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The SCOURGE. Numb. I.
Major Haereditas venit unicuique nostrum a Iure & Legibus, quam a Parentibus. A greater Inheritance descends to us from the Laws, than from our Progenitors.

THE chief Magistrate is at last become so corrupt, that without some alterati­on in his conduct, we have all the misery to dread that can befall a nation, the laws have for a long time ceased to be the rule of go­vernment; they are no longer a terror to vil­lains nor a protection for the innocent; jus­tice and right are banished the kingdom, and in their place, the chief Justice and the Prince have substituted cruelty and oppression. To claim a restitution of those rights which the Sovereign encouraged his ministers to violate, is dignified with the title of treason and sedi­tion. To assert and maintain the common rights of mankind, and support upon the prin­ciples of law and the constitution, the liber­ties and privileges peculiar to this nation, is now a scandalous, malicious, and treasonable libel. In a word, the situation of this country is much more deplorable at this time, than at the last stupendous revolution. The dan­ger of a total subversion of the government, and extinction of the laws and liberties of England, is much greater now, from the cor­rupt subserviency of the present house of Com­mons to the despotic designs of the King and his ministers, than it was before the revoluti­on, from the arbitrary and popish designs of King James. Indeed we have now hardly one shadow of our liberties left, and with them seems to be lost the heretofore invincible and free spirit of Englishmen. However I still entertain a better opinion of my countrymen, than to believe that they will degenerate so far from the virtue of their ancestors, as to resign up all their liberties at the shrine of despotism, and passively submit to a state sla­very. No! I have a more noble, a more generous opinion, of the bravest, and I hope the freest people in the world; I can conceive they will soon see the necessity of leaving their wives, their children and dearest con­nections, and once more, gloriously vindi­cate their own rights, against the wickedness, treachery and corruption of the three estates of the realm, who should be their protectors; but who are become their known and noto­rious enemies, who have been for some time endeavouring to destroy, the liberties of En­glishmen, and the constitution of England. Yes my fellow countrymen I am persuaded the day is not far distant, when we must all stand forth, and bravely attempt a restoration of our rights, or nobly die in the cause of freedom. Let me rouse you if I can.

Consider, my friends, upon your virtue and firmness, depends the liberties, and happiness of you and your children. If you vigorously exert yourselves at this time, you may yet re­cover your country, even from the brink of ruin upon which it stands at this melancholy aera.

Consider, my friends by some means or other the integrity of the judges is corrupted, and it is shrewdly suspected, by the prince upon the throne.

Consider, your lives are now exposed to false accusations, and your persons to arbi­trary imprisonments and heavy fines.

Consider, the judges before whom you are to stand upon life and death, and before whom all cases concerning liberty and property must be brought, venal and corrupt; wit­nesses, in all cases of moment to you, suborned and perjured; and the juries who are to de­cide your fate; packed, bribed and modelled, to the iniquitous and pernicious designs of a court serving judge, or a weak, wicked and detestable ministry.

Consider, the sovereign and his ministers, have packed a House of Commons, by bri­bery and corruption, and that they keep a majority of the representatives of the king­dom, in pay and dependency with the pub­lic money. And these abandoned tools are now giving sanction to every diabolical scheme of the King's minions, and as fast as possible riveting the fetters of Britons.

Consider, the great bulwark of the consti­tution Magna Charta notoriously violated in a variety of instances, whether by the imme­diate order or direction of the King, is not material to determine, it is only necessary to say, it was not done without his knowledge, otherwise redress had been obtained from his hands; he is therefore deeply involved in the guilt of his ministers.

Consider, the declaration of rights, the Habeas Corpus act and trial by jury, all ex­plained away and reduced to mere shadows and empty names. The King must be weak indeed if he could give the least countenance to measures so destructive of his own interest and welfare; yet it is not possible to draw any other conclusion, for wicked and venal as our chief justice is and hardened in villany as the present ministry are, they never would have been daring enough to have proceeded so far without such authority.

