot, he met with Mugg, who presently saluted him by the name of Mr. Cobbet, and taking him by the hand, told him he had been at his father's house (which was the 1st or 2d of November before, as he passed through Ipswich to Boston) and had promised to send him home, as soon as he returned. Madockawando taking notice of what Mugg was speaking that way, although he was will­ing that he should be released according to agreement (his Pateroon being one of this Sagamore's subjects, though during the hunting voyage of the winter, he lived at such a distance from him) began to demand something for satisfaction, in a way of ransom, not understanding before that his father was a great preach­man, as they use to call it: Reply was made him, that he should have something in lieu of a ransom, viz. a fine coat, which they had for him on board the vessel; which the Sagamore desired to see, before he would absolutely grant a release; but upon sight of the said coat he seemed very well satisfied, and gave him free liberty to return home. Whilst this Mr. Thomas Cobbet was a prisoner at Mount-Desert, going along with the Indians to hunt on an extream cold day, he was so overcome with the sharpness thereof, that all his senses whore suddenly benummed, so that he fell down upon the snow, not being able to stir hand or foot, and had without doubt there perished in a little time, but the Indians he was going along with, missing him, presently ran about the woods to seck him, and when they sound him, they were either so pitiful to him, or so careful of their own good, as not to cast away a likely young man, from whom they expected either much service, or a good ransom, for [Page 270]want of a little care and pains to preserve his life; wherefore taking him upon their shoulders, they car­ried him into the next wigwam, so that he soon after revived, and came to himself again, without any far­ther mischief.

AT another time, the savage villian, whose prisoner he was, so long as he had strong liquor, for five days together was so drunk the he was like a furious mad beast, so that none durst come near him, his squaws he almost killed in one of those drunken fits.

THE said Thomas was forced to get out of his fight into the woods all that night, for fear of being injured by him; where making a fire, he kept himself alive; the squaws being by God's special Providence so inclin­ed to pity, that they came to him daily with victuals, by which means he was at that time also preserved; all which put together, makes his deliverance the more remarkable, as an answer of prayer.

AS for the rest of the prisoners (which are said to be 50 or 60) they were left with those who first surprized them at Kennebeck, and Seepscot river: The women are employed it seems to sew, and make garments for them; they having plundered many English goods at Arowsick. They are so much elated with their late successes, in spoiling so many English habitations, that they seem not very ready to hearken to terms of peace, as their Sagamore Madockawando doth desire: Nor are the English able to come near them with any of their forces this winter season, in regard both of the remoteness of the place, and sharpness of the cold, which used to be extream in those parts. How their hearts may be inclined in the following year, or what the English may be enabled to do against them, is known unto God only, on whom we desire to wait for a comfortable issue of these our troubles. But until they have spent all the plunder that is taken, it is no doubt, but they will seem averse from having peace; 20 [...]ers to the westward did, whose hearts were hard­ened [Page 271]against all proffers of that uature, till they were destroyed; possibly some remnants of them that es­caped in those other parts, are got hither amongst these, and do animate them all they can to hostility against us, till they make these as miserable as them­selves, and so forced at the last to fly their country. Many have been the troubles we have met with from these our barbarous neighbours round about us, but God we trust will deliver us out of them all, as he hath promised to do for the righteous, who may in the dark­est night of affliction say, light is sown for them, which shall spring up in the appointed time thereof.

NO farther news came to hand concerning the En­glish prisoners at Kennebeck, after the return of Capt. Moor from Penobscot, till the 5th of January; when one Francis Card with another young man, formerly an inhabitant of some place about Kennebeck, or of A­rowsick (but then a prisoner with the Indians) made an escape from them, and got over to Casco-Bay, and then to Black-Point, from thence he was conveyed to Piscataqua soon after, and then to Boston.

