THE name, epithet, or whatever else any may please to call it, given this Father, in all his epistles, is THEOPHOROS; which, as the learned say, may be written differently accented: either THEOPHÓROS, meaning, a "divine person," one who "carried God in his breast;" or THEÓPHOROS signifying a person "carried by God." The generality of those, who entertain a favorable opinion of Ignatius's "epistles," think he was ordinarily spoken of, in the age in which he lived, in the stile of THEOPHOROS;
[Page 188] and that this name was applied to him, in the first of the above senses, on account of his great piety, his "soul's being full of God." But both these points may, with good reason, be called in question. It is undoubted fact, that he is never mentioned by any of the truly primitive Fathers in the stile of THEOPHOROS. And what may be worth notice, those, among the later ones, who give him this name, do, at the same time, speak of him as the "child" our Savior "took up into his arms," and "sat before his disciples" as a pattern of humility. And this is the special reason they assign of the application of this name. But, as the greatest admirers of Ignatius esteem this a fabulous story, falling in with Chrysostom, who says of this Father, that he never saw our Lord, nor enjoyed any converse with him," the name THEOPHOROS, founded on it, ought not to be ascribed to him. And, probably, it was not originally inserted in the "inscriptions" to his "epistles;" unless we should suppose them spurious, and not wrote until the fable itself, that is the foundation of this name, in this sense, began to obtain a currency.
WHETHER Ignatius was called Theophoros or not; or whatever was the reason of giving him this name, we are wholly at a loss to know, where he was born; how educated; when, and by what means, converted to the Christian faith. And, in truth, the ancient
[Page 190] records are surprizingly silent about him; seldom mentioning so much as his name, until we come into the fourth century. He is highly celebrated by modern writers; and were we to judge, from the honorary manner, in which they speak of him, we must suppose, that he was not only the most pious and holy man, but the most faithful, and signally accomplished gospel-minister, that ever lived. This, possibly, may be his just character; but none can say that it is upon any other foot, than that of meer conjecture.
HE is commonly spoken of as Bishop of Antioch; but it ought to be remembered, that Origin, a writer in the third century, is the first Father that mentions him under this character. He is followed by the succeeding Fathers, in the several ages in which they respectively flourished. And when they speak of him in the stile of Bishop, they doubtless took into the meaning of the word, the whole that was understood by it in their day. But this will, by no means, let us into the true idea of this term, as used in the days of Ignatius. It is readily conceded, he was Bishop of Antioch; but utterly
[Page 191] denied, that he was Bishop of this church in the sense, in which this word was used, either in the age of Origen, or in those ages that followed after. He might as properly be called the Pastor, the first, or most eminent Presbyter, or Elder, of that church, as the Bishop of it; for nothing more was meant by the word Bishop, in the age in which Ignatius flourished.
IT may properly be observed here, the different account the Fathers give of the order, or place, of his succession in the church of Antioch, makes a difficulty not unlike that of Clement's succession in the church of Rome. The difficulty is, where to place Ignatius in the line of succession; some of the Fathers putting Euodius before him, and others placing Ignatius next after some Apostle. The Episcopalians are much puzzled to solve this matter, and go into very different schemes, which it is not my business, at present, to examine.
THE precise time of his taking upon him the charge of the Antiochian church cannot be ascertained; nor is it particularly
[Page 192] known, how he executed this trust: though it may, in general, be charitably thought, that he approved himself a faithful Minister of Christ; as he couragiously chose to die rather than disown his Master and Lord. There is no room to doubt his having laid down his life for the sake of the religion of Jesus; but as to the manner and circumstances of his death, as related in the "acts of his martyrdom," it may be justly questioned, whether full credit is due to them. In special, it is difficult to think that he should be sent from Antioch to suffer at Rome. The most able writers are at a loss to account for this; and some look upon it as plainly an incredible story. The great Jameson has this opinion of it. Says he,
‘Why should Trajan be at the pains to send him guarded thither? Certainly not for an entertainment to the people, as the pretended "acts of Ignatius" affirm. They had store of Christians of all sorts at Rome, with the spectacle of whose sufferings they might daily be cloyed. Neither, as some answer, because he was a famous Christian Bishop, at whose death the Roman Christians might be terrified;
[Page 193] seeing the Emperor might conclude, from Ignatius's great resolution and boldness, which himself had perceived, that he would much animate them. But the perpetual practice of these times frees us from further debate herein. I can never find, that the Romans brought Christians from Asia, or such remote places, to be executed at Rome; but to the nearest seats of justice; as is clear in Polycarp, and other most famous Bishops, or Pastors.’ He goes on, quoting a passage from Dr. Stillingfleet, in these words,
‘And truly the story of Ignatius, as much as it is defended with his epistles, doth not seem to be any of the most probable. For wherefore should Ignatius, of all others, be brought to Rome to suffer? when the Pro-Consuls, and the Praesides Provinciarum, did every where, in the time of persecution, execute their power in punishing of Christians at their own tribunals, without sending them so long a journey to Rome to be martyred there.’ —But however it might be as to this, and other circumstances, the fact itself, that he died a martyr, is not disputed.
His WRITINGS.
CONCERNING these, it will be proper I should be more particular, than would have been necessary, had they not been the occasion of so much dispute in the learned world.
No less than fifteen "Epistles" go under the name of Ignatius; and they have commonly been divided into three classes. The first contains the three epistles that are extant only in latin, and wrote, one of them to the "Virgin Mary," the other two to "St. John." The second comprehends the five Greek epistles, which are not mentioned either by Eusebius, or Jerom. The first, to "Mary Cassabolita;" the second, to the inhabitants of
[Page 195] Tarsus;" the third "to the Antiochians;" the fourth, "to Hero," Deacon of the church at Antioch;" the fifth, "to the Philippians." A few Roman-catholic writers give credit to these epistles, as wrote by Ignatius; but they are herein universally opposed by Episcopalian protestants, as well as others, who look upon them as evidently supposititious. The third class comprises the seven epistles supposed to be taken notice of by Eusebius; which are the following ones. The first, "to the Ephesians;" the second, "to the Magnesians;" the third, "to the Trallians;" the fourth, "to the Romans;" the fifth, "to the Philadelphians;" the sixth, "to the Smyrnaeans;" the seventh "to Polycarp." N. B. Arch-Bishop Usher,
* and some others
[Page 196] after him, reject this last; supposing the six former to be the only truly genuine ones.
THESE seven epistles, it may be observed, are again considered in two views. The first exhibits them in the editions that were published before the days of the celebrated Usher and Vossius; and thus considered, they are stiled the "larger epistles," and are now almost universally given up as incapable of a defence, on account of the CORRUPTIONS that have some how or other unhappily got mixed with them: though it ought always to be kept in remembrance, that the former advocates for Prelacy, who had no other editions but these, strenuously pleaded for them as the genuine valuable remains of the truly primitive Ignatius, and appealed to them as such, in the cause of Episcopacy, perhaps with as much frequency, and zeal, as any of their Episcopal brethren have done since.
[Page 197]THE other view we have of these epistles is, as they are set forth by Arch-Bishop Usher, from two latin copies he met with in England, one in the library of Caius college, the other in the library of Bishop Montague; and by the learned Vossius, from a Greek manuscript copy he found in the Florentine library. Considered in this view, they are called the "shorter epistles," and represented as both genuine and uncorrupted. They are accordingly the only ones now repaired to, in proof of the superiority of Bishops to Presbyters in order and power. —May it not be pertinently queried here. Do not Episcopalians evidently condemn themselves, while they zealously adhere to
these, and reject the
former editions of the "Ignatian epistles?" They would not be wrought upon, by any methods of reasoning, to give up "epistles" they now acknowledge to be basely interlarded with corruption, until they had got them, from other manuscripts, in a state they could better defend. Does it not look, as though they imagined their cause stood in absolute need of Ignatius, and were willing to part with him in the former editions, only because they have
[Page 198] others to substitute in their room, that have not so glaring an appearance of a base mixture.? One can scarce help thinking, if other editions should be set forth, from still other manuscripts, more defensible than these they now have, they would as readily quit these, as they have done the former ones.
BUT however pure and uncorrupt these "shorter epistles," published from the more lately discovered manuscripts, are supposed to be, there are some, and of the first character too for learning, who have openly declared it to be their opinion, that they are SPURIOUS; and a still greater number are persuaded they have been corrupted, if they are not spurious, to a degree that unfits them to be appealed to, as exhibiting the real sense of the true Ignatius.
THE strange silence of primitive antiquity concerning "epistles," under the name of Ignatius, is mentioned by some, intimately acquainted with the Fathers, as a sufficient reason to suspect that he never wrote any. There is no dispute about the fact itself namely, that none
[Page 199] of the Fathers, whose works are still remaining, in whole, or in part, give notice of "epistles" wrote by IGNATIUS, either a less or greater number, until we come into the fourth century, three only excepted; of whom we shall particularly speak, in some proper place, afterwards. But then the plea is, this is a
negative argument, and proves nothing. It is acknowledged,
negative evidence, considered in itself nakedly, is of no great weight. But still, this kind of evidence may be so attended with circumstances as to yield conviction, not much short of that which is grounded on positive proof. Should a pretended writing be so circumstanced, in regard of its supposed author, subject-matter, occasion, and manner of penning, as that there would be as much reason to expect, it should be taken notice of by those, who must be thought to have been acquainted with it, as other writings of the same age; and they are commemorated, while this is silently passed over with neglect, not by here and there a Father, but the whole body of writers for two hundred years:—these are circumstances of no small importance, and add strength to a
negative testimony, rendering
[Page 200] it almost equal in force to that which is positive. Now, this is the case respecting these "Ignatian epistles." For it ought to be remembered, and considered,
IGNATIUS lived in the first age of Christianity, was personally known to, at least, some of the Apostles, and many of those who had been familiarly conversant with them. And he was constituted, if we may believe the Episcopalians, by one of the Apostles, at least, Bishop of the church of Antioch, a noted city in itself, and remarkable on account of its being the place, where believers were first distinguished by the name of CHRISTIANS. These are circumstances, leaving it indisputable, that Ignatius was no obscure person, but as likely to be known as any in that day. Besides all this, he was a glorious martyr for the religion of Jesus; and, if he really wrote these epistles, the circumstances of his martyrdom were truly extraordinary. For he was condemned at Antioch, to die at Rome. And, in order to the execution of this sentence, was conveyed, by a band of soldiers, as a prisoner of death for the
[Page 201] sake of Christ, through all the places, in which his name was named, that lay in the way between the greatly distant cities from each other, Antioch and Rome. This is a circumstance that would naturally spread his fame, and occasion his being held in veneration by all the Christian churches, as he passed along. Had he been before a person of no figure, this alone would have given him an exalted reputation: nor is it supposeable, that any of the Fathers, of the same age, should be more extensively known, or more frequently spoken of with honor. These are the circumstances under which we are to conceive of the author of these "epistles."
AND as extraordinary ones attend the "epistles" themselves; for they were wrote (if wrote by him) in the character of one that was a prisoner, in bonds, for the name of Christ, and actually on his journey to be devoured by wild beasts: nor were they wrote to private friends, upon meer private concerns; but to no less than six as famous churches as were then in the world; and, if we may believe the Episcopalians, upon matters of
[Page 202] the most essential importance. These, surely, are considerations that will not suffer us to think, that these "epistles" were unknown, or not esteemed worthy of particular notice. Epistles wrote, and sent, to a number of such noted churches, by so good and great a Bishop, upon the most weighty points, at so solemn a time as that of his dying for the cause of Christ, must have occasioned much talk among Christians. They would have put a distinguishing value upon such epistles; yea, they would have esteemed them the most celebrated monuments of all uninspired antiquity. How unaccountable then is it, that so little notice should be taken of them, for the full space of two hundred years after the supposed date of their composure! And what makes the matter still more strange is, that nothing more frequently occurs, than the mention of other writings of the same age with these. There is scarce an author, about the time in which Ignatius flourished, but his works are particularly named, or quoted. And why should Ignatius, the most celebrated of them all, be shamefully treated with silence and neglect? And this is the more to be wondered at,
[Page 203] as his writings were, in some cases, the most pertinent that could have been referred to; far more so than other writings that are particularly mentioned, and remembered with honor.