Consider, the act of settlement is prostitu­ted, and every clause in it, made for the bene­fit of the people, either repealed or rendered useless.

Consider, the late daring attempt of the ministers to influence the election of one of the sixteen peers for Scotland. Can you my friends be so far duped, can you be so credu­lous as to believe, that Lord North, and Lord Sandwich, (the last not three hours in office) would be so presuming as openly and avowedly to subvert the constitution, and risque their heads, without the authority of the sovereign, for their proceeding, and a pro­mise of protection; no my countrymen, this is too bare faced, here we cannot be deceived. If the King did actually authorise his ministers to do what Lord North and Lord Sandwich have done, he committed high treason, vio­lated his coronation oath, and dissolved the compact between the House of Hanover, and the people of England. It is difficult to bring proof; but the conclusion is obvious.

Consider, Lord Mansfield, has succeeded so far in his vile, his infamous design of de­stroying the liberty of the press, that there is not one bookseller has now resolution enough to publish the most trifling essay wrote with any kind of spirit in defence of the common rights of mankind; great and infinite are the obligations, the people of England are now under to Mr. Moore, who has boldly stood forth in these corrupt, these degenerate times the friend to his country and mankind; and who still perseveres, unawed by fear or prosecution. Had it not been for him, this and many other papers of the same kind would not have been ushered into the world, and we had now been little better than slaves.

In short consider, every fence to your li­berties destroyed, and the constitution torn up by the roots. Once more I say consider, seriously consider these things, consider this picture I have drawn; here is no false co­louring, this picture is drawn by the hand of truth. Will you hesitate then one moment what course to take; no, if you are English­men, if I may dignify you (I mean deservedly) with the title of Britons, you will not. Fired with the noble spirit of your ancestors, you will seek that redress for the injuries you have received which the laws of God and nature authorise.

The Sovereign is obstinate and we must be resolute; remember (King John notwith­standing all his attempts to render himself absolute, was at last, by the virtue and courage of our forefathers, reduced to [...] than obedience to the laws. They [...] suffer their liberties to [...] from them, by lawless [...] designs of their Prince, were determined to die gloriously in defence of them. Their cause was a righte­ous one, they were successful, and obliged their ungrateful monarch to sign the great charter of liberties, at once preserving them­selves free, and at the same time securing to their posterity that most desirable blessing. Our cause my friends, is the same, it is the cause of our country. And we like them must either proceed in the same manner, or suffer ourselves to be enslaved, and involve millions yet unborn in the same miserable and unhappy state.

You are not only warranted, but required to enter into associations, and oaths for the preservation of your liberties and the constitu­tion. The words of Magna Charta runs thus, "That in case the King should violate any part of it, and should refuse to rectify what he had done amiss, it should be lawful for the barons, and the whole people of England to dis­tress him by all the ways they can think of, such as the seizing on his Castles, Lands, and possessions, provision being only made for the safety of the persons of the King and Queen, and of their children.

I believe there is not in this kingdom, one man, when he seriously reflects (unless it be some ministerial hireling) who will deny that the Sovereign has violated the GREAT CHAR­TER, and the laws of the land. There is of­ten a necessity of speaking the truth, and this is a truth the generallity of mankind believe, though they have not resolution enough to declare it openly. It appears to me the gross­est absurdity even in thought, to suppose that the ministry would act daily in direct opposi­tion to the laws of the land, and the charter­ed rights of the people; if they were not sup­ported by their Prince, no, it is certain he encourages then, we are sure they act with his consent, if not by his advice; otherwise they had been delivered up to the justice of their country, or at least dismissed from his presence and councils: it is therefore nonsense to throw the odium and guilt of public mea­sures, entirely upon the minister, when the King only appears to be blameable▪ because it is in his power wholly to prevent them. I shall always speak in respectable terms to the Sovereign, but if it should be thought I speak too freely, let it be remembered the circum­stances of the times demand it. I hope not to live to see the time when the people of England shall be so loyal, as to make their Prince a compliment of their liberties; nor so corrupt as to suffer him by lawless force to wrest from them their birthright, their inheri­tance, which ought to be as dear to them as their lives, and never should be resigned but with their last breath. In this manner I would have them act, and in this manner I hope they always will act; they, best shew their loyalty to their Prince, who defend the laws and the constitution; his title and conti­nuance upon the throne will be very precari­ous; when once they are effectually destroy­ed he could not ensure himself either peace, or happiness; no it is but reasonable to sup­pose, that he would fall in the general ruin, if not, it might be attended with the destructi­on of his family afterwards; these considera­tions I should think would always be sufficient inducements for every Prince governing a free people not to violate his coronation oath [...] in one instance to break through the laws, and deny right to his people

