I ESTEEM myself highly honoured, Introduction when you request of me, a full account of the rise, progress, and present state, of the military operations in North-America; with a just de­lineation of the characters of the principal agents in our political affairs. Indeed, my Lord, you im­pose a task that will require a Volume, rather than a Letter. As your Lordship's desire, however, shall always carry with me the force of a command, I will engage in it with the utmost chearfulness. Forgive me, my Lord, for saying I have a still stronger motive for composing these sheets, than a mere compliance with your Lordship's request; to which I would ever pay the profoundest regard. When I reflect upon your eminent station—your [Page 6] excelling abilities—your warm and active zeal, for the interest and welfare of the British colonies; I am prompted by an unfeigned desire of serving my country; and setting before your Lordship's eyes TRUTH, in her plain undisguised habiliments: I would strip her of all that delusive colouring, with which she hath been artfully varnished, by letter-writers from this part of the world; either to sub­serve some mean sinister party design, or to pro­mote the views of some aspiring and ambitious minds. Candour and integrity shall therefore guide my pen; and amidst the variety with which it is my purpose to present your Lordship, it shall be my sacred endeavour, to the best of my knowledge, to attach myself to the strictest—the most impartial verity.

American colonies too long neglec­ted, tho' of general im­portance.THE American colonies, I speak it with submis­sion, my Lord, were too long neglected by their mother country; tho' loudly demanding her patron­age and assistance. Those, on the continent, re­quire her peculiar notice: They may be made an inexhaustible magazine of wealth; and if suffered to fall into the hands of the French, such will be the accession to their already extended commerce and marine strength, that Great Britain must not only lose her former lustre, but, dreadful even in thought! cease to be any longer an independent [Page 7] power. Nay, should every other scheme fail, the success of this will inevitably accomplish the long-projected design of that aspiring nation, for setting up an Universal Monarchy: for, if France rule the ocean, her resources will enable her to subject all Europe to her despotic sway. But it is unne­cessary to offer any arguments in support of a pro­position, of which the public seems to remain no longer insensible. Happy for us, had these senti­ments prevailed earlier, and been more frequent­ly inculcated!

THE importance of the colonies, my Lord, More consi­dered, on the reduc­tion of Louisbourg, was too little considered, till the commencement of the last war. The reduction of Cape Breton by the people of New-England, was an acquisition so un­expected and fortunate, that America became, on that remarkable event, a more general topic of conversation. Mr. Shirley, the governor of the Massachusetts Bay, was the principal projector of that glorious enterprize: An enterprize, which reduced to the obedience of his Britanic Majesty, the DUNKIRK of North-America. Of such con­sequence to the French, was the possession of that important key to their American settlements, that its restitution was, in reality, the purchase of the last general Peace in Europe.

[Page 8] Character of Gov. ShirleyOF all our plantation Governors, my Lord, Mr. Shirley is most distinguished for his singular abili­ties. He was born in England, and bred up to the Law, at one of the Inns of Court. In that profession he afterwards practised, for several years in the Massachusetts Bay: and, in 1741, was ad­vanced by his Majesty to the supreme command of that colony. He is a Gentleman of great political sagacity, deep penetration, and indefatigable in­dustry. With respect to the wisdom and equity of his administration, he can boast the universal suf­frage of a wise, free, jealous, and moral people. Though not bred to arms, he is eminently posses­sed of these important military virtues—An extent of capacity to form and execute great designs; — profound secrecy; — love of regularity and dis­cipline; — a frugal and laborious manner of living; with the art of conciliating the affections; — a talent which Hannibal admired in Pyrrhus, above all the rest of his martial accomplishments. In the first of these great qualities, Mr. Shirley is univer­sally acknowledged to shine: and it is, in reality, more estimable, than all other military endowments without it; consisting, to use the words of that dis­cerning historian Mr. Rollin, ‘in having great views; in forming plans at a distance; in pro­posing a design, from which the author never [Page 9] departs; in concerting all the measures necessary for its success; in knowing how to seize the favourable moments of occasion, which are rapid in their course, and never return; to make even sudden and unforeseen accidents subservient to a plan; in a word, to be upon the watch against every thing, without being perplexed and disconcerted by any event.’ But, whether it arises from his being so far advanced in years, or from his constitutional disposition and make, he has not, in my opinion, that activity and alertness so conducive to warlike expedition; and on which the success of an enterprize frequently depends. This was one of the characteristics of Braddock; a commander, vigorous in executing, as Mr. Shir­ley, judicious in contriving a plan — sed non om­nia possumus omnes — and 'tis easier, my Lord, to find active hands, than able heads. His atten­tion to co­lony affairs. No man per­haps in the nation, has bestowed more attention, upon the state of the colonies in general: and hav­ing their interest sincerely at heart, he has been perpetually concerting expedients, advancive of their prosperity, and to check the views of an all-grasping Monarch. Upon the reduction of Louis­burgh, he earnestly recommended to his Majesty's ministers, the demolition of that fortress, and an ex­pedition against the French settlements in Canada. [Page 10] The reasons why he succeeded in neither of these proposals, I cannot take upon me to assign. His Majesty, Is rewarded with a regi­ment, and sent com­m [...]ss [...]ry to Paris. however, sensible of his services, gave him a regiment in 1746; and upon the conclusion of the peace of Aix-la Chapelle, sent him as one of the British commissaries to Paris, for settling the con­troverted limits between the two Crowns in Ame­rica. Amidst all the splendors and delicacies of Versailles, he forgot neither OUR interest, nor HIS duty. As a proof of his integrity and diligence, during that fruitless embassy, one need only per­use these judicious and laborious memorials, in sup­port of his Majesty's right to Nova Scotia, which were principally framed by him; and lately pu­blished by order of the Lords of trade, as a full ex­hibit of our title to that part of America. When no satisfaction could, in this way, be obtained from the Court of France; which was artfully endeavour­ing to spin out the negociation, and at the same time fortifying the places in question, as well as making new acquisitions; the British commissaries retired from the French Court, and Mr. Shirley resumed his government in New England in Au­gust 1753.