BUT the force of this
negative argument will appear in a yet stronger point of light, if, by way of specimen, we particularly consider one or two of the ancient writers, who take no notice of these "epistles."
THE first shall be Irenaeus. We have extant of his a large volume, entitled, "the confutation of that which is falsely called knowledge;" the main design of which is, to explain and refute the erronious notions of Simon, Menander, Valentinus, Marcion, Cerinthus, Cerdon," and as many other heretics as had appeared in his day, and for an hundred years before. In such a work as this, of so great length, and such variety of matter and argument, it might well be expected, some mention would have been made of so celebrated a writer, and martyr, as Ignatius, who both wrote and died in this very age: especially, if it be
[Page 204] considered, that his "epistles" are peculiarly pertinent to the great design of Irenaeus's argument, more so by far than any other ancient writing, we know any thing of, then extant in the world. For some (perhaps the most) of those very errors he opposes, were both noted and rejected by Ignatius. I need not be at the pains to produce instances of this for the sake of those, who are acquainted with these writings; and for others, if they will only compare the "Ignatian epistles", with the first of "Irenaeus's five books", they may, with their own eyes, see a number of them. What therefore more natural than to look for references to "these epistles", in the works of Irenaeus? And how can it be accounted for, that he should take no notice of them, but that he knew of no such epistles? Had he confined himself to reason, or scripture, in confutation of these heretics, having no recourse to former writers, it would be some apology for his silence: but, far from this, one of his chief arguments is taken from "the succession of doctrine in the Christian church;" in order to confirm which, he recurs to the WRITINGS, as well as SAYINGS, of those who
[Page 205] were older than the heretics he was refuting. He makes a very particular and honorable mention of CLEMENT, and his "epistle to the Corinthians," and opposes even the whole of it against the heresies he had under consideration.
* And yet, not a word is said, either here, or elsewhere, in his whole book, in commemoration of "Ignatius's epistles;" nor is there one word quoted from him to the purpose of the grand argument he has in prosecution.
THE answer to this is, That, in the place where Irenaeus mentions "Clement," he had, to prevent being tedious, expressly limited himself to "the succession of doctrine in the church at Rome," of which Clement had been Bishop; and as, in the name of that church, he had wrote an "epistle to the Corinthians," wherein the doctrine of that church, and its opposition to the doctrine of these heretics, might be easily discerned, there was good reason, why he should distinguish Clement; a pertinency in appealing to him, while there would have been none in
[Page 206] appealing to Ignatius. But, it is observable, in this very place, where he had confined his argument to the church of Rome, he takes occasion to commemorate "Polycarp's epistle to the Philippians."
* And why might he not, with as much propriety, have taken some notice of the "epistles of Ignatius?" To this also it is replied, Irenaeus introduces the mention he makes of Polycarp, by saying, he had been at Rome, where he opposed these heretics, and recovered many from the errors wherewith they had been infected: upon which account it was to his purpose to name Polycarp, while there was no reason, at this time, to mention Ignatius. But, it deserves consideration, over and above mentioning Polycarp's being at Rome, and confuting the Heretics there, which was the only point directly to his argument, he takes occasion to celebrate his "epistle to the Philippians". There is little, or nothing, in this epistle to the design he was upon, and accordingly he makes no use of it, or any sentence in it, to oppose the heretics: yet, this primitive Father having an epistle extant,
[Page 207] he could not forbear making a record of it. And it might have been as proper, and pertinent, even in this very place, to have done the like by the "epistles of Ignatius. For it is particularly worthy of notice, Ignatius had been at Rome as well as Polycarp; and, what is more, died there a glorious martyr in the cause of Christ: Nor should it be forgot, that "these epistles," as Episcopalians tell us, were collected by Polycarp, at least, some of them, and annexed by him to his "own epistle" as part of one and the same volume. Irenaeus, therefore, having mentioned "Polycarp's epistle", would, it may reasonably and naturally be supposed, have mentioned the others also under the same cover, if he had known of them; and the rather, because they were the work of so eminent a primitive Father, and of all the writings, then extant, the best adapted to confound the heretics he was arguing against.
BUT should it be allowed, that, in this particular place, while his argument was under a special limitation, it was more proper to take notice of the "epistles of Clement and Polycarp", than of "Ignatius";
[Page 208] yea, that there was good reason for mentioning the former, and none at all for the latter; yet, what is this to account for the silence there every where else appears concerning these epistles? Because it was more proper in one place to mention Clement and Polycarp, than Ignatius, will it therefore follow there was a propriety in making no mention of him at all? If this was a proper place to speak of Clement, and Polycarp, might he not, in some other place, have done the like honor to Ignatius? And his silence with respect to this most noted Father, is the more strange, as he has found some suitable place to remember, not only Clement, and Polycarp, but Hermas, Ignatius's contemporary, and Papias, and Justin, not a great way posterior to him. Surely, no one, who esteems "Ignatius's epistles to be genuine, will say, that Irenaeus had more reason, or could with greater propriety, record the writings of these Fathers, than those of the more famed and memorable Ignatius. Besides all which, it may be worth minding, that nothing is more common with Irenaeus, than to have recourse to the sayings, both ORAL and WRITTEN, of those Elders
[Page 209] who preceeded him. "As a certain Elder says," "as was said by the Presbyters," "as I heard from such a Senior," "as was delivered by those who were disciples of the Apostles," are phrases very familiar with him. He often, in this manner, introduces the words of the ancients. And yet, in so many references, he never makes use of so much as a single sentence from Ignatius, to his grand purpose, that of refuting the heretics; though, in most of his epistles, there was that which was well adapted to such a design. It certainly looks, as if he knew nothing of "these epistles": if he had, he must needs have dropped, at least, some hint about them, somewhere or other, in so large a work.
I SHALL next mention Clement of Alexandria; a person of vast learning, second to none in the age in which he lived, for his acquaintance with all sorts of writers. Those works of his that are still in being are crouded with an immense variety of quotations from philosophers, poets, historians, and all kinds of writers, whether Pagan or Christian. He particularly mentions the "epistle of
[Page 210] Barnabas," the "epistle of Clement of Rome," the "pastor of Hermas," all writers in the age in which Ignatius lived. And if the "Ignatian epistles" had been extant in his day, one of his prodigious learning must have had knowledge of it; and if he had, it is scarce credible he should have passed them over in silence. He often takes occasion to speak of the heretics that corrupted the Christian faith; and there being so much in Ignatius upon this head, it is really strange, he should never once commemorate so famous a writer, and martyr. It is quite natural to think, he had never seen, or heard of "epistles" under the name of Ignatius.
AND the same may be said of Tertullian, and other writers,
* between the days
[Page 211] of Ignatius and Eusebius, who take no notice of "these epistles"; as might be particularly illustrated with reference to them, but that enough has been already said to let the reader see, that this
negative evidence is so circumstanced as to give just occasion to suspect, whether Ignatius ever wrote the "epistles" that are ascribed to him.
[Page 212]IT will be but fair, before I proceed, to take notice of the supposed evidence there is, within the three first centuries, that Ignatius wrote these "epistles." And this I shall do, by impartially laying before the reader the whole of it, in the very words of the original authors, without concealing any one circumstance, within my knowledge, that will add weight to it; and, at the same time, I shall offer, under each testimony, what may be said to weaken the strength of the argument herefrom deduced.
POLYCARP is the first witness brought to testify, that Ignatius wrote the "epistles" that are supposed to be his. The testimony to this purpose we have in the Polycarpian "epistle to the Philippians." The 13th and 14th sections, in which it is contained, run thus,
BOTH you, and Ignatius, wrote to me, that, should any one go into Syria, he might carry your letters, if either I, or the messenger I
[Page 213] should send for you, should have a favorable opportunity. The epistles of Ignatius, which he sent to US, and AS MANY OTHER AS WE HAD BY US, we have sent to you, according to your desire: which are added to this epistle, by which you may be greatly profited. For they treat of faith, patience, and whatever pertains to edification in the Lord.
AND signify to me what ye certainly
[Page 214] know about Ignatius, and those that are with him.
SCRIPSISTIS mihi, et vos, et Ignatius, ut si quis vadit ad Syriam, deferat literas meas quas fecero ad vos, si habuerimus tempus
[Page 213] opportunum, sive ego, seu legatus quem misero pro vobis. Epistolas sane Ignatii, quae transmissae sunt vobis [fortasse nobis
*] ab eo, et ALIAS QUANTASCUMQUE, apud nos habuimus, transmissimus vobis, secundum quod mandastis: quae sunt subjectae huic epistolae; ex quibus magnus vobis erit profectus. Continent enim fidem, patientiam, et omnem edificationem ad Dominum nostrum pertinentem.
ET de ipso Ignatio, et de his qui
[Page 214] cum eo sunt, quod certius agnoveritis significate.
*
Arch-Bishop Usher's note here is, Ita locum hunc citant Eusebius, Nicephorus, et Graecus actorum Ignatii scriptor anonymus; quam legitimam esse lectionem, agnoscit etiam Baronius." In the translation of Arch-Bishop Wake, we read US, instead of YOU.
↵
IT is thought a strong confirmation of this testimony from Polycarp, that Eusebius, when speaking of the "Ignatian epistles," as commemorated by him, quotes from him this passage in the original Greek, which exhibits the very idea that is conveyed by the above ancient version.
UPON this "Polycarpian testimony" it may be observed, that the whole paragraph, from whence it is taken, is suspected to have been an after addition, designed to give credit to the "Ignatian epistles". And two things are offered in support of such a suspicion.
THE first is, its apparent abruptness, and want of relation to the foregoing discourse. There is no connection between this, and what went before: nor had Polycarp dropped any hint, that would lead one to expect this notice of "Ignatius epistles": and what is said, with reference to them, is so inserted, as
[Page 215] to its manner, that no one, when he had read the foregoing words, could begin upon these without naturally making a pause, as meeting with what he had no reason given him to look for. Some, of great intimacy with the ancient writings, have, from this consideration only, been inclined to suspect, that the passage was unfairly crouded into the epistle. —But I only mention this as a circumstance, that may give weight to what may be further offered of greater importance.