Many have [...] attempts since the foundation [...] government, to break in up­on [...] constitution; and with various success. More than once it has, seemingly been over­turned and destroyed, either by the open at­tacks of violence, or by the more sure way of undermining, sapping, and corrupting; and sometimes by all together: but such has hi­therto been our happiness, that divine provi­dence hath been so benign, as to stretch forth the Almighty arm in our defence; never fail­ing to animate some great and good men to undertake at the riscue of their lives, the recovery of our civil and religious rights; and as blazing stars enlighten the firmament, so did they the minds of the people, and provo­ked them to a noble imitation of their virtue and courage.

Let me exhort you my worthy country­men, at this time to defend your rights, against the united efforts of King, Lords, and Com­mons, they seem determined to destroy them; do you fix a resolution, and determine to be free. Let not the power of a misguided and perverse Prince, the prostitution of hereditary peerage, nor the corruption of the house of commons terrify you. Remember we are engaged in the cause of liberty, the birthright of every man; a cause that will do immortal honour to our memories; the day is arrived there is no time to be lost; we must awake from the fatal lethargy; we must exert our­selves and not by foolishly complimenting our Prince be weaving the web of your own destruction. If he is deaf to the cries of the wretched, and concerns not himself about the welfare of the nation, it is absolutely neces­sary we should pay some regard to our own preservation, and that of our country. No man (unless some passive obedient fool) will pretend that there is any loyalty due to the so­vereign, further than he himself is loyal to the law. If any man misled by sound and delusi­on, doubt this, let him consider the design of magistracy, and the duty of magistrates; and if he has reason in him, he will find that duty is due only to those that perform theirs; that protection and allegiance are reciprocal; that every man has a right to defend, what no man has a right to take; that the divine right of Kings, if they had it, can only war­rant them in doing actions that are divine, and cannot protect them in Cruelty, depradation, and oppression; it would be a reproach upon the Deity, if he gave any man a commission to be a devil. A King in comparison with the universe, is not so much as the Mayor of a town, in comparison with a kingdom; and were Mr. Mayor called King, it would give him no new right; or if a King were only called Mr. Mayor, it would not lessen or abrogate his old jurisdiction, they are both civil officers; and an offence in the lesser is much more pardonable, than an offence in the greater. The doctrines of hereditary right, and blind obedience to the will of a Prince, are only the flight and forgeries of such tyrants, and monsters, as Mansfield, Grafton, North, Hil'sborough, Gower, Sand­wich, Norton, Dyson, Jenkinson, Talbot, Barrington, and the rest of the Carlton-House junto, who belye heaven, and abuse men to make their own court to power, and not one of them would stand the trial himself: In fine honest and legal government, is imperium legum non hominum, the authority of law and not of lust.

These are the principles upon which our government stands. When these principles are violated, and the rights of the people in­vaded, such violations, and such invasions, should be immediately resisted; or the whole fabric of our noble constitution, the work of ages, will presently be destroyed, and we shall be enslaved. If the present Sovereign has acted contrary to his trust, there are rules for us to proceed by, in order to bring him to reason, however, should we be at a loss for a precedent, we can follow the maxim of Lord Mansfield and make one.

LONDON, Printed: BOSTON: Re-printed and sold by I. THOMAS, in Union-Street.

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The SCOURGE. Numb. II.

IF we could suppose the badge of office laid, for a few hours entirely aside, if we should imagine the sense of danger to rouse a dozing Prince from his lethargic state; did we but once see him so thoroughly convinced of his own errors, and so sensible of his mi­nisters atrocious designs, as to be willing at all events to break through the spell that duped his judgment into a bad opinion of his most loyal subjects; during such an interval the lan­guage of allegiance and unbiassed patriotism would probably, Mr. Printer, run in the fol­lowing channel.

SIR,

WHEN the antient Britons inhabited this island they were renowned even amongst un­civilized states, for personal valour and an ar­dent love of liberty. When they were inter­mingled with other nations, the same cha­racteristic still marked them for a people, ge­nerous, humane, yet fearless of danger, if contending for freedom, their inherent birth­right. When through length of time, and the natural course of things, monarchy was permitted by the people; it was nevertheless so properly tempered, that the smallest en­croachment upon their claims, the least vio­lation of their privileges, was opposed with vigour, and the King who dared to counte­nance such proceedings, or meanly plead his prerogative as an excuse for his oppression, was instantly deemed an enemy to the state, a traitor to the commonwealth, and branded with the opprobrious epithet of dastardly tyrant. When one of these miscreants intox­icated with lofty ideas of monarchial power, and not content to be looked on only as the first magistrate in the kingdom, presumed of his own accord to levy taxes, and increase instead of lessen public grievances, then, Sir, did our ancestors reduce this huge Leviathan, they made the Lion crouch, and forced from his unweildy paw, that every memorable char­ter, which ought to be the loud boast of every true born Englishman. Sensible of the ac­quisition, and careful for their posterity, our great progenitors, taught, by rueful experi­ence, that truth seldom dwells in palaces, cared not to trust the word of future monarchs; but wisely exacted on oath, that they should hold their crown by the tenure of a strict ad­herence to MAGNA CHARTA ONLY.

Among your other idle amusements, Sir, it is possible, you may have read the history of a family, who, by every tie of blood, suc­cession, or hereditary right, deserved to wear the [...] of royalty, yet fascinated by the charm of arbitrary sway, they plunged the nation into [...] discord; till oppressed beyond all bearing, [...] people, at length, resumed their lawful power, and with one patriotic blow, saved their sinking country from ine­vitable ruin. The heat [...] party, however, soon subsiding, British dignity roaming for safety, in a foreign land, was a [...], which touched the breasts of Englishmen [...] that compassion, for which they are so justly [...]. The people, therefore, exercised the christian virtue of forgiveness; buried their various wrongs in silent oblivion; and, with many an endearing mark of tenderness, in­vited over the descendants of a man, who however well qualified for the domestic pur­poses of knitting garters, fabricating buttons, saluting his lady, or dondling his children to sleep by the drone of a princely lullaby, had yet none of the requisites necessary in a King of England.

Charles the first, Sir, was chaste, timid, weak, pious; and shewed if possible, as great an attachment to his wife, as you do filial affection for your very amiable mother. His son, the second Charles, was abandoned, li­centious, and totally devoid of principle:— It is therefore quite needless to add, that he was casual ancestor to your admited friend the present Duke of Grafton.

In short, Sir, every branch of the Stuart race, displayed such a love for absolute rule; delighted so much in an extension of prero­gative; that the abdication of that priest-rid­den poltroon, James the second, only saved churchmen the trouble of making him a saint; or the nation the formal ceremony and expence of chopping off his empty head, in a royal manner. The mal-practices of that Jesuitical family, ended at last, in their total extirmination, paved, Sir, the way for the promotion, and astonishing elevation, of the house of Hanover, to the throne of these [...].