1753. The French encroach on Virginia.THE French, jealous of the growth of the English colonies, were now meditating all possible arts to distress them, and extend the limits of their [Page 11] own frontier. The Marquis Du Quesne, an en­terprizing genius, was at this time invested with the supreme command of New France. Our pro­vinces were quickly alarmed by the French settle­ments, which he this year began on the banks of the Ohio. Virginia, appearing more immediately concerned, Mr. Dinwiddie ^* wrote, Message to the com­mandant. on the 31st of October, to the commandant of the French forces there, complaining of sundry late hostilities: and desiring to know, by what authority an armed force had marched from Canada, and invaded a territory indubitably the right of his Britannic Majesty. Major Washington, a gentleman of whom I shall have occasion in the sequel to make honourable mention, was the bearer of this letter. He returned with an answer from Mons. Legardeur De St. Pierre, dated at the fort on Beef River, 15 December, 1753; of which the following is an exact transla­tion: It is answer­ed

ON the receipt of this resolute answer, 1754. Virginians apply for aid to the co­lonies. Mr. Dinwiddie made instant complaint to the Court of Great Britain; and by alarming speeches laboured to rouze the Virginians into a vigorous opposition. He wrote also to the neighbouring governors, im­portuning the aid of the other colonies, for repell­ing the invasion, and erecting a fort at the conflu­ence of the Ohio and Monangahela. An imme­diate junction in such measures became absolutely requisite for our common security. But the colo­nies, alas! were sunk into a profound lethargy; and, resigned to stupidity and slumbering, appear­ [...]d insensible of the threatening danger. They con­temned [Page 14] the power of Canada; confided in the number of their inhabitants; inattentive were they to the inconveniencies of an endless frontier; and in short intirely unacquainted with the situation of the inland country. The waters of the Ohio, be­fore this period, were scarce known, save to a few Indian traders; and the generality deemed those French settlements too remote to be the object of dread, and a matter of insignificant moment. Ac­cordingly, But they ge­nerally ex­cused them­selves. when application was made for succours to Virginia, conformable to directions from the ministry, some of our provincial assemblies, particu­larly those of Pennsylvania ^* and New York ^**, seem­ed even to question his Majesty's title to the lands usurped by the French. Others, to avoid their share in the burden, framed the most trifling ex­cuses. [Page 15] New York, however, voted 5000 l. cur­rency in aid of Virginia; which, considering her own situation, and approaching distress, was no ungenerous contribution.

THE Virginians nevertheless proceeded in their resolution of marching a body of troops to the pro­tection of their frontiers: and passed an act in Fe­bruary 1754, for raising 10,000 l. and 300 men. Forces raised under Col. Washington. The command was given to Col. Washington, a young gentleman of great bravery and distinguished merit. By his Majesty's direction, two of the re­gular independent companies of foot at New York, were ordered to the frontier of that dominion. They embarked for Virginia on board the Centaur man of war; which unfortunately did not sail from thence till the middle of June, and carried the mo­ney before mentioned to the assistance of that colo­ny.

COL. WASHINGTON began his march, Who had a successful skirmish with the enemy. at the head of his little army, about the 1st of May. On the 28th he had a skirmish with the enemy, of whom ten were slain, and about twenty made pri­soners. But this public-spirited officer soon expe­rienced a reverse of fortune. Waiting for further reinforcements, he was alarmed with an account, that 900 French and 200 Indians were advancing from the Ohio; who accordingly in two days after [Page 16] ^* came up, and an engagement immediately ensu­ed. Our troops were but a handful compared to the number of the enemy, consisting only of about three hundered effective men. After a vigorous resistance for three hours, in which it was said near two hundred of the French and their Indian allies were slain; But was af­terwards subdued by numbers. Col. Washington, observing the great superiority of the enemy, who now began to hemm him in on all quarters, found himself under an absolute necessity of submitting to the disagreeable terms that were offered him ^†.

[Page 17]IN this action we had thirty killed and fifty wounded. The French were observed to be assist­ed by a considerable number of Indians, who had been long in the English alliance: Not a few of them were known to be Delawares, Shawanese, Conse­quences of this defeat. and of the Six Nations ^*. On the surrender of our camp, they fell at once to pillaging the baggage and provisions; and not content with this, they [Page 18] afterwards shot some of the horses and cattle, and scalped two of the wounded ^*.

AGAINST this conduct, Col. Washington remon­strated, but all his arguments made but little im­pression upon them. The Canadians delight in blood; and in barbarity exceed, if possible, the very Savages themselves. Thus the French re­mained masters of the field; the Indians were ri­veted in their defection; his Majesty's arms un­successful; and our frontiers exposed, through the ill-timed parsimony of the provinces. The enemy, on the other hand, wisely improved the present advantage, and erected forts, to secure to them­selves the quiet possession of that fertile country. How evident then was the necessity of uniting the power of the British colonies! The expediency of a plan for that purpose had been before considered. Some measures seemed also absolutely requisite for supporting our Indian interest, and preventing their total declension.

ACCORDINGLY, agreeable to his Majesty's orders, the 14th of June was appointed for a grand con­gress of commissaries from the several provinces, Grand con­gress held at Albany. to be held at Albany, as well to treat with the Six [Page 19] Nations, as to concert a scheme for a general union of the British colonies. Messengers had been dis­patched to the Indian castles ^* to request their at­tendance; Indians de­lay attend­ance, and the reasons. but they did not arrive till the latter end of the month; and the Mohawks, who live but 40 miles distant, came in last. This occasioned various speculations: some imputed it to fear; lest the French, in their absence, should fall upon their countries: Others to art, — imagining that by ex­citing our jealousy of their wavering disposition, at so critical a juncture, the more liberal would be the presents made them by the several govern­ments. Not a few thought it an artifice of Mr. Johnson's, who expecting to rise into importance, from the reputation of a mighty influence over the Indians, kept them from a punctual attendance; being very confident of a public request to himself from the commissioners, to go up, and hasten their progress. There was the highest evidence of the like piece of policy at an Indian treaty, during Mr. Clinton's administration. The Indians however at length arrived, tho' fewer in number than was ex­pected, or had been usual on those solemn occasi­ons. Hendrick, a noted Mohawk sachem ^†, apo­logized [Page 20] for the delay of that canton, in a speech to this effect: ‘There was (said he) an interview last, fall, between Col. Johnson and the six na­tions, at Onondaga. Our brethren of the other nations reported, that his speech to us was con­certed by the Mohawks: We therefore come last, to prevent any ground for the repetition of such slanders, with regard to the address now to be made us by your honour.’