The other ground of suspicion therefore is, an apparent inconsistency, or contradiction, between what is affirmed in one of these passages, and another in the body of the epistle. The ninth section contains these words, "Wherefore I exhort all of you to obey the word of righteousness, and exercise all patience, which ye have seen set before your eyes, not only in the blessed IGNATIUS, and Zozimus, and Rufus, but in others among yourselves, and in Paul himself, and the rest of the Apostles: being
* confident
[Page 216] in this, that all these have not run in vain, but in faith and righteousness; and ARE GONE TO THE PLACE DUE TO THEM FROM THE LORD, for whom they also suffered".—Ignatius is so evidently here spoken of, as having finished his sufferings, and gone to the Lord, that there can be no reasonable room for doubt in the case. THESE ALL [HI OMNES] that is, IGNATIUS, Zosimus, Rufus, and others, HAVE NOT RUN IN VAIN, but are GONE TO THE PLACE DUE TO THEM FROM THE LORD. No one that reads these words can be at a loss to determine, that Ignatius, in the thoughts of Polycarp, was really dead, and actually gone to the place of future rewards. And yet, this very Ignatius is here directly supposed to be alive, and not come to his last sufferings. "Signify to me what ye know about IGNATIUS, and THOSE THAT ARE WITH HIM." Is not this a manner of speaking altogether absurd, unless it had been presumed, that Ignatius was yet alive? The most plain signification of the words is, that this was the real truth. Can it now be imagined, that Polycarp, after he had spoken of Ignatius as actually
[Page 217] dead, and recommended his sufferings and death as an example to others, should, in the same short epistle, speak of him as alive, and desire to know about him; and this, from the very persons to whom he had recommended his death as an example? This would be very strange; and it would be dishonorary to so famous a Father to suppose, he should be thus inconsistent with himself: but it is no uncommon thing for knavish persons to do that, which, through want of caution, serves to discover their fraud.
BUT we shall be able to perceive more fully the force of what has been offered, if we attend a while to what has been said to weaken its strength.
IT is pleaded, Polycarp does not, in the objected words, insinuate that Ignatius was now
alive, as is pretended, in contradiction to what he had said of him as
dead, in sect. ix. But, the Philippians, being likely to know considerable about Ignatius, both while hs was alive, and while he was suffering martyrdom, he writes to them, as it was proper and natural for to him to do, to communicate
[Page 218] to him what they knew, both about him, and those that were his companions. This doth not seem satisfactory. The question is not, what the Philippians might know about Ignatius, nor whether it was proper for Polycarp to desire them to tell him what they knew about him? but whether the manner of writing, here used, is not such as evidently supposes Ignatius had not yet come to his last sufferings, contrary to what he had before expressly declared? The words, "signify to me what ye certainly know about Ignatius, and those THAT ARE WITH HIM," obviously suppose the person wrote about to be alive. And it is observable, he is represented as having his companions about him. "Ignatius, and those that are with him;" ARE, in the present tense. And if Polycarp had not known that he was dead, the mode of diction is easy and natural; but uncouth, I may say unintelligible, if compared with the firm persuasion he had before expressed, that he had finished his course, and obtained the crown of martyrdom.
OTHERS endeavor to remove the difficulty another way. They argue,
[Page 219] Polycarp, when he wrote this epistle, concluded in his own mind, that Ignatius, by this time, had gone through his sufferings; for which reason, he pertinently writes as in sect. ix: yet, having received no certain account of his death, and not being fully satisfied, whether he had suffered, or not; or, if he had, how he had been treated by his persecutors, and how he had behaved in his last encounter with the beasts, desires the Philippians, who were much nearer to Rome than he was, and might therefore very probably have heard much later from thence then he had, to send him an account of what they knew relative to these matters. And in all this, what, they say, is there, not that locks like a contradiction, but that is not very natural, and particularly most becoming the love and friendship of the blessed Polycarp towards him, concerning whom he so diligently enquired? It is obvious, at first sight, that this plea directly contradicts the foregoing one; and yet, it is as far from unfolding the difficulty. For, from the whole strain of sect. ix, it appears with a meridian lustre, that Polycarp was fully persuaded that Ignatius was dead, and gone to reap
[Page 220] the fruit of his fidelity to his Lord. He was in no doubt as to the truth of this fact, nor needed any information about it. He speaks of it as a matter that was well known both to himself, and to the Philippians: nor can words more clearly and strongly signify this, than those he has used to the purpose. "THESE ALL," therefore IGNATIUS among the rest, and as truly as Paul, and the other Apostles, "have not run in vain, but ARE with the Lord in the place due to them." And yet, according to the plea here made, it is supposed that Polycarp, in the objected words, speaks of it as a matter of uncertainty, whether Ignatius had come to his encounter with the beasts; which is no way reconcileable with the clear persuasion of his being dead, he had before expressed in sect. ix.
IT is further said, in favor of the genumeness of this passage, that no one who designed to serve a turn by corrupting this epistle would have been, either so negligent as not carefully to read it over, or having done this, would have been so foolish as to have subjoined a request to the Philippians in direct
[Page 221] contradiction to what the true Polycarp had told them before; and which, by consequence, must discover the fraud, and frustrate the design in view. This, it is possible, may seem an argument of weight to those unacquainted with antiquity; but it will not appear in the same light to such as are versed in this kind of study; as they have often met with like instances of folly. Whether the persons guilty of such fraudulent dealing were commonly weak; or whether they imagined those they designed to impose upon were of this character; or whether, though artful and cunning, they were left in Providence (as is often the case at present in regard of all kinds of cheats) to do that, through carelessness and inattention, which serves to discover their fraud, I shall not pretend to say: but it is a fact notoriously known, that WHOLE PIECES, as well as INTERPOLATED SENTENCES were, in those days, obtruded upon the world, full as ridiculous as this supposed corruption can be represented to be. Signal instances of this nature are to be met with in the "apostolical constitutions and canons," which are universally allowed to have been fraudulently
[Page 222] dealt with, even by those who have not an opinion of them as spurious. The interpolations, and additions, made in these writings, do so grossly break in upon the order of time, the declared mind of the Apostles in the inspired books, and are so often chargeable with contradicting other parts of the same writings, that one could scarce believe it possible a person of common sense should be guilty of such ridiculous weakness, but that there is no arguing against stubborn fact. The reader that is inclined to see this supposed addition to "Polycarp's epistle" fully matched for the weakness, and folly, it is said to contain, may meet with it done to his mind, in what has been offered, under the head of "Clement's writings," in the preceeding pages. To the like purpose he may consult Dr. Smallbroke's "Clementine constitutions confuted, in answer to Mr. Whiston."
BUT if we drop the supposition of an "interpolation," and even allow this "Polycarpian testimony," to be unsuspectedly genuine, it will not, at once, as too many have imagined, decide the controversy relative to the "Ignatian
[Page 223] epistles. " For it does not prove what it is brought for; but leaves the greatest part of " these epistles" destitute of all real evidence in their support. At most, two only of these epistles are certainly taken notice of. No more are couched under those words of Polycarp, "the epistles of Ignatius which he sent to us:" nor do the greatest patrons of "Ignatius's writings" pretend, that any other are here referred to, than his "epistle to the Smyrnaeans," and a particular one to "Polycarp himself." And as to the words that immediately follow, "and as many other epistles as we had by us;" though they are interpreted, by episcopal writers, to mean " the other epistles of IGNATIUS," there is not the least need, unless to serve a turn, to look upon them as referring at all to any of the "Ignatian epistles." They are generally wrote, without any limitation to Ignatius. Arch-Bishop Wake indeed has been pleased, no less than three times
* to insert the words OF HIS, without giving the reader any notice that they were words of his own putting in; by means whereof the meer
[Page 224] English reader, and all who have seen only his translation, are unavoidably led to imagine, that the words, in "Polycarp's epistle," are absolutely confined to Ignatius; when, in truth, they are generally expressed, having nothing to answer the Arch-Bishop's limiting words OF HIS. In the "old version" of Polycarp, the words run thus, "Epistolas sané Ignatii, quae transmissae sunt vobis [pro nobis] ab eo, et ALIAS QUANTASCUMQUE apud nos habuimus, transmissimus vobis, secundum quod mandastis." The original Greek, as quoted by Eusebius, perfectly agrees herewith. What is translated in the old copy, " ET ALIAS QUANTASCUMQUE," is in the Greek, KAI ALLAS OSAS. It is acknowledged, in the first part of this passage, "Epistles of Ignatius" are directly mentioned; that is, the Episcopalians themselves being judges,
* two of the epistles said to be his, "one to Polycarp;" the "other to the church of Smyrna:" but, in the latter part of it, the
[Page 225] words are general, and so far from being limited to Ignatius, that they may, with propriety, be interpreted of ANY EPISTLES WHATEVER, Polycarp, or the church of Smyrna, might have had by them, of other famous primitive Fathers. And there are some considerations that fairly lead to such a general construction of the words. For it is plain, these epistles were sent, by Polycarp and his church, to the church at Philippi, at their desire which had been signified to them. "We have sent the epistles as you desired." And it is quite easy and natural to conceive of their sending, upon the desire of the Philippians, the "epistles" Ignatius had wrote to THEM. But how should they come by his other epistles, those which he wrote to the "Magnesians," to the "Philadelphians," to the "Ephesians," to the "Romans," and to the "Trallians?" And why should the church at Philippi send to them for these epistles? If Ignatius had really wrote to these churches, and the Philippians had a mind to see his epistles to them, it would have been natural for them to have sent to those churches for a copy of their respective letters;
[Page 226] and in every respect as natural as was their sending to Polycarp, and his church, for the letters he wrote to them. It therefore looks as if the "epistles", here spoken of, as sent to the Philippians, were those "epistles of Ignatius" which he had wrote to Polycarp, and the Smyrnaeans; and "such other epistles", of other famous persons, as they had by them, that might be of more special value. There is nothing in this construction of the words that appears strained, or unnatural; nor is there the least need of any other interpretation. And should this prove to be the true construction, only TWO of the "SEVEN Ignatian epistles" are here mentioned. The remaining five must be taken care of by others. Yea, should we allow of the Episcopalian interpretation, the matter would not be a great deal mended. In this case, it is true, it might be argued, that Ignatius wrote more than two epistles; but what other epistles, to whom, or how many, would, after all, remain an utter uncertainty. The words specify nothing. "And as many other epistles as we had by us:"—Nothing is here said by which it can be
[Page 227] determined, how many epistles were intended, nor whether any of the present collection were of their number.
BUT, if we should suppose all that is pleaded for this testimony, from Polycarp, to be really true, the controversy about these "epistles," in point of dependence on them, as containing the sense of Ignatius, will remain still undetermined. For if it be allowed, that Polycarp sent a collection of "seven Ignatian epistles" to the church at Philippi; it will not follow from hence, that the present collection of the like number of epistles, under the name of Ignanatius, is the same incorrupt, unadulterated collection with that of Polycarp's. It is granted, it was not the same before the days of Usher, and Vossius. And, since the appearance of those learned antiquaries, the case may possibly be the same; and it must evidently be so, if the collection of these "epistles," in their supposed best edition, contain such things as argue a date posterior to the age in which Ignatius lived, and that are altogether unworthy of that primitive Father, and martyr:
[Page 228] and that they contain such things as these, we shall have occasion, in its proper place, particularly to evince.
IN the mean time, let us go on to Irenaeus, the next writer, within the second century, cited in favor of the "epistles of Ignatius". His words are these, "as one from among us SAID, being adjudged to the beasts that he might be a martyr for God;
I am the corn of Christ, and am ground with the teeth of beasts, that I may be found the pure bread of God".
* These words are found in the epistle to the Romans, under the name of Ignatius, sect. iv. And it is thought a weighty circumstance attending this testimony, that Eusebius has quoted it, and after this manner; "and Irenaeus knew of his [Ignatius's] martyrdom, and makes mention of his epistles in these words, "as one among us SAID, [
eipe] being adjudged to the beasts for the testimony of
[Page 229] God,
I am the what of God, and am ground with the teeth of beasts, that I may be found pure bread."
*
IN answer to this testimony of Irenaeus, it is allowed, that Ignatius is the person here referred to, and that the cited words are to be seen in one of the extant epistles under his name.