The short reign of George the first, scarcely afforded us an opportunity of know­ing with precision, the man's real character. He was a perfect stranger to the manners and genius, and the disposition of the English. But, when able to stammer our language, perceiving in the nation, a prodigious aversion at being governed by a foreigner; he dis­covered wisdom sufficient, to wish himself quietly reinstated again in his own Electorate.

Our late monarch, wielded the sceptre with the spirit of a soldier; acted from himself, opposed with great vigour, rebellions, that shook the fabric of our constitution; and died replete with honours and with age.

Now, Sir, indulge me, whilst I take a transient view of your most piteous reign. Scarcely had you pronounced the lesson taught you by a Scotish chieftan;—no sooner was the word BRITON sounded in our ears;— than we perceived, Sir, your mind strongly tainted with every Highland notion, the des­picable * Caledonian could infuse. You stirred the very dregs of northern nobility to find a favourite, with whom to share the em­pire. Lord Bute, from obscurity's obscurest corner was summoned to bask himself at court, as a worm crawls forth from putre­faction, cherished by the sun's enlivening rays. Disgusted at the upstart insolence of such a mushroom, your antient nobles blushed Sir, for a man too weak to govern kingdoms; too obstinate to be advised; and to little versed in human nature to be capable of distinguish­ing real merit. What therefore, most illus­trious Sir, was the powerful reason for this undue preference? what but some bewitching Syren, an utter enemy to Briton's welfare, could have infatuated your untutored mind, or thus have rivetted your affections, upon a creature, in the shape of a man, possessed of every qualification, but intrinsic worth: If this all crafty Laird, be endowed with any thing like abilities, they are, I will be an­swerable, altogether corporeal; and therefore entirely unknown, to every person, unless a certain lady near St. James's;—who much, it seems, delights in such mysterious charms. From this indissoluble, this jejune attach­ment, however, as from their real source and fountain, flow all the divided streams of in­felicity, that speedily will deluge a land, de­voted by your headstrong weakness, to certain devastation. To make room for the exal­tation of this insidious minion, the sacred ties of friendship were dissolved; former obliga­tions were totally forgotten; relations, who presumed to remonstrate, were treated with cold indifference; and even gratitude, huma­nity's brightest ornament, was, with the re­volution's firmest friends, banished far distant from your royal habitation.

Think Sir! brighten up your faculties! and but for a moment think of the dismal state, into which, by this precipitate unwary step, you throw Great-Britain! deprived of all assistance from men able to guide the com­plicated machine of government;—distracted [...] gave our enemies fresh vigour;— until mo [...] [...] despised abroad, a glorious and successful war, served by your fa­vourite's mismanagent, only to render us more compleatly ridiculous

You know Sir, or it is now high time you was informed, that both the nations interest and honour were basely sacrificed to the sor­did avarice of some ravenous harpies, who, for the sake of gold, most chearfully would extirminate the whole human race. John Ayliff's best friend, the vulture-minded Lord Holland; his Grace of Bedford, the weavers guardian angel; the universally de­tested Laird of Bute; together with his joyous buxom dowager of Canton-House; these, Sir, were the blessed group, who sold to France, a peace the most superlatively infa­mous, that ever disgraced the annals of En­glish story Whether, you Sir, influenced by their persuasion hastened the treaty, is a question you alone are able to decide.

What followed the cession of hostilities, I scarcely need relate. Murmurs, discontents, accusations, and motions for impeachments, were answered by Scotch addresses, ragamuffin panegyrists, prostitute citizens, and votes of courts sycophants, and by the resignation of a raw boned pri [...]e—any thing—but minister.

Even during such a peace, have the arts been assiduously cultivated? Hath Science reared her dejected head? Has all due en­couragement been given to men of illustrious merit? Lord Bute, indeed, affected to be thought a Mec [...]enas, a distinguished patron of literature. As a proof of the extreme re­finement of his taste, he made a Scotch rene­gade parson, his principal confident; delega­ted to the quack hill, who pretends to length­en human life by a leaf of sage, the care of Kew gardens; pensioned that veteran self-important Jacobite Sh [...]bbeare, alias Cinna; and gave the man who wiped the cob-webs from his musty books, a seat in parliament— Whilst you, Sir, have been ravished with in­chanting harmony; exalted beyond the limits of humanity, by the graces of Pianissimo; and absorbed the various beauties of painting, building, or collecting RAREE SHOWS.

When his Lairdship was driven from the public theatre of life, he deputed certain en­gines to continue his pious work, of reducing us to an abject state of slavery. The friends of liberty pursued him, Sir, with success, worried him through all his haunts. He sheltered himself like another ROGER *, un­der the foldings of a royal hoop-petticoat: and when forced to fly for safety to his cater­cousin the Pretender, you, Sir, was command­ed, by a certain female, to commence his champion, and brave his cause, against such as should call in question his PARTS, his pa­triotism, or his honesty. Accordingly, Sir, you have been indefatigable in pursuing with rigour, the author of an harmless paper, meer­ly on account of his enmity to Lord Bute. Your time might, methinks, have been em­ployed to much better advantage. Your chris­tian piety, Sir, should alone have taught you to forgive an injury: but your rank and sta­tion called for a nobleness of soul, entirely exempt from, and far superior to resentment— an abject passion, calculated only for sordid base-born minds. The firmness, however, of a man has before now totally defeated the merciless cruelty of an abstemious, chaste, vertuous, sovereign.—It is true, Sir, we real­ly believe your disposition so well inclined, at any rate, to peace, that there is no injury, public or private, you would not much soon­er sustain than commence open hostilities. If, for example, Don Iuan Fernandez was, with Spanish gravity, to kick your royal breech—your mother's leave must first be asked, before you dare return the gross affront. This, Sir, I call an excellence, as it displays the filial milky softness of your most amiable nature to an imperious woman, therefore, we solely attribute, the various despicable stratagems you have, at different times, been [...]ced to countenance with your sanction. To glut her [...]ming vengeance, the sinews of government, often have been strained beyond their usual tone. Parliaments, Sir, ought to be the guardians of our liberties. When we are legally represented, the House of Com­mons is the sacred magazine, wherein are deposited British privileges and immunities;— curtailed of which, existence becomes a bur­den, and a curse. A French writer, Sir, called Montesquieu, pronounces it impossible for this kingdom ever to be undone, unless by the corruption of its senators.

The present parliament, Sir,—Britons I perceive your indignation rise! Friends and fellow-countrymen, I entreat your pardon, for this hasty slip of my unguarded pen! the motley mixture at Westminster, I mean, is a self-created Junto, the majority of whom under the favour, Sir, of your illustrious au­spices, are daily violating those rights purcha­sed by the blood, the treasure, and the manly fortitude, of our gallant forefathers. Think you I venture beyond the limits of decency? For God's sake, Sir, by what name am I to call a meeting, which assumes to itself the right of judicature, determines upon incapa­citation, and directs its own existence upon the total ruin of our most hallowed laws? that it is degenerated from its orginal insti­tution is a plain matter of fact.

That in obedience to a lascivious widow's nod, a person was expelled, because obnoxi­ous in her sight—this is a truth, all Europe, who laughs at our puppet-show petticoat mi­nistry, can amply testify: and yet, Sir, the pains the Carlton-house crew, headed by a vixen who is all pure Scotch below the mid­dle, and quite German about the brains— the fatigues, I say Sir, these wretches have undergone to banish from their counsels, e­very person of worth or honour, are in reali­ty, not to be compared with the steps they have pursued, to people a chapel with a con­gregation, quite of their own complexion.

Sooner than suffer their schemes to prove abortive, murders were committed, and the parties who gloried in the ministerial slaugh­ter, pardoned by your clemency. Much im­position has your good-nature suffered!— During your reign, to cut a throat with im­punity, the hardy assassin needs but to have a prostitute sister, and circumstances, which greatly alleviate his guilt, are instantly disco­vered by a sharp sighted court minion, who has a fellow feeling in the case. Your ac­quiesing, Sir, in such complicated villainy, must, I should imagine, lessen the high-flown opinion, we are taught to conceive about your pious virtues.

In short, great Sir, were your eyes but couched, clearly would you perceive that your people are enslaved. You would see yourself grossly deceived, cajoled, bamboozled, and imposed upon: You would discover, that the nation is in a ferment; that factions, fo­mented by court parasites, gather strength; and that your very throne is so besprinkled with innocent blood, as to tender it utterly impossible, for any thing but a general sacri­fice of the whole banditti of a ministry, to wash out the stains.

If then, thou best of private men, you re­gard with an eye of paternal tenderness, your own offspring! If you wish well to this once happy island! call forth, Sir, for God's sake! call forth, your magnanimity! sum­mons all your resolution! shake off the slum­bers of domestic indolence, nor longer, let a wanton woman's wayward will, desto [...]y our chartered freedom!

Forgive me, Sir, thus presuming to advise: but hard is the condition of princes. As gamesters play upon the foibles of those whom they intend to plunder; so courtiers, for sel­fish ends, pour their delicious poison into a monarch's ears. Trust not, Sir, to their de­lusions. Listen to the faithful voice of your undone people, they speak a language you are bound to hear. From them you need not fear deception.—In compliance therefore, with their requests, rid yourself of this ab­horred administration, as you would shake from your mantle, crawling vermin offensive to your sight. Restore the rights of free election. Execute strict justice upon each public plunderer. Spare not, through filial tenderness, even a Mother; when the nation's wrongs so loudly call for satisfaction. Let sterling merit be sufficient introduction to your presence. Build your now tottering empire upon a solid basis. Reign in our hearts. Act with the dignity of a man;—nor borrow consequence from crowns. Be mindful, that you are born, Sir, for deeds far more exalted, than barely propagating the species, or excelling in mechanics. And, as nature deals much in revolutions, wear always one truth very near your heart. A single vote transfered three mighty kingdoms. Some short time hence, it is possible, A RESOLUTE MAJORITY OF MILIONS, may, from the topmost pinacle of great­ness, hurl headlong AN INCORRIGIBLE M—; and send him to the book of suffer­ings to learn, that all power is derived from, and lodged in the people only; and that Englishmen will never long tamely submit to MINISTERIAL SLAVERY, OR PETTI­COAT JURISDICTION.

SIDNEY.
*
The author of this paper, once for all assures the public, that it is foreign from his intention to excite any national animosity. Men, not countries, deserve scourging, and are therefore the objects of our satire. Measures, not men, are what we would wish to praise. It is true, that two such despicable crooked-minded wretches, as John­ny Stuart, Laird of Bute; or Willy Murry, Laird Mansfield, would throw a disgrace on any country. But James Stephen, author of the "Considerations on imprisonment for debt," and a small preface to Jackson's "King's-Bench Sermon," will wipe a­way the stain. This man, is equally well quali­fied to defend the subjects liberty, or plead the cause of Magna Charta against the most subtle ad­vocate for despotism. His nervous abilities render him an honour to this age. His spirited intrepidi­ty would have marked him for an Hero in the bra­vest times of the Roman republic. And yet, what? why this man, with a wife and five children, has been immured only twenty-two months in the King's-Bench prison. Blush! [...] blush!
*
Roger Mortimer lay with Isabella▪ mother to young Edward the 2d. and by his influence over her, almost ruined this country.

LONDON: Printed by W. MOORE, at No. 22, Fleet-Street. BOSTON: Re-printed and sold by I. THOMAS in Union-Street near the Market. MDCCLXXI

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