THE manner of his escape, as he reports was this: He was employed by the Indians to thresh corn at a barn a little lower in the river, than the place where the Indians commonly kept; being trusted alone, to go and come of himself, because there was no suspicion of any coming to carry him away, or seeming pos­sibility to get away without being discovered, he found means to plot with another young man, who was sent to look horses; whose flesh it seems is by those wild savages, preferred before the best beef, so that having their choice of both, they took what they liked best. This being the employment of the young man, he had the better opportunity when he was in the woods to make a contrivance to get away. Thus being resolved upon their design, they provided ne­cessaries accordingly, and sent such a message home to their masters, as might occasion them not to expect them very soon that night. Thus resolved, they [Page 272]marched away as soon as they perceived the coast was clear; and having provided a canoe accordingly fit for the design, by the help of which they got over the water, by which they were to pass, which was not frozen; and in the night time turned into a swamp, where they might make a fire to keep them from suf­fering with the cold, without being discerned; so that within two or three days they recovered the fort and garrison at Black-Point, from whence they were soon conveyed to Boston.

THIS Francis Card made this relation of matters when he came to Boston, viz. that the prisoners which he left behind were well, and not much ill used, only put to do the servile work about the Indians. Woe must it needs be with christians, when put not only to so­journ, but to serve in those tents of Kedar. Such of the women as were skilled in knitting and sewing, were improved to make stockings and garments for their Pateroons: So it seems the ware-house at Arow­sick furnished them with cloth, stuff, and linnen, and the inhabitants served for artificers to cut it out, and make it up.

HE reported also that the Indians spake nothing of any peace; but rather being heightened with their late and great successes, were contriving how to get possession of the other places in the hands of the En­glish on that side of the country, which God forbid should ever come to pass; but finding so easy work of their former exploits, they hope to accomplish their purposes with the like facility in all other places where they come.

IT seems Squando is their chief leader, that enthusias­tical, or rather diabolical miscreant; who hath put on a garb of religion, and orders his people to do the like; performing religious worship amongst the Indians in his way, yet is supposed to have very familiar converse with the devil, that appears to him as an Angel of light in some shape or other very frequently. This [Page 273] Francis Card also affirmeth, that there is not so great a number of the Indians as is here reported; for he faith, when they were going out upon some design, while he was in their hands, he had an opportunity to count them all, and could find but 98 of them that were men; neither could he discern that there were any of the western Indians, unless Simon and Andrew, that formerly escaped out of Dover prison; although it was before apprehended there were multitudes of them stocked thither.

Francis Card's declaration of their beginning, August 14th.

THE Indians came to Richard Hammond's, and there killed Richard Hammond, Samuel Smith, Joshua Grant, there parting their company, eleven men came up Kennebeck river to my house, and there took me, and my family. Therefore the rest of their company went to Arowsick, and there took the garrison: About a fortnight after they came down Kennebeck river, and so went down to Damaril's Cove, and there burnt houses, and killed cattle; then coming back parted their company; one party went to Jewel's island, and the other party went to Sagadahock, being in num­ber 81. Those that went to Sagadahock took a shal­lop; from thence came to Kennebeck river, and then went to killing and destroying of cattle and houses; for they had intelligence of a ketch and a shallop at Damaril's Cove, and going there they took the shallop, and killed two men, being in number about 80. The next day made up their forces, went out to Black-Point, being about an 100 fighting men, and are now in two forts about 60 at a place, with six or eight wigwams between the two forts.

NOW the best place to land men is in Casco-Bay, and in Kennebeck river; the one place being eight, the other about fourteen miles from the fort where I was kept; and if the army do not go now with speed, they will be gone forty miles farther up in the country. At the first taking of me they carried me up to Taconet, [Page 274]and the men coming down, they brought me and two more men down for fear of our killing their women and children; for they kept their women and children at Taconet all the summer. As soon as the warm wea­ther doth set in, they do intend to go away to Taconet, and there to build two forts, for there is their fishing places, and planting ground. Squando doth inform them that God doth speak to him, and doth tell him that God hath left our nation to them to destroy, and the Indians take for truth all that he tells them; because they have met with no affront. Now Mugg the rogue, being come again to the fort, doth make his brags and laughs at the English, and faith, that he hath found the way to burn Boston, and doth make laughter at your kind entertainment; they make their brags how they do intend to take vessels, and to go to all the fishing islands, and so to drive all the coun­try before them; reckoning to be a great number in the spring. There is a great many Indians at Ca­nada that have not been out this summer, both of Ken­nebeck and Damarascoggin, therefore a great many of these Indians at Kennebeck do intend to go to Canada in the spring to them. And they do give gifts both of captives, and of goods to the eastern Indians, to have them to go out with them; but as yet I do not know what they will do, for Madockawando and Squando are of several judgments, and so have parted, and Madockawando doth pretend love to the English; they do use our English captives as civilly as we can expect by such a people. That this is truth, is decla­red by me, Francis Card, the 22d of January, 1676.