Commission­ers, and how ranked.THE congress having been opened on the 18th of June, were ready to treat with the Six Nations; and on the 29th, after settling disputes between the commissioners concerning rank and precedence, Mr. De Lancey, the Lieutenant Governor of New-York, addressed himself in a speech to the Indians, —On his right hand, were Mess. Murray and Johnson, two of the council of New-York; next to them, Mess. Wells, Hutchinson, Chandler, Par­tridge, and Worthington, commissioners from the Massachusetts Bay: Then the gentlemen from New Hampshire, Mess. Wyburn, Atkinson, Ware, and Sherburn: And last on that side, Mess. Hop­kins and Howard, commissioners of Rhode-Island. On his left, were seated Mess. Chambers and Smith, two other of his Majesty's council for New-York: Then the Connecticut commissioners, Lieu­tenant Governor Pitkin, Major Walcot, and Col. [Page 21] Williams: After them Mess. Penn, Peters, Norris, and Franklin, from Pennsylvania: and last of all, Col. Tasker and Major Barnes, from Maryland.

THE treaty was conducted with great solemnity. Indians pleased with the presents, but blame our conduct. The Indians appeared well pleased with the presents from the several governments; which, compared to former donations, amounted to an immense value: But in their answer, recriminated upon us the desertion of our fort ^* at Saraghtoga the last war; lamented the defenceless condition of our frontier city of Albany; and extolled the better conduct of the French, in fortifying and maintain­ing their garrisons.

THE Indians being dismissed, the conferences were continued till the 11th of July. The com­missioners were, both for abilities and fortune, some of the most considerable men in North-Ame­rica. The speakers however were not many; but of those who spoke, some delivered themselves with singular energy and eloquence. All were in­flamed with a patriot-spirit, and the debates were nervous and pathetic. This assembly, my Lord, might very properly be compared to one of the [Page 22] ancient Greek conventions, for supporting their expiring liberty against the power of the Persian empire, or that LEWIS of Greece, Philip of Ma­cedon. Plan of a union. In the conclusion, a plan was concerted for a general union of the British colonies, and creating a common fund to defray all military ex­pences; and a representation of their present state drawn up; which were agreed to be laid before the King's ministers. Some of the governments have nevertheless declared themselves averse to this scheme; Approved by all, ex­cept De Lancey. tho' approved at the time by every mem­ber of the congress, except Mr. De Lancey. Un­accountable was the conduct of this gentleman to [...]everal of the provincial deputies. But those who were best acquainted with his character and love of sway, ascribed his aversion from the plan, to an apprehension, that should the same take place, the supreme officer, who agreeably to it was to preside in the grand council of deputies from the respec­tive colonies, would most probably be the governor of the Massachusetts Bay: An apprehension, which repressed his own aspiring views; and, it was imagined, stung him with unspeakable chagrin.

His character and history.As the Lieutenant Governor will appear, in the course of this letter, to bear a principal part in our public transactions, it will be necessary, before I proceed any farther, to present your Lordship [Page 23] with his picture at full length. Without an in­timate knowledge of that gentleman's history and genius, it will be impossible to comprehend his conduct, or trace his actions to their genuine source.

HE is the eldest branch of one of the first families in the province. His father, a French refugee, a gentleman of distinguished rank in this city, and who here acquired a large fortune, sent him for his education to the university of Cambridge. He was a youth of prompt parts, and made a consider­able progress in learning, especiallv in the classics. In the year 1729 he was, by Governor Montgo­mery's recommendation, created one of his Majes­ty's Council of New-York; but never engaged the public attention, till the time of Mr. Cosby. He became then very famous. With this governor he took part in most or all of his measures — measures extremely arbitrary, and productive of an adminis­tration odious and turbulent. Cosby, in return for his ministerial services, loaded him with favours, Deposing Chief Justice Morris (the main obstacle to his perilous projects) he raised him to the first seat on the bench ^*. But tho' his excellency [Page 24] had the disposition of offices, 1753. he could by no means delegate the affections of the people. According­ly, our politician was equally honoured and des­pised. He enjoyed the smiles of the governor, which loaded him with the curses of the people; was caressed by the former, and by the latter ab­horred. Cosby leaving a successor capable of go­verning without a prompter, the chief justice found it necessary to to deface the memory of his former conduct, by cultivating the arts of popula­rity. Mr. Clarke, who succeeded ^*, being per­fectly master of our constitution, a gentleman of experience and penetration, and intimately acquain­ted with the temper of the people, in a short time reconciled all parties; and by restoring the public tranquility, rendered Mr. De Lancey's plodding abilities utterly useless. Hence he was at full lei­sure to court the populace. Suddenly he became transformed into a patriot; and, strange to relate [...] without a single act of patriotism. His uncom­mon vivacity, with the semblance of affability and ease; his adroitness at a jest, with a shew of con­descension to his inferiors, wonderfully facilitated his progress. These plausible arts, together with his influence as Chief Justice, and a vast personal [Page 25] estate at use, 1754. all conspired to secure his popular triumph. To establish such an undue power, and amazing influence, would, in a Grecian common­wealth, have exposed a man of less ambition and better principles to the ostracism. Mr. Clark being superseded by Governor Clinton ^*, Mr. De Lancey was presented with a fresh opportunity for the ex­hibition of his political genius. Mr. Clinton, a gentleman of but indifferent parts, wholly resign­ed himself into his hands. Contenting himself with the title and salary of Governor, he left the sole direction of affairs to his minister, who, by virtue of his late acquired omnipotence with the assembly, carried all his points, and even endear­ed him to the people. This intimacy subsisted no longer than it was found conducive to his de­signs. Having obtained from Mr. Clinton a new commission for his office of chief Justice during good behaviour; and flattering himself with the hopes of another, appointing him Lieut. Governor, through the interest of his friends in England, he cared not how soon his excellency abdicated the province, nor how tempestuous he rendered his ad­ministration; and was therefore prepared for an open rupture. He no sooner thought himself cap­able [Page 26] of acting independently of the Governor, than, like Sixtus Quintus, who threw aside his crutches the moment of his exaltation to the popedom, he put off all that humble devotion, by which he had so fatally deceived his too credulous master, and open­ly set himself at defiance against him. Now he be­gan to dictate, rather than advise: and instead of Sejanus, chose to be Tiberius himself. Dining one day with Mr. Clinton, and insisting upon some favourite point with great imperiousness, the Governor, who had hitherto very cordially suffered himself to be led, refused on this occasion to be driven. The Chief Justice then arose and left him; declaring, with an oath, he would make his ad­ministration uneasy for the futute: His Excellen­cy replied, he might do his worst. Thus they parted; nor were ever afterwards reconciled. This breach gave rise to the contentions, which so unhappily imbroiled our provincial affairs, du­ring the remainder of his administration. The assembly were instantly inflamed. He who before had been able to make them connive at very un­justifiable steps, could at once stir up an oppo­sition to the most unexceptionable measures. Re­monstrances, warm and virulent, were now drawn up; unworthy their own dignity to offer, and re­plete with the grossest language to his Majesty's [Page 27] representative. Thus was formed against Mr. Clinton a powerful party, which ceased not, while he continued at the helm, to harrass and perplex him. To such an exhorbitant length did they car­ry their opposition, as to throw off the restraint of humanity; They had even recourse to force and violence. Nay, a partisan of the Chief Justice, in defiance of the sacred rights of the magistracy and the law — to shew his resentment against Mr. Clinton and his adherents — assaulted the mayor; whipped the sheriff; damned the Governor; and stabbed his physician. My Lord, we became the sport and contempt of our neighbours; and it is beyond contradiction, that Mr. De Lancey, by blowing up the coals of contention, did the pro­vince more injury, then he will ever be able to re­pair. Nor is there any reason to doubt, that the enormous power of this gentleman, and the fer­ment raised against Mr. Clinton, occasioned the 39th article of the king's instructions to Sir Dan­vers Osborn; which appears purposely calculated to render our future Governors independent on his influence over the assembly: For a law indefinite, making provision for the salary allowed by the King to his Governors; and competent salaries to all judges, justices, and other necessary officers and ministers of government — such a law, I say, [Page 28] would effectually render a Governor independent, of the assembly, and consequently of any undue in­fluence in it. Nor without such independence, or an abridgement of Mr. De Lancey's power, by reducing him to his primitive private station, do I see any probability of the extinction of that party-spirit, which hath so long disturbed the tranquility, and injured the public weal of the colony. Mr. Clinton, being supperseded by Sir Danvers Osborn, ^* a gentleman of a most amiable moral character, retired into the country; from whence he propos­ed to embark for Great-Britain. The Chief Jus­tice, notwithstanding his long declared enmity, and unwearied industry to embarrass his administration, had now — the humility, shall I call it? — to dis­patch a messenger to him, with design if possible to procure an accommodation — in order to se­cure his favour in England, when he could no longer distress him in America, It were difficult to determine, whether this required a higher degree of assurance or servility. But it is no uncommon thing, to behold the same person fastidious and fawning, supercilious and sycophantic. Mr. Clin­ton, far from an implacable enemy, began to be softened; when his lady (who if born among the [Page 29] Scythians, had been the Thalestris of antiquity) [...]nravelling the secret, frustrated at once all ex­pectations of a composition; and gave the pleni­ [...]otentiary such a volley of invective against his [...]onstituent, as rendered all future overtures intire­ [...]y hopeless.

