THE faithfulness of the prophet Micah; the fidelity of his heart, and the zeal of his soul for the liberties of the people, was remarkable. His faithfulness when tyranny reigned by authority; [Page 16] when the laws, rights and liberties of the people were at the dispose of the arbitary power of the wicked king AHAZ, as it is written 2 Chron. 28.1. ‘And Ahaz was twenty years old when he began to reign, and be reigned sixteen years in Jerusalem, but he did not that which was right in the sight of the Lord; like David his father. Ver. 19. For the Lord brought Judah low, because of Ahaz king of Israel, for he made Judah naked and transgressed sore against the Lord, ver. 22. And in the time of this distress did he trespass yet more and more against the Lord—this is that king AHAZ.’

And therefore this faithful prophet lays the matter to heart, as one that rever'd the liberties and happi­ness of the people above the authority of the king, and the power of his senates. And therefore says in the verse preceding the text, ‘The good man is perished out of the earth, and there is none up­right among men, they all lie in wait for blood, they hunt every man his brother with a net,’ and is not the case at this day? for what is the ministry hunting after now, is not every one hunting for their brother, with the NET of admiralty courts and ty­ranny? if they can but once get their American brethren in this net, they may kick and flirt as long as they will, they'll never get out no more. It is indeed said "In vain is the net spread in the sight of the bird" and that he has made us wiser than the fowls of the air, but wherein will the Americans ap­pear to be wiser than the fowls of the air, if they suffer themselves to be taken in this ministerial net?

[Page 17]OBSERVE, that it was a dark time with the na­tion, a dark time with the church of the living God, and a very distressing time respecting the people, when Micah appeared cotempory with Isaiah, as a prophet of the Lord, and a SON of LIBERTY, therefore he tells the oppressors of the people, ‘The best of them is a brier, and the most upright of them sharper than a thorn hedge—the day of the watchmen, and thy visitation cometh, now shall be their perplexity.’ And is not this the case? Is not the day of the watch­men of America come, who watch for the rights of the people, as the centinels of the land, to defend them from every invasion of power and destruction? Now their visitation in Providence is come—to try the watchmen whether they will stand for God, and the people, or not Now shall be their perplexity of the ministry, who lie in wait for blood and hunt every man his brother with a net, who utter their mischievous desire, and so they wrap it up.—For this faithfulness, in king Ahaz, and Hezekiah's days, the prophet Micah's name has a singular honor in the annals of Heaven above the rest of the prophets in Israel—Jer. 17, 18, 19. because he said—"hear this I pray you ye heads of the house of Jacob, and Princes of the house of Israel, that abhor judgment and pervert all equity.

THEREFORE, those sayings of that pious prelate of the church of England, bishop Burnet, in his history of his own time, are noble, valuable and great, especially were he says, ‘that there is not any thing more certain than this: That kings are made for [Page 18] the people, and not the people for them.’ Was not David made a king for the people? Was not Saul? Was not Solomon? Then let not kings think too highly of themselves; for the GOD of heaven never intended they should be any more than the servants of the people; therefore the bishop adds, ‘that, perhaps, there is no nation under the hea­ven more sensible of this than the English nation; so that, if the prince does not govern, by this maxim, the people will soon grow very unkind to him.’ If this be the case, the king of England may imediately see the reason of all his peoples hard speeches, and unkindness to him: It is because he has departed, either by inclination, or persuasion, from this royal STANDARD. Therefore he adds, ‘the interest, and essential RULE for a king, is to study the interest of the nation; to be ever in it; to be always pursuing it:’ This will lay such a de­gree of confidence in HIM, that he will ever be safe in the PEOPLE, while they feel they are safe in him; and not a moment longer. So that if the king of England is not happy, let him thank himself for it▪ It is not his people's fault—it is his OWN For that king is not worthy to reign, that does not make the RIGHTS of his people the rule of all his actions▪ Knowing this, that HE receives all his power, and majesty, from them; and how can he think that he has any right to rule over them, unless he rules in their hearts by inviolable maintaining their RIGHTS? For as the ministers of the gospel (when in their pro­per place) are no otherwise than the people's ser­vants, so the king is no more than the servant of [Page 19] the people: And when, at any time, he is unfaith­ful, as the people Servant, they have a right to say to him, "give an account of thy stewardship, that thou mayest be no longer steward. For what can he judge, when a free, and an affectionate people, lay their grievances, with tears, at his feet, praying, for years past, for redress? and yet he will not hear them!!! Or if he does, he answers them, like Rehoboham—ROUGHLY: What can he expect, but Rehoboham's revolution? ‘what part have we in David? Or what portion have we in the son of Jesse? Every man to thy tent, O Israel.’ And therefore, the pious bishop further observes, ‘that a Prince that would command the affections, and praise of the nation, should not study to stretch his prerogative;’ here I think the pious bishop missed it, for it is not his prerogative, but the people's; and this is what makes it so unsufferable, and unbear­able, that the king should make use of their power, and prerogative, to destroy their rights: This Charles Steward did, and he fell into the hands of wicked men, and they cut of his head for it.