BY the report which he brings it doth not appear so difficult a matter to make an attempt to recover the place, and destroy them that hold it, as was before apprehended: Insomuch as that design, that was under debate before the Governor and Council a little before, and was let fall for the present, as a matter not feasible, hath since been set a foot with a fresh resolution: And a­nother thing also occurred about the same time, which put new life into the said design, viz. an apprehension [Page 275]that there were several of the Narrhagansets scattered about in these woods near Piscataqua, who it was fear­ed might join with those of Kennebeck in the spring, and so come down upon the English plantations, and spoil them all that are thereabouts. For soon after Francis Card came to Boston, some of Major Waldern's Indians at Quechecho, as they were hunting in the woods chanced to meet with three strange Indians, two of which had guns; but those of Quechecho were without. The other Indians began to insinuate into them, to see if they could make way for their acceptance with the English: Those Indians that this motion was made unto, in a most perfidious manner gave them encou­ragement in the business, and appointed a place where to meet them the next day, saying they would not have them now go home with them to their wigwams, lest their women and children should be frighted with the sight of their guns; all which was spoken upon a treacherous account, by that means to betray them, for they had neither women nor children at their wig­wams; but not having guns themselves, as the others had, they durst not then seize upon them. The next day therefore, according to appointment, their guests expecting a treaty, and a friendly compliance (yet coming apart, as was ordered the day before to be the more easily surprized) arrived at the place appointed; and there presently the first, being thus treacherously brought into the snare, was dispatched out of hand. The like was also done to the second. The third was not at such a distance, but he either discerned or sus­pected what became of his fellows, and therefore made the more haste to escape; but his deceitful friends were two quick for him, who shot him down before he could get out of their reach; so that they took him alive, as is said; but he could not live much longer by reason of his wounds. These Que­checho Indians cut off the scalps of their poor country­men (which is their usual manner, when it is too far to carry their heads) which being brought to Major Waldern's Indians, they were presently discerned to be Narrhagansets by the cut of their hair. This instance [Page 276]is a sufficient evidence of the subtility, guile, and falshood, natural to all these Indians, and may satisfy any rational person, what little trust there is to be put in their words, promises, or engagements, though never so solemnly made, farther than they that make them, see advantage in the keeping and performing, Subtility, malice, and revenge, seems to be as inse­parable from them, as if it were a part of their essence.

WHATEVER hopes may be of their conversion to christianity in after time, there is but little appear­ance of any truth in their hearts at present, where so much of the contrary is so ordinarily breathed out of their mouths.

THESE were the manners of the Gentiles in former times, while they remained children of disobedience, until they were renewed after another image: Nor are these uncapable subjects for divine grace to work up­on; yet are there some natural vices proper to every nation in the world, as Paul speaks of the Grecians, from the testimony of one of their own poets.

BUT to return. These things so concurring, and several gentlemen from about Piscataqua repairing to Boston, so represented the state of things eastward before the Governor and Council, that it was appre­hended not only necessary, but feasible also to suppress the aforesaid Indians in those parts: Whereupon it was forthwith concluded that an expedition should be made against them; to which end 200 soldiers, where­of about 60 were of the Natick Indians, who had gi­ven good proof of their valour and faithfulness to the English; all which were immediately dispatched away the first week in February, by water, under the con­duct of Major Waldern, as commander in chief; a per­son well approved for his activity, as well as fidelity and courage in matters of this nature. They had to encounter with rough and contrary winds, and much cold weather the first week after their setting out; but having so much experience of the favor and goodness [Page 277]of Almighty GOD, who is always wont to be pre­sent with his servants in like cases, though he hath of­ten for a time deferred, for the trial of their faith and exercise of their patience, yet useth not to fail his peo­ple, that put their trust in him, and diligently seek his face; a solemn time being appointed for that end, to which we expect a comfortable answer. We that have sent forth our friends on the public service, being thus engaged to follow them with our prayers, at present in silence wait upon the Lord of Hosts to give a blessing to the design; hoping our friends in this necessary, though difficult service, thus called forth, have gone out with the like encouragement and resolution that sometimes Joab did. Let us be of good courage, and play the men for our people, and for the cause of our God. And let the Lord do that which seemeth him good.