ON the death of Sir Danvers Osborn ^*, His appoint­ment to the government, and system of politics. equally [...]nexpected and deplored, Mr. De Lancey publish­ [...]d the commission he had just received, appoint­ [...]g him Lieutenant Governor. He was now to [...]st a part intirely new, and demanding the full [...]xertion of his political dexterity. In the first place, [...]e had to convince the ministry of his utmost ef­ [...]rts to carry the King's instructions in the house [...]f representatives: And in the next, in order to reserve his popularity with the assembly, and not [...] the most flagrant manner counteract his avowed [...]rinciples, he was to satisfy them, that in reality [...] by no means expected their compliance with [...]em. To execute the former part of this plan — [...] his speech of the 31st of October, 1753, to the [...]uncil and general assembly, he says, His speech to the council and assem­bly. — ‘You will perceive by the 39th article of his Majesty's in­structions to Sir Danvers Osborn, (copies of which I shall herewith deliver you ^†) how highly his Ma­jesty [Page 30] is displeased at the neglect of, and contemp [...] shewn to, his royal commission and instructions by your passing laws of so extraordinary a nature and by such your unwarrantable proceedings particularly set forth in this instruction: Hen [...] also his Majesty's royal pleasure as to these mat­ters will appear, and what he expects from you On this head, I must observe to you, that by our excellent constitution [...]e executive powe [...] is lodged in the crown: That all governmen [...] is founded on a confidence, that every perso [...] will discharge the duty of his station; and [...] there should be any abuse of power, that th [...] legal and regular course is to make applicatio [...] to his Majesty, who having a paternal tender­ness for all his subjects, is always ready to he [...] and redress their grievances:’ and then addre [...] sing himself to the assembly in particular — ‘ [...] must earnestly press it upon you, that in preparing your bill for the support of government and other public services, you pay a due regar [...] to his Majesty's pleasure signified in his instructions; and frame them in such a manner, [...] [Page 31] when laid before me for my assent, I may give it consistent with my duty to his Majesty.’ What think you, my Lord? could your favourite Garrick have personated Richard the Third in a [...]ivelier manner, than this gentleman the real advo­cate for the royal instruction? — Could the man, who but a day or two before had intrigued with the members how to elude that very instruction, preserve his gravity, while acting such a tragi­comical farce? — for that, my Lord, was the method in which he performed the second part of his plan. As his Majesty's representative, he was obliged to urge their compliance with seeming sin­cerity and warmth— but as James De Lancey, Esq their old friend and best adviser, it was his real sen­timent, that never ought they to submit.