BUT this notwithstanding, it does not appear sufficiently evident, that Irenaeus either knew of this "epistle," or took this sentence out of it. It is certain, he makes no mention of the "epistle," neither does he anywhere say, that he transcribed these words from it. And it is observable, the words are not introduced, "as one from among us WROTE;" but "as one from among us SAID." A great deal of pains has been taken to prove, that the phrase," as was said," is not only proper, but frequently used, even by Irenaeus himself, to introduce citations from known written books. And no one ever questioned its being a phrase,
[Page 230] both proper, and commonly used, by all kinds of authors, by which to bring in the written words of others. But the question is, whether it is not as proper a mode of speech, and as commonly used, to introduce the
vocal as the
written sayings of others? And since the point in debate is, whether Ignatius wrote these epistles, how can it be thought a satisfactory proof, that he did, to bring a quotation from Irenaeus, introduced after that manner," as one of us SAID?" which phrase, to say the least, is as well capable of being interpreted to refer to a VOCAL, as a WRITTEN, saying? It is replied to this, the words here quoted are found in one of the
written "epistles" ascribed to Ignatius, which is a circumstance that ought, in all reason, to determine the matter, that Irenaeus took them from this "epistle." I answer, the total silence of Irenaeus about any epistles of Ignatius, when he had the fairest, the most frequent, and most urgent occasions, to have mentioned them, is a circumstance full as strong to induce a belief, that he knew nothing of them. But this is not all. Nothing more common with Irenaeus, than to
[Page 231] have recourse to the VOCAL sayings of those that were ancienter than himself; and a great number of them are introduced, in the very same manner with these words of Ignatius, "as such an one said." And as Irenaeus was acquainted with Polycarp, Ignatius's contemporary, and a vast number of other ancients; why might he not have received this saying from them, as what had been uttered by Ignatius, in the day of his martyrdom? nor is this meer conjecture only. For these very words are mentioned by Jerom, as delivered by Ignatius in his last sufferings. His words are these:
* "Now, when he had been condemned to the beasts, and in the heat of his suffering had heard the roaring of the lions, he said,
I am the corn of Christ, I am ground with the teeth of beasts, that I may be found pure bread. And "the acts of Ignatius's martyrdom," both the Greek and Latin acts, exhibit the same account with Jerom; and so do Simeon the Metaphrast, and the Roman breviary. Episcopalians will not deny, that
[Page 232] these words were uttered by Ignatius, in the time of his suffering. What difficulty can there then be in supposing, that Irenaeus should make mention of them, as a known, memorable SAYING of his? And why should not this be rather supposed, than that he should take them from that "epistle" which is attributed to him as its author? Especially, as there are such notorious circumstances, all conspiring to encourage the thought, that he never saw it.
BUT if we should allow this testimony its utmost force, no more can be collected from it, than that there was extant in the days of Irenaeus one SEVENTH PART of those epistles that now go under the name of Ignatius. For it is only the "epistle to the Romans," one of the seven that are attributed to him, that is here referred to. And every one, at the first view, must be sensible, how weak a testimony this is; and that if it be allowed, or disallowed, it will neither much hurt, or benefit, the general credit of these "epistles." And what may be thought worthy of notice, this "epistle to the Romans," the only one, upon the
[Page 233] largest supposition, here referred to, is the only one, among all the "Ignatian epistles," that is silent about the cause of Episcopacy. Nothing, as I remember, is said here upon this head; not so much as the name Bishop mentioned, unless once very transiently. So that this is the only "epistle," among the "seven," that is insignificant to the controversy we are upon. And if it be received as quoted by Irenaeus, it will do the Presbyterians no disservice; neither, if it be rejected as unknown to him, will it do the Episcopalians any harm. It is perfectly a matter of no importance, as to the present dispute, what becomes of it, or is said about it.
AFTER Irenaeus, Origen, who flourished in the third century, is recurred to. In his "prologue to the commentaries on canticles," he says, "We remember one to have said, Ignatius by name, concerning Christ,
but my love is crucified: nor do I judge him worthy of reproof for this."
* These words occur in the
[Page 234] "Ignatian epistle to the Romans," section vii. This same Origen, in his "sixth homily on Luke," speaks thus, "I have found it elegantly wrote in the epistle of a certain martyr, Ignatius I mean, Bishop of Antioch, the second after Peter, who fought with beasts in the persecution at Rome,
the virginity of Mary was kept secret from the prince of this world.
* These words we have in the "Ignatian epistle to the Ephesians," sect. xix.
TO these testimonies from Origen, it must be said, that they lie under the unhappiness of being as exceptionable, as well as those we have already considered. As to the first of them, it is taken from a piece that is thought, by many of the most learned writers, not to be Origen's, (who was a Presbyter of the Greek church) but the work of some Latin author: or, should it be supposed to be his, we have it only in the translation of Ruffin, who has taken such a shameful liberty in all his translations of Origen, to add, alter,
[Page 235] and diminish, that there is no knowing what is his own, and what Origen's: and this is so generally acknowledged, and lamented, by the learned, that a word need not be said in proof of it. It is, I suppose, for this, or the foregoing reason, or both, that those celebrated antiquaries, Usher, and Vossius, do neither of them make use of this Origenical testimony, in the evidence they exhibit in favor of the "epistles of Ignatius"; as may be seen in their "prefaces" to their editions of these "epistles," in Le' Clerc's edition of Cotelerius's "apostolical Fathers." They were certainly well acquainted with it; and if they had thought it of any significancy, they would have insisted on it.—As for the other testimony, taken from the "homily on Luke," this also is suspected to be the work, not of Origen, but of some Latin writer: or otherwise, it is extant only in Latin; and if it was translated from the Greek by Jerom, as is pretended, there is no knowing what is Origen's. Du-pin says, "the versions of Jerom are not more exact than Ruffin's: and Ruffin complains of the liberty Jerom took in his translations, as Jerom complains of
[Page 236] Ruffin." And, surely, no great credit ought to be given to meer translations, which are known to have been done with an unbounded licence: and as this is the case here, these testimonies, brought to view, in evidence that Ignatius wrote "epistles," are of little weight, and will be esteemed so by impartial judges.
IT would be an omission if I did not add, it is a shrewd circumstance, in favor of Origen's having never made mention of the "Ignatian epistles," that Eusebius takes not the least notice of it. No one was a greater admirer, and reader, of Origen's works than Eusebius; nor was there an ancient Father more thoroughly versed in them. It cannot therefore be accounted for, if Origin had, in the above specified places, commemorated Ignatius, that he should be totally silent about it. It is much more natural to think, they are not the words of Origen, but of some interpolator, or false interpreter.
WE have now considered the whole evidence, in proof that Ignatius wrote such "epistles" as go under his name,
[Page 237] until we come into the fourth century. And, I doubt not, that has been offered, which, to every unbiassed mind, will appear sufficient to induce a suspicion, lest the venerable Ignatius should have been personated by some bold impostor. Most certainly, the evidence, in support of his being the real author of these "epistles," falls vastly short of what might reasonably have been expected. There are, in all, but three writers, for the full space of two hundred years, that are produced as witnesses, and the evidence they give is so clogged with difficulties, as to occasion great doubt and hesitation. And, in truth, considering the character of Ignatius, his nearness to the Apostles, the extraordinary circumstances of his death, the uncommon occasion of his writing these "epistles" (if they are truly his): considering, I say, these things, I may venture to appeal to the common sense of mankind, whether it is not astonishing, that such epistles, of such a man, should be passed over in such silence for two hundred years together; no one writer making mention of them, unless in such a manner, and under such marks of suspicion, as to leave
[Page 238] the mind in a state of uncertainty, to say the least? I will not affirm, notwithstanding all that has been offered, that Ignatius wrote none of the "epistles" he is said to have wrote, though, to me, it appears highly improbable that he ever did.
I SHOULD now have gone on to show, that the "Ignatian epistles" are, if not spurious, yet so intermixed with corruption, as to be unfit to be recurred to in the present controversy. But previous to this, I shall take notice of a difficulty that is urged, upon the supposition Ignatius is not allowed to have wrote these "epistles" that are ascribed to him, and said to be his.
IT is this, that Eusebius certainly thought, "these epistles" were wrote by Ignatius himself. And as he was a person well capable of judging in this matter, much better than we who live at so great a distance from the times of Ignatius, it is said to be a very bold thing now to plead, that "these epistles" are spurious.
[Page 239]TO this the reply is, Eusebius was undoubtedly a person of great learning, some think, the most learned among all the christian Greek Fathers. And we are exceedingly beholden to him for many valuable fragments of the works of many valuable primitive authors, which have long since perished by the injury of time; as also for a great variety of knowledge, relative to the Christian history, we must otherwise have been destitute of. But this notwithstanding, we are not obliged to call him
Master, and, at all adventures, to take every thing for truth just as he has delivered it. For, after all his learning, and whatever good qualities he might be possessed of, he was a man "subject to like infirmities" with others; and there are too many instances, in his writings, of carelessness, want of due attention, and a more thorough examination, not to say any thing worse. And he is, on all sides, frequently charged with slips and mistakes, and some that are very gross. The great Scaliger says of him, "No one has contributed more to the Christian history, and no one is guilty of more mistakes." Of the same mind was the learned Du-pin, though he
[Page 240] expresses himself in softer terms. For, having said what he judged proper in commendation of his "ecclesiastical history," he adds, "it must nevertheless be acknowledged, it is not altogether so perfect as were to be wished: for it is not written smoothly, neither is it always exact." And in his note here, he reckons up, at least, half a score of faults, which, says he, "are contrary both to the truth of history, and chronology." Nor do any of the noted antiquaries, either Protestant or Romish, Episcopal or Presbyterian, think themselves obliged sacredly to adhere to him; but do all, in their turns, take liberty to differ from him, and, as they imagine, upon just grounds.
BUT what is more particularly pertinent to what we are upon, Eusebius too credulously suffered himself to be sometimes betrayed into the belief of that, which, if he had examined with more care, caution, and suspicion, he would readily have rejected. There are instances of this to be met with in his valuable history. One I shall here mention, as being full to the point under consideration. In the last chapter but one of the first book
[Page 241] of this history, we have a most formal account of "Agbarus's letter, King of Edessa, to our Savior Jesus Christ, sent to him at Jerusalem by Ananias his footman;" and our "Savior's letter to King Agbarus in answer to it." And, in the following chapter, both these letters are inserted at large, Eusebius having translated them out of the Syriac language, in which they were wrote, as he found the copies of them in the archieves of Edessa. And these epistles, which he thus published to the world, he as verily believed were wrote, one of them by our Savior, and the other by King Agbarus, as he did, that the epistles he mentions under the name of Ignatius were wrote by him. What regard now do the learned world pay to Eusebius's judgment, with respect to these letters? Do they hold themselves bound to receive them as "the epistles of Jesus Christ, and King Agbarus," because Eusebius was too hastily led into this opinion of them? No; but, notwithstanding the learning, the judgment, the integrity of Eusebius, and his nearness to the primitive times, they are so free with him as to think, he was credulous in esteeming "these letters"
[Page 242] genuine; and that he did it without sufficient caution and enquiry. Even Arch-Bishop Wake has very plainly signified this to have been his opinion. Says he,
*
‘Natalis Alexander delivers this conclusion; the "epistle of Agbarus" to our Savior, and "his answer" to it, are supposititious, and apocryphal: and, at large, answers all that is usually urged in favor of them. And Dupin, after him, yet more solidly convinces of such manifest errors, as may serve to satisfy all considering persons, that Eusebius and Ephraaem were too easy of belief in this particular; and did not sufficiently examine into it, when they delivered that as a certain truth, which, from several circumstances, appears to have been evidently otherwise.’ Now, from this instance, produced from Eusebius, the arguing is both natural and forcible. If he might be mistaken in his opinion about "these letters," he might also be mistaken in his opinion about the "Ignatian epistles." If he was too credulously betrayed into a belief of the genuineness of "these
[Page 243] letters," which are most palpably spurious, he might also too credulously come into the belief of the genuineness of the "epistles of Ignatius." If, with respect to "these letters," he was too inattentive, not sufficiently suspicious, too thoughtless of being imposed upon by religious fraud, this might also have been the case with respect to the "epistles" in dispute. Nor if the learned world do, without any difficulty, reject "these letters" as spurious, in contradiction to the judgment of Eusebius, ought it to be objected as a difficulty in the way of rejecting "Ignatius's epistles," that herein Eusebius's judgment is opposed: nor can this be urged as a difficulty without evident partiality. For, in the instance we have mentioned, no difficulty is pretended; but the whole body of writers, both Romish and Protestant (a few only excepted) reject "these letters" as a fraudulent imposition upon the world, without making any compliment to the great Eusebius for their opposition to him in this matter.