UPON the 11th of February, two Indian squaws that had run away from Major Waldern's in the begin­ning of winter, out of discontent, because the husband of one of them, and some of the relations of the other were sent away, came back with more wit than they carried away with them, though with less flesh upon their backs; having wandered up toward Pigwau­chet, till they were almost starved there. they say some Indians were soon by them, pretending they were going to the head of Connecticut river, with hostile in­tents against the English; but they going away in the manner before described, little heed is to be given so the stories they tell upon their return.

THE 19th of February following, John Abbot, the master of Mr. Fryer's ketch, taken October 12th, at Black-Point, came in to the Isle of Shoales, having made a desperate adventure to escape. He gave a more probable account of things in those parts.

HE faith they were first carried to Sheepsect river, where the vessel in which they were taken was moored all the winter; in which time the Indians having spent [Page 278]all their ammunition and most of their provision, tho't it high time to be looking out for more; to which end they caused the said Abbot to fit up the vessel (be­ing a pinnance of about 30 tons) as well as he could, with such assistance as they could afford him; and ten of them shipped themselves in the same, intending for Penobscot; from thence to sail up that river as far as they could; and then leaving their vessel to proceed on with their canoes as high up the river as the stream would permit, and so to pass on to Canada, to buy powder of the French there; it being at this time thirty-two shillings a pound amongst the Indians at Kennebeck. But as Providence ordered it, after these mariners launched into the deep, a small storm with a contrary wind began to rise; of which the English skipper found ways in his steering to make the danger seem more than really it was, insomuch that they resolved to put in at Capebonawaggon, three leagues to the eastward of Seepscot, where eight of them went ashore, leaving two Indians on board with the English skipper. After he had got so well rid of them, he contrived how to get clear of the other also; therefore he persuaded them that the vessel would not ride safely in that place, so that he prevailed with them to let him go to another harbour, called Damaril's Cove, two or three leagues more eastward. In the way as he sailed, he so ordered his steering, that sometimes the waves were ready to overtake the vessel, which put his two Indians into a fright, so as they made all the haste they could to get ashore, as soon as they came within the harbour, urging him to go along with them; but he pretended a necessary excuse to stay behind to look after the vessel, but with intent, as soon as he should see them ashore, to hoist sail for some English harbour, having no body on board with him, but a small English child about three years old: It seems the Indians had a child or two of their own dead in the vessel, who dying after they began their voyage, they were the forwarder to go ashore with them, for burial: The said Abbot now perceiving he had obtained his purpose (for he ost resolved on this [Page 279]project before) first greasing the mast with a piece of fat pork left by the Indians, as high as he could reach, that he with his own hands might the more easily hoist the sail, so choosing rather to cast himself upon the Providence of God in the waters, than to trust himself any longer with perfidious savages on the dry land, he came safe to the Isle of Shoales before the evening of the next day, the 19th of February.

WITHIN a few days after John Abbot aforesaid made his escape in the vessel, there came an express from Maj. Waldern (the commander in chief over our for [...]s sent to Kennebeck to subdue the Indians in those parts, and deliver the English captives that have been detain­ed in their hands since August last) which giveth this account of their proceeding.

February 17th. This morning the wind north-east, soon after south and south-west, we set fail with our vessels from Black-Point, for Portland, but on the east side of Cape Elizabeth, we espied John Pain (who was sent out a scout) who brought word the way was clear of ice and Indians; whereupon we steered for Mary-Point, at the head of Casco-Bay, and got there this night, but too late to get to the fort before morning.