MATTERS being thus previously adjusted, the assembly in their address studiously avoid a cate­gorical answer with respect to the indefinite sup­port: But to gratify his honour, and blaken the memory of Mr. Clinton, that he might not pre­judice him in England, Assembly's evasive an­swer. they make use of this memorable evasion — ‘On reading the 39th ar­ticle of his Majesty's instructions to Sir Dan­vers Osborn, your honour's immediate predeces­sor, we are extremely surprised to find, that the public transactions of this colony have been [Page 32] so maliciously misrepresented to our most gra­cious Sovereign. We can, Sir, with truth and justice affirm, that his Majesty has not in his dominions a people more firmly, and that from principles of real affection, devoted to his per­son, family, and government, than the inhabi­tants of this colony. And we are greatly at a loss to discover, in what instances, the peace and tranquility of the colony have been disturb­ed, or wherein order and government have been subverted. If the course of justice has been ob­structed, or in any case perverted, it has been by the direction, or through the means, of Mr. Clinton late Governor of this province, who sent peremptory orders to the judges, clerk, and sheriff of Duchess County, to stay process, and stop the proceedings in several cases of private property, depending in that court; and who did, in other counties, commissionate judges and justices of known ill characters, and extreme ignorance: One stood even presented for per­jury in the supreme court of this province, whom he rewarded with the office of assistant judge; and others were so shamefully ignorant and il­literate, as to be unable to write their own names. From whence we greatly fear, that justice has in many cases been partially, or very unduly ad­ministred.’

[Page 33]I SHALL not trouble your Lordship with a vindi­cation of Mr. Clinton; Observations on this ad­dress. but only observe — that the suits commenced in Duches County were by deserters against their Captains ^*; that the gover­nor, who was no lawyer, assured the house, his letters to the justices were written unadvisedly, and with precipitation; and that if any man was injur­ed, he would readily compensate his damages. And as to the charge of appointing ignorant jus­tices, it lies with equal truth against all our gover­nors, (Mr. De Lancey himself not excepted) who, to influence elections, have gone into an unjustifiable practice of intrusting blank com­missions with certain favourites in the respective counties, impowered to place and displace civil and military officers at their pleasure. These elec­tion jobbers are generally the court members in as­sembly: And decency, my Lord, should have in­duced them to stifle the ridiculous assertion, that Mr. Clinton rewarded a man for being perjured; as well as the more pertinent invective against the dangerous usage just mentioned, for corrupting the house of representatives. — But to disgrace Mr. Clinton was expedient to the Lieut. Governor; and hence this attack upon the former.

[Page 34]UPON his honour's advancement to the govern­ment, Numerous and fulsome addresses to the Lieut. Governor. the press laboured with addresses; and the incense offered upon the occasion, might have per­fumed the whole temple of Delphos. It was not enough, that, agreeable to antient usage, he was presented with the compliments of public bodies alone. It was necessary, from the number of ad­dresses, to display his extensive influence, and the universal joy — thereby, if possible, to lay the foundation of his continuance in the administration. Accordingly, the very militia officers and supervi­sors of Queen's County (a motley assemblage!) were made to groan out their aspirations for this auspicious event — ‘Oh!— that his gracious Majesty would be pleased to confirm and fix you, for a long time, in this exalted station.’ Never have I seen an insignificant interjection more in­significantly employed. To so extravagant a pitch, my Lord, did this exuberant ardor arrive, that we at length found him cloathed with an in­communicable attribute of the Deity himself — even his immutable moral rectitude. ‘These things in you, (say they) are not so properly cal­led virtues, as NATURAL ENDOWMENTS. You will not, you CANNOT act otherwise than you do.’ With such fustian can some men be regaled: and [Page 35] by such fustian is oftentimes a whole nation de­luded.

TO proceed in the character of this remarkable American — He is a person of quick apprehension, and extensive acquaintance with the law; which he acquired with incredible application, to obliterate the indifferent figure he made, when first elevated to the chief seat on the bench, to serve the purposes of Governor Cosby. Without the talents, he has all the ambition of a Ripperda. His thirst after popularity, which in him is a mere engine of state, hath almost banished all public spirit; and the tri­umphs of power occasioned the exile of common sense. Apprehensive of the diminution of his own lustre, his jealousy will not admit a competitor; His jealousy; but sets him at mortal odds with a rising independ­ent spirit, lest it be rewarded with popular favour, and thence result into popular interest — in deroga­tion of his own sovereign influence. Hence, who­ever would accomplish a patriot measure, must ei­ther obtain his leave; and then he arrogates to himself the merit due to its author; or carry it by mere stratagem, without which he may be sure of a disappointment. In the latter case, he has gene­rally address enough to be revenged on the pro­jector, by rendering both him and his project uni­versally odious. Some among us see these arts; [Page 36] many suspect them; few dare mention them; and fewer still oppose them. Thus a people, who would by no means be forcibly deprived of their li­berties, post into voluntary bondage: and they who would scorn a vassalage to the greatest mo­narch, become dupes to a dictator of their own creation.

and univer­sal influence.OF all provincial affairs he is the uncontrouled director. As Chief justice, great is his interest in the counties: with that interest he commands elections: with his sway in elections he rules the assembly: and with his sovereignty over the house controuls a governor. His influence with the members of the assembly being the main source of his exorbitant power, never will he serve the Crown at the risque of a dissention with the house. He will only stand by a governor while at his devotion, and standing fair with the people; but in case of a rupture, instantly sacrifice prerogative on the altar of popularity. His own interest is his idol, and every thing else made subservient to procure it ve­neration and esteem. The men who are his great­est tools, are generally by himself the most despis­ed; and sometimes treated with despite and insult. If they discover the least freedom of resentment (which few of them dare discover), he can with a smile, or a joke, or a promise, or a bottle, at once [Page 37] dissipate the struggling resolution, and reduce them to their primitive obsequiousness. By hints — by threats and blandishments — by emissaries — by dark insinuations and private cabals, he is able to render any measure hateful or popular — to put down, or raise up, whom, when, and what he pleases. Nay, my Lord, I will venture to affirm— and every man in the province must bear me testi­mony — that while his influence continues to be supported with his office of chief justice, no opera­tion, in which this colony is concerned, can pro­mise success, should this monopolizer of power be determined to obstruct it.

SHOULD it now be inquired, Reflections on popular merit. Must not a man so extremely popular be necessarily possessed of eminent virtue, and warmly devoted to the weal of the peo­ple, who thus cordially resound his fame, submit to his controul, and agree to adorn his triumph? The question can only come from a novice in history, and a stranger to mankind. In the judgement of your your Lordship, who is deeply read in both, I am confident that popularity is no indication of merit. With the deluded multitude the best men are often unpopular — the most pernicious, extol­led and adored. The people are ever ready to be bewitched, cheated, and enslaved by a powerful crafty seducer: and, what is worse, ever ready to [Page 38] sacrifice whoever would disabuse and release them. The same people who could without emotion be­hold a Sidney bleeding in defence of public liberty, could commit a riot in rescuing a Sacheverel for preaching sedition, and subverting the nation. Your Lordship remembers that Massanello, in the short space of ten days, was a poor fisherman, — a popular incendiary, — a sovereign viceroy, — strip­ped of his honours,—treated like a malefactor, — knocked on the head, — and thrown into a ditch. Who, in fine, was more popular than the pestilent Clodius, except, perhaps, the more pestilent Cata­line? 'Twas therefore well observed by the protec­tor Cromwell, that the very men who followed him with acclamations and torrents of flattery, would with the same demonstrations of joy accompany him to the gallows.