BUT, besides what has been offered, Eusebius has, in the case before us, represented the evidence upon which he
[Page 244] received these "epistles;" which, if deficient, we have plainly no reason to be moved by his judgment: and that it really is so we before proved, when the testimonies of Polycarp and Irenaeus were considered, the two only ones he has mentioned in support of the credit of "these epistles." It may, perhaps, be thought strange, that Eusebius should judge, from the testimonies of Polycarp and Irenaeus, that Ignatius wrote "these epistles," if what they say, be, as we have already endeavored to evince, insufficient for the purpose. But, why might not Eusebius make more of these testimonies than they really contained, and argue too much from them, as others have done since? And that he has so done (whether "these epistles" are true or false) is too evident to be called in question; as appears from what has been before offered upon this head. For, let it be observed, he introduces Irenaeus speaking upon the matter after this manner, "and Irenaeus remembered his EPISTLES, writing thus,
because I am the wheat of God."—These words are to be found no where in the writings of Ignatius, but in the "epistle to the Romans:" nor does Irenaeus anywhere
[Page 245] where else mention any writing of Ignatius, or refer to any passage in his supposed works. So that the utmost that can be collected, in point of argument, from these words is, that "the epistle to the Romans" was commemorated by Irenaeus. But the conclusion, which Eusebius draws, respects the "epistles in general;" which is certainly an instance of inattention to the just import of the words he argues from. He goes on, "and Polycarp maketh mention hereof, in his epistle to the Philippians, writing thus,—
the epistle of Ignatius which he sent to us, and as many other epistles."—It is far from being evident, as has been abundantly proved already, that Polycarp here mentions any more than TWO EPISTLES of Ignatius; and yet, the words are brought in evidence of the EPISTLES WITHOUT LIMITATION; which is another instance of a cursory consideration only of this passage. Had he been sufficiently cautious, he might have seen reason to suspect, whether this testimony was at all Polycarp's.—The true state of the case seems to have been this;—There were extant, in the days of Eusebius, "epistles under the name of Ignatius to
[Page 246] several famous churches;" and, meeting with a passage in Polycarp's letter, that made mention of "epistles of Ignatius," and another in Irenaeus, citing words that are to be found in ONE of "these epistles," he hastily concluded, without more ado, that Ignatius wrote ALL THE EPISTLES he had seen under his name: whereas, if he had thoroughly examined the matter, he would have found these testimonies too weak to support the conclusion he makes from them; as they most certainly are, whatever is the truth as touching "these epistles."
I SHALL only add, that Eusebius seems not to have been without some biass upon his mind, in favor of the "Ignatian epistles." For it is a plain case, the silence of the ancients, respecting particular writings, is, with him, an argument much weakening the credit of them. The "second epistle of Clement" he esteems, if not supposititious, at least "less famous, and less worthy of notice," because "no testimonies are alleged for it by the Elders." And the "dialogues of Peter and Apion" he looks upon as plainly spurious, for this, among other
[Page 247] reasons, "that none of the Elders have mentioned it." But, in the present instance, though, as we have seen, there is a most surprizing silence in primitive antiquity about any writings of Ignatius, yet he takes no notice at all of it; but receives the "epistles" extant in his day, under the name of "this Father," without the least hesitation, and by the lump too. And if Mr. Whiston's reasoning may be thought valid, a good account may be given of this matter. According to him, the "epistles of Ignatius," extant in the days of Eusebius, were the LARGER ONES, that is, these epistles as we have them in the editions before those of Usher and Vossius. As to the SHORTER EPISTLES," that is, those we have in the editions of these learned antiquaries, he speaks of them as the LARGER EPISTLES arbitrarily mangled and curtailed. And his arguments, upon this head, appear to me, I freely confess, to be exceeding weighty: nor do I think, they ever have been, or can be, fully answered. And should this be the truth, there is no great difficulty in supposing, that Eusebius might be inclined to think as well of them as might be. For, as he
[Page 248] and Whiston were nearly of the same sentiments, relative to an important point of Christian doctrine, it was but natural for him to be well affected to "these epistles," which are well known to look with a favorable eye on this distinguishing tenet of their's. So that, upon the whole, it is but reasonable we should be left fairly to judge of the evidence in favor, or dis-favor, of "these epistles," without being at all swayed by the judgment of Eusebius: nor ought it to be looked upon as an objection of any weight against our rejecting them, that that learned author thought them genuine; provided we have good reason so to do.
I WILL not take upon me to say, that Ignatius did not write "epistles" that were seen by Eusebius; but thus much I will venture to say, that it is highly probable, most unprejudiced persons, in consequence of what has been offered, will be strongly inclined to question, whether they were so certainly HIS, as to leave no reasonable room for doubt in the case.— But I must now go on,
[Page 249]TO offer what may be thought necessary to show, that "these epistles," if not spurious, have yet been corrupted to a dedegree that unfits them to be appealed to, as exhibiting the real mind of Ignatius; especially with respect to Episcopacy, the point now under debate.
WHAT I here propose to consider, meerly as interlarded corruption, is made use of by Daille, La'roque, and other learned writers, to prove, from the INTERNAL CONTENTS of "these epistles" themselves, that they were not wrote by Ignatius, but by some later hand. And it must be acknowledged, the EXTERNAL EVIDENCE in proof, that Ignatius did not write "these epistles," if considered in connection with this INTERNAL EVIDENCE, will give great additional force to the argument, and leave scarce any room for doubt in the case.—But I chuse to give the Episcopalians all the advantage they can desire; and shall therefore here argue upon the supposition, that Ignatius really wrote "epistles" that were extant in the days of Eusebius: but, even upon this supposition, we claim to be excused from placing any manner of
[Page 250] dependance upon what they say, especially upon the head of Episcopacy; and for this very good reason, because we affirm, and shall prove, that they are so mingled with corruption, as not to convey the mind of the truly venerable Ignatius.
SOME, perhaps, may think it owing to prejudice, when it is so much as insinuated, as if there were any corrupt mixtures in such eminently valuable "epistles" as those of Ignatius. But it ought to be known, and remembered, that Ignatius has been impudently and fraudulently dealt with, no less than EIGHT of the fifteen epistles, that bear his name, being FORGERIES, and owned to be so: besides which, it is true likewise, and acknowledged as the truth, even by Bishop Pearson himself, the great advocate for Ignatius, that the other "seven epistles," in all the editions of them, before Usher and Vossius, were so CORRUPTED by some knavish interpolator or other, as that they ought not to be depended on as exhibiting the real mind of the true Ignatius. It is not argued from hence, that the Usherian and Vossian editions
[Page 251] must needs be corrupted also; but thus much is obviously, and certainly deducible herefrom, that they MAY be so; that to suppose such a thing is no indication of prejudice against them, as it is no more than has been actually done, with respect to these very "epistles," in former editions.
MUCH might easily be offered in support of the affirmation, that the "epistles of Ignatius," in their latest, best, and most purged editions, are too much mixed with interpolated corruption to be depended on, as letting us into his true and real sentiments. I might particularly consider the "inscriptions" to these epistles; all which carry with them this shrewd mark of time, LATER than the days of Ignatius, their speaking of him in the stile of THEOPHOROS, an epithet never applied to him, until ages after his death.—I might take notice of the story of Ignatius's being "carried in bonds, from Syria to Rome, to be thrown to wild beasts," on the truth of which his epistles intirely depend; and yet, the story is in itself a very strange and unaccountable one, and so esteemed by many of
[Page 252] the most learned writers.—I might insist upon what is said of the "
word's proceeding from
Sigê," a term of art in the
Valentinian theology, not known to be used as such, until after the departure of Ignatius out of our world.—In a word, I might bring to view a great number of passages, which it would be a dishonor to Ignatius to ascribe to him, they are either so weak, or absurd, or ridiculous, or inconsistent with what he has elsewhere said, and sometimes in the same epistle.— But it would be too great, as well as needless, a tryal of the reader's patience to consider so many articles. I shall therefore pass them over, and wholly confine myself to what, more especially, relates to the present controversy, the things that are said concerning the OFFICERS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. And I the rather chuse to enlarge upon this head, as it is enlarged upon in ALL the "Ignatian epistles" (the epistle to the Romans only excepted,) and in a MANNER evidently shewing, if these "epistles" are not spurious, that they have been tampered with, and basely corrupted by some over-heated zealot for ecclesiastical dignity, and power, so as to be unfitted to hand to us
[Page 253] the true sentiments of the real Ignatius. And here it may be offered as follows.