Feb. 18th. We sent this morning our scouts out by land, who returning about 8 o'clock, brought word they espied the tracks of three Indians, and found a birch canoe at Muckquit, about four miles off, by which we feared we were discovered; the companies about four o'clock were drawn forth, and just begin­ning their march, when we espied five canoes of the enemy about half a mile off; they landed over against us on an island, and hallowed to us, whereby we per­ceived they desired a treaty; hoping to gain the cap­tives, we sent John Pain to them, they promised him to bring the captives by morning, and desired peace. After this John Pain was sent again, and stayed a­mong the Indians in the room of Simon, who came to the Major. He was questioned, and answered as follows.

[Page 280] Quest. How came you to know we were here?

Answ. We continually kept out our scouts, and yesterday our Indians left a canoe at Muckquit, which this day we missed, and perceived the English had taken it, and our men that left the canoe espied you a great way off at Portland.

Quest. Why did you break your covenant with me?

Answ. Blind Will stirred us up to the war here, and said he would kill you at Quechecho. Simon having said this, asked the Major what his business was here, to whom it was answered, we came to fetch off the captives and make war as we see good. Simon also told us that the captives were all well, that we should have them by morning, that Squando was there, and would give the captives to Major Waldern, that they intended peace, and had sent to Boston before slow, but that Mugg told them the English would be here s [...]ortly.

THE Major upon this dismissed Simon, and sent for Squando, to which Squando answered, he would meet him half way if he would come alone in a birch canoe. To this the Major answered, he would not venture himself in one of their leaky canoes, and that if he had no more to say, the treaty was ended: To this Squando answered, he would be with us again at ten o'clock, and bring the captives.

Feb. 19th. Wind north-east, the weather thick: About noon we discovered a party of Indians in four­teen canoes about three miles above us in the bay; they landed on a point of land, and burnt one English house, and shouted to some of our men that were scouts, challenging them to fight: Immediately on the return of our scouts we marched against them as secretly as we could; upon sight of us they fled; but Capt. Frost came upon them with his whole body before they were half out of gun shot: In this skirm­ish [Page 281]we judged we killed and wounded several of them without any damage, yet some of their bullets hit some of our men. For the Captain's sake immediately after this we hung out a flag of truce, and the ene­my did the like. John Pain was sent to them to de­mand the reason why they fired the house, and broke their promise.

Simon met him half way, and answered, the house was fired accidentally without order from Squando; that they had sent for the captives who were a great way off, and the foul weather hindred their coming: He questioned John Pain also why we fought them while we were in treaty.

Pain answered, they broke it themselves in not per­forming their promise, challenging our soldiers to sight; the latter Simon denied, and answered the other as be­fore: Simon told him they had two men wounded, and expected satisfaction, but also promised the cap­tives the next day, and so lest us.

Feb. 20th. The wind north-east, and snow, it was resolved to fail for Kennebeck the first fair wind, whither we had immediately gone upon our knowledge that we were discovered by the enemy, but that the wind and weather hindered us hitherto.

Feb. 21st. This morning the wind north-west, we set sail for Kennebeck, and arrived at the harbour's mouth at four o'clock. About sun set we set sail up the river, and got to the lower end of Arowsick.

Feb. 22d. We set sail this morning, but could not get to the head of the river for ice, whereupon we land­ed our soldiers at two o'clock, about twelve miles off Abound [...]ssit fort, and immediately began our march; at 8 o'clock at night, came to the fort; we found no Indians, there we took up our quarters this night.

[Page 282] Feb. 23d. We sent out scouts to discover the march of the enemy, but found so many tracks every way, that we knew not what way to follow them. At a council of war it was resolved that Major Waldern should sail for Penobscot, with two of the ketches, and part of the soldiers to seek after the captives, and fight the enemy if he had opportunity; the rest to build a garrison. In the absence of our forces, the vessels espied several fires below the river, and one English house was burnt; about sun-set the soldiers returned to the vessels.

Feb. 24th. This morning the Major with two boats and a shallop went to spy out a place to settle a garrison, and found one against the lower end of A­rowsick island, and the vessels are brought to it.

Feb. 25th. We rested here this sabbath.

John Baker's house opposite the lower end of A­rowsick, being judged the most convenient place for their purpose, as well for the conveniency of water for the soldiers, as for a cove wherein ships might ride, within command thereof, their vessels therefore were immediately anchored there, where they rested on the Lord's day, February 25th.