THUS, my Lord, I have presented you with a faithful portrait of the Lieut. Governor of New-York, who is to bear no small share in the public affairs, of which I have the honour to transmit your Lordship an account — a portrait, under which there had been no need of fixing a name to direct to the original, those who have the least knowledge of that gentleman's character.

Character of Mr. Thomas Pownal.WHILE these things were transacting at Albany, Mr Pownal, brother to John Pownal, Esq one [Page 39] of the secretaries to the Board of Trade, was upon the spot. This gentleman came over to America with Sir Danvers Osborn, in quality of his private secretary; though it was imagined by many, he was designed to be an assistant to him in the exer­cise of the government. He is something of a scholar, but a confused reasoner; and in his stile perplexed; and in that usefullest of all sciences, the knowledge of mankind, he is a mere novitiate: without the latter, your Lordship knows that other acquirements are comparatively of small account, in the management of public business. To be on­ly learned, is frequently to be vain, ostentatious, and obstinate; such a one, in a word, as Tertullian describes the most learned among the heathens, "an animal of glory." This gentleman is fond of being considered in an important light. Insati­able of praise, he can not only hear himself flatter­ed; but, what is more unaccountable in a man of tolerable sense, can flatter himself. He is a person of uncommon application, and a good memory. By dint of industry, and an access to the papers in the Plantation Board Office, he has acquired some knowledge of American Affairs: but so keen is his appetite for promotion, that he cannot brook the thoughts of a gradual advancement. He is for galloping into preferment: and so intent on the [Page 40] contemplation of his future grandeur, as to lose al [...] patience in earning it. Being more skilled in book [...] than men, he is very abrupt in giving a scholastic turn to conversation, in order to display his eru­dition. Ever ready to contradict: himself impa­tiant of contradiction. But wonderful is his knac [...] at pluming himself with the schemes and inventions of others; and, with the daw in the fable, shining in a borrowed dress: a remarkable instance of which I shall give your Lordship in the following anec­dote; as charecteristic of a person, who will ap­pear to have had some considerable influence in the course of American transactions. Anecdotes respecting a piece he pub­lished. During the sit­ting of the congress, it was scarce possible to pre­vent part of their sentiments from transpiring. The scheme of a Naval armament on Lake Ontario, projected by Lieut. Governor Clark, before the late war; submitted to the then ministry; and now strongly recommended by the commisioners of the Massachusetts Bay; by some means or other happned to be hinted without-doors. Mr. Pownal, intent upon rising into significance among the co­lonies, chose not to slip so favourable an opportu­nity of distinguishing himself, as he could now lay hold of, from t [...]se whispered intelligences. He accordingly drew up some loose indigested proposals, with respect to American affairs. Among other [Page 41] trite sentiments, he urged this scheme as a new un­thought-of measure, absolutely requisite to secure the command, and preserve the furr trade of those [...]nland seas. This he delivered to some of the members of the congress to be communicated: and afterwards transmitted a copy to England; chal­lenging to himself the sole merit of being the ori­ginal author of so useful and necessary an expedi­ent ^*.

WHILE the congress was held at Albany, Shirley erects forts on Ken­nebec. Gover­nor Shirely, ever jealous of French machinations, proceeded, at the head of about one thousand men, to the river Kenebec; and erected forts, at convenient distances, to stop the progress of the French on that quarter; to secure the possession of that country with the friendship of the eastern Indians.

THE remainder of this year was principally spent in repeated representations to the ministry, respect­ing the dangerous situation of the English colonies; and the absolute necessity of a powerful assistance from Great Britain, to defeat the ambitious designs of the court of France.

[Page 42] 1755.ON the welcome intelligence of the success of these representations; and while forces were ex­pecting from England; the two regiments of Shir­ley and Pepperel were ordered to be re-established, and recruits were raising thro' the several govern­ments, to form an army for dispossessing the French from their late encroachments.

Designs an expedition against Crown Point.THE general assembly of the Massachusetts Bay being convened, and the members sworn to secre­cy; Mr. Shirley communicated to them a design of attacking Fort St. Frederic at Crown Point, the ensuing spring; and his intention to appoint Col. Johnson to the command of that expedition. The scheme being approved by the council and repre­sentatives of that province, and the quotas settled, commissioners were charged to the neighbouring governments, to sollicit their concurrence and aid, in the prosecution of this enterprize.

WHILE these matters were in agitation, Mr. Pownal was at Boston, intending to sail from thence to England. He now thought fit to change his re­solution; and Governor Shirley honoured him with the embassy to New-York, for which place he set out the beginning of March. Some gentlemen of the council and assembly were commissioned, on the like errand, to the other colonies of New Jer­sey, Pennsylvania, &c.

[Page 43]MR. POWNEL'S prospects of success at New-York were at first not very encouraging. De Lancey, De Lancey endeavours to obstruct the concur­rence of New York jealous of Shirley's rising reputation, appeared, with regard to the expedition recommended, ex­tremely phlegmatic: and though artful enough to abstain from an open opposition, he made use of Mr. Chambers as his tool in council, to obstruct the concurrence of the legislature. At this time great animosities were prevailing in the province, occasioned by a charter just before granted by Mr. De Lancey, constituting a college for the education of youth, upon a foundation which happened to enkindle the general disgust. The majority of the house, apprehending the loss of their seats on a fu­ture election, should they afford it the least assist­ance, found themselves obliged rather to counte­nance the popular resentment. A gentleman of distinction, with whom Mr. Pownal advised on the subject of his commission, thought it a prudent step to open his message in part, to those members of the assembly, who, on the above-mentioned ac­count, were then in the opposition. Several of the leading men were secured by this method: But in vain. and when the house met, such a disposition appeared to join in the scheme proposed, that it was beyond Mr. De Lancey's power to obstruct it. Out of Pique however to Mr. Shirley, to whom this ex­pedition [Page 44] was solely committed, he prevailed upon them to suspend the execution of their vote, unti [...] General Braddock's approbation was obtained; an [...] by this artifice occasioned a considerable delay i [...] the operations.