CONSIDERING the circumstances of Ignatius, when he is said to have wrote these epistles;—his being a prisoner of death, and on his journey to Rome to suffer martyrdom, it is not at all probable, he should have his heart so set on exalting the Clergy, as, in all his epistles, to write, as if the main thing suitable to be told the churches, was, that they had "worthy and God-becoming Bishops and Presbyters, whom they ought to honor, and obey, even as Jesus Christ honored and obeyed the Father." There is evidently more, much more, said, in these epistles, upon the rights of the Clergy, and the subjection that was due to them, than upon any other subject, though of fundamental importance.—Does not this appear strange? It would certainly do so in any epistles wrote, at present, under like circumstances. And what makes the matter still more extraordinary, the same words and phrases, upon the same beloved subject, not only come over in every epistle, save one; but in most of them, they are needlessly repeated; and,
[Page 254] in some of them, their repetition over and over again is quite fulsome. To this it is said by Episcopalians,
THAT heresies now began to be broached, and to infect the minds of many; and therefore, as the most proper expedient that could, at that time, be thought on, to preserve the churches pure, Ignatius exhorts them, and with pressing earnestness, to an adherence to the Clergy, union with, and subjection to, their Bishops and Presbyters. And his so zealously, and frequently, insisting upon this head, is made even a sign of his soul's flaming with love to the churches; discovered in ardent desires that they might flourish in peace, truth, and holiness, after he had been devoured by wild beasts. In answer whereto,
I WOULD not go about to detract, in the least, from the piety of Ignatius, his concern for the purity of the churches, and desire to preserve them from heresy: but, at the same time, cannot but think it very wonderful, if "subjection to church-governors" an implicit adherence to the "Bishop and his Clergy,"
[Page 255] such a notable expedient, so sure and effectual an one, to guard against heresy, that none of the Fathers contemporary with Ignatius should be so happy as to hit upon it. It was as good an expedient to cure divisions, as to secure from heresy; and yet, Clement of Rome makes no mention at all of it to the church of Corinth, when he wrote to them as rent with strife and scism. And it is observable, Polycarp, who wrote just after Ignatius, and with his "epistles" in keeping (as is pretended), among other things, cautions the church at Philippi against the ERRORS that then prevailed among many. But how does he press the exhortation? Why, not a word does he lisp about their adhering to
their Bishop, with the rest of the Clergy, the great argument here said to be used by Ignatius: but he bespeaks them in these words, "These things,
my brethren, I took not the liberty of myself to write unto you.—For neither I, nor any other such as I am, come up to the wisdom of the blessed and renowned Paul, who, being himself in person with those that then lived, did, with exactness and soundness, teach the word of truth; and
[Page 256] being gone from you wrote an epistle to you, into which if you look, you will be able to edify yourselves in the faith that hath been delivered to you, which is the mother of us all."—And a little onwards, "Wherefore, leaving the vanity of many, and their false doctrines, let us return to the word that was delivered to us from the beginning." If Ignatius had been as particular, and full, in recommending an adherence to the SCRIPTURE, an obedience to the APOSTOLIC WRITINGS, as he is in urging an adherence to the CLERGY, and SUBJECTION TO THEM, it might, possibly, have been as good a guard against "infection by heresy." He does, indeed, sometimes exhorts those he writes to, "to study to be confirmed in the doctrine of our Lord, and his Apostles;" but where he ONCE advises to this, I will venture to say, he TEN TIMES presses a regard to the CLERGY; and this he does in very unguarded language, without ever making the supposition, that they also might be corrupted with error; and, in this case, cautioning the churches against being led aside by their governors: which is making much more of the Clergy, than the Apostles ever made of themselves.—
[Page 257] But I shall not enlarge here, having mentioned what has been offered as a small circumstance only, in comparison with what I have yet to say. To go on therefore,
IT is of more weighty consideration, that the officers of the christian church are commonly spoken of, in "these epistles," in language not at all consonant to the age in which the true Ignatius lived, nor indeed in the least worthy of so famous and primitive a Father and martyr. What other thought can reasonably be entertained of those passages, in which Bishops are represented as "presiding in the place of God:" in which they are compared to "God the Father, to Jesus Christ the Son of the Father:" in which the churches are taught it to be their duty "to receive them as the Lord, to reverence them as Jesus Christ;" yea▪ "to follow them as Christ does the Father:" in which they are commanded "so to obey and subject themselves to the Bishop as to do nothing without him, however reasonable it might appear to them:" in which they are exhorted to be "so one with the Bishop, as Christ is
[Page 258] one with the Father;" and "so to do nothing without him, as Christ did nothing without the Father:" in which so great account is made of obedience and subjection to the Bishop, that they that "do any thing without him" are esteemed "doing the devil a service;" and those that remain with him" are, upon this account only, thought worthy of the character of "belonging to Christ;" and are represented as "walking not as men, but according to Christ:" yea, in which obedience to the officers of the church is so highly estimated by the writer, or interpolator, of "these epistles," that he even "pawns his soul for those that obey the Bishop, Presbyters, and Deacons; and desires his portion in God may be with such."
THESE, and like expressions, to be met with in "these epistles," are not easily to be accounted for, upon the supposition that they have not been interlaced with corruption. In their literal and most obvious sense, they are unworthy of any pious writer; much more of so venerable a Father, and illustrious a martyr, as Ignatius: nor can it be disowned, that,
[Page 259] in this sense, they exalt the Clergy beyond all reasonable bounds, claiming for them the most absolutely blind obedience: and should we qualify their sense, to the utmost extent they are capable of, they carry the dignity and power of Bishops and Presbyters, and the subjection due to them, not only far above their deserts, but so as to discover the TRUE SPIRIT of AFTER-TIMES, and not that in which Ignatius is known to have lived.
IT may, with the exactest truth, be affirmed, that none of the writers, in the days of Ignatius, or near the age in which he flourished, do bear the least likeness to him in his mode of speaking, relative to the officers of the church. These unite, as one, in language becoming the simplicity of the gospel, and the purity and humility of those primitive times: whereas, the general strain of "Ignatus's epistles" is evidently adapted, I may say, purposely contrived, to aggrandise the Clergy, and bespeak for them the highest reverence, honor, and submission. How can this be accounted for, without the supposition of some medling interpolator?
[Page 260] Why, otherwise, should there be such a signal difference between his manner of writing, and that of all the ancients in his day, and for a long time after his life had come to a period here on earth?
THE difference of stile, in different writers, will not, as is pleaded here, account for this. The stile of Hermas widely differs fromt hat of Clement, as Clement's does. from that of Polycarp, and Polycarp's from that of Justin Martyr, and Irenaeus; and yet, they all lead us to think much the same thing about the Clergy; and this, with all desirable clearness and certainty, though they severally express themselves in a manner peculiar each one to himself. And why might not Ignatius have wrote in his own stile, and yet have concurred with his contemporaries, in a like account of the officers of the church? It ought, most certainly, to be ascribed, not to meer difference in stile, but to some other cause, that he so strangely differs from them. And what cause can this be, but the interlading hand of some zealot for clerical power and honor?
[Page 261]HIS being a SYRIAN may, possibly, account for his sometimes barbarous Greek, as well as high-sounding compounded words,
* peculiar to himself; but it will, by no means, account for his sentimes concerning the Clergy, as differing from those of all his contemporaries. For not only the mode of language in "these epistles," but the idea conveyed by it, is quite different from that which is contained in the "other writings" in, and near, the same age. Bring down the high strains used in "these epistles," and put them into plain simple language, still keeping to their true spirit, and genuine intendment; and they will carry the power of the Clergy, and the reverence and honor due to them, far
[Page 262] beyond what it is carried, either in the scripture, or the writings of all contemporary Fathers united together: nor can a person read the "epistles of Ignatius," and not have excited in his mind a much more exalted idea, both of Bishops and Presbyters, than by reading all the other writers, within the two first centuries. Any common reader, by going over the collection of testimonies brought to view, in this volume, may, with his own eyes, see this to be the truth of fact.
LET the dispute about the superiority of Bishops to Presbyters be as it may, nothing is more evident, than that the language relative to the Clergy, bespeaking for them reverence and subjection, was quite different after the second century, from what it was before. And as the language, in the "Ignatian epistles," upon this head, is so unlike that of the age in which he lived, and agrees so well with that, which was, in fact, used afterwards, it is a sure mark of unfair dealing somehow or other. Either Ignatius was not the writer of "these epistles," or they have been basely and fraudulently corrupted, since his death. No one, unbiassed in his
[Page 263] mind, can, I should think, be at any lose to determine thus.—To proceed,
IT is most of all worthy of consideration, that the words, BISHOP and PRESBYTER, are, in the Ignation epistles, APPROPRIATED terms; not used PROMISCUOUSLY, but in a DISTINCTIVE sense. Bishops are never here called Presbyters; nor, on the other hand, are Presbyters ever called Bishops. The mode of diction is this; "Being subject to your Bishop, and the Presbytery."—"Obeying your Bishop, and the Presbytery, with an intire affection."—"Seeing I have been judged worthy to see you by Damas, your Bishop; and by your worthy Presbyters, Bassus and Apollonius".—"In whom I rejoice, for that he is subject unto his Bishop, as the grace of God; and to the Presbyter, as to the law of Jesus Christ."— "He that does any thing without the Bishop, and Presbyters is not pure in his conscience."—"Being subject to your Bishop, as to the command of God; and so likewise to the Presbytery."—"I cried, whilst I was among you, I spake with a loud voice, attend to the Bishop, and to the Presbytery."—"See that ye all follow
[Page 264] your Bishop, as Jesus Christ the Father; andt he Presbytery as the Apostles." —"I salute your very worthy Bishops, and your venerable Presbytery."—You observe the terms Bishop and Presbyter, are used, in these passages, in the APPROPRIATED sense; and they are used in the same sense throughout the epistles. Nor can an instance be given to the contrary. The APPROPRIATION of these terms is not accidental, but designed; and it runs through all the copies of these epistles, the Usherian and Vossian, as well as those that were extant before them: is, in no case, at no time, upon no occasion, departed from.
WHAT agreement, now, is there between the supposed Ignatius, and his contemporaries, upon this head? Do they use the words, Bishop and Presbyter, as he does, in an appropriated fixed sense? It cannot, with any face of truth, be affirmed, that they do. Far from this, they differ as much from him, in their use of these terms, as they do from any of the writers of the third, or fourth centuries. There is indeed no writer, either before
[Page 265] Ignatius, or at the time when he wrote, or even afterwards for more than an hundred years, that uses these words as he does, in a sense so certainly, and invariably, fixed and appropriated. The reder is desired to compare the pretended Ignatius's
mode of diction, upon this point, with
that which is held out to view, in the present volume, from all the writers until towards the close of the second century; and he may then, from ocular inspection, be convinced, that he greatly differs fromt hem all; and eminently in this respect, that he invariably uses the words, Bishop and Presbyter, in the APPROPRIATED sense; while they use them promiscuously, sometimes calling Bishops, Presbyters; and sometimes Presbyters, Bishops: meaning by both terms one and the same order of officers in the church. He will evidently see, in "Hermas's pastor," that the word, Bishops, is explained to signify, "those that preside in the church;" and that those who preside in the church are "the Presbyters of it." He will at once perceive, in "Clement's epistle to the Corinthians," that the same officers who are called "Presbyters," are directly spoken of as "cast out of their
[Page 266] Episcopacy." When he turns to Polycarp, the supposed collector of the "Ignatian epistles," and the next and nearest writer to him, so far will he be from finding an analogy between "his epistle," and the "epistles of Ignatius," that he no where speaks of the Bishop of Philippi, or of any other church: nor does he so much as mention the word, Bishop; which is really unaccountable, if it be remembered, conformably to the sentiments of Episcopalians, that Ignatius had very lately, and under the most extraordinary circumstances too, wrote "his epistles," and that Polycarp was particularly acquainted with them; yea, that he had wrote "one epistle to Polycarp" himself, and another to "his church at Smyrna," in one of which he "pawns his soul for them that were obedient to the Bishop, and the other Clergy;" and, in the other, makes the Bishop so necessary, that "no administration could be valid without him, but whatever he should approve would be pleasing to God." And he will be no more able to find in Justin Martyr, or Irenaeus, an APPROPRIATED use of the terms, Bishop and Presbyter, than in either of the foregoing writers.
[Page 267] Irenaeus, it is true, frequently uses these terms, but in the PROMISCUOUS sense; as no one can be at a loss to perceive, who will be at the trouble of reading over the testimonies, in this work, produced out of his writings: nor are the words, Bishop and Presbyter, used as APPROPRIATED ones, until towards the close of the second century; and, even then, the APPROPRIATION was not steadily fixed. Clement of Alexandria, who chiefly flourished in the latter end of the second century, and the beginning of the third, is the first writer who uses the mode of speech, so common, and invariable, with Ignatius, "Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons; and yet, so long after the days of Ignatius, the distinct APPROPRIATION of these names was not certainly fixed. We must go into the third century, I may rather say, beyond it, before the appropriation, after the manner of Ignatius, is constant, sacred, and invariable.
UPON which, the enquiry is highly pertinent, how should Ignatius constantly, and forever, use the words, Bishop and Presbyter, not in the sense in which they
[Page 268] were used, in the age in which he wrote; but in the sense, in which they were used, in other ages, long after his death? This certainly looks suspicious, and ought, in all reason, to put us upon our guard, lest we should take some jugling impostor for the worthy, and primitive Ignatius. Words, we know, often vary in their signification; and sometimes, when used in this or that particular sense, are as sure a mark of such a particular age, as the special mode or fashion of garments. And this is plainly the case here. Before the days of Ignatius, about the time of his living, and dying, and for many years after, the words, Bishop and Presbyter, were not APPROPRIATED names, and as such applied to different persons; but were INDIFFERENTLY used to point out either Bishops, or Presbyters: whereas, towards the going out of this age, or rather the coming on of the next, they began to loose their PROMISCUOUS use, and to become APPROPRIATED terms, conveying the idea of different persons, who were commonly known, and distinguished, by the application of these now different names: though, it ought to be remembered, this appropriation was not
[Page 269] so SACRED and INVIOLABLE, as in the "epistles of Ignatius", till we have got much farther from the age in which he lived. And we are herefrom presented with a criterion, by which we may determine, with all desirable certainty, either that Ignatius did not write the "epistles" that go under his name, or that they have been safely, and fraudulently, corrupted by some bigot for clerical honor and power; insomuch, that there is no knowing the real sentiments of the true Ignatius.
I HAVE now, with conscious care and impartiality, endeavoured to exhibit the true state of the "epistles" called "Ignatian;" leaving it with the reader to judge for himself, how far they may, with certainty, be depended on; more especially in the present debate. Possibly, he may be disposed to question, whether Ignatius was at all the writer of the "epistles" that are ascribed to him: or, should he be inclined to think he was, it is scarce supposable, but he should be clearly satisfied, that some fraudulent hand has made him write in a manner quite
[Page 270] dissonant from the times in which he lived; and to such a degree, as to unfit his "epistles" to be repaired to, with confidence, in the debate concerning episcopacy.
OBSERVATIONS and REMARKS upon the TESTIMONIES from IGNATIUS.
THOUGH I have enlarged, in the foregoing pages, upon the reasons we have to think, that the "seven epistles" of Ignatius are either SPURIOUS, or so INTERLARDED WITH AFTER ADDITIONS as not to be depended on; yet, I can truly say, I was not moved to this from an apprehension, that "these epistles," unless taken out of the way, would be ruinous, or indeed at all hurtful, to the cause in the defence of which I am engaged. Episcopalians, I know, ever repair to them as their main strength; and are ready to think, and say, that we are disposed to speak injuriously of them, upon any
[Page 290] pretences, however slighty, because they speak so clearly and fully against us. But they are herein greatly mistaken. It is owing to the force of truth, and not to prejudice, or fear lest our cause should suffer, if tried by them, that we represent them as under very strong marks of suspicion. And to induce a belief of this, and, at the same time, to do justice to our side of the dispute, I shall, in what follows, suppose these "epistles" to be GENUINE, as truly so as the writings of Clement, or any other primitive Father; and, in this view of them, endeavor to shew, that they furnish much more evidence in favor of us, than of the Episcopalians; and that they may be justly brought as witnesses in defence of our cause, rather than their's.
IN order to set this matter in a fair point of light, let it be remembered, the Bishops pleaded for by our antagonists are DIOCESAN ones; and the POWERS they make ESSENTIAL to the episcopal office, and exclude Presbyters from, are those of GOVERNMENT, ORDINATION, and CONFIRMATION. Let us now review the "Ignatian testimonies," and see whether
[Page 291] they speak of SUCH BISHOPS, or THESE POWERS that are said to be ESSENTIAL to their office, and characteristical of it.
I SHALL begin with saying, that, upon the strictest examination of all that is said in the "epistles of Ignatius," nothing can be found that will lead one into the idea of a DIOCESAN Bishop. It is as evident as it well can be, from the whole tenor of "these epistles," that the Ignatian Bishop was the pastoral head of a SINGLE CONGREGATION, who usually met together in one place, and united in an attendance on the institutions of Christianity. So much is to be met with upon this point, and in language so full and express, that no reasonable room is left for hesitation or doubt.
IGNATIUS "inscribes" all these epistles to SINGLE societies of Christians, in this and the other particular place. "To the church in Ephesus," in "Magnesia," in "Philadelphia," and so on. And he applies severally to these churches, as one would speak to a single congregation of Christians, whose custom it was frequently to assemble in one place, and join as
[Page 292] one in worshipping God through Jesus Christ. And not only so, but the directions and exhortations he gives, both to these churches, and their Bishops, are such as make it morally certain, that he writes to single congregations of Christians, and not a number of them constituting one church. Instances to this purpose might easily be produced out of each of "these epistles." But, as such an enumeration would be both needless, and tedious, I shall select only a few striking specimens that must be convincing to prejudice itself.
HE says to the church at Ephesus, "If the prayer of one or two has such efficacy, how much more that of the Bishop, and the WHOLE CHURCH! HE that cometh not to the SAME PLACE
* is
[Page 293] puffed up with pride.—Endeavor to meet frequently to praise and glorify God. For when you are often together in the SAME PLACE, the strength of satan is broken.—Since EVERY ONE OF YOU BY NAME, with common consent meet together in one faith, and one Jesus Christ, breaking ONE LOAF, which is the medicine of immortality."—This is proper language, if applied to a single society of
[Page 294] worshipping Christians; but not easily understood, if considered as directed to a diocesan church; or, in other words, a church constituted of a number of congregations, more or less, incapable of meeting together in one place, and of having personal communion there in the public offices of religion. It is indeed, in this way of application, quite unintelligible, unless we recur to that figurative mode of speech, which was made necessary in AFTER AGES, when the church began to appear with the evident marks of antichrist.
HE writes to the church in Magnesia in these words, "When you meet together, let there be one prayer, one deprecation,
* one mind.—There is one Jesus Christ, than whom nothing is more
[Page 295] excellent. ALL therefore run together as to ONE TEMPLE of God, as to one ALTAR, as to one Jesus Christ." Is this speaking to a diocess, or a particular congregation of Christians? If common sense may be the judge, there can be no dispute. The case is too plain to admit of it.
HE thus bespeaks the church in Philadelphia, "It becomes you, as a church of God to chuse a Deacon to go thither [to Antioch] on a divine embassy, that he
[Page 296] may rejoice with them, being ASSEMBLED TOGETHER."—Let me ask here, was it a diocess, or a single congregation, who, as a Christian church, were to make choice of a messenger to go to Antioch? And was it the church of Christians at Antioch, or a whole diocess, that this messenger was to rejoice with, when they had assembled together? No reasonable answer can be given to these questions, but the right one; which is, that a single congregation of Christians only is addressed to. It follows in the next words, "Happy in Christ Jesus is he who shall be thought worthy of such a ministry: if ye be willing, ye may do this for the sake of God; as the other NEIGHBOURING CHURCHES have sent, some Bishops, some Presbyters, and some
[Page 297] Deacons." Is the mode of diction, here used, episcopalian, or congregational? Is it the practice of diocesses, or single congregations of Christians, to chuse messengers, and send them to other churches? When NEIGHBOURING churches, with each their own Bishop, their own Presbyters, and Deacons, are here spoken of, can it with propriety, or consistency, be supposed, that these neighbouring churches were diocesses? Is it not infinitely more natural and reasonable, to understand by them single congregations?
HE gives the following exhortations in his epistle to Polycarp, Bishop of the church at Smyrna, "Let not the widows be neglected, be THOU after God their guardian.—Let your assemblies be more frequent.—Enquire after ALL by name. Do not proudly overlook the MEN-SERVANTS, and the MAID-SERVANTS." These instructions are highly pertinent, if Polycarp's church was only a congregation of Christians at Smyrna; and he might, if he was faithful and diligent, have complied with them, to his own honor, and the spiritual good of the people who were his special charge. But if his church had
[Page 298] been of the diocesan kind, what he is exhorted to is highly absurd, because absolutely impossible to be put in practice.
† Besides, what diocesan Bishop ever imagined it was his duty to inquire after ALL within his diocess by NAME, not overlooking even SERVANTS? most certainly no one among this kind of Bishops ever performed, or endeavored to perform, this
[Page 299] service: whereas congregational Bishops esteem this their duty, and many of them are faithful in the practice of it, and their churches herefrom receive great benefit.
IN these epistles, he speaks of "one altar," or communion-table, of "one eucharist;" of "breaking one loaf;" of
[Page 300] his being "deprived of the bread of God who comes not to the "one altar." These phrases are all readily understood, upon the supposition, that Ignatius is writing to single congregations; but otherwise there is no sense in what he says, unless we make him speak figuratively, when there is no need of it. A single congregation of Christians, such an one as he is all along writing to, may come to "one altar," or communion-table; they may all "break" of the same sacramental "loaf:" whereas, it is impossible, a Bishop with his whole diocess should literally do these things. They cannot be supposed
[Page 301] to do them, without calling in the help of a strong and bold figure.
*—But I may not enlarge. It would be an affront to the reader's understanding, should I say any thing more upon a point so obviously evident.
IT will perhaps be pleaded, it is a circumstancial matter only, whether a
[Page 302] Bishop's church be great or small. His essential powers are the same, whether it consists of a single congregation only, or a number, more or less. This, as I apprehend, is a fundamental mistake upon this head. Diocesan, and parochial, or congregational, episcopacy essentially differ, and are, in the nature of the thing, subversive of each other. Scores, or hundreds, of parochial Bishops must be deprived of the proper powers of their office, to make way for one such diocesan, as the English Bishop is known to be. The plain truth is, diocesan episcopacy is an invention of man, wholly a political constitution; and, I believe, essentially wrong: as it is impossible a diocesan Bishop should do the duty of the Bishop's office, as described in the new testament, or even in the "epistles of Ignatius;" and the placing Bishops at the head of large diocesses, instead of tending to serve the interest of Christ's spiritual kingdom, has been greatly hurtful to it, in all ages from the first rise of antichrist to this day. But however this be, which does not fall so directly within our present design, thus much is certain, that the IGNATIAN Bishop was not a DIOCESAN one, and
[Page 303] that, if his Bishop is to be the pattern, or exemplar, there is not a Bishop in all England conformed to it. The Bishops, or Pastors, of parochial, or congregational, churches do much more nearly resemble the Bishop held out to view in "his epistles." —But to go on,
IGNATIUS is not only silent about diocesan Bishops, but the powers of GOVERNMENT, ORDINATION, and CONFIRMATION, as appropriated to Bishops of any kind, as an order distinct from Presbyters.
TO begin with GOVERNMENT. And here it ought to be observed, there was, in each of the churches Ignatius wrote to, a PRESBYTERY, or, in other words, a number of Presbyters, more or less, constituting a council, senate, college, or whatever other name any may please to give it, of which the Bishop was the first, or chief, having some degree of superiority beyond the rest. But that the government of the church, or of the Presbyters of it, was SOLELY in his hands; or that his precedency was such, as imported his being of another and higher ORDER than
[Page 304] that of Presbyters, he has no where given us to understand, in any of his epistles. Far from this, the general strain of them all is, to lead us into the thought, that all church-affairs were to be directed, and governed, not by the SOLE POWER OF THE BISHOP▪ but by the authority and voice of the PRESBYTERY joined to his. This is so obvious, that no one can easily read his epistles without perceiving it to be the truth of fact. The evidence is too glaring not to be seen at once.
IT is acknowledged, Ignatius speaks of Bishops, in these epistles, in a high strain of language, such as calls for great candor to free it from, at least, some degree of profanity. But the same may be said, with as real truth, in regard of the manner in which he speaks of Presbyters. Does he call Bishops "the figure of the Father?" He goes on to call Presbyters, "the council of God, and conjunction of the Apostles." Does he speak of the Bishop as "the grace of God?" He, in the same place, speaks of the Presbytery as "law of Christ." Does he represent the Bishop as "presiding in the place of God?"
[Page 305] At the same time, he puts the Presbyters "in the room of the apostolic senate."