But to proceed to the words of the Text. ‘That they may do evil with both hands earnestly; the Prince asketh, and the Judge asketh, for a reward, and the great man he uttereth his mischievovs de­sire:’ So they wrap it up.

Observation the first.

IT is then plain that a craving, absolute Prince, is a great distress to a people.

[Page 20]THE Prince asketh! What does he ask for? Why the tall pine trees, for masts for his great ships; well, let him have them, not as his right, no, but as your gift to him Well, but the prince asketh? Well, what does he ask now? Why, that the british streets may be paved with american gold; well do not make a word about that? let him have it, but let it be in the fair way of trade, and commerce, not by taxation, and oppression. The essence of mo­ney, lies, in what money buys. This, England can furnish you with.

BUT the Prince asketh? Well what is it? will he never have done asking? What does he ask now? Have patience, and you shall hear, well what is it? Why it is the favour of the government of Rhode-Island, to hold a court of admiralty to authorize them to confine suspected persons, (guilty or not guilty) and drag them away three thousand miles, to take their trial by a jury of strangers, if not enemies. But the granting of this in some measure depends upon the consent of the governor. But all governors (who are worthy the name) are such as the scripture describes Judges 5.9. "My heart, says one, nay eve­ry American will say the same, is towards the go­vernours who offer themselves willingly among the people," to rule by their laws, to defend the rights of the people, to protect their persons, to secure their liberties. And this is (we hear) the happi­ness, power and bulwark of Rhode-Island govern­ment. For its safety lies in this, that the Governor of the province, and the judges of the superior court, the representatives of the people, and general assem­bly, [Page 21] are solemnly bound by oath, to rule, govern and decide, and determine ONLY by their own laws; if so, they have a right to tell the prince, that though he asketh yet he will ask in vain. Once more,

BUT the prince asketh, what now does he ask? Will he never have done asking? Well, but what does he ask? Why he asketh, the women, the wives upon the goverment of Rhode-Island, to spare their husbands from their beds from their bosoms, from their arms, and from their children; to be confin'd in the horrid kingdom of a Man-of-War's crew; to be transported back again to the tyranny their forfathers fled from, to a land of snares, and the sha­dow of death. This may be thought to be harsh lan­guage, and by the ministry, a HARD saying who can bear it? But it is not a hair's breadth more in mean­ing, than the intended power and tyranny of this new court of admiralty. And will you not submit to it? No! that is right; I am glad of it, but per­haps, it may be thought rather hard, when a prince asketh, not to grant so small a favour.

BUT the text likewise says—The Judge asketh for a reward. The judges have the key of the laws, the hearts of the lawyers, and the power of juries, too much in their own hands. The lives of the people, the rights of the subject, and the disposal of their property, was originally intended to be determined by juries only. But as the Judges have assumed by custom, a power of dictating to lawyers even at the bar, and a direction to the jury; it highly becomes them more than ever, to be men fearing God and [Page 22] hating covetousness. Therefore it is an ill sound to hear that the Judge asketh for a reward, what can it be for? sure it cannot be fot freeing the King-street murderers, or pleading that it was only manslaughter, if he k—w that it was wilful murder. No doubt but this act of kindness will be rewarded, if not at the judgment seat of Christ, which some de­spise; yet at the bar of God, when he shall say, arise ye dead and come to judgment: Then there will be no setting aside a witness in Mr. P—ms case, nor no other. Again the text saith,

THE Judge asketh for a reward! Well, what re­ward is it, a reward from the crown of Britain? if so, not to let him have it, by no means: For if once the judges of the courts of judicatory of this pro­vince become dependent for their support, or sala­ries, upon the favour of the crown, or ministry at Home, you become a nation of slaves to ministerial power; for thereby you submit the key of all your essential rights as Americans, to be in the hands of your enemies: For if you suffer the judges to become dependent for their pay upon the mini­stry, of England, what are they but the ministry's servants. If so, you may naturally suppose, they must do as the ministry directs them; if not, they will be unfaithful servants, and if faithful to the mi­nistry, where then are your rights? Where is the security of your lives, or your property. For a more bolder, daring innovation upon your right of power, dicision and determination by your own laws, respecting your right and property between man and man, between the crown of England, and the rights of America, cannot possibly be made, or [Page 23] attempted to be made, than to make your judges dependent upon the british ministry; it is in effect, giving up your right to all you have, to all that you, or your children can ever possess. As the possession of a person's right, whether heriditary, or by pur­chase, depends much upon the determination of the judges. And if the judges are wholly to be depen­dent upon the crown of England, for nomination and support, then you may easily judge whose ser­vants and slaves you are to be. For it is well known, that the judges, or general courts, or some-body, has for these hundred years, and more, distressed their brethren in their estates, and in their consciences, by imposing payment for ministers, and for a worship of GOD contrary to the people's consciences; and if they have done these things in the green tree, what may you not expect in the dry.

BUT as the text says, The Judge asketh for a re­ward. If it be for his fidelity in his high office, for his honourable support, according to the dignity of his character. You are bound in duty, in affection, and in obedience to let him have it. Shew your affection, readiness and gratitude, to reward your judges, as the guardians of your rights; as those who from their hearts, should protect and hand forth the liberties of their brethren to them. This is the way to become a band of brethren, from the governor, to the meanest subject. Perhaps the whole of your complaint in this respect, is owing for want of your taking an earlier opportunity, to settle such salaries, as their merit, labour, and expence deserves.

YET let not this lead us from the observation, which was, that, an asking, craving, absolute prince, [Page 24] is a great distress to a people. Was not this the case of the people in King Ahaz, and in King Ahab's day, when he crav'd Naboth's vineyard? Likewise in Jereboham's days, who deprived the people of their religious liberties, in worshipping the God of Israel, in his temple at Jerusalem? who set up his golden calves at Dan and Bethel, of whom it is said, this is Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who taught Israel to sin. Was not this the case in Zedekiah's days▪ though he was warned by the word of the Lord, and by the prophet of the GOD of Israel? Yet he was, notwithstanding, absolute and craving, though he was told, it would end in the destruction of himself, and his people. Was not this the cause of almost all the distress, deaths, and bloodshed, that have ever happened in England since the conquest of Julian Caesar? their King's ruling, and reigning, by a dispotic power, which they assum'd, contrary to the laws, and rights of the people. Were not the Britons obliged by the love of liberty, to obtain their royal Magna Charta, sword in hand, from King John▪ Was not this the case in the reign of Charles the first, when the people and parliament took up arms, to maintain the rights and laws of the people; and when it required either the head of the King, or the loss of their liberties? they soon decided the matter; they soon let the king know that they rever'd their rights, and liberties above his life, power, and pre­rogative. In Charles the second's reign, there was much the same absolute power over the rights of the people, both civil and religious: But he had a pecu­liar politeness of temper in pleasing even his very enemies. In James the third's reign, dispotic power [Page 25] was too evident, and distressing for the people to bear; therefore a revolution, both of king, and state, by the spirit, power, and arms, of the people, was soon accomplished.

The second observation is,

THAT when the king, judges, and senates, unite to destroy the rights of the people by a dispotic pow­er, or, as the text expresses it, that they may do evil with both hands, then the prosperity of the nation totters; the Crown shakes; and the destruction of the people's rights is near at hand. For the rights of the people, which is the supreme glory of the crown and kingdom of Britain, is the Magna Charta of the king as well as the people; it is as much his pre­viledge, as it is his glory, to maintain their rights; and he is as much under a law, (I mean the law of the rights of the people.) as the people are under the oath of allegiance to him. And therefore what­ever power destroys their rights, destroys at the same time, his right to reign, or any right to his kingdom, crown, or glory; nay, his right to the name of a king among the people. Was not this the case in Rehoboham's days, when the people were distressed with large and heavy taxations, and oppressions? they petitioned the king to relieve them from such op­pressions, but would he hearken to them, according to the advice of his father's counsellors? No! but according to the advice of his young Counsel, he answered them like an arbritrary prince in the speech of his dispotic ministry, roughly, My father chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with scorpions: But, would the people bear this oppression? No! What part, said they, have we in David? Or what [Page 26] portion in the son of Jesse? To thy tents, Oh Israel. Was not this the case in Zedekiah's reign? And was not this lately the case in Sweeden, when the King with a few of his Senates, and ministry, about him, destroyed the rights of the people, by the power of the sword, and established his despotic will as the law of the land, by the tyranny of death?

Observation the third.

THIS shews, that an arbitrary dispotic power in a prince, is the ruin of a nation, of the King, of the crown, and of the subjects; therefore it is to be fear­ed, abhorred, detested and destroyed, because the happiness of the King, and the prosperity of the people are thereby, not only in danger, but upon the brink of destruction. Every age and every history, furnishes us with proofs, as clear as the light of the morning of the truth of this.

BUT it is the singular happiness of the Americans, according to their own laws, not to be in bondage to any power upon the earth. The King of England, has no power to enact, or put in force any law that may oppress them, his very attempting to do it, at once destroys his right to reign over them For the brightest Gem which the king of England wears, in the british crown, is that majesty, trust, and con­fidence, which the Americans invest him with as the king and guardian of their rights, and liberties.

THE Parliament of England cannot justly make any laws to oppress, or defend the Americans, for they are not the representatives of America and there­fore they have no legislative power either for them, or against them.

THE house of Lords cannot do it, for they are [Page 27] Peers of England, not of America; and, if neither king, lords, nor commons, have any right to oppress, or destroy, the liberties of the Americans, why is it then, that the americans do not stand upon their own strength, and shew their power, and importance, when the life of life, and every liberty that is dear to them and their children is in danger.

Therefore, let me address you with all the power of affection, with all the pathos of soul, as one who esteems the full possession of the rights of the Americans, as the highest blessing of this life—to stand alarm'd! See your danger,—death is near,—destruction is at the door—Need I speak? Are not your harbours blockaded from you? Your castle secured by cap­tives—your lives destroyed—revenues imposed upon you—taxation laid—military power oppressing—your CHARTER violated—your G—'s heart not right— your constitution is declining—your liberties depart­ing, and not content with this, they now attack the life, the soul and capitol of all your liberties—to chuse your judges, and make them independent upon you for office or support, and erect new courts of admi­ralty to take away by violence, the husband from his family, his wife, his home, his friends, and his all, through a scene, less joyful than Pluto's horrid king­dom. To be confin'd, and tried for his life, by the accusation of a negro.

HAS not the voice of your father's blood cry'd yet loud enough in your ears, in your hearts? "ye sons of America scorn to be slaves" Have you not heard the voice of blood in your own streets, louder than that which reached to Heaven, that cry'd for ven­gence, that was, saith the Lord to Cain, the voice [Page 28] of thy brother's blood, of only one, but this of many brethren. Therefore, if there be any vein, any nerve, any soul, any life or spirit of liberty in the sons of America, shew your love for it; guard your freedom, prevent your chains ; stand up as one man for your liberty; for none but those, who set a just value up­on this blessing, are worthy the enjoyment of it.

Which leads me to the fifth observation, which is,

THAT it is not rebellion. I declare it before GOD, the congregation and all the world, and I would be glad if it reach'd the ears of every Briton, and every American; That it is no rebellion to oppose any King, ministry, or governor, that destroys by any violence or authority whatever, the rights of the people. Shall a man be deem'd a rebel that sup­ports his own rights? it is the first law of nature, and he must be a rebel to GOD, to the laws of nature, and his own conscience, who will not do it. A right to the blessing of freedom, we do not receive from Kings, but from Heaven, as the breath of life, and essence of our existence; and shall we not preserve it, as the beauty of our being. Do not the birds of the air expand their wings? the fish of the sea their sins? and the worm of the earth turn again when it is trod upon? And it be deem'd rebellion? Heaven forbid it! Shall Naboth's disputing with King Abab, respecting his vineyard, be deem'd rebellion? Or the people sending home their governor in irons some years ago, be deemed rebellion? It is no more re­bellion, than it is to breathe.

Sixthly, to observe,

THAT when the rights and liberties of the people are destroyed, it is commonly by the mischievous [Page 29] design of some great man. The text says, the great man uttereth his mischievous desire: But who this great man is, we do not certainly know, but may shrewdly guess; but whether Lord Bute, Duke of Grafton, or Lord Hilsborough, is not so material, but the mischievous design, is what we fear, is what we feel, if they instill in the King's mind a divine right of authority to command his subjects; this is mischievous. King Charles found it so; Rehoboham found it so, and so will our present King, if he hear­kens to such advice.

IF they make the name of the King sacred, I hope they mean a political sacredness: If so, he is no more sacred than the people have made him, by investing him with the sacred trust of their rights. If any great man, or the whole ministry makes use of the king's Name, or his authority, to enforce their ar­bitrary will, as a law to the subjects, that the subjects must obey, and passively submit? because, say they, it is his majesty's will and pleasure: This is a mischievous design—mischievous to the dignity of the crown— to his majesty's person—to his security—to his fami­ly—and their safety. It is likewise mischievous to his majesty's subjects, as it spreads discord, disunion and disaffection to the king, to his authority, and power, which is a mournful consideration, and is the bane of all our national distress. The people in Eng­land, and the people in America, would fain love their King, and obey him with reverence, and affecti­on, and make him the most happy prince upon the earth, if he would but prevent this mischievous design of the ruin of their essential rights, and liberties.

BUT the text says, ‘The great man be uttereth his [Page 30] mischievous desire,’ —and indeed we believe he does, in the closet, in the cabinet, and in the ears of the King. Oh! it is a mischievous design; too deep for us to fathom, or come to the bottom of, it carries in it the plain aspect of distress to the king, and distruction to the people Oh! kind heaven, prevent what king and people have too much cause to fear; however, at the best, it is a mischievous design to alienate (by any direction, or dictation) the affections of his maje­sty's good subjects; as it destroys the bonds, and ties, of national blessings; their rights; their liberties; their lives; their properties: And if this is not a mischievous design there can scarce be one found out of the deeps of the dark mansions.

BUT to return to you, my dear Americans, you think hard to pay duties for teas, imports, clearances, entries, &c. &c But what will you farmers and land­holders think, of paying a fixed tax for every acre of land you enjoy, for every apple tree you rear, for every barrel of cyder you make, for every pound of candles you burn, for every pound of soap you use, for every pair of shoes you wear, for the light of the morning, and the sun, that a kind heaven gives you, what do you think of paying a continual tax for all these, this is contain'd in the mischievous design, stand a­larm'd, O ye Americans—But I close with the last remark from the text. So they wrap it up. It will do, it will do say they. The King, say they, has a right to appoint judges, courts of admiral­ties, impose revenues, lay taxes, serd military forces, block up their harbours, command them—compel them by arms—pay their judges— get the key of their laws, rights and liberties into [Page 31] our hands, this will do! and so they wrap it up, as fine and smooth as can be: But I think it is better to unwrap it again. What do you think, my dear Ame­ricans? But I add no more—but advise you, as it is a day of public thanksgiving, to bless GOD for the liberties and mercies you do enjoy; not for those you are deprived of—my second advice is, love your king, pray for him, pray for your governor, pray for your judges, that all their reign may be easy to themselves, and happy for the people.

AMEN.