Braddock convenes the governors, and settles the opera­tions.GENERAL BRADDOCK, being now arrived in Vir­ginia, sent expresses to the several governors to meet him, in order to a consulation on the business of the approaching campaign. — This convention was opened on the 14th of April ^*, at Alexandria in Virginia. Here it appeared, that thro' misre­presentations from Virginia, the general was in­joined to proceed immediately to Fort Du Quesne. Those who were well acquainted with the country could not help observing, that a march from Po­towmac, across the Allegheny mountains, must be attended with incredible difficulty, hazard, and ex­pence — that the vicinity of New-York to Cana­da — its Fort of Oswego on Lake Ontario — to­gether with the advantages of water carriage — rendered that province by far the fittest theatre [Page 45] of action. Braddock's orders were nevertheless po­sitive. — For the preservation therefore of Oswego, and the reduction of Niagara, it was at length a­greed, that Shirley's and Pepperel's regiments should proceed to Lake Ontario, — while General Braddock attacked Fort Du Quesne — and the provincial troops, commanded by General John­son, marched to invest Crown Point.

THESE resolutions being taken, Shirley re­turns to Bos­ton, to pre­pare for the Northern expeditions Mr. Shirley be­gan his journey to Boston, to prepare for the expe­dition under his immediate command; to forward that under Col. Johnson; and to quicken the de­parture of the New England troops, now assem­bled by his Majesty's directions, for reducing the French settlements in Nova Scotia. On his way, he spent some time in conference with Col. Schuy­ler, a gentleman of fortune and courage, who, out of disinterested love to his country, was engaged to head a regiment of 500 men, raised and main­tained by the province of New Jersey. In New York, he was retarded a few days to consult with General Johnson, and remove some ob­jections made by Mr. De Lancey to the form of his commission: ^* and in Connecticut, to [Page 46] hasten the assembling the troops of that colony ^*

THE necessary dispatches being given to the ex­pedition to Nova Scotia under Col. Winslow, Mr. Shirley, upon the arrival of the paymaster for the northern district, and sails for Albany. returned to New York; and on the 4th of July sailed for Albany, his own regiment having passed by for that place, in twenty-one transports, a few days before.

[Page 47]ABOUT this time, the colonies were filled with, universal joy, on the agreeable news that the New England troops were become masters of Beau-sejour and Bay Verte, on the isthmus of Nova Scotia; Nova Scotia reduced. whereby a new province was added to the British empire in America: and that a strong fleet, under Admiral Boscawen, lay before Louisburgh, to intercept the French supplies; and which had also seized two of their capital ships, the Lys and Alcide, and sent them into Halifax.

GENERAL BRADDOCK was now on his march to­wards the Ohio, at the head of about 2200 men, Braddock marches from Fort Cumber­land. in order to invest Fort Du Quesne, and drive the French from their incroachments on the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania. From Fort Cumber­land to Fort Du Quesne, the distance is not less than 130 miles. Mr Braddock began his march from the former on the 10th of June; leaving the gar­rison under the command of Col. Innes. Innume­rable were the difficulties he had to surmount, in a country rugged, pathless, and unknown, a­cross the Allegheny mountains, thro' unfrequented woods, and dangerous defiles. From the little meadows the army proceeded in two divisions. At the head of the first, consisting of 1400 men, was the general himself, with the greatest part of the amuni­tion and artillery. The second, with the provisi­ons, [Page 48] stores, and heavy baggage, was led by Col. Dunbar. Never was man more confident of success, than this brave, tho' unfortunate officer. Being advised at the great meadows, that that the enemy expected a reinforcement of 500 regular troops, he pushed on by forced marches, with so much dis­patch, that he fatigued the soldiers, weakened his horses, and left his second division near 40 miles in the rear, the enemy being not more than 200 strong at their fort on the Ohio, gave no obstructi­on to the march of our forces, till the memorable 9th of July — a day never to be forgotten in the annals of North America. About noon our troops passed the Monagahela, and were then within se­ven miles of Fort Du Quesne. — Unapprehensive of the approach of an enemy, at once was the a­larm given, by a quick and heavy fire upon the van­guard, under Lieut. Col. Gage. Immediately the main body, in good order and high spirits, advan­ced to sustain them. Orders were then given to halt, and form into battalia. At this juncture the van falling back upon them, in great confusion, a general panic seized the whole body of the soldiery; and all attempts to rally them proved utterly inef­fectual. The general and all the officers exerted their utmost activity, to recover them from the uni­versal surprize and disorder: but equally deaf were [Page 49] they to intreaties and commands. During this scene of confusion, they expended their ammuniti­on in the wildest and most unmeaning fire. Some discharging their pieces on our own parties, who were advanced from the main body for the recovery of the cannon. After three hours spent in this me­lancholy situation, enduring a terrible slaughter, from (it may be said) an invisible foe, orders were given to sound a retreat, that the men might be brought to cover the waggons. These they sur­rounded but a short space of time: for the enemy's fire being again warmly renewed from the front and left flank, the whole army took to immediate flight; leaving behind them all the artillery, provisions, ammunition, baggage, military chest, together with the general's cabinet, containing his instruc­tions and other papers of consequence. So great was the consternation of the soldiers, that it was impossible to stop their career, flying with the ut­most precipitation three miles from the field of action; where only one hundred began to make a more orderly retreat.

WHAT was the strength of the enemy, has hither­to remained to us uncertain. According to Indian accounts, they exceeded not 400, chiefly Indians: and whether any were slain, is still to be doubted, for few were seen by our men, being covered by [Page 50] stumps and fallen trees. Great indeed was the de­struction on our side. — Numbers of officers sacri­ficed their lives thro' singular bravery. Extreme­ly unfortunate was the whole staff. The general, after having five horses shot under him, received a wound in his lungs thro' his right arm, of which he died in four days. His secretary, eldest son of Major General Shirley, a gentleman of great ac­complishments, by a shot thro' the head, was killed upon the spot. Mr. Orme and Capt. Morris, aid-de-camps, were all wounded. Of the 44th re­giment, Sir Peter Halket, Colonel, was slain, with several other officers; and Lieut. Col. Gage wound­ed. Lieut. Col. Burton, of the 48th regiment, was among the wounded; and many gallant officers perished in the field. Our whole loss was about seven hundred killed and wounded.