IT is acknowledged likewise, he frequently exhorts the churches to "obey their Bishops," to be in "subjection to them." But he enjoins it on them, in like manner, to be "subject to their Presbyters." And the language in which he exhorts them to obedience and subjection to their Presbyters, as well as Bishops, is not only very strong and pressing, but so often repeated as to be really disgustful. "Attend to the Bishop and Presbytery;" follow the Bishop, and the Presbyters;" "obey the Bishop, and Presbyters;" be "subject to the Bishop, and Presbytery," are injunctions, in these epistles, so frequent as to be, at once, both needless, and troublesome.
SHOULD it be said here, he gives the church of Smyrna to understand, "it is not lawful without the Bishop either to baptise, or make a love-feast;" and accordingly exhorts, "let none do any of those things which belong to the church without the Bishop." Should it be added,
[Page 306] he tells the church of Tralles, "it is necessary they should act nothing without the Bishop." The answer is ready at hand; he as expressly tells the same church of Tralles, and in the same epistle, "he that does any thing without the Bishop, and Presbyters, is not of a pure conscience." And in his epistle to the Magnesians, the exhortation is, "Neither do ye any thing without the Bishop and Presbyters." And again, "I exhort you to do all things in the concord of God." What is that? The explanation follows in the next words, "the Bishop presiding in the place of God, and the Presbyters in the place of the apostolic senate."—"Let nothing divide you, but be united to the Bishop, and those that preside among you." It should seem, from these passages, and many more that might easily be mentioned, if there was need of it, as plainly evident as words can well make it, that the Ignatian churches were governed, not by the Bishop only, but by a common college, company, or senate, of which he was the first in superiority. If nothing was to be done without the Bishop; neither was any
[Page 307] thing to be done without the Presbyters. The voice of the Presbytery was necessary, as truly as the voice of the Bishop. UNION was plainly the great thing Ignatius had at heart, and would promote in the management of all church-affairs, not only between the church, and the Bishop; but between the Bishop, and the Presbyters; such an union as that nothing should be transacted without the Presbyters, any more than without the Bishop. His aim was, that there should be the united authority and consent of both Bishops and Presbyters, in the conduct of every church-affair.
IT will, probably, be still pleaded, Ignatius is so careful, in all his epistles, to distinguish Bishops from Presbyters, that we do not once find him calling Presbyters, Bishops; or Bishops, Presbyters. Far from this, he has always appropriated these names to different persons; from whence it may be fairly and justly collected, that Bishops were a distinct set of officers in the government of the church from Presbyters, of an higher order
[Page 308] and vested with superior powers, such as might not be exercised by Presbyters.
IT is granted, the names, Bishop and Presbyter, are carefully used, in the Ignatian epistles, to specify different persons; but, at the same time, utterly denied, that this appropriation of these names imports such a distinction between Bishops and Presbyters, as is contended for; that is, a distinction that supposes an higher and superior order of officers in the church to that of Presbyters. That it imports some degree of precedency, or superiority, is readily allowed; but why should it be thought, unless to serve the episcopal cause, that this superiority was a superiority in such spiritual powers as might not be exercised by Presbyters? Ignatius, as we shall see presently, has said no such thing; nor has he, in any of his epistles, appropriated any one of the powers proper to the ministerial office to Bishops, in distinction from Presbyters. Episcopalians, if any men in the world, should be sensible of the insufficiency of the argument, which would prove a distinction of ORDERS in the church, or of
[Page 309] ESSENTIAL POWERS in its officers, from the appropriation of different names to different persons, even though it was an appropriation that carried with it a very considerable degree of precedency and superiority. There are, in the church of England, a great variety of officers, with appropriated names, who greatly differ in the degree of their superiotity and inferiority; while yet, their essential powers, as officers in the kingdom of Christ, are precisely the same. The names, Arch-Bishop and Bishop, are appropriated ones, invariably pointing out different ecclesiastical officers, the one superior in dignity and power to the other; and yet, Arch-Bishops are the same order in the church with Bishops, and they have no higher essential powers. To say that they have would make FOUR ORDERS in the church of Christ, instead of THREE; which would be a flat contradiction to the avowed doctrine of the church of England itself. Deans, Arch-Deacons, Prebends. Rectors, and Curates, are all of them officers in the English church, distinguished from each other by the application of these names, and severally
[Page 310] placed above each other in certain degrees of superiority; and yet, they are all vested with exactly the same essential powers. In regard of their ORDER, they are the same officers in the church. In special, Rector and Curate are appropriated names, and stand to signify different officers in the church, the one superior in dignity and power to the other; while yet, they both sustain the same rank, and are perfectly equal in the intrinsic instituted powers of their office. The Curate is commissioned to preach, baptise, and administer the Lord's supper, as truly as the Rector; and may, as well as he, perform any other part of duty that belongs to this order of officers in the church. But this notwithstanding, the Rector is placed in as high a degree of superiority above the Curate, as the Ignatian Bishop is above a Presbyter. The Rector may, in the plenitude of his own power, do any thing, within the limits of his office, in his own parish; the Curate can do nothing but by his permission. He can neither read prayers, preach, baptise, or perform any other public religious service, but in consequence of his consenting
[Page 311] allowance. He is in truth the servant of the Rector, and in perfect subjection to him; yea, liable, unless quite subservient to his pleasure, to be dismissed from service in this cure. Wherein, now, in what instance, was the Ignatian Bishop more of a superior to his Presbyters? What greater power had he over them? I may rather say, how does it appear, that he either had, or ever exercised, so high a degree of power? The Rector may act, in his own parish, without the advice of his Curate; or, should he condescend to ask it, he may act in direct opposition to it. It was not thus with the Ignatian-Bishop. He, with the Presbyters of the church, made one common council, or senate; and it was, not according to his own sovereignty, but in agreement with the united voice of this council, that he acted. All the affairs of the church were managed in this way.—The Rector may, of his own meer arbitrary will, discharge the Curate from any further service in his parish. Ignatius's Bishop had no such power. Most certainly it is no where said that he had, either in his "epistles," or elsewhere. Let me
[Page 312] ask now, why should it be thought, that the Ignatian Bishop's superiority above a Presbyter must import a superiority of ORDER, or ESSENTIAL POWERS, any more than a Rector's superiority above his Curate should import the same thing? If a Rector's office is ESSENTIALLY the same with his Curate's, notwithstanding his superiority in power, why must it be otherwise in the case of Ignatius's Bishop? The plain truth is, all the pre-eminence and superiority that Ignatius ascribes to his Bishop may as easily, and as justly, be accounted for, without the supposition of his being of an ORDER distinct from, and superior to, Presbyters, as the Rector's superiority above his Curate. If, notwithstanding the subjection of his Curate to him, they are both of the same order in the church, and partake of the same essential powers; why may not the same be said, with equal truth and justice, of the Ignatian Bishop and his Presbyters? Especially, if it be remembered, and duly considered, that no one ministerial power is mentioned by Ignatius, in any of his epistles, but what might be as well exercised by Presbyters as Bishops. And this leads to
[Page 313]THE next power of Bishops, said to be distinguishing, and essential; which is that of ORDINATION. And who could think, considering the vast labor that has been expended in support of the credit of Ignatius's epistles, and the perpetual use Episcopalians make of them, in defence of their cause, but that he had expressed himself, upon this head, so clearly, positively, and fully, as to leave no further room for dispute, at least, whether it was a FACT, in his day, that Bishops, and they only, communicated holy orders? Especially, as the validity of gospel-administrations is made to depend upon this method of communication. And yet, we are as much at a loss for evidence in favor of this article, essentially connected with the very being of Christianity itself, as if Ignatius had never wrote any one of his epistles. He can no more be brought as a witness to testify in behalf of EPISCOPAL-ORDINATION, either in point of FACT, or RIGHT, than any of his predecessors, contemporaries, or successors within the two first centuries. By only reading Arch-Bishop Wake's "translation of his epistles," one would not
[Page 314] suspect he had so much as transiently said any thing that looks like ORDINATION; but this he may have done in his "epistle to the Magnesians," wherein he tells them, "It becomes you not to use your Bishop too familiarly upon the account of his youth, but to yield all reverence to him, according to the power of God the Father: as also I perceive your holy Presbyters do; not considering
his age, which indeed to appearance is young."—These last words are in the original,
tên phainomenên neoterikên taxin; which some have translated,
his appearing youthful ordination.
* If this is a version that gives the true meaning of Ignatius, he has once, in seven epistles, mentioned ORDINATION; but without saying, how it was performed, or by whom; whether by a Bishop of some other church, or by
[Page 315] the Presbyters of this at Magnesia. The short of the matter is, he is totally silent, in all his epistles, upon this most important and essential power of the Bishop; never once saying, or so much as insinuating, that it was his PECULIAR RIGHT to confer holy orders, or that they were, in FACT, ever conferred by Bishops, in distinction from Presbyters.
IT will, perhaps, be pleaded here, Ignatius has expressly said, "it is not lawful without the Bishop to baptise, or make a love feast;" and again, "it is necessary nothing should be done without the Bishop." If so, then surely there ought to be no ordination without him. This is the obvious and evident implication of his words.
THE answer is plain and easy. Should this reasoning be allowed to be just and valid, it will not follow from it, that the power of ordination was appropriated to Bishops, any more than the administration of baptism, or making a love-feast. The most that can be made of it is, that no church-affair should be managed without
[Page 316] the consent, the presence, or permission of the Bishop; but with his allowance, for aught that appears to the contrary, Presbyters might ORDAIN, as well as baptise, or administer the Lord's supper. And it is, with me, past all doubt, that the affair of ORDINATION, as truly as other religious offices, were managed, not by the BISHOP ALONE, but by the PRESBYTERY, of which he was primus inter pares. For Ignatius is as express in saying, "nothing ought to be done without the PRESBYTERS," as that "nothing ought to be done without the BISHOP."
THE last peculiar power of Bishops is that which relates to CONFIRMATION. But it unluckily happens, that the "Ignatian epistles" are, if possible, more silent about this, than the foregoing article. They neither mention the name, or the thing intended by the name. And as they appear to be utter strangers to any such custom in the church of Christ, as that of confirmation, it would be in vain to look to them for evidence, that it belonged to Bishops, to them only, to them in distinction from Presbyters,
[Page 317] to perform this extraordinary piece of service.
UPON the whole, notwithstanding Bishops are so often mentioned by name by Ignatius; notwithstanding the high strain of language in which he speaks of them; notwithstanding all the claims he makes for them, and of obedience and subjection to them;—he is so far from being a competent witness to the GRAND FACTS we are upon, that he either says nothing relative to them, or that which is really destructive of them. It is as evident as words can well make it, that the Bishops he speaks of, in his epistles, were of the PAROCHIAL, not the DIOCESAN kind: from whence it follows, that the Rector, Pastor, or Bishop of a SINGLE CONGREGATION of Christians, such an one as the churches in New-England, and the Protestant Dissenters at home, have at their head, is much more like to the IGNATIAN Bishop, than any DIOCESAN in Great Britain. From the whole tenor of what he offers upon the head of government it also most obviously appears, as we have seen, that it was, and ought to be, managed,
[Page 318] not by the Bishop as SOLE MONARCH in the church, but by a common senate, or college, of which he was nothing more than primus inter pares, being vested with no higher ESSENTIAL POWERS than the other members of the Presbytery. And as to ORDINATION, and CONFIRMATION, the appropriated right of Bishops, he says not a word. Could we, in consistency with a due regard to truth, say, that the "epistles of Ignatius" were unsuspectedly genuine and incorrupt, we should be as strenuous in supporting their authority, as the Episcopalians; and for this reason in special, because they are, in many respects, a real and great service to our cause; and, in every respect, much more serviceable to us, than to them in the dispute betwixt us.