NEXT day, according to the advice of the command­ers, Major Waldern embarked 60 men in two vessels, with which he set sail immediately for Penobscot, leav­ing the rest to be employed in making preparation for settling a garrison in the said place.

IN their way off from Gyobscut-Point, they espied two Indians in a canoe, that waved their caps, as if they desired to speak with them. John Pain and Walter Gendal were presently sent; they gave them intelligence that many Indians were at Pemmaquid with English captives, upon which they bent their course thither; where arriving, they anchored at four o'clock the same day; soon after two Indians hollowe [Page 283]to them from Mr. Gardner's fort. John Pain was sent ashore to enquire who they were, and what was be­come of the captives. Sundry sorts of Indians were found upon the place, with several Sagamores, the chief of whom, was Mattahando, who told them he was glad to see English men there, and that he desired peace, and promised to deliver such captives as were at Penobscot, the next morning; adding also, that he de­sired to speak with Capt. Davis. After John Pain returned to the Major, he was sent back with the said Davis, and stayed ashore till three Sagamores went on board, and signified as much to Major Waldern, as they had said before to John Pain. While they were in discourse, an English captive was espied in a canoe with his Pateroon, with whom they desired to speak, but it was not granted at that time, he being carried farther up the river out of sight.

SOON after the Major went on shore with six men, yet carrying no arms with them. He found their words smoother than oyl, yet were there drawn swords in their hearts, of which some of their actions gave no small ground of suspicion; for they deferred all till the next morning; nor were they willing to let the man that was espied before in the canoe come on board to see his friends without leaving an hostage in his room, of which the Major was very glad, that he might have an opportunity of a little discourse with one whom they might trust. When they returned from the shore, a sign was promised to be given for the appearance of the Indians by the firing of three guns.

THE next morning, February 27th, the Major with the same number as before, went to treat with them, they, with John Pain, first hallowing to them: Upon their coming on shore their persons were searched on both sides, and all arms laid aside. The whole fore­noon was spent in a treaty, whereat they seemed much to rejoice in expectation of a peace with the English; yet when Major Waldern desired a present delivery of captives, with assistance of men and canoes to fight the [Page 284] Monoscoggin Indians, enemies to them both, it was de­nied, though they could not have had a better testimo­ny of their fidelity.

THEY alledged that the captives were given them by the Kennebeck Indians, and they must have some­thing for keeping them all winter, and therefore were not willing to let them go without a ransom; and as for their canoes, they said they had them in present service, being then bound for Penobscot. The price demanded, twelve skins a person, was yielded to; up­on which they delivered William Chadburn, John Win­nick, and John Worwood, which were all that they would own, or could be proved they had.

THAT part of the pay which was to be in liquor, was presently laid down, the rest was promised to be fent in the afternoon. The commanders debated what was farther to be done; one or two of the old Saga­mores (who were believed) seemed sincere about the peace, professed that none of them had any hand in the war, but only some of their young men, whom they could not rule; but several of the company affirming they saw some of the said Indians at Casco engaged in hostility against the English, it was resolved not to en­ter into any league of peace with them, but rather to fight them, or surprize them after they had dispatched the business about the captives.

THIS being determined, the Major with five of his men went on shore, with part of the ransom, the bet­ter to beget a confidence in them, and then to return on board again, and fit his men for further service; but if he had not wisely provided against all exigen­cies beforehand, he might have been prevented from ever going on board any more, for stepping aside a rod or two from the place for better circumspection, he espied the point of a lance from under a board, hid there, as were other arms near by, for a treacherous design that was in their minds, soon after, upon the receiving the rest of the pay, to have been put into ex­ecution. [Page 285]Whereupon Major Waldern took up the lance and came towards them, charging them with falshood and treachery, for hiding weapons just by, wherewith to destroy them as soon as they had deliver­ed the goods. The Indians discovered their guilt by their countenances, some of them making towards him, thinking to get the weapon out of his hands; but he bid them stand off, threatning to kill every one that offered to touch him; and immediately waved his cap over his head (which was the sign agreed upon for all the soldiers to come on shore in case of need) upon which token the soldiers all hasted away. In the mean time the English that went on shore to wait upon the Major, were forced to bestir themselves, both to secure the goods from being carried away, and to defend Ma­jor Waldern. Some of the squaws, with others of the enemy ran away; one of them catched up a bundle of guns that were hid near by, and ran off with them. Captain Frost seized an Indian called Megunnaway, a notorious rogue, (that had been in arms at Connecticut last June, at the Falls, and saw the brave and reso­lute Captain Turner, when he was slain about Green-River; and helped to kill Thomas Bracket at Casco in August last) and with the help of Lieut. Nutter, ac­cording to the Major's order, carried him on board, while himself searching about farther, found three guns hid in a cow-house just at hand, wherewith he armed the other three men that were with him. By this time some of the soldiers were got ashore, and instantly, ac­cording to their Major's command, pursued the enemy towards their canoes; in the chace several of the ene­my were slain, whose bodies were found at their return to the number of seven, amongst whom was Mattaban­do the Sagamore, with an old Powaw, to whom the Devil had revealed, as sometimes he did to Saul, that on the same day he should be with him; for he had a little before told the Indians, that within two days the English would come and kill them all, which was at the very same time verified upon himself. The body of our men overtook them before they all recovered their canoes, so that without doubt, divers others of [Page 286]them were slain likewise, for they sunk a canoe, where­in were five drowned before their eyes, and many o­thers were not able to paddle; four they took priso­ners, whom they brought away with them. There was about 25 Indians present at this encounter.

MUCH more damage might have been done by our men upon the enemy, if they had known the most di­rect way to their canoes; but the Indians having pre­pared all things ready for flight, as well as for fight, the more easily made their escape. One of the cap­tives was sister to Madockawando, who was entertained very courteously by the Commander in Chief, and would have been carried forthwith to her brother, in hopes by her means to have gained the better terms for our remaining English captives, had it not been certainly known that he was gone from home upon a hunting design, and not to return in two months.

THE English took much plunder from the Indians, about a thousand weight of dried beef, with other things. Megunnaway was shot to death the same day or the next; so that justice is by degrees pursuing those perfidious villains, and one after another they are brought under the wheel of destruction. Simon, that arch traitor, seems as is said, by his consumptive looks, to have received the sentence of death, which may bring him into the same place or state with the rest.

Feb. 28th, they set sail for Sheepscot, but the wind failing, they put in at Kennebeck, from whence Capt. Fisk with 40 men, were sent to the said place to seek after plunder, where they found between 30 and 40 bushels of good wheat, which they brought away with them; several other things they lighted upon here and there, some of which were brought away, such as, one or two great guns, some anchors from Sagadahock, and boards from Arowsick, where they found an hundred thousand foot, of which they brought home enough for [Page 287]the lading of their vessels, leaving the rest to be trans­ported in a more convenient season.

WHILE our soldiers were upon Arowsick, two of the enemy chanced to come upon the place, one of them instantly received his reward, the other received his payment in part, which however is supposed to a­mount to the whole, the canoe wherein he was escape­ing, being found the next day all bloody, and split asunder.

March 1st, one of the Indian squaws, a captive, was sent to Taconet fort, with a message to the Sagamores to treat for the rest of the captives. Five days were given her to return, which were not expired, when Major Waldern, with most of the soldiers were called to return home towards Boston, where they arrived on the 11th of March, 1676—7, having first put in at Portsmouth; bringing along with them the bones, or rather the body of Capt. Lake, preserved entire and whole, and free from putrefaction by the coldness of the long winter, so as it was when found, by the dis­cretion of one that was near him when he was slain, easily discerned to be his, by such as had known him before.

IT is supposed by those that returned, that the ene­my are by this encounter of the English so scattered and broken, that they will not be able to rally again suddenly, or make any attempt hereafter, if the pre­sent advantage be seriously pursued. Thus have out enemies, many of them, fallen into the pit themselves, which they have been digging for others.

THIS day also letters were received from Major Pynchon, of Springfield, but without mention of any appearance of the enemy in that quarter; whereby we are encouraged to believe, that they have stumb­led and fallen down backward, so that they shall ne­ver rise any more to make farther disturbance. That [Page 288]which crowned the present service was the performing it without loss of blood; all safely returning. Let them accordingly remember to pay a suitable tributs of thankfulness to him, under whose banner they went forth and returned in safety.