To what causes the defeat was ascribed.TO what causes this unhappy catastrophe is to be ascribed, has been matter of much inquiry and animated debate. The officers charged the defeat to the cowardice of the men: but, in a representa­tion they made to Mr. Shirley, by order of the Crown, they in some measure apologize for their be­haviour — alledging, that they were harrassed by duties unequal to their numbers, and dispirited thro' want of provisions: That time was not allow­ed them to dress their food: That their water (the [Page 51] only liquor too they had) was both scarce and of a bad quality: in fine, that the provincials had dis­heartened them, by repeated suggestions of their fears of a defeat, should they be attacked by Indi­ans; in which case the European method of fighting would be intirely unavailing. But, my Lord, how­ever censurable the conduct of the soldiery may be thought, Mr. Braddock, too sanguine in his pros­pects, was generally blamed for neglecting to cul­tivate the friendship of the Indians, who offered their assistance; and who, it is certain, had a num­ber of them preceded the army, would have sea­sonably discovered the enemy's ambuscade. The Virginian rangers also, instead of being made to serve as regulars in the ranks with the English troops, should have been employed as out-scouts. But this step, so necessary to guard against surprise, was too unhappily omitted; the whole army, ac­cording to the representation above mentioned, following only three or four guides.

WHEN the routed party joined the second divi­sion, forty miles short of the place of action, Dunbar re­treats preci­pitately to Fort Cum­berland. the terror diffused itself thro' the whole army. Your Lordship might naturally expect to hear, that Col. Dunbar then intrenched himself, and called on the neighbouring colonies for immediate reinforce­ments; — as by such a step the enemy might have [Page 52] been detained at Fort Du Quesne, prevented from ravaging the frontiers, or throwing succours into Niagara. But alas! my Lord, an infatuation seem­ed to accompany all our measures on the southern quarter. Fearful of an unpursuing foe, all the am­munition, and so much of the provisions were de­stroyed, for accelerating their flight, that Dunbar was actually obliged to send for thirty horse-loads of the latter, before he reached Fort Cumberland — where he arrived a very few days after, with the shattered remains of the English troops.

Major Gen. Shirley as­sumes the command.ON Mr. Braddock's unhappy catastrophe, the command of his Majesty's forces in North America devolved upon Major General Shirley. I before acquainted your Lordship of his return to New York, and departure from thence to Albany, where he arrived the beginning of July.

ALBANY, my Lord, was the grand theatre of all the preparations for the northern expedition against Fort St. Frederic, as well as that to the westward for the reduction of Niagara. The general, on his ar­rival there, found not the former in the forward­ness he had reason to expect. The provincials dis­contented with the inactivity of a long encamp­ment, Major General Lyman was obliged to make short marches to prevent their disbanding; and the general was therefore detained a while in that city, Is detained at Albany. [Page 53] to hinder so fatal an event. His own troops in the mean time were filing off, in different divisions, from Schenectady towards Oswego.

OSWEGO, along the accustomed route, Route to Oswego. is com­puted to be about 300 miles west from Albany. The first sixteen, to the village of Schenectady, is land carriage, in a good waggon road. From thence to the Little Falls, in the Mohawk River, at sixty-five miles distance, the battoes ^* are set a­gainst a rapid stream; which too, in dry seasons, is so shallow, that the men are frequently obliged to turn out, and draw their craft over the rifts with inconceivable labour. At the Little Falls, the portage exceeds not a mile: the ground being marshy will admit of no wheel carriage, and there­fore the Germans who reside here, transport the battoes in sleds, which they keep for that purpose. The same conveyance is used at the Great Carrying-Place, sixty miles beyond the Little Falls; all the way to which the current is still adverse, and ex­tremely swift. The portage here is longer or short­er, according to the dryness or wetness of the sea­sons. In the last summer months, when rains are not frequent, it is usually six or eight miles across. Taking water again, we enter a narrow rivulet, [Page 54] called the Wood-creek, which leads into the One­ida Lake, distant forty miles. This stream, tho' favourable, being shallow, and its banks covered with thick woods, was at this time much obstruct­ed with old logs and fallen trees. The Oneida Lake stretches from east to west about thirty miles, and in calm weather is passed with great facility. At its western extremity opens the Onondaga River, lead­ing down to Oswego, situated at its entrance on the south side of the Lake Ontario. Extremely difficult and hazardous is the passage thro' this riv­er, as it abounds with rifts and rocks; and the cur­rent flowing with surprising rapidity. The principal obstruction is twelve miles short of Oswego, and is a fall of about eleven feet perpendicular. The portage here is by land, not exceeding forty yards, before they launch for the last time.

YOUR LORDSHIP, from this account, will readi­ly conceive, that thro' such a long amphibious march an army must proceed with prodigious risque and fatigue; and the battoes be necessarily con­ducted by persons skilled in the navagation, and en­ured to hardships. For this service General Shirley had engagad all the young men in the county of Al­bany, who formerly had been employed in the Indi­an trade at Oswego: and a vast number of battoes were prepared for the conveyance of the troops, stores, and provisions.

[Page 55]OSWEGO was formerly garrisoned by twenty-five men; but on the commencement of our present disputes, the number was augmented to fifty. Early this spring fifty more were ordered up: and about the larter end of May, Capt. Bradstreet arrived there with 200, besides workmen to be employed in the naval preparations, pursuant to the scheme con­certed in the congress of commissioners at Albany the last summer.

COL. SCHUYLER'S New Jersey regiment embarked in two divisions from Schenectady, Troops pro­ceed to that garrison. the beginning of July. Shirley's and Pepperrell's were preparing to follow, when the melancholy news of Gen. Brad­dock's defeat reached that place. This struck a ge­neral damp on the spirits of the soldiers, and many deserted. Great numbers of the battoe-men dis­persed themselves into the country, and fled to their respective habitations. To engage the return of above half the fugitives, equally ineffectual were threats or promises, rewards or punishments. The general, however, sensible of the importance of the service, pursued his march in spite of every vexatious disappointment. As he passed their country, he called upon the Indians of the Six Na­tions at some of their castles; Six Nations averse to the Niagara ex­pedition, and why. and sent ambