I HOPE, Sir, that, notwithstanding the austerity of the Chair, your good-nature will incline you to some degree of indulgence towards human frailty. You will not think it unnatural, that those who have an object depending, which strongly engages their hopes and fears, should be somewhat inclined to superstition. As I came into the House full of Anxiety about the event of my motion, I found to my infinite surprize, that the grand Penal Bill, by which we had passed sentence on the trade and sustenance of America, is to be returned us from the other House. ^* I do confess, I could not help looking on this event as a fortunate omen. I look upon it as a sort of providential favour; by which we are put once more in possession of our deliberative capacity, upon a business so very questionable in its nature, so very uncertain [Page 8] in its issue. By the return of this bill, which seemed to have taken its flight for ever, we are at this very instant nearly as free to choose a plan for our American govern­ment, as we were on the first day of the session. If Sir, we incline to the side of conciliation, we are not at all embarrassed (unless we please to make ourselves so) by any incongruous mixture of coercion and restraint. We are therefore called upon, as it were by a superior warning voice, again to attend to America; to attend to the whole of it together, and to review the subject with an unusual degree of care and calmness.

Surely it is an awful subject; or there is none so on this side of the grave. When I first had the honour of a seat in this House, the affairs of that continent pressed them­selves upon us, as the most important and most delicate object of parliamentary attention. My little share in this great deliberation oppressed me. I found myself a partaker in a very high trust; and having no sort of reason to rely on the strength of my natural abilities for the proper execution of that trust, I was obliged to take more than common pains to instruct myself in every thing which relates to our colonies. I was not less under the necessity of forming some fixed ideas, concerning the general policy of the British Empire. Something of this sort seemed to be indispensible; in order, amidst so vast a fluctuation of passions and opini­ons, to concenter my thoughts; to ballast my conduct; to preserve me from being blown about by every wind of fashionable doctrine. I really did not think it safe, or manly, to have fresh principles to seek upon every fresh mail which should arrive from America.

At that period, I had the fortune to find myself in perfect concurrence with a large Majority in this House. Bowing under that high authority, and penetrated with the sharpness and strength of that early impression, I have con­tinued ever since, without the least deviation, in my origi­nal sentiments. Whether this be owing to an obstinate perseverance in error, or to a religious adherence to what appears to me truth and reason, it is in your equity to judge.

[Page 9]Parliament, Sir, having an enlarged view of objects, made, during this interval, more frequent changes in their sentiments and their conduct, than could be justified in a particular person upon the contracted scale of private infor­mation. But though I do not hazard any thing approach­ing to a censure on the motives of former Parliaments to all those alterations, one fact is undoubted, that under them the state of America has been kept in continual agitation. Every thing administered as remedy to the public com­plaint, if it did not produce, was at least followed by, an heightening of the distemper; until, by a variety of ex­periments, that important country has been brought into her present situation; a situation, which I will not miscall, which I dare not name; which I scarcely know how to comprehend in the terms of any description.

In this posture, Sir, things stood at the beginning of the session. About that time a worthy member ^* of great par­liamentary experience, who, in the year 1766, filled the chair of the American committee with much ability, took me aside; and lamented the present aspect of our politics, told me, things were come to such a pass, that our former methods of proceeding in the House would be no longer to­lerated. That the public tribunal (never too indulgent to a long and unsuccessful opposition) would never scrutinize our conduct with unusual severity. That the very vicissi­tudes and shiftings of ministerial measures, instead of con­victing their authors of inconstancy and want of system, would be taken as an occasion of charging us with a pre­determined discontent, which nothing could satisfy; whilst we accused every measure of vigour as cruel, and every pro­posal of lenity as weak and irresolute. The public, he said, would not have patience to see us play the game out with our adversaries; we must produce our hand. It would be expected, that those who for many years had been active in such affairs, should shew that they had formed some clear and decided idea of the principles of colony government; and were capable of drawing out something like a platform [Page 10] of the ground, which might be laid for future and perma­nent tranquility.

I felt the truth of what my hon. friend represented; but I felt my situation too. His application might have been made with far greater propriety to many other gentlemen. No man was indeed ever better disposed, or worse qualified, for such an undertaking than myself. Though I gave so far into his opinion that I immediately threw my thoughts into a sort of parliamentary form, I was by no means equally ready to produce them. It generally argues some degree of natural importance of mind, or some want of knowledge of the world, to hazard plans of government, except from a seat of authority. Propositions are made, not only ineffectually, but somewhat disreputably, when the minds of men are not properly disposed for their reception; and for my part I am not ambitious of ridicule; nor abso­lutely a candidate for disgrace.

Besides, Sir, to speak the plain truth, I have in general no very exalted opinion of the virtue of paper government; nor of any politics, in which the plan is to be wholly sepa­rated from the execution. But when I saw that anger and violence prevailed every day more and more, and that things were hastening towards an incurable alienation of our colonies, I confess my caution gave way, I felt this as one of those few moments in which decorum yields to an higher duty. Public calamity is a mighty leveller, and there are occasions when any, even the slightest chance of doing good must be laid hold on, even by the most incon­siderable person.

To restore order and repose to an empire so great and so distracted as ours, is merely in the attempt an undertaking that would ennoble the flights of the highest genius, and obtain pardon for the efforts of the meanest understanding. Struggling a good while with these thoughts, by degrees I felt myself more firm. I derived at length some confidence from what in other circumstances usually produces timidity. I grew less anxious even from the idea of my own insigni­ficance for judging of what you are, by what you ought to be; I persuaded myself that you would not reject a reason­able [Page 11] proposition, because it had nothing but its reason to recommend it. On the other hand being totally destitute of all shadow of influence, natural or advantitious, I was very sure, that if my proposition were futile or dangerous, if it were weakly conceived, or improperly timed, there was nothing exterior to it, of power to awe, dazzle, or delude you. You will see it just as it is, and you will treat it just as it deserves.

The proposition is peace. Not peace through the me­dium of war. Not peace to be hunted through the laby­rinth of intricate and endless negociations. Not peace to arise out of universal discord, fomented from principle in all parts of the empire. Not peace to depend on the juri­dical determination of perplexing questions; or the pre­cise marking the shadowy boundaries of a complex govern­ment. It is simple peace sought in its natural course, and its ordinary haunts. It is peace sought in the spirit of peace, and laid in principles purely pacific. I propose by removing the ground of the difference, and by restoring the former unsuspecting confidence of the colonies in the mother country, to give permanent satisfaction to your people; and (far from a scheme of ruling by discord) to reconcile them to each other in the same act, and by the bond of the very same interest, which reconciles them to British government.

My idea is nothing more. Refined policy ever has been the parent of confusion, and ever will be so long as the world endures. Plain good intention, which is as easily discovered at the first view, as fraud is surely detect­ed at last, is, let me say, of no mean force in the govern­ment of mankind. Genuine simplicity of heart is an heal­ing and cementing principle. My plan, therefore, being formed upon the most simple grounds imaginable, may disappoint some people when they hear it. It has nothing to recommend it to the pruriency of curious ears. There is nothing at all new and captivating in it. It has nothing of the splendor of the project, which has lately laid upon [Page 12] your table, by the noble Lord in the blue riband ^*. It does not propose to fill your lobby with squabbling colony agents who will require the interposition of your mace, at every instant, to keep the peace amongst them. It does not institute a magnificent auction of finance, where cap­tivated provinces come to general ransom by bidding against each other, until you knock down the hammer, and de­termine a proportion of payments, beyond all the powers of algebra to equalize and settle.

The plan which I shall presume to suggest, derives, however one great advantage from the proposition and re­gistry of that noble Lord's project. The idea of concili­ation is admissible. First, the House, in accepting the re­solution moved by the noble Lord, has admitted, notwith­standing the menacing front of our address, notwithstand­ing our heavy bill of pains and penalties, that we do not think ourselves precluded from all ideas of free grace and bounty.

The House has gone farther, it has declared conciliation admissible, previous to any submission on the part of Ame­rica. It has even shot a good deal beyond that mark, and has admitted that the complaints of our former mode of exerting the right of taxation were not wholly unfounded. [Page 13] That right thus exerted is allowed to have had something reprehensible in it; something unwise, or something griev­ous; since, in the midst of our heat and resentment, we of ourselves have proposed a capital alteration; and, in order to get rid of what seemed so very exceptionable, have in­stituted a mode that is altogether new; one that is, indeed wholly alien from all the ancient methods and forms of Parliament.

The principle of this proceeding is large enough for my purpose. The means proposed by the noble Lord for car­rying his ideas into execution, I think, indeed, are very in­differently suited to the end; and this I shall endeavour to shew you before I sit down. But, for the present, I take my ground on the admitted principle. I mean to give peace. Peace implies reconciliation; and, where there has been a material dispute, reconciliation does in a manner al­ways imply concession on the one part or on the other. In this state of things I make no difficulty in affirming that the proposal ought to originate from us. Great and ac­knowledged force is not impaired, either in effect or in opi­nion, by an unwillingness to exert itself. The superior power may offer peace with honour and with safety. Such an offer from such a power will be attributed to magnani­mity. But the concessions of the weak are the concessions of fear. When such a one is disarmed, he is wholly at the mercy of his superior, and he loses for ever that time and those chances which, as they happen to all men, are the strength and resources of all inferior power.

The capital leading questions, on which you must this day decide, are these two. First, whether you ought to concede; and, secondly, what your concession ought to be. On the first of these questions we have gained (as I have just taken the liberty of observing to you) some ground. But I am sensible that a good deal more is still to be done. Indeed, Sir, to enable us to determine both on the one and the other of these great questions with a firm and precise judgment: I think it may be necessary to consider distinctly the true nature and the peculiar circumstances of the ob­ject which we have before us. Because after all our strug­gle, [Page 14] whether we will or not, we must govern America ac­cording to that nature, and to those circumstances, and not according to our own imaginations; not according to ab­stract ideas of right; by no means according to mere ge­neral theories of government, the resort of which appears to me, in our present situation, no better than arrant trif­ling. I shall therefore endeavour, with your leave, to lay before you some of the most material of these circum­stances in as full and as clear a manner as I am able to state them.

The first thing we have to consider with regard to the nature of the object, is the number of people in the colo­nies. I have taken for some years a good deal of pains on that point. I can by no calculation justify myself in placing the number below two millions of inhabitants of our own European blood and colour, besides at least five hundred thousand others, who form no inconsiderable part of the strength and opulence of the whole. This, Sir, is, I believe about the true number. There is no occasion to exaggerate where plain truth is of so much weight and im­portance. But whether I put the present numbers too high, or too low, is a matter of little moment. Such is the strength with which population shoots in that part of the world, that state the numbers as high as we will, whilst the dispute continues, the exaggeration ends. Whilst we are discussing any given magnitude, they are grown to it. Whilst we spend our time in deliberating the mode of go­verning two millions, we shall find we have millions more to manage. Your children do not grow faster from infancy to manhood, than they spread from families to communi­ties, and from villages to nations.

I put this consideration upon the present and the growing numbers in the front of our deliberations; because, Sir, this consideration will make it evident to a blunter discernment than yours, that no partial, narrow, contracted, pinched, occasional system, will be at all suitable to such an object. It will shew you that it is not to be considered as one of those minima, which are out of the eye and consideration of the law; not a paltry excrescence of the state; not a mean [Page 15] dependent, who may be neglected with little damage, and provoked with little danger. It will prove that some de­gree of care and caution is required in the handling such an object; it will shew that you ought not, in reason, to trifle with so large a mass of the interests and feelings of the human race. You could at no time do so without guilt, and be assured you will not be able to do it long with impunity.

But the population of this country, the great and growing population, though a very important consideration, will lose much of its weight if not combined with other circum­stances. The commerce of your colonies is out of all pro­portion beyond the numbers of the people. This ground of their commerce indeed has been trode some days ago, and with great ability, by a distinguished person at your bar [Mr. Glover]. This gentleman after thirty-five years—it is so long since he appeared at the same place to [...] for the commerce of Great-Britain, has come again before you to plead the same cause, without any other effect of time than that to the fire of imagination and extent of erudition, which even then marked him as one of the first literary characters of his age, he has added a consummate know­ledge in the commercial interest of his country, formed by a long course of enlightened and discriminating experience.

Sir, I should be inexcusable in coming after such a per­son with any detail, if a great part of the members who now fill the House, had not the misfortune to be absent when he appeared at your bar. Besides, Sir, I propose to take the matter at periods of time somewhat different from his. There is, if I mistake not, a point of view from whence, if you will look at this subject, it is impossible that it should not make an impression upon you.

I have in my hand two accounts, one a comparative state of the export trade of England to its colonies, as it stood in the year 1704, and as it stood in the year 1772. The other a state of the export trade of this country to its colo­nies alone, as it stood in 1772, compared with the whole trade of England to all parts of the world (the colonies in­cluded) in the year 1704. They are from good vouchers; [Page 16] the latter period from the accounts on your table, the earlier from an original manuscript of Davenant, who first esta­blished the Inspector-General's office, which has been ever since his time so abundant a source of parliamentary infor­mation.

The export trade to the colonies consists of three great branches. The African, which terminating almost wholly in the colonies, must be put to the account of their com­merce, the West Indian and North-American. All these are so interwoven that the attempt to separate them would tear to pieces the contexture of the whole; and, if not entirely destroy, would very much depreciate the value of all the parts. I therefore consider these three denomina­tions, to be, what in effect they are, one trade.

The trade to the colonies, taken on the export side, at the beginning of this century, that is, in the year 1704, stood thus:

In the Year 1772, which I take as a middle year be­tween the highest and the lowest of those laid on your table, the accounts were as follow:

From five hundred and odd thousands, it has grown to six millions; it has encreased on less than twelvefold. This is the state of the colony trade, as compared with it­self at these two periods, within this century. But this is not all. Examine my second account. See how the ex­port trade to the colonies alone, in 1772, stood in the other [Page 17] point of view, that is, as compared to the whole trade of England, in 1704.

The trade with America alone is now within less than 500,000l. of being equal to what this great commercial nation, England, carried on at the beginning of this cen­tury with the whole world! If I had taken the largest year of those on your table, it would rather have exceeded. But it will be said, is not this American trade an unnatu­ral protuberance, that has drawn the juices from the rest of the body? The reverse. It is the very food that has nourished every other part into its present magnitude. Our general trade has been greatly augmented; and augmented more or less in almost every part to which it ever extended; but with this material difference, that of the six millions which, in the beginning of the century, constituted the whole mass of our export commerce, the colony trade was but one twelfth part; it is now (as a part of seventeen millions) considerably more than a third of the whole. This is the relative proportion of the importance of the colonies at these two periods; and all reason concerning our mode of treating them must have this proportion as its basis, or it is a reasoning weak, rotten, and sophistical.

Mr. Speaker, I cannot prevail upon myself to hurry over this great consideration. It is good for us to be here. We stand where we have an immense view of what is, and what is past. Clouds indeed, and darkness rest upon the future. Let us, however, before we descend from this noble eminence reflect, that this growth of our national prosperity has hap­pened within the short period of the life of man. It has hap­pened within sixty-eight years. There are those alive, whose memory might touch the two extremities! For instance, my Lord Bathurst might remember all the stages of the progress. He was, in 1704, of an age at least to be made [Page 18] to comprehend such things, he was then old enough, acta parentum jam legere, et quae sit poterit cognoscere virtus Sup­pose, Sir, that the angel of this auspicious youth, foresee­ing the many virtues, which made him one of the most amiable, as he is one of the most fortunate men of his age, had opened to him in a vision, that when, in the fourth generation, the third Prince of the House of Brunswick had sat twelve years on the throne of that nation, which (by the happy issue of moderate and healing councils (was to be made Great-Britain, he should see his son Lord Chan­cellor of England, turn back the current of hereditary dig­nity to its fountain, and raise him to an higher rank of peer­age, whilst he enriched the family with a new one; if amidst these bright and happy scenes of domestic honour and pros­perity, that angel should have drawn up the curtain, and unfolded the rising glories of his country, and whilst he was gazing with admiration on the then commercial gran­deur of England, the genius should point out to him a little speck, scarce visible in the mass of the national in­terest, a small seminal principle, rather than a formed body, and should tell him,—"Young man, there is America; which at this time serves for little more than to amuse you with stories of savage men, and uncouth manners; yet shall, before you taste of death, shew itself equal to the whole of that commerce which now attracts the envy of the world. Whatever England has been growing to by a progressive encrease of improvement, brought in by variety of people, by succession of civilizing conquests and civilizing settlements in a series of seventeen hundred years, you shall see as much added to her by America, credulity of youth, and all the fervid glow of enthusiasm, to make him be­lieve it? Fortunate man, he has lived to see it! Fortunate indeed if he lives to see nothing that shall vary in the course of a single life!" If this state of his country had been foretold to him, would it not require all the sanguine prospect, and cloud the setting of his day!

Excuse me, Sir, if turning from such thoughts I resume this comparative view once more. You have seen it on a large scale; look at it on a small one. I will point out to [Page 19] your attention a particular instance of it in the single pro­vince of Pennsylvania. In the year 1704 that province called for 11,459l. in value of your commodities, native and foreign. This was the whole. What did it demand in 1772? Why, nearly fifty times as much, for in that year the export to Pennsylvania was 507,909l. nearly equal to the export to all the colonies together in the first period.

I choose, Sir, to enter into these minute and particular details; because generalities, which in all other cases are apt to heighten and raise the subject, have here a tendency to sink it. When we speak of the commerce with our colonies, fiction lags after truth; invention is unfruitful; and imagination cold and barren.

So far, Sir, as to the importance of the object in the view of its commerce, as concerned in the exports from England. If I were to detail the imports, I could shew how many enjoyments they procure which deceive the bur­then of life; how many materials which invigorate the springs of national industry, and extend and animate every part of our foreign and domestic commerce. This would be a curious subject indeed; but I must prescribe bounds to myself in a matter so vast and various.

I pass therefore to the colonies in another point of view, their agriculture. This they have prosecuted with such a spirit, that, besides feeding plentifully their own growing multitude, their annual export of grain, comprehending rice, has some years ago exceeded a million in value of their last harvest; I am persuaded they will export much more. At the beginning of the century some of these colonies im­ported corn from the mother country. For some time past the old world has been fed from the new. The scarcity which you have felt would have been a desolating famine, if this child of your old age, with a true filial piety, with a Roman charity, had not put the full breast of its youthful exuberance to the mouth of its exhausted parent.

As to the wealth which the colonies have drawn from the sea by their fisheries, you had all that matter fully opened at your bar; you surely thought these acquisitions, for they seemed even to excite your envy; and yet the spirit, by [Page 20] which that enterprizing employment has been exercised, ought rather, in my opinion, to have raised your esteem and admiration. And pray, Sir, what in the world is equal to it? Pass by the other parts, and look at the manner in which the people of New-England have of late carried on the whale fishery. Whilst we follow them among the tumbling mountains of ice, and behold them penetrating into the deepest frozen recesses of Hudson's-Bay and Davis's Straights, whilst we are looking for them beneath the arctic circle, we hear that they have pierced into the opposite region of polar cold; that they are at the antipodes, and engaged under the frozen serpent of the South. Falkland Island, which seemed too remote and romantic an object for the grasp of national ambition, is but a stage and resting place in the progress of their victorious industry. Nor is the equinoctial heat more discouraging to them than the accumulated winter of both the poles. We know that [...] some of them draw the line and strike the harpoon on the coast of Africa, others run the longitude, and pur­sue their gigantic game along the coast of Brazil.

No sea but what is vexed with their fisheries; no climate that is not witness to their toils. Neither the perseverance of Holland, nor the activity of France, nor the dextrous and firm sagacity of English enterprize, ever carried this most perilous mode of hardy industry to the extent to which it has been pushed by this recent people; a people who are still, as it were, but in the gristle, and not yet hardened into the bone of manhood. When I contemplate these things; when I know that the colonies in general owe little or no­thing to any care of ours, and that they are not squeezed into this happy form by the constraints of watchful and sus­picious government, but that through a wise and salutary neglect, a generous nature has been suffered to take her own way to perfection; when I reflect upon these efforts, when I see how profitable they have been to us, I feel all the pride of power sink, and all presumption in the wisdom of human contrivances melt and die away within me. My rigour relents. I pardon something to the spirit of li­berty.

[Page 21]I am sensible, Sir, that all which I have asserted in my detail, is admitted in the gross; but that a quite different conclusion is drawn from it. America gentlemen say is a noble object. It is an object well worth fighting for. Cer­tainly it is, if fighting a people be the best way of gaining them. Gentlemen, in this respect, will be laid to their choice of means by their complexions and their habits. Those who understand the military art, will of course have some predilection for it. Those who wield the thunder of the state, may have more confidence in the efficacy of arms. But I confess, possibly for want of this knowledge, my opi­nion is much more in favour of prudent management than of force; considering force not as an odious, but a feeble instrument for preserving a people, so numerous, so active, so growing, so spirited as this, in a profitable and subordi­nate connection with us.

First, Sir, permit me to observe, that the use of force alone is but temporary, it may subdue for a moment; but it does not remove the necessity of subduing again, and a nation is not governed, which is perpetually to be con­quered.

My next objection is its uncertainty; terror is not al­ways the effect of force; and an armament is not a victory. If you do not succeed, you are without resource; for, con­ciliation failing, force remains; but force failing, no far­ther hope of reconciliation is left. Power and authority are sometimes bought by kindness; but they can never be begged as alms by an impoverished and defeated violence.

A farther objection to force is, that you impair the ob­ject by your very endeavour to preserve it. The thing you fought for, is not the thing which you recover; but depreciated, sunk, wasted, and consumed in the contest. Nothing less will content me than whole America. I do not choose to consume its strength along with your own, because in all parts it is the British strength that I consume. I do not choose to be caught by a foreign enemy at the end of this exhausting conflict; and still less in the midst of it. I may escape, but I can make no insurance against such an event. Let me add, that I do not choose wholly to break [Page 22] the American spirit, because it is the spirit that has made the country.

Lastly, we have no sort of experience in favour of force as an instrument in the rule of our colonies. Their growth and their utility has been owing to methods altogether different. Our ancient indulgence has been said to be pursued to a fault. It may be so. But we know, if feel­ing is evidence, that our fault was more tolerable than our attempt to mend it, and our sin far more salutary than our penitence.

These, Sir, are my reasons for not entertaining that high opinion of untried force, by which many gentlemen, for whose sentiments in other particulars I have great respect, seem to be so greatly captivated. But there is still behind a third consideration concerning this object, which serves to determine my opinion on the sort of policy which ought to be pursued in the management of America, even more than its population and its commerce, I mean its temper and character.

In this character of the Americans, a love of freedom is the predominating feature, which marks and distinguishes the whole; and as ardent is always a jealous affection, your colonies become suspicious, restive, and untractable, when­ever they see the least attempt to wrest from them by force, or shuffle from them by chicane, what they think the only advantage worth living for. This fierce spirit of liberty is stronger in the English colonies probably than in any other people of the earth, and this from a great variety of power­ful causes; which, to understand the true temper of their minds, and the direction which this spirit takes, it will not be amiss to lay open somewhat more largely.

First, the people of the colonies are descendants of En­glishmen. England, Sir, is a nation which still I hope re­spects, and formerly adored her freedom. The colonists emigrated from you, when this part of your character was most predominant; and they took this bias and direction the moment they parted from your hands. They are there­fore not only devoted to liberty, but to liberty according to English ideas, and on English principles. Abstract li­berty, [Page 23] like other mere abstractions, is not to be found.—Liberty inheres in some sensible object; and every nation has formed to itself some favourite point which by way of eminence becomes the criterion of their happiness. It hap­pened, you know, Sir, that the great contests for freedom in this country were from the earliest times chiefly upon the question of taxing. Most of the contests in the ancient commonwealths turned primarily on the right of election of Magistrates; or on the balance among the several orders of the state. The question of money was not with them so immediate. But in England it was otherwise, on this point of taxes, the ablest pens, and the most elequent tongues have been exercised; the greatest spirits have acted and suffered. In order to give the fullest satisfaction con­cerning the importance of this point, it was not only ne­cessary for those who in argument defended the excellence of the English constitution, to insist on this privilege of granting money as a dry point of fact, and to prove that the right had been acknowledged in ancient parchments to blind usages, to reside in a certain body called an House of Commons. They went much farther; they attempted to prove, and they succeeded, that in theory it ought to be so from the particular nature of a House of Commons as an immediate representative of the people; whether the old records had delivered this oracle or not. They took infi­nite pains to inculcate as a fundamental principle, that in all monarchies the people must in effect themselves medi­ately or immediately possess the power of granting their own money, or no shadow of liberty could subsist. The colo­nies draw from you, as with their life-blood, these ideas and principles. Their love of liberty, as with you, fixed and attached on this specific point of taxing. Liberty might be safe, or might be endangered in twenty other particulars, without their being much pleased or alarmed. Here they felt its pulse; and as they found that beat, they thought themselves sick or sound. I do not say whether they were right or wrong in applying your general arguments to their own case. It is not easy indeed to make a monopoly of theorems and corollaries. The fact is, that they did thus [Page 24] apply those general arguments; and your mode of govern­ing them, whether through lenity or indolence, through wisdom or mistake, confirm them in the imagination that they, as well as you, had an interest in the common prin­ciples.

They were farther confirmed in this pleasing error by the form of their provincial legislative assemblies. Their go­vernments are popular in an high degree, some are merely popular; in all, the popular representative is the most weighty; and this share of the people in their ordinary go­vernment never fails to inspire them with lofty sentiments, and with a strong aversion from whatever tends to deprive them of their chief importance.

If any thing were wanting to this necessary operation of the form of government, religion would have given it a complete effect. Religion, always a principle of energy, in this new people, as no way worn out or impaired; and their mode of professing it is also one main cause of this free spirit. The people are protestants; and of that kind which is the most averse to all implicit submission of mind and opinion. This is a persuasion not only favourable to liber­ty, but built upon it. I do not think, Sir, that the reason of this averseness in the dissenting churches, from all that looks like absolute government, is so much to be sought in their religious tenets, as in their history. Every one knows, that the Roman Catholic religion is at least coevil with most of the governments where it prevails; that it has ge­nerally gone hand in hand with them; and received great favour and every kind of support from authority. The church of England too was formed from her cradle under the nursing care of regular government. But the dissenting interests have sprung up in direct opposition to all the ordi­nary powers of the world; and could justify that opposi­tion only on a strong claim to natural liberty. Their very existence depended on the powerful and unremitted asserti­on of that claim. All protestantism, even the most cold and passive, is a sort of dissent. But the religion most prevalent in our northern colonies; where the church of England, notwithstanding its legal rights, is in reality no [Page 25] more than a sort of private sect; not composing most pro­bably the tenth of the people. The colonists left England when this spirit was high; and in the emigrants was the highest of all, and even that strain of foreigners, which has been constantly flowing into these colonies, has, for the greatest part, been composed of dissenters from the esta­blishments of their several countries; and have brought with them a temper and character far from alien to that of the people with whom they mixed.

Sir, I can perceive by their manner, that some gentlemen object to the latitude of this description; because in the southern colonies the church of England forms a large body, and has a regular establishment. It is certainly true. There is, however, a circumstance attending these colonies, which, in my opinion, fully counterbalances this difference, and makes the spirit of liberty still more high and haughty than in those to the northward. It is that in Virginia and the Caro­linas, they have a vast multitude of slaves. Where this is the case in any part of the world, those who are free are by far the most proud and jealous of their freedom.—Freedom is to them not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and pri­vilege. Not seeing there that freedom as in countries where it is a common blessing, and as broad and general as the air, may be united with much abject toil, with great misery, with all the exterior of servitude, liberty looks amongst them like something that is more noble and liberal. I do not mean, Sir, to commend the superior morality of this sentiment, which has at least as much pride as virtue in it, but I cannot alter the nature of man. The fact is so; and these people of the southern colonies are much more strong­ly, and with an higher and more stubborn spirit, attached to liberty than those of the northward. Such were all the ancient commonwealths; such were our Gothic ancestors; such in our days were the Poles; and such will be all mas­ters of slaves, who are not slaves themselves. In such a people the haughtiness of domination combines with the spirit of freedom, fortifies it, and renders it invincible.

Permit me, Sir, to add another circumstance in our co­lonies, which contributes no mean part towards the growth [Page 26] and effect of this untractable spirit. I mean their educa­tion. In no country, perhaps, in the world, is the law so general a study. The profession itself is numerous and powerful, and in most provinces it takes the lead. The greater number of the deputies sent to the Congress were lawyers. But all who read, and most do read, endeavour to obtain some smattering in that science. I have been told, by an eminent bookseller, that in no branch of his business, after tracts of popular devotion, were so many books as those on the law exported to the plantations. The colonists have now fallen into the way of printing them for their own use. I hear that they have sold nearly as many of Blackstone's Commentaries in America as in England. General Gage makes out this disposition very particularly in a letter on your table. He states, that all the people in his government are lawyers, or smatterers in law; and that in Boston they have been enabled, by suc­cessful chicane, wholly to evade many parts of one of your capital penal constitutions. The smartness of debate will say that this knowledge ought to teach them more clearly the rights of legislature, their obligations to obedience, and the penalties of rebellion. All this is mighty well. But my [Attorney General] honourable and learned friend on the floor, who condescends to mark what I say for animad­version, will disdain that ground. He has heard, as well as I, that when great honours and great emoluments do not win over this knowledge to the service of the state, it is a formidable adversary to government. If the spirit be not tamed and broken by these happy methods, it is stub­born and litigious. Abeunt studia in mores. This study renders men acute, inquisitive, dextrous, prompt in attack, ready in defence, and full of resources. In other countries, the people more simple, and of a less martial cast, judge of an ill principle in government only by an actual griev­ance; here they anticipate the evil, and judge of the pressure of the grievance by the badness of the principle. They augur misgovernment at a distance, and snuff the approach of tyranny in every tainted breeze.

[Page 27]The last cause of this disobedient spirit in the colonies is hardly less powerful than the rest, as it is not merely moral, but laid deep in the natural constitution of things. Three thousand miles of ocean lie between you and them. No contrivance can prevent the effects of this distance in weak­ening government. Seas roll, and months pass, between the order and the execution; and the want of a speedy explanation of a single point, is enough to defeat a whole system. You have, indeed, winged ministers of vengeance, who carry your bolts in their pounces to the remotest verge of the sea. But there a power steps in that limits the arrogance of raging passions and furious elements, and says, "So far shalt thou go, and no farther." Who are you, that should fret and rage, and bite the chains of nature? Nothing worse happens to you than does to all nations, who have extensive empire; and it happens in all the forms into which empire can be thrown. In large bodies, the circulation of power must be less vigorous at the ex­tremities. Nature has said it. The Turk cannot govern Egypt, and Arabia, and Circassia, as he governs Thrace; nor has he the same dominion in Crimea and Algiers, which he has at Bru [...]sa and Smyrna. Despotism itself is obliged to truck and huckster. The Sultan gets such obe­dience as he can. He governs with a loose rein, that he may govern at all; and the whole of the force and vigour of his authority in his centre, is derived from a prudent re­laxation in all his borders. Spain, in her provinces, is per­haps not so well obeyed as you are in yours. She complies too; she submits; she watches times. This is the immu­table condition; the eternal law of extensive and detached empire.

Then, Sir, from these six capital sources of descent, of form of government; of religion in the northern provinces; of manners in the southern; of education, of the remote­ness of situation from the first mover of government, from all these causes a fierce spirit of liberty has grown up. It has grown with the growth of the people in your colonies, and encreased with the encrease of their wealth; a spirit that unhappily meeting with an exercise of power in Eng­land, [Page 28] which, however lawful, is not reconcilable to any ideas of liberty, much less with theirs, has kindled this flame, that is ready to consume us.

I do not mean to commend either the spirit in this excess, or the moral causes that produced it. Perhaps a more smooth and accommodating spirit of freedom in them would be more acceptable to us. Perhaps ideas of liberty might be more reconcilable with an arbitrary and bound­less authority. Perhaps we might wish the colonists to be persuaded that their liberty is more secure when held in trust for them by us (as their guardians during a perpetual minority) than with any part of it in their own hands. But the question is not whether their spirit deserves praise or blame. What, in the name of God, shall we do with it! You have before you, the object, such as it is, with all its glories, with all its imperfections on its head. You see the magnitude, the importance, the temper, the habits, the disorders.

By all those considerations we are strongly urged to de­termine something concerning it. We are called upon to fix some rule and line for our future conduct, which may give a little stability to our politics, and prevent the return of such unhappy deliberations as the present. Every such return will bring the matter before us in a still more un­tractable form. For what astonishing and incredible things have we not seen already? What monsters have not been generated from this unnatural contention? Whilst every principle of authority and resistance has been pushed, upon both sides, as far as it would go, there is nothing so solid and certain, either in reasoning or in practice, that has not been shaken. Until very lately, all authority in America seemed to be nothing but an emanation from yours. Even the popular part of the colony constitution derived all its activity, and its first vital movement, from the pleasure of the Crown. We thought, Sir, that the utmost which the discontented colonists could do, was to disturb authority; we never dreamt they could of themselves supply it; know­ing in general what an oporose business it is to establish a government absolutely new. But having, for our purposes, [Page 29] in this contention, resolved that none but an obedient as­sembly should sit, the humours of the people there, finding all passage through the legal channel stopped, with great violence broke out another way.

Some provinces have tried their experiment, as we have tried ours; and theirs has succeeded. They have formed a government sufficient for its purposes, without the bustle of a revolution, or the troublesome formality of an election. Evident necessity, and tacit consent, have done the business in an instant. So well have they done it, that Lord Dun­more (the account is among the fragments on your table) tells you, that the new institution is infinitely better obeyed than the ancient government ever was in its most for­tunate periods. Obedience is what makes government, and not the names by which it is called, not the name of Go­vernor, as formerly, or committee, as at present. This new government has originated directly from the people; and was not transmitted through any of the ordinary artifi­cial media of a positive constitution. It was not a manu­facture ready formed, and transmitted to them in that con­dition from England.

The evil arising from hence, is this; that the colonists having once found the possibility of enjoying the advantages of order, in the midst of a struggle for liberty, such strug­gles will not henceforward seem so terrible to the settled and sober part of mankind, as they had appeared before the trial.

Pursuing the same plan of punishing, by the denial of the exercise of government to still greater lengths, we wholly abrogated the ancient government of Massachusetts. We were confident that the first feeling, if not the very prospect of anarchy, would instantly enforce a complete submission. The experiment was tried. A new, strange, unexpected face of things appeared. Anarchy is found tolerable. A vast province has now subsisted, and subsist­ed in a considerable degree of health and vigour for near twelve months, without Governor, without public coun­cil, without judges, without executive magistrates. How long it will continue in this state, or what may arise out of [Page 30] this unheard of situation, how can the wisest of us conjec­ture? Our late experience has taught us, that many of those fundamental principles, formerly believed infallible, are either not of the importance they were imagined to be, or that we have not at all averted to some other far more important, and far more powerful principles, which entirely over-rule those we had considered as omnipotent. I am much against any farther experiments which tend to put to the proof any more of these allowed opinions, which con­tribute so much to the public tranquility.

In effect, we suffer as much at home, by thus loosening of all ties, and this concussion of all established opinions, as we do abroad. For, in order to prove that the Americans have no right to their liberties, we are every day endeavour­ing to subvert the maxims, which preserve the whole spirit of our own. To prove that the Americans ought not to be free, we are obliged to depreciate the value of freedom itself; and we never seem to gain a paltry advantage over them in debate, without attacking some of those principles, or deriding some of those feelings, for which our ancestors have shed their blood.

But, Sir, in wishing to put an end to pernicious experi­ments, I do not mean to preclude the fullest enquiry. Far from it. Far from deciding on a sudden or partial view, I would patiently go round and round the subject, and survey it minutely, in every possible aspect. Sir, if I were capable of engaging you to an equal attention, I would state that, as far as I am capable of discerning, there are but three ways of proceeding relative to this stubborn spirit, which prevails in your colonies, and disturbs your government.

These are—to change that spirit, as inconvenient, by removing the causes. To prosecute it as criminal. Or to comply with it as necessary. I would not be guilty of an imperfect enumeration; I can think of but these three. Another has indeed been stated; that of giving up the co­lonies; but it met so slight a reception, that I do not think myself obliged to dwell a great while upon it. It is nothing but a little sally of anger, like the frowardness of peevish children, who, when they cannot get all they would have, are resolved to take nothing.

[Page 31]The first of these plans to change the spirit as inconveni­ent, by removing the causes, I think is the most like a sys­tematic proceeding. It is radical in its principle; but it is attended with great difficulties, some of them little short, as I conceive, of impossibilities. This will appear by ex­amining into the plans which have been proposed.

As the growing population in the colonies is evidently one cause of their resistance, it was last session mentioned in both Houses, by men of weight, and received not without applause, that in order to check this evil, it would be pro­per for the crown to make no farther grants of land. But to this scheme, there are two objections. The first, that there is already so much unsettled land in private hands, as to afford room for an immense future population, although the crown not only with-held its grants, but annihilated its soil. If this be the case, then the only effect of this avarice of desolation, this hoarding of a royal wilderness, would be to raise the value of the possessions in the hands of the great private monopolists, without any adequate check to the growing and alarming mischief of population.

But if you stopped your grants, what would be the conse­quence? The people would occupy without grants. They have already so occupied in many places. You cannot sta­tion garrisons in every part of these desarts. If you drive the people from one place, they will carry on their annual tillage, and move with their flocks and herds to another. Many of the people of the back settlements are already little attached to particular situations. Already they have topped the Apalachian mountains, from thence they be­hold before them an immense plain, one vast, rich, level meadow; a square of five hundred miles. Over this they would wander, without a possibility of restraint, they would change their manners with the habit of their life; would soon forget a government by which they were disowned; would become hordes of English Tartars, and pouring down upon your unfortified frontiers a fierce and irresistible cavalry, become masters of your governors, and your coun­sellors, your collectors and comptrollors, and all the slaves that adhered to them.

[Page 32]Such would, and in no long time must, be the effect of attempting to forbid, as a crime, and to suppress as an evil, the command and blessing of Providence, "increase and multiply." Such would be the happy result of an en­deavour, to keep as a lair of wild beasts, that earth, which God, by an express charter, has given to the children of man. Far different, and surely much wiser, has been our policy hitherto. Hitherto we have invited our people by every kind of bounty, to fixed establishments. We have invited the husbandman to look to authority for his title. We have taught him piously to believe in the mysterious virtue of wax and parchment. We have thrown each tract of land, as it was peopled, into districts, that the ruling power should never be wholly out of sight. We have set­tled all we could, and we have carefully attended every settlement with government.

Adhering, Sir, as I do to this policy, as well as for the reasons I have just given, I think this new project of hedg­ing in population to be neither prudent nor practicable.

To impoverish the colonies in general, and in particular to arrest the natural course of their marine enterprizes, would be a more easy task, I freely confess it. We have shewn a disposition to a system of this kind; a disposition even to continue the restraint after the offence; looking on ourselves as rivals to our colonies, and persuaded that of course we must gain all that they shall lose. Much mis­chief we may certainly do. The power inadequate to all other things is often more than sufficient for this. I do not look on the direct and immediate power of the colonies to resist our violence as very formidable. In this, however, I may be mistaken. But when I consider, that we have co­lonies for no purpose but to be serviceable to us, it seems to my poor understanding a little preposterous, to make them unserviceable, in order to keep them obedient. It is, in truth, nothing more than the old, and as I thought, ex­ploded problem of tyranny which proposes to beggar its subjects into submission. But remember, when you have completed your system of impoverishment, nature still pro­ceeds in her ordinary course; that discontent will increase [Page 33] with misery; and that there are critical moments in the fortune of all states, when they who are too weak to con­tribute to your prosperity, may be strong enough to com­plete your ruin. Spoliatis arma supersunt.

The temper and character which prevail in our colonies, are, I am afraid, unalterable by any human art. We can­not, I fear, falsify the pedigree of this fierce people, and persuade them that they are not sprung from a nation, in whose veins the blood of freedom circulates. The lan­guage in which they would hear you tell them this tale, would detect the imposition; your speech would betray you. An Englishman is the unfittest person on earth to argue another Englishman into slavery.

I think it is nearly as little in our power to change their republican religion, as their free descent; or to substitute the Roman Catholic as a penalty; or the Church of Eng­land as an improvement. The mode of inquisition and dragooning is going out of fashion in the old world, and I should not confide much to their efficacy in the new. The education of the Americans is also on the same unalterable bottom with their religion You cannot persuade them to burn their books of curious science; to banish their law­yers from their courts of law; or to quench the lights of their Assemblies, by refusing to choose those persons who are best read in their privileges. It would be no less im­practicable to think of wholly annihilating the popular As­semblies, in which these lawyers sit. The army, by which we must govern in their place, would be far more charge­able to us; not quite so effectual; and perhaps, in the end, full as difficult to be kept in obedience.

With regard to the high aristocratic spirit of Virginia and the southern colonies, it has been proposed, I know, to reduce it by declaring a general enfranchisement of their slaves. This project has had its advocates and panegyrists; yet I never could argue myself into any opinion of it.—Slaves are often much attached to their masters. A general wild offer of liberty would not always be accepted. History furnishes few instances of it. It is sometimes as hard to persuade slaves to be free, as it is to compel freemen to be [Page 34] slaves; and in this auspicious scheme, we should have both these pleasing tasks on our hands at once. But when we talk of enfranchisement, do we not perceive that the American master may enfranchise too, and arm servile hands in defence of freedom? A measure to which other people have had recourse more than once, and not without success, in a desperate situation of their affairs.

Slaves as these unfortunate black people are, and dull as all men are from slavery, must they not a little suspect the offer of freedom from that very nation which has sold them to their present masters? From that nation, one of whose causes of quarrel with those masters, is their refusal to deal any more in that inhuman traffic? An offer of free­dom from England would come rather oddly, shipped to them in an African vessel, which is refused an entry into the ports of Virginia or Carolina, with a cargo of three hundred Angola Negroes. It would be curious to see the Guinea Captain attempting at the same instant to publish his proclamation of liberty, and to advertise his sale of slaves.

But let us suppose all these moral difficulties got over. The ocean remains. You cannot pump this dry; and as long as it continues in its present bed, so long all the causes which weaken authority by distance will continue. "Ye Gods, annihilate but space and time, and make two lovers happy!"—was a pious and passionate prayer, but just as reasonable as many of the serious wishes of very grave and solemn pliticians.

If then, Sir, it seems almost desperate to think of any alterative course, for changing the moral causes (and not quite easy to remove the natural) which produce prejudices irreconcilable to the late exercise of our authority; but that the spirit infallibly will continue, and continuing, will produce such effects, as now embarrass us; the second mode under consideration is to prosecute that spirit in its overt acts as criminal.

At this proposition I must pause a moment. The thing seems a great deal too big for my ideas of jurisprudence. It should seem to my way of conceiving such matters, that [Page 35] there is a very wide difference in reason and policy, be­tween the mode of proceeding on the irregular conduct of scattered individuals, or even of bands of men, who disturb order within the state, and the civil dissensions which may, from time to time, on great questions, agitate the several communities which compose a great empire. It looks to me to be narrow and pedantic, to apply the ordinary ideas of criminal justice to this great public contest. I do not know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people. I cannot insult and ridicule the feelings of millions of my fellow-creatures, as Sir Edward Coke insulted one excellent individual (Sir Walter Rawleigh) at the bar. I am not ripe to pass sentence on the gravest public bodies entrusted with magistracies of great authority and dignity, and charged with the safety of their fellow-citizens, upon the very same title that I am. I really think, that for wise men this is not judicious, for sober men, not decent; for minds tinctured with humanity, not mild and merciful.

Perhaps, Sir, I am mistaken in my idea of an empire, as distinguished from a single state or kingdom. But my idea of it is this; that an empire is the aggregate of many states under one common head; whether this head be a monarch or a presiding republic. It does, in such constitutions, frequently happen (and nothing but the dismal, cold, dead uniformity of servitude can prevent its happening) that the subordinate parts have many local privileges and immuni­ties. Between these privileges, and the supreme common authority, the line may be extremely nice. Of course dis­putes, often too, very bitter disputes, and much ill-blood will arise. But though every privilege is an exemp­tion (in the case) from the ordinary exercise of the supreme authority, it is no denial of it. The claim of a privilege seems rather, ex vi termini, to imply a superior power. For to talk of the privileges of a state, or of a person, who has no superior, is hardly any better than speaking nonsense. Now in such unfortunate quarrels, among the component parts of a great political union of communities, I can scarcely conceive any thing more completely impru­dent, [Page 36] than for the head of the empire to insist, that if any privilege is pleaded against his will, or his acts, that his whole authority is denied, instantly to proclaim rebellion, to beat to arms, and to put the offending provinces under the ban. Will not this, Sir, very soon teach the provinces to make no distinctions on their part? Will it not teach them that the government, against which a claim of liberty is tantamont to high treason, is a government to which sub­mission is equivalent to slavery? It may not always be quite convenient to impress dependent communities with such an idea.

We are, indeed, in all disputes with the colonies, by the necessity of things, the judge. It is true, Sir. But I confess that the character of judge in my own cause, is a thing that frightens me. Instead of filling me with pride, I am exceedingly humbled by it. I cannot proceed with a stern, assured, judicial confidence, until I find myself in something more like a judicial character. I must have these hesitations as long as I am compelled to recollect, that, in my little reading upon such contests as these, the sense of mankind has, at least, as often decided against the superior as the subordinate power. Sir, let me add too, that the opinion of my having some abstract right in my favour, would not put me much at my ease in passing sentence, unless I could be sure that there were no rights which in their exercise under certain circumstances, were not the most odious of all wrongs, and the most vexatious of all injustice. Sir, these considerations have great weight with me, when I find things so circumstanced, that I see the same party, at once a civil litigant against me in a point of right; and a culprit before me, while I sit as a criminal judge, on acts of his whose moral quality is to be decided upon the merits of that very litigation. Men are every now and then put, by the complexity of human affairs, into strange situations; but justice is the same let the judge be in what situation he will.

There is, Sir, also a circumstance which convinces me that this mode of criminal proceeding is not (at least in the present stage of our contest) altogether expedient; which [Page 37] is nothing less than the conduct of those very persons who have seemed to adopt that mode, by lately declaring a re­bellion in Massachusetts-Bay, as they had formerly ad­dressed to have traitors brought hither under an act of Henry VIII. for trial. For though rebellion is declared, it is not proceeded against as such; nor have any steps been taken towards the apprehension or conviction of any individual offender, either on our late or our former ad­dress: but modes of public coercion have been adopted, and such as have much more resemblance to a sort of qua­lified hostility towards an independant power than the pu­nishment of rebellious subjects. All this seems rather in­consistent, but it shews how difficult it is to apply these juridical ideas to our present case.

In this situation let us seriously and coolly ponder. What is it we have got by all our menaces, which have been many and ferocious? What advantage have we derived from the penal laws we have passed, and which, for the time, have been severe and numerous? What advances have we made towards our object by the sending of a force which, by land and sea, is no contemptible strength? Has the disorder abated? Nothing less.—When I see things in this situati­on, after such confident hopes, bold promises, and active exertions, I cannot, for my life, avoid a suspicion that the plan itself is not correctly right.

If then the removal of the causes of this spirit of Ame­rican liberty be, for the greater part, or rather entirely, impracticable; if the ideas of criminal process be inappli­cable, or, if applicable, are in the highest degree inexpe­dient, what way yet remains? No way is open but the third and last; to comply with the Americans spirit as ne­cessary, or if you please, to submit to it as a necessary evil.

If we adopt this mode, if we mean to conciliate and con­cede, let us see of what nature the concession ought to be: To ascertain the nature of our concession, we must look at their complaint. The colonies complain that they have not the characteristic mark and seal of British freedom. They complain, that they are taxed in a Parliament, in which they are not represented. If you mean to satisfy [Page 38] them at all, you must satisfy them with regard to this complaint. If you mean to please any people, you must give them the boon which they ask; not what you may think better for them, but of a kind totally different. Such an act may be a wise regulation, but it is no conces­sion; whereas our present theme is the mode of giving satisfaction.

Sir, I think you must perceive, that I am resolved this day to have nothing at all to do with the question of the right of taxation. Some gentlemen startle—but it is true. I put it totally out of the question. It is less than nothing, in my consideration, I do not indeed wonder, nor will you, Sir, that gentlemen of profound learning are fond of displaying it on this profound subject. But my conside­ration is narrow, confined, and wholly limited to the policy of the question. I do not examine, whether the giving away a man's money be a power excepted and reserved out of the general trust of government, and how far all man­kind, in all forms of polity, are entitled to an exercise of that right by the charter of nature. Or whether, on the contrary, a right of taxation is necessarily involved in the general principle of legislation, and inseparable from the ordinary supreme power? These are deep questions, where great names militate against each other; where reason is perplexed, and an appeal to authorities only thickens the confusion. For high and reverend authorities lift up their heads on both sides, and there is no sure footing in the middle. This point is the great Serbonian bog, betwixt Damiata and Mount Casius old, where armies whole have sunk. I do not intend to be overwhelmed in that bog, though in such respectable company. The question with me is, not whether you have a right to render your people miserable; but whether it is not your interest to make them happy? It is not, what a lawyer tells me I may do, but what humanity, reason, and justice, tells me I ought to do. Is a politic act the worse for being a generous one? Is no concession proper, but that which is made from your want of right to keep what you grant? Or does it lessen the grace or dignity of relaxing in the exercise of an odious [Page 39] claim, because you have your evidence-room full of titles, and your magazines stuffed with arms to enforce them? What signify all those titles, and all those arms? Of what avail are they, when the reason of the thing tells me, that the assertion of my title is the loss of my suit; and that I could do nothing but wound myself by the use of my own weapons?

Such is stedfastly my opinion of the absolute necessity of keeping up the concord of this empire by a unity of spirit, though in a diversity of operations; that, if I were sure the colonists had, at their leaving this country, sealed a regular compact of servitude; that they had solemnly [...] all the rights of citizens; that they had made a vow to re­nounce all ideas of liberty, for them and their posterity, to all generations; yet I should hold myself obliged to conform to the temper I found universally prevalent in my own day, and to govern two millions of men, impatient of servitude, on the principles of freedom. I am not deter­mining a point of law; I am restoring tranquility, and the general character and situation of a people must determine what sort of government is fitted for them. That point nothing else can or ought to determine.

My idea, therefore, without considering whether we yield as matter of right, or grant as matter of favour, is to admit the people of our colonies into an interest in the consti­tution; and, by recording that admission in the Journals of Parliament, to give them as strong an assurance as the na­ture of the thing will admit, that we mean for ever to ad­here to that solemn declaration of systematic indulgence.

Some years ago the repeal of a revenue act, upon its understood principle, might have served to shew, that we intended an unconditional abatement of the exercise of a taxing power. Such a measure was then sufficient to remove all suspicion; and to give perfect content. But un­fortunate events, since that time, may make something further necessary; and not more necessary for the satisfac­tion of the colonies, than for the dignity and consistency of our own future proceedings.

[Page 40]I have taken a very incorrect measure of the disposition of the House, if this proposal in itself would be received with dislike. I think, Sir, we have few American finan­ciers. But our misfortune is, we are too acute; we are too exquisite in our conjectures of the future, for men op­pressed with such great and present evils. The more mo­derate among the opposers of parliamentary concession free­ly confess, that they hope no good from taxation; but they apprehend the colonists have farther views; and if this point were conceded, they would instantly attack the trade laws. These gentlemen are convinced that this was the intention from the beginning; and the quarrel of the Ame­ricans with taxation was no more than a cloak and cover to this design. Such has been the language even of a gentle­man ^* of real moderation, and of a natural temper well adjusted to fair and equal government. I am, however, Sir, not a little surprised at this kind of discourse, when­ever I hear it; and I am the more surprised on account of the arguments which I constantly find in company with it, and which are often urged from the same mouths, and on the same day.

For instance, when we alledge that it is against reason to tax a people under so many restraints in trade as the Ame­ricans, the Noble Lord in the blue ribbon ^† shall tell you that the restraints on trade are futile and useless; of no advantage to us, and of no burthen to those on whom they are imposed; that the trade to America is not secured by the acts of navigation, but by the natural and irresist­able advantage of commercial preference.

Such is the merit of the trade laws in this posture of the debate. But when strong internal circumstances are urged against the taxes; when the scheme is dissected; when ex­perience and the nature of things are brought to prove, and do prove the utter impossibility of obtaining an effective revenue from the colonies; when these things are pressed, or rather press themselves so as to drive the advocates of colony taxes to a clear admission of the futility of the scheme; [Page 41] then, Sir, the sleeping trade laws revive from their trance; and this useless taxation is to be kept sacred, not for its own sake, but as a countergaurd and security of the laws of trade.

Then, Sir, you keep up revenue laws which are mischie­vous, in order to preserve trade laws that are useless. Such is the wisdom of our plan in both its members. They are separately given up as of no value; and yet one is always to be defended for the sake of the other. But I cannot agree with the noble Lord, nor with the pamphlet from whence he seems to have borrowed these ideas, concerning the inutility of the trade laws For without idolizing them I am sure they are still in many ways, of great use to us; and in former times, they have been of the greatest. They do confine, and they do greatly narrow, the market for the Americans. But my perfect conviction of this, does not help me in the least to discern how the revenue laws form any security whatsoever to the commercial regulations; or that these commercial regulations are the true ground of the quarrel; or, that the giving way in any one instance of authority, is to lose all that may remain unconceded.

One fact is clear and indisputable. The public and avow­ed origin of this quarrel, was on taxation. This quarrel has indeed brought on new disputes on new questions; but certainly the least bitter, and the fewest of all, on the trade laws. To judge which of the two be the real radical cause of quarrel, we have to see whether the commercial dispute did, in order of time, precede the dispute on taxation? There is not a shadow of evidence for it. Next, to enable us to judge whether at this moment a dislike to the trade laws be the real cause of quarrel, it is absolutely necessary to put the taxes out of the question by a repeal. See how the Americans act in this position, and then you will be able to discern directly what is the true object of the controversy, or whether any controversy at all will remain? Unless you consent to remove this cause of difference, it is impos­sible, with decency, to assert, that the dispute is not upon what it is avowed to be. And I would, Sir, recommend to your serious consideration, whether it be prudent to form [Page 42] a rule for punishing people, not on their own acts, but on your conjectures? Surely it is preposterous at the very best. It is not justifying your anger, by their misconduct; but it is converting your ill-will into their delinquency.

But the colonies will go further. Alas! alas! when will this speculating against fact and reason end? What will quiet these panic fears which we entertain of the hostile effect of a conciliatory conduct? Is it true that no case can exist, in which it is proper for the Sovereign to accede to the desires of his discontented subjects? Is there any thing peculiar in this case, to make a rule for itself? Is all authority of course lost, when it is not pushed to the ex­treme? Is it a certain maxim, that the fewer causes of dis­satisfaction that are left by government, the more the sub­ject will be inclined to resist and rebel?

All these objections being in fact no more than suspicions, conjectures, divinations; formed in defiance of fact and ex­perience; they did not, Sir, discourage me from entertain­ing the idea of a conciliatory concession, founded on the principles which I have just stated.

In forming a plan for this purpose, I endeavoured to put myself in that frame of mind which was the most natural, and the most reasonable; and which was certainly the most probable means of securing me from all error. I set out with a perfect distrust of my own abilities; a total renun­ciation of every speculation of my own; and with a profund reverence for the wisdom of our ancestors, who have left us the inheritance of so happy a constitution, and so flourishing an empire, and what is a thousand times more valuable, the treasury of the maxims and principles which formed the one, and obtained the other.

During the reigns of the Kings of Spain of the Austrian family, whenever they were at a loss in the Spanish councils, it was common for their statesmen to say, that they ought to consult the genius of Philip the second. The genius of Philip the second might mislead them; and the issue of their affairs shewed, that they had not chosen the most per­fect standard. But, Sir, I am sure that I shall not be mis­led, when in a case of constitutional difficulty, I consult [Page 43] the genius of the English constitution. Consulting at that oracle (it was with all due humility and piety) I found four capital examples in a similar case before me; those of Ire­land, Wales, Chester, and Durham.

Ireland, before the English conquest, though never go­verned by a despotic power, had no parliament. How far the English Parliament itself was at that time modelled ac­cording to the present form, is disputed among antiquarians. But we have all the reason in the world to be assured that a form of Parliament, such as England then enjoyed, she in­stantly communicated to Ireland; and we are equally sure that almost every successive improvement in constitutional liberty, as fast as it was made here, was transmitted thither. The feudal baronage, and the feudal knighthood, the roots of our primitive constitution were early transplanted into that soil; and grew and flourished there. Magna Charta, if it did not give us originally the House of Commons, gave us at least an House of Commons of weight and con­sequence. But your ancestors did not churlishly sit down alone to the feast of Magna Charta. Ireland was made immediately a partaker. This benefit of English laws and liberties I confess, as not at first extended to all Ireland. Mark the consequence. English authority and English li­berty, had exactly the same boundaries. Your standard could never be advanced an inch before your privileges. Sir John Davis shews beyond a doubt, that a refusal of a gene­ral communication of these rights, was the true cause why Ireland was five hundred years in subduing; and after the vain projects of a military government, attempted in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, it was soon discovered that no­thing could make that country English, in civility and alle­giance, but your laws and your forms of legislature. It was not English arms, but the English constitution that con­quered Ireland.

From that time, Ireland has ever had a general Parlia­ment, as she had before a partial parliament.

You changed the people; you altered the religion; but you never touched the form of the vital substance of free government in that kingdom. You deposed Kings; you [Page 44] restored them; you altered the succession to theirs, as well as to your own crown; but you never altered their consti­tution; the principle of which was respected by usurpation; restored with the restoration of Monarchy, and established, I trust for ever, by the glorious revolution. This has made Ireland the great and flourishing kingdom that it is; and from a disgrace and a burden intolerable to this nation, has rendered her a principle part of our strength and ornament. This country cannot be said to have ever formally taxed her. The irregular things done in the confusion of mighty troubles, and on the hinge of great revolutions, even if all were done that is said to have been done, form no exam­ple. If they have any effect in argument, they make an exemption to prove the rule.

None of your own liberties could stand a moment, if the casual deviations from them, at such times were suffered to be used as proofs of their nullity. By the lucrative amount of such casual breaches in the constitution, judge what the stated and fixed rule of supply has been in that kingdom. Your Irish pensioners would starve, if they had no other fund to live on than taxes granted by English authority.

Turn your eyes to those popular grants, from whence all your great supplies are come; and learn to respect that only source of public wealth in the British empire.

My next example is Wales. This country was said to be reduced by Henry the third. It was said more truly to be so by Edward the first. But tho' then conquered, it was not looked upon as any part of the realm of England. Its old constitution, whatever that might have been, was de­stroyed; and no good one was substituted in its place. The care of that tract was put into the hands of Lords Marchers, a form of government of a very singular kind; a strange heterogeneous monster, something between hostility and government; perhaps it has a sort of resemblance, accord­ing to the modes of those times, to that of Commander in Chief at present, to whom all civil power is granted as se­condary. The manners of the Welsh nation followed the genius of the government; the people were ferocious, rest­ive, savage, and uncultivated; sometimes composed, never [Page 45] pacified. Wales within itself, was in perpetual disorder; and it kept the frontier of England in perpetual alarm. Benefits from it to the state, there were none. Wales was only known to England, by incursion and invasion.

Sir, during that state of things, Parliament was not idle. They attempted to subdue the fierce spirit of the Welsh by all sorts of rigorous laws. They prohibited by statute, the sending all sorts of arms into Wales, as you prohibit by proclamation (with something more of doubt on the le­gality) the sending arms to America. They disarmed the Welsh by statute, as you attempted (but still with more question on the legality) to disarm New-England by an instruction.

They made an act to drag offenders from Wales into England for trial, as you have done (but with more hard­ship) with regard to America. By another act, where one of the parties was an Englishman, they ordained that his trial should be always by English. They made acts to re­strain trade as you do; and they prevented the Welsh from the use of fairs and markets, as you do the Americans from fisheries and foreign ports. In short, when the statute book was not quite so much [...] as it is now, you find no less than fifteen acts of penal regulation on the subject of Wales.

Here we rub our hands, a fine body of precedents for the authority of Parliament and the use of it! I admit it fully; and pray add likewise to these precedents, that all the while, Wales rid this kingdom like an incubus; that it was an unprofitable and oppressive burthen; and that an Englishman travelling in that country, could not go six yards from the high road without being murdered.

The march of the human mind is slow. Sir, it was not until after two hundred years, discovered, that by an eternal law, providence had declared vexation to violence; and po­verty to rapine. Your ancestors did however at length open their eyes to the ill-husbandry of injustice. They found that the tyranny of a free people could of all tyrannies the least be endured; and that laws made against a whole nation were not the most effectual methods for securing its obedi­ence. [Page 46] Accordingly in the 27th year of Henry VIII. the course was entirely altered. With a preamble stating the entire and perfect rights of the crown of England, it gave to the Welsh all the rights and privileges of English subjects. A political order was established; the military power gave way to the civil; the marches were turned into counties. But that a nation should have a right to English liberties, and yet no share at all in the fundamental security of these liberties, the grant of their own property, seemed a thing so incongruous, that eight years after, that is, in the 35th year of that reign, a complete and not ill proportioned represent­ation by counties and boroughs was bestowed upon Wales, by act of Parliament; from that moment, as by a charm, the tumults subsided; obedience was restored; peace, order, and civilization, followed in the train of liberty. When the day star of the English constitution had arisen in their hearts, all was harmony within and without.

Simul alba nautis

Stella refulsit,

Defluit [...]axis agitatus humor:

Concidunt ven [...]i, sugiuntque nubes:

Et minax (quod sic voluere) ponto

Unda recumbit.

The very same year the county palatine of Chester re­ceived the same relief from its oppressions, and the same remedy to its disorders. Before this time Chester was little less distempered than Wales. The inhabitants without rights themselves, were the fittest to destroy the rights of others; and from thence Richard II. drew the standing army of Archers, with which, for a time, he oppressed England. The people of Chester applied to Parliament in a petition penned as I shall read to you:

To the King our Sovereign Lord, in most humbly wise shewn unto your Excellent Majesty, the inhabitants of your Grace's county palatine of Chester; That whereas the said county palatine of Chester is and hath been always hitherto exempt, excluded and separated out and from your high court of Par­liament, to have any knights and burgesses within the said court; by reason whereof the said inhabitants have hitherto sustained [Page 47] manifold disherisions, losses and damages, as well in their lands, goods, and bodies, as in the good, civil, and politick governance and maintenance of the commonwealth of their said country: (2) And for as much as the said inhabitants have always hitherto been bound by the acts and statutes made and ordained by your said highness, and your most noble progenitors, by au­thority of the said court, as far forth as other counties, cities, and boroughs have been, that have had their knights and bur­gesses within your said court of Parliament, and yet have had neither knight ne burgess there for the said county palatine; the said inhabitants, for lack thereof, have been oftentimes touched and grieved with acts and statutes made within the said court, as well derogatory unto the most ancient jurisdicti­ons, liberties and privileges of your said county palatine, as prejudicial unto the commonwealth, quietness, rest, and peace of your Grace's most bounden subjects inhabiting within the same.

What did Parliament with this audacious address?—reject it as a libel? treat it as an affront to government? spurn it as a derogation from the rights of legislature? Did they toss it over the table? Did they burn it by the hands of the common hangman?—They took the petition of grievance, all rugged as it was, without softening or temperament, unpurged of the original bitterness and in­dignation of complaint; they made it the very preamble to their act of redress; and consecrated its principle to all ages in the sanctuary of legislation.

Here is my third example. It was attended with the success of the two former. Chester civilized as well as Wales, has demonstrated that freedom and not servitude is the cure of anarchy; as religion, and not atheism, is the true remedy for superstition. Sir, this pattern of Chester was followed in the reign of Charles II. with regard to the county palatine of Durham, which is my fourth exam­ple. This county had long lain out of the pale of free le­gislation. So scrupulously was the example of Chester fol­lowed, that the stile of the preamble is nearly the same with that of the Chester act; and without affecting the ab­stract extent of the authority of Parliament, it recognizes [Page 48] the equity of not suffering any considerable district in which the British subjects may act as a body, to be taxed without their own voice in the grant.

Now, if the doctrines of policy contained in these pre­ambles, and the force of these examples in the acts of Par­liament, avail any thing, what can be said against applying them with regard to America? Are not the people of America as much Englishmen as the Welsh? The pream­ble of the act of Henry VIII. says, the Welsh speak a lan­guage no way resembling that of his Majesty's English sub­jects. Are the Americans not as numerous? If we may trust the learned and accurate Judge Barrington's account of North Wales, and take that as a standard to measure the rest, there is no comparison. The people cannot amount to above 200,000; not a tenth part of the number in the colonies. Is America in rebellion? Wales was hardly free from it. Have you attempted to govern America by penal statutes? You made fifteen for Wales. But your legislative authority is perfect with regard to America; was it less perfect in Wales, Chester, and Durham? But Ame­rica is virtually represented. What! does the electric force of virtual representation more easily pass over the Atlantic, than pervade Wales, which lies in your neighbourhood; or than Chester and Durham surrounded by abundance of representation that is actual and palpable? But, Sir, your ancestors thought this sort of virtual representation, how­ever ample, to be totally insufficient for the freedom of the inhabitants of territories that are so near, and compa­ratively so inconsiderable. How then can I think it suffi­cient for those which are infinitely greater, and infinitely more remote?

You will now, Sir, perhaps imagine, that I am on the point of proposing to you a scheme for a representation of the colonies in Parliament. Perhaps I might be inclined to entertain some such thought; but a great flood stops me in my course. Opposuit natura.—I cannot remove the eternal barriers of the creation. The thing in that mode, I do not know to be [...]. As I meddle with no theory, I do not absolutely assert the impracticability of such a [Page 49] representation. But I do not see my way to it; and those who have been more confident, have not been more suc­cessful. However, the arm of public benevolence is not shortened; and there are often several means to the same end. What nature has disjoined in one way, wisdom may unite in another. When we cannot give the benefit as we would wish, let us not refuse it altogether. If we cannot give the principal, let us find a substitute. But how? Where? What substitute?

Fortunately I am not obliged for the ways and means of this substitute to tax my own unproductive invention. I am not even obliged to go to the rich treasury of the fertile framers of imaginary commonwealths; not to the Republic of Plato, not to the Utopia of More; not to the Oceana of Harrington. It is before me—It is at my feet, and the rude swain treads daily on it with his clouted shoon. I only wish you to recognize, for the theory, the ancient constitutional policy of this kingdom with regard to re­presentation, as that policy has been declared in acts of Parliament; and, as to the practice, to return to that mode which an uniform experience has marked out to you, as best; and in which you walked with security, advantage, and honour, until the year 1763.

My resolutions therefore mean to establish the equity and justice of a taxation of America, by grant, and not by imposition. To mark the legal competency of the colony Assemblies for the support of their government in peace, and for public aids in time of war. To acknowledge that this legal competency has had a dutiful and beneficial ex­ercise; and that experience has shewn the benefit of their grants, and the futility of parliamentary taxation as a method of supply.

These solid truths compose six fundamental propositions. There are three more resolutions corollary to these. If you admit the first set, you can hardly reject the others. But if you admit the first, I shall be far from solicitous whe­ther you accept or refuse the last. I think these six massive pillars will be of strength sufficient to support the temple of British concord. I have no more doubt than I entertain [Page 50] of my existence, that, if you admitted these, you would command an immediate peace; and with but tolerable future management, a lasting obedience in America. I am not arrogant in this confident assurance. The proposi­tions are all mere matters of fact; and if they are such facts as draw irresistible conclusions even in the stating, this is the power of truth, and not any management of mine.

Sir, I shall open the whole plan to you together, with such observations on the motions as may tend to illustrate them where they may want explanation. The first is a resolution— That the colonies and plantations of Great-Britain in North-America, consisting of fourteen separate governments, and containing two millions and upwards of free inhabitants, have not had the liberty and privilege of electing and sending any knights and burgesses, or others to represent them in the high court of Parliament.—This is a plain matter of fact, necessary to be laid down, and (excepting the description) it is laid down in the language of the constitution; it is taken nearly verbatim from acts of Parliament.

The second is like unto the first— That the said colonies and plantations have been liable to, and bounden by, several subsidies, payments, rates, and taxes, given and granted by Parliament, though the said colonies and plantations have not their knights and burgesses, in the said high court of Parlia­ment, of their own election, to represent the condition of their country; by lack whereof they have been oftentimes touched and grieved by subsidies given, granted, and assented to, in the said court, in a manner prejudicial to the commonwealth, quietness, rest, and peace, of the subjects inhabiting within the same.

Is this description too hot, or too cold, too strong, or too weak? Does it arrogate too much to the supreme legisla­ture? Does it lean too much to the claims of the people? If it runs into any of these errors, the fault is not mine. It is the language of your own ancient acts of Parliament. Non meus [...] sermo, sed quae praecepit Ofellus rusticus, ab­normis sapiens. It is the genuine produce of the ancient rustic, manly, home-bred sense of this country—I did not dare to rub off a particle of the venerable rust that rather [Page 51] adorns and preserves, than destroys the metal. It would be a profanation to touch with a tool the stones which construct the sacred altar of peace. I would not violate with modern polish the ingenuous and noble roughness of these truly constitutional materials. Above all things, I was resolved not to be guilty of tampering the odious vice of restless and unstable minds. I put my foot in the tracts of our forefathers; where I can neither wander nor stumble. Determining to fix articles of peace, I was resolved not to be wise beyond what was written; I was resolved to use nothing else than the form of sound words; to let others abound in their own sense; and carefully to abstain from all expressions of my own. What the law has said, I say. In all things else I am silent. I have no organ but for her words. This, if it be not ingenious, I am sure is safe.

There are indeed words expressive of grievance in this second resolution, which those who are resolved always to be in the right, will deny to contain matter of fact, as applied to the present case; although Parliament thought them true, with regard to the counties of Chester and Durham. They will deny that the Americans were ever "touched and grieved" with the taxes. If they consider nothing in taxes but their weight as pecuniary impositions, there might be some pretence for this denial. But men may be sorely touched and deeply grieved in their privileges, as well as in their purses. Men may lose little in pro­perty by the act which takes away all their freedom. When a man is robbed of a trifle on the highway, it is not the two-pence lost that constitutes the capital outrage. This is not confined to privileges. Even ancient indul­gences withdrawn, without offence on the part of those who enjoyed such favours, operate as grievances. But were the Americans then not touched and grieved by the taxes, in some measure, merely as taxes? If so, why were they almost all, either wholly repealed or exceedingly re­duced? Were they not touched and grieved, even by the regulating duties of the sixth of George II? Else why were the duties first reduced to one third in 1764, and afterwards to a third of that third in the year 1766? Were they not [Page 52] touched and grieved by the stamp-act? I shall say they were, until that tax is revived. Were they not touched and grieved by the duties of 1767, which were likewise repealed, and which Lord Hillsborough tells you (for the ministry) were laid contrary to the true principle of com­merce? Is not the assurance given by that noble person to the colonies of a resolution to lay no more taxes on them, an admission that taxes would touch and grieve them? Is not the resolution of the noble Lord in the blue ribband, now standing on your journals, the strongest of all proofs that parliamentary subsidies really touched and grieved them? Else, why all these changes, modifications, repeals, assurances, and [...]?

The next proposition is— That from the distance of the said colonies, and from other circumstances, no method hath hither to been devised for procuring a representation in Parliament for the said colonies." This is an assertion of a fact. I go no further on the paper; though in my private judgment, an useful representation is impossible; I am sure it is not desired by them; nor ought it perhaps by us; but I abstain from opinions.

The fourth resolution is— That each of the said colonies hath within itself a body, chosen in part, or in the whole, by the freemen, freeholders, or other free inhabitants thereof, commonly called the General Assembly, or General Court, with powers legally to raise, levy, and assess, according to the seve­ral usage of such colonies, duties and taxes towards defraying all sorts of public services.

This competence in the colony Assemblies is certain. It is proved by the whole tenor of their acts of supply in all the Assemblies, in which the constant style of granting is, "an aid to his Majesty;" and acts granting to the crown have regularly for near a century passed the public offices without dispute. Those who have been pleased paradoxi­cally to deny this right, holding that none but the British Parliament can grant to the crown, are wished to look to what is done, not only in the colonies, but in Ireland, in one uniform unbroken tenor every session. Sir, I am surprized, that this doctrine should come from some of the [Page 53] law servants of the crown. I say, that if the crown could be responsible, his Majesty—but certainly the ministers, and even these law officers themselves, through whose hands the acts pass, biennially in Ireland, or annually in the colonies, are in an habitual course of committing im­peachable offences. What habitual offenders have been all Presidents of the Council, all Secretaries of State, all First Lords of Trade, all Attorneys and all Solicitors General! However, they are safe; as no one impeaches them; and there is no ground of charge against them, ex­cept in their own unfounded theories.

The fifth resolution is also a resolution of fact— That the said General Assemblies, General Courts, or other bodies legally qualified as aforesaid, have at sundry times freely granted se­veral large subsidies and public aids for his Majesty's service, according to their abilities, when required thereto by letter from one of his Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State; and that their right to grant the same, and their cheerfulness and suffi­ciency in the said grants, have been at sundry times acknow­ledged by Parliament. To say nothing of their great ex­pences in the Indian wars; and not to take their exertion in foreign ones, so high as the supplies in the year 1695; not to go back to their public contributions in the year 1710; I shall begin to travel only where the journals give me light; resolving to deal in nothing but fact, authenti­cated by parliamentary record; and to build myself wholly on that solid basis.

On the 4th of April 1748 ^*, a committee of this house came to the following resolution:

RESOLVED,

That it is the opinion of this Committee, that it is just and reasonable that the several provinces and colonies of Massachu­setts-Bay, New-Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island, be reimbursed the expences they have been at in taking and securing to the crown of Great-Britain, the island of Cape Breton and its dependencies.

[Page 54]These expences were immense for such colonies. They were above £.200,000 sterling; money first raised and ad­vanced on their public credit.

On the 28th of January 1756 ^†, a message from the King came to us, to this effect— His Majesty, being sensible of the zeal and vigour with which his faithful subjects of cer­tain colonies in North-America have exerted themselves in defence of his Majesty's just rights and possessions, recommends it to this house to take the same into their consideration, and to enable his Majesty to give them such assistance as may be a proper reward and encouragement.

On the 3d of February 1756 ^‡ the House came to a suit­able resolution, expressed in words nearly the same as those of the message: but with the further addition, that the money then voted was as an encouragement to the colonies to exert themselves with vigour. It will not be necessary to go through all the testimonies which your own records have given to the truth of my resolutions. I will only refer you to the places in the journals:

Vol. XXVII.—16th and 19th May, 1757.

Vol. XXVIII.—June 1st, 1758—April 26th and 30th, 1759—March 26th and 31st, and April 28th, 1760—Jan. 9th and 20th, 1761.

Vol. XXIX.—Jan. 22d and 26th, 1762—March 14th, 17th, 1763.

Sir, here is the repeated acknowledgment of Parliament, that the colonies not only gave, but gave to satiety. This nation hath formerly acknowledged two things; first, that the colonies had gone beyond their abilities, Parliament having thought it necessary to reimburse them; secondly, that they had acted legally and laudably in their grants of money, and their maintenance of troops, since the com­pensation is expressly given as a reward and encourage­ment. Reward is not bestowed for acts that are unlawful; and encouragement is not held out to things that deserve [Page 55] reprehension. My resolution therefore does nothing more than collect into one proposition, what is scattered through your journals. I give you nothing but your own; and you cannot refuse in the gross, what you have so often acknowledged in detail. The admission of this, which will be so honourable to them and you, will, indeed, be mortal to all the miserable stories, by which the passions of the misguided people have been engaged in an unhappy system.

The people heard, indeed, from the beginning of these disputes, one thing continually dinned in their ears, that reason and justice demanded, that the Americans, who paid no taxes, should be compelled to contribute. How did that fact of their paying nothing, stand, when the taxing system began? When Mr. Grenville began to form his system of American revenue, he stated in this house, that the colonies were then in debt two millions six hundred thousand pounds sterling money; and was of opinion they would discharge that debt in four years. On this state, those untaxed people were actually subject to the payment of taxes to the amount of six hundred and fifty thousand a year. In fact, however, Mr. Grenville was mistaken. The funds given for sinking the debt did not prove quite so ample as both the colonies and he expected. The calcula­tion was too sanguine; the reduction was not compleated till some years after, and at different times in different colonies. However, the taxes after the war, continued too great to bear any addition, with prudence or propriety; and when the burthens imposed in consequence of former requisitions were discharged, our tone became too high to resort again to acquisition. No colony, since that time, ever has had any requisition whatsoever made to it.

We see the sense of the crown, and the sense of Parlia­ment, on the productive nature of a revenue by grant. Now search the same journals for the produce of the reve­nue by imposition.—Where is it?—let us know the vo­lume and the page?—What is the gross, what is the nett produce?—To what service is it applied?—How have you appropriated it surplus?—What; can none of the many [Page 56] skilful index-makers, that we are now employing, find any trace of it?—Well, let them and that rest together. But are the journals, which say nothing of the revenue, as silent on the discontent?—Oh no! a child may find it. It is the melancholy burthen and blot of every page.

I think then I am, from those Journals, justified in the sixth and last resolution, which is— That it hath been found by experience, that the manner of granting the said supplies and aids, by the said General Assemblies, hath been more agree­able to the said colonies, and more beneficial, and conducive to the public service than the made of giving and granting aids in Parliament, to be raised and paid in the said colonies.— This makes the whole of the fundamental part of the plan. The conclusion is irresistible. You cannot say, that you were driven by any necessity, to an exercise of the ut­most rights of legislature. You cannot assert, that you took on yourselves the task of imposing colony taxes, from the want of another legal body, that is competent to the purpose of supplying the exigencies of the state without wounding the prejudices of the people. Neither is it true that the body so qualified, and having that competence, had neglected that duty.

The question now, on all this accumulated matter, is,—Whether you will chuse to abide by a profitable experience, or a mischievous theory; whether you will chuse to build on imagination or fact; whether you prefer enjoyment or hope; satisfaction in your subjects, or discontent.

If these propositions are accepted, every thing which has been made to enforce a contrary system, must, I take it for granted, fall along with it, On that ground I have drawn the following resolution, which, when it comes to be moved, will naturally be divided in a proper manner: That it may be proper to repeal an act, made in the seventh year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled, An Act for granting certain duties in the British colonies and plantations in America; for allowing a drawback of the duties of customs upon the exportation from this kingdom, of coffee and cocoa nuts of the produce of the said colonies or plantations; for dis­continuing the drawbacks payable on China earthen-ware ex­ported [Page 57] to America; and for more effectually preventing the clan­destine running of goods in the said colonies and plantations.—And that it may be proper to repeal an act, made in the four­teenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled, An Act to discontinue in such manner, and for such time, as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging, lading or ship­ping, of goods, wares, and merchandize at the town, and within the harbour of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts-Bay, in North America—And that it may be proper to repeal an act, made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled, An Act for the impartial administration of justice, in the cases of persons questioned for any acts done by them, in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults, in the province of Massachusetts Bay in New England.—And that it may be proper to repeal an act, made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled, An Act for the better regulating the government of the province of the Massachusetts-Bay in New-England.—And also that it may be proper to explain and amend an act, made in the thirty-fifth year of the reign of King Henry VIII. inti­tuled, An Act for the trial of treasons committed out of the King's dominions.

I wish, Sir, to repeal the Boston Port-bill, because (inde­pendently of the dangerous precedent of suspending the rights of the subject during the King's pleasure) it was passed, as I apprehend, with less regularity, and on more partial principles than it ought. The corporation of Bos­ton was not heard before it was condemned. Other towns, full as guilty as she was, have not had their ports blocked up. Even the restraining bill of the present session does not go to the length of the Boston Port-act. The same ideas of prudence, which induced you not to extend equal punishment to equal guilt, even when you were punishing, induce me, who mean not to chastise, but to reconcile, to be satisfied with the punishment already partially inflicted.

Ideas of prudence, and accommodation to circumstances, prevent you from taking away the charters of Connecticut, and Rhode-Island, as you have taken away that of Massa­chusetts colony, though the Crown has far less power in [Page 58] the two former provinces than it enjoyed in the latter; and though the abuses have been full as great and as flagrant in the exempted as in the punished. The same reasons of prudence and accommodation have weight with me in re­storing the charter of Massachusetts-Bay. Besides, Sir, the act which changes the charter of Massachusetts is in many particulars so exceptionable, that, if I did not wish abso­lutely to repeal, I would by all means desire to alter it; as several of its provisions tend to the subversion of all public and private justice. Such, among others is the power in the Governor to change the Sheriff at his pleasure; and to make a new returning officer for every special cause. It is shameful to behold such a regulation standing among Eng­lish laws.

The act for bringing persons accused of committing mur­der, under the orders of government, to England for trial, is but temporary. That act has calculated the probable duration of our quarrel with the colonies; and is accom­modated to that supposed duration. I would hasten the happy moment of reconciliation; and therefore must on my principle, get rid of that most justly obnoxious act.

The act of Henry VIII. for the trial of treasons, I do not mean to take away, but to confine it to its proper bounds and original intention; to make it expressly for trial of treasons (and the greatest treasons may be committed) in places where the jurisdiction of the crown does not extend.

Having guarded the privileges of local legislature, I would next secure to the colonies a fair and unbiassed judicature; for which purpose, Sir, I propose the following resolution: That, from the time when the General Assembly or General Court of any colony or plantation in North-America, shall have ap­pointed by act of Assembly, duly confirmed, a settled salary to the offices of the Chief Justice and other Judges of the Superior Court, it may be proper that the said Chief Justice, and other Judges of the Superior Courts of such colony, shall hold his and their offices during their good behaviour; and shall not be re­moved therefrom, but when the said removal shall be adjudged by his Majesty in Council, upon a hearing on complaint from the General Assembly, or on a complaint from the Governor or Coun­cil, [Page 59] or the House of Representatives severally, of the colony in which the said Chief Justice and other Judges have exercised the said offices.

The next resolution relates to the Courts of Admiralty. It is this: That it may be proper to regulate the Courts of Ad­miralty, or Vice Admiralty, authorized by, the 15th chapter of the 4th of George the Third, in such a manner as to make the same more commodious to those who sue, or are sued in the said Courts, and to provide for the more decent maintenance of the Judges in the same.

These courts I do not wish to take away; they are in themselves proper establishments. This court is one of the capital securities of the act of navigation. The extent of its jurisdiction indeed has been encreased; but this is alto­gether as proper, and is, indeed, on many accounts, more eligible, where new powers were wanted, than a court absolutely new. But courts incommodiously situated, in effect, deny justice; and a court partaking in the fruits of its own condemnation, is a robber. The congress complain, and complain justly, of this grievance. ^*

These are the three consequential propositions. I have thought of two or three more; but they come rather too near detail, and to the province of executive government, which I wish Parliament always to superintend, never to assume. If the first fix are granted, congruity will carry the latter three. If not, the things that remain unre­pealed, will be, I hope, rather unseemly incumbrances on the building, than very materially detrimental to its strength and stability.

Here, Sir, I should close; but that I plainly perceive some objections remain, which I ought, if possible, to re­move.

The first will be, that in resorting to the doctrine of our ancestors, as contained in the preamble to the Chester act, I prove too much; that the grievance from a want of re­presentation, [Page 60] stated in the preamble goes to the whole of legislation, as well as to taxation. And that the colonies grounding themselves upon that doctrine, will apply it to all parts of legislative authority.

To this objection, with all possible deference and humi­lity, and wishing as little as any man living to impair the smallest particle of our supreme authority, I answer, that the words are the words of Parliament, and not mine; and that all false and inconclusive inferences, drawn from them, are not mine; for I heartily disclaim any such inference. I have chosen the words of an act of Parliament, which Mr. Grenville, surely a tolerably zealous and very judici­ous advocate for the sovereignty of Parliament, formerly moved to have read at your table, in confirmation of his tenets. It is true that Lord Chatham considered these pre­ambles as declaring strongly in favour of his opinions. He was a no less powerful advocate for the privileges of the Americans. Ought I not from hence to presume, that these preambles are as favourable as possible to both, when properly understood; favourable both to the rights of Parliament, and to the privilege of the dependencies of this Crown? But Sir, the object of grievance, in my resolution, I have not taken from the Chester, but from the Durham act, which confines the hardship of want of representa­tion to the case of subsidies; and which therefore falls in exactly with the case of the colonies. But whether the unrepresented counties were, de jure, or de facto, bound, the preambles do not accurately distinguish; nor indeed was it necessary; for, whether de jure, or de facto, the legis­lature thought the exercise of the power of taking, as of right, or as of fact without right, equally a grievance, and equally oppressive.

I do not know, that the colonies have, in any general way, or in any cool hour, gone much beyond the demand of immunity in relation to taxes. It is not fair to judge of the temper or dispositions of any man, or any set of men, when they are composed and at rest, from their conduct, or their expressions, in a state of disturbance and irritation. It is besides a very great mistake to imagine, that mankind [Page 61] follow up practically, any speculative principle either of government or of freedom, as far as it will go in argument and logical il [...]ation. We Englishmen stop very short of the principles upon which we support any given part of our constitution; or even the whole of it together. I could easily, if I had not already tired you, give you very striking and convincing instances of it. This is nothing but what is natural and proper. All government, indeed every human benefit and enjoyment, every virtue, and every prudent act, is founded on compromise and barter. We balance inconveniencies; we give and take; we remit some rights, that we may enjoy others; and, we chuse rather to be happy citizens, than subtle disputants. As we must give away some natural liberty, to enjoy civil ad­vantages; so we must sacrifice some civil liberties for the advantages to be derived from the communion and fellow­ship of a great empire. But in all fair dealings the thing bought, must bear some proportion to the purchase paid. None will barter away the immediate jewel of his soul. Though a great house is apt to make slaves haughty, yet it is purchasing a part of the artificial importance of a great empire too dear, to pay for it all essential rights, and all the intrinsic dignity of human nature. None of us who would not risque his life, rather than fall under a government purely arbitrary. But, although there are some amongst us who think our constitution wants many improvements, to make it a complete system of liberty, perhaps none who are of that opinion, would think it right to aim at such improvement, by disturbing his country, and risquing every thing that is dear to him. In every arduous enterprize, we consider what we are to lose, as well as what we are to gain; and the more and better stake of liberty every people possess, the less they will hazard in a vain attempt to make it more. These are the cords of man. Man acts from adequate motives relative to his interest; and not on metaphysical speculations.—Aristotle, the great master of reasoning, cautions us, and with great weight and propriety, against this species of de­lusive geometrical accuracy in moral arguments, as the most fallacious of all sophistry.

[Page 62]The Americans will have no interest contrary to the grandeur and glory of England, when they are not oppressed by the weight of it; and they will rather be inclined to respect the acts of a superintending legislature; when they see them the acts of that power, which is itself the security, not the rival, of their secondary importance. In this assurance, my mind most perfectly acquiesces; and I con­fess, I feel not the least alarm, from the discontents which are to arise, from putting people at their case; nor do I apprehend the destruction of this empire, from giving, by an act of free grace and indulgence, to two millions of my fellow-citizens, some share of those rights, upon which I have always been taught to value myself.

It is said indeed, that this power of granting vested in American assemblies, would dissolve the unity of the em­pire; which was preserved entire, although Wales, and Chester, and Durham, were added to it. Truly, Mr. Speaker, I do not know what this unity means; nor has it ever been heard of, that I know, in the constitutional policy of this country. The very idea of subordination of parts, excludes this notion of simple and undivided unity. England is the head; but she is not the head and the members too. Ireland has ever had from the beginning a separate, but not an independent, legislature; which, far from being distracting, promoted the union of the whole. every thing was sweetly and harmoniously disposed through [...] islands for the conservation of English dominion, [...] the communication of English liberties. I do not see [...] the same principles might not be carried into twenty [...], and with the same good effect. This is my model [...] regard to America, as far as the internal circumstances [...] the two countries are the same. I know no other unity [...] this empire, than I can draw from its example during [...] periods, when it seemed to my poor understanding [...] united than it is now, or then it is likely to be by [...] present methods.

But since I speak of these methods, I recollect, Mr. [...], almost too late, that I promised, before I finished, [...] something of the proposition of the noble Lord on [Page 63] the floor, ^* which has been so lately received, and stands on your journals. I must be deeply concerned, whenever it is my misfortune to continue a difference with the majo­rity of this House. But as the reasons for that difference are my apology for thus troubling you, suffer me to state them in a very few words. I shall compress them into as small a body as I possibly can, having already debated that matter at large, when the question was before the Committee.

First, then, I cannot admit that proposition of a ransom by auction; because it is a mere project. It is a thing new; unheard of; supported by no experience; justified by no analogy; without example of our ancestors, or root in the constitution. It is neither regular parliamentary taxation, nor colony grant. Experimentum in corpore vili, is a good rule, which will ever make me averse to any trial of experiments on what is certainly the most valuable of all subjects; the peace of this empire.

Secondly, it is an experiment which must be fatal in the end to our constitution. For what is it but a scheme for taxing the colonies in the anti-chamber of the noble Lord and his successors? To settle the quotas and propor­tions in this House, is clearly impossible. You, Sir, may flatter yourself, you shall sit as state auctioneer with your hammer in your hand, and knock down to each colony as it bids. But to settle (on the plan laid down by the noble Lord) the true proportional payment for four or five and twenty governments, according to the absolute and the relative wealth of each, and according to the British pro­portion of wealth and burthen, is a wild and chimerical notion. This new taxation must therefore come in by the back-door of the constitution. Each quota must be brought to this House ready formed; you can neither add nor alter. You must register it. You can do nothing further. For on what grounds can you deliberate either before or after the proposition? You cannot hear the council for all these provinces, quarrelling each on its own quantity of payment, and its portion to others. If you should attempt it, the [Page 64] committee of provincial ways and means, or by whatever other name it will delight to be called, must swallow up all the time of Parliament.

Thirdly, it does not give satisfaction to the complaint of the colonies. They complain that they are taxed with­out their consent; you answer, that you will fix the sum at which they shall be taxed. That is, you give them the very grievance for the remedy. You tell them indeed, that you will leave the mode to themselves. I really beg pardon: it gives me pain to mention it; but you must be sensible that you will not perform this part of the compact. For, suppose the colonies were to lay the duties which furnished their contingent, upon the importation of your manufactures; you know you would never suffer such a tax to be laid. You know too, that you would not suffer many other modes of taxation. So that, when you come to explain yourself, it will be found, that you will neither leave to themselves the quantum nor the mode; nor indeed anything. The whole is delusion from one end to the other.

Fourthly, this method of ransom by auction, unless it be universally accepted, will plunge you into great and inex­tricable difficulties. In what year of our Lord are the pro­portions of payments to be settled? To say nothing of the impossibility that colony agents should have general powers of taxing the colonies at their discretion; consider, I im­plore you, that the communication by special messages, and orders between these agents and their constituents on each variation of the case, when the parties come to contend together, and to dispute on the relative proportions, will be a matter of delay, perplexity, and confusion, that never can have an end.

If all the colonies do not appear at the outcry, what is the condition of those Assemblies, who offer by themselves or their agents, to tax themselves up to your ideas of their proportion? The refractory colonies, who refuse all com­position, will remain taxed only to your old impositions; which, however grievous in principle, are trifling as to pro­duction. The obedient colonies in this scheme are heavily [Page 65] taxed; the refractory remain unburdened. What will you do? Will you lay new and heavier taxes by Parliament on the disobedient? Pray consider in what way you can do it. You are perfectly convinced that in the way of taxing, you can do nothing but at the ports. Now suppose it is Virginia that refuses to appear at your auction, while Mary­land and North-Carolina bid handsomely for their ransom, and are taxed to your quota. How will you put these co­lonies on a par? Will you tax the tobacco of Virginia? If you do, you give its death-wound to your English reve­nue at home, and to one of the very greatest articles of your own foreign trade. If you tax the import of that re­bellious colony, what do you tax but your own manufac­tures, or the goods of some other obedient, and already well­taxed colony? Who has said one word on this labyrinth of detail, which bewilders you more and more as you enter in­to it? Who has presented, who can present you, with a clue to lead you out of it? I think, Sir, it is impossible, that you should not recollect that the colony bounds are so implicated in one another, (you know it by your other experiments in the bill for prohibiting the New-England fishery) that you can lay no possible restraints on almost any of them which may not be presently eluded, if you do not confound the innocent with the guilty, and burden those whom upon every principle you ought to exonerate. He must be grosly ignorant of America, who thinks that, with­out falling into this confusion of all rules of equity and po­licy, you can restrain any single colony, especially Virginia and Maryland, the central, and most important of them all.

Let it also be considered, that, either in the present confusion, you settle a permanent contingent, which will and must be trifling; and then you have no effectual reve­nue; or you change the quota at every exigency; and then on every new repartition you will have a new quarrel.

Reflect, besides, that when you have fixed a quota for every colony, you have not provided for prompt and punctual payment. Suppose one, two, five, ten years ar­rears. You cannot issue a treasury extent against the [Page 66] failing colony. You must make new Boston port bills, new restraining laws, new acts for dragging men to Eng­land for trial. You must send out new fleets, new armies. All is to begin again. From this day forward the empire is never to know an hour's tranquility. An intestine fire will be kept alive in the bowels of the colonies, which one time or other will consume this whole empire. I allow indeed that the empire of Germany raises her revenue and her troops by quotas and contingents; but the revenue of the empire, and the army of the empire, is the worst re­venue, and the worst army in the world.

Instead of a standing revenue, you will therefore have a perpetual quarrel. Indeed the noble Lord, who proposed this project of a ransom by auction, seemed himself to be of that opinion. His project was rather designed for break­ing the union of the colonies, than for establishing a re­venue. He confessed, he apprehended, that his proposal would not be to their taste. I say, this scheme of disunion seems to be at the bottom of the project; for I will not suspect that the noble Lord meant nothing but merely to delude the nation by an airy phantom which he never in­tended to realize. But whatever his views may be; as I propose the peace and union of the colonies as the very foundation of my plan, it cannot accord with one whose foundation is perpetual discord.

Compare the two. This I offer to give you is plain and simple. The other full of perplexed and intricate mazes. This is mild; that harsh. This is found by experience effectual for its purposes; the other is a new project. This is universal; the other calculated for certain colonies only. This is immediate in its conciliatory operation; the other remote, contingent, full of hazard. Mine is what be­comes the dignity of a ruling people; gratuitous, uncon­ditional, and not held out as matter of bargain and sale. I have done my duty in proposing it to you. I have in­deed tired you by a long discourse; but this is the mis­fortune of those to whose influence nothing will be con­ceded, and who must win every inch of their ground by argument. You have heard me with goodness. May you [Page 67] decide with wisdom! For my part I feel my mind greatly disburthened, by what I have done to-day. I have been the less fearful of trying your patience, because on this subject I mean to spare it altogether in future. I have this comfort, that in every stage of the American affairs I have steadily opposed the measures that have produced the confusion, and may bring on the destruction of this empire. I now go so far as to risque a proposal of my own. If I cannot give peace to my country, I give it to my conscience.

But what (says the financier) is peace to us without money? Your plan gives us no revenue. No! But it does.—For it secures to the subject the power of refusal; the first of all revenues. Experience is a cheat, and fact a liar, if this power in the subject of proportioning his grant, or of not granting at all, has not been found the richest mine of revenue ever discovered by the skill or by the fortune of man. It does not indeed vote you £.152,750: 11:2¾ths, nor any other paltry limited sum.—But it gives the strong box itself, the fund, the bank, from whence only revenues can arise amongst a people sensible of free­dom: Posita luditur arca. Cannot you in England; can­not you at this time of day; cannot you, an House of Commons, trust to the principle which has raised so mighty a revenue, and accumulated a debt of near 140 millions in this country? Is this principle to be true in England, and false every where else? Is it not true in Ireland? Has it not hitherto been true in the colonies? Why should you presume that, in any country, a body duly constituted for any function, will neglect to perform its duty, and abdi­cate its trust? Such a presumption would go against all government in all modes. But, in truth, this dread of penury of supply, from a free Assembly, has no founda­tion in nature. For first observe, that, besides the desire which all men have naturally of supporting the honour of their own government; that sense of dignity, and that se­curity to property, which ever attends freedom, has a ten­dency to increase the stock of the free community. Most may be taken where most is accumulated. And what is [Page 68] the soil or climate where experience has not uniformly proved, that the voluntary flow of heaped-up plenty, bursting from the weight of its own rich luxuriance, has ever run with a more copious stream of revenue, than could be squeezed from the dry husks of oppressed indi­gence, by the straining of all the politic machinery in the world.

Next we know, that parties must ever exist in a free country. We know too, that the emulations of such par­ties, their contradictions, their reciprocal necessities, their hopes and their fears, must send them all in their turns to him that holds the balance of the state. The parties are the gamesters; but government keeps the table, and is sure to be the winner in the end. When this game is played, I really think it is more to be feared, that the people will be exhausted, than that government will not be supplied. Whereas, whatever is got by acts of absolute power ill obeyed, because odious, or by contracts ill kept, because constrained; will be narrow, feeble, uncertain and preca­rious. "Ease would retract vows made in pain, as violent and void."

I, for one, protest against compounding our demands; I declare against compounding, for a poor limited sum, the immense, ever-growing, eternal debt, which is due to generous government from protected freedom. And so may I speed in the great object I propose to you, as I think it would not only be an act of injustice, but would be the worst economy in the world, to compel the colonies to a sum certain, either in the way of ransom, or in the way of compulsory compact.

But to clear up my ideas on this subject,—a revenue from America transmitted hither; do not delude yourselves, you never can receive it. No, not a shilling. We have experience, that from remote countries it is not to be ex­pected. If, when you attempted to extract revenue from Bengal, you were obliged to return in loan what you had taken in imposition; what can you expect from North­America? For certainly if ever there was a country quali­fied to produce wealth, it is India; or an institution fit for [Page 69] the transmission, it is the East-India Company: America has none of these aptitudes. If America gives you tax­able objects, on which you lay your duties here, and gives you, at the same time, a surplus by a foreign sale of her commodities to pay the duties on these objects which you tax at home, she has performed her part of the British re­venue. But with regard to her own internal establishments; she may, I doubt not she will, contribute in moderation. I say in moderation; for she ought not to be permitted to exhaust herself. She ought to be reserved to a war; the weight of which, with the enenies that we are most likely to have, must be considerable in her quarter of the globe. There she may serve you, and serve you essentially.

For that service, for all service, whether of revenue, trade or empire, my trust is in her interest in the British constitution. My hold of the colonies is in the close af­fection which grows from common names, from kindred blood, from similar privileges, and equal protection. These are ties, which, though light as air, are as strong as links of iron. Let the colonies always keep the idea of their civil rights associated with your government; they will cling and grapple to you; and no force under heaven will be of power to tear them from their allegiance. But let it be once understood that your government may be one thing and their privileges another; that these two things may exist without any mutual relation; the cement is gone; the cohesion is losened; and every thing hastens to decay and dissolution. As long as you have the wisdom to keep the sovereign authority of this country as the sanctuary of li­berty, the sacred temple consecrated to our common faith, wherever the chosen race and sons of England worship freedom, they will turn their faces towards you. The more they multiply, the more friends you will have; the more ardently they love liberty, the more perfect will be their obedience. Slavery they can have any where. It is a weed that grows in every soil. They may have it from Spain, they may have it from Prussia. But until you be­come lost to all feeling of your true interest and your natu­ral dignity, freedom they have from none but you. This [Page 70] is the commodity of price, of which you have the mono­poly. This is the true act of navigation, which binds to you the commerce of the colonies, and through them se­cures to you the wealth of the world. Deny them this participation of freedom, and you break that sole bond, which originally made, and must still preserve, the unity of the empire. Do not entertain so weak an imagination, as that your registers, and your bonds, your affidavits, and your sufferances, your cockets, and your clearances, are what form the great securities of your commerce. Do not dream that your letters of office, and your instructions, and your suspending clauses, are the things that hold toge­ther the great contexture of this mysterious whole. These things do not make your government. Dead instruments, passive tools as they are, it is the spirit of English commu­nion that gives all their life and efficacy to them. It is the spirit of the English constitution, which infused through the mighty mass, pervades, feeds, unites, invigorates, vi­vifies every part of the Empire, even down to the minutest member.

Is it not the same virtue which does every thing for us here in England? Do you imagine then, that it is the land tax act which raises your revenue? that it is the annual vote in the committee of supply, which gives you your army? or that it is the mutiny bill which inspires it with bravery and discipline? No! surely no! It is the love of the peo­ple; it is their attachment to their government, from the sense of the deep stake they have in such a glorious institu­tion, which gives you your army and your navy, and in­fuses into both that liberal obedience, without which your army would be a base rabble, and your navy nothing but rotten timber.

All this, I know well enough, will found wild and chi­merical to the profane herd of those vulgar and mechanical politicians, who have no place among us; a sort of people who think that nothing exists but what is gross and mate­rial, and who therefore, far from being qualified to be di­rectors of the great movement of empire, are not fit to turn a wheel in the machine. But to men truly initiated [Page 71] and rightly taught, these ruling and master principles, which, in the opinion of such men as I have mentioned, have no substantial existence, are in truth every thing, and all in all. Magnanimity in politics is not seldom the truest wisdom; and a great empire and little minds go ill together. If we are conscious of our situation, and glow with zeal to fill our place as becomes our station and ourselves, we ought to auspicate all our public proceedings on America, with the old warning of the church, Sursum corda! We ought to elevate our minds to the greatness of that trust to which the order of Providence has called us. By advert­ing to the dignity of this high calling, our ancestors have turned a savage wilderness into a glorious empire; and have made the most extensive, and the only honourable conquests; not by destroying, but by promoting the wealth, the num­ber, the happiness, of the human race. Let us get an American revenue as we have got an American empire. English privileges have made it all that it is; English pri­vileges alone will make it all it can be. In full confidence of this unalterable truth, I now ( quod felix faustumque sit) lay the first stone of the temple of peace; and I move you,

That the colonies and plantations of Great-Britain, in North­America, consisting of fourteen separate governments, and con­taining two millions and upwards of free inhabitants, have not had the liberty and privilege of electing and sending any knights and burgesses, or others, to represent them in the high court of Parliament.

Upon this resolution, the previous question was put, and carried; for the previous question 270, against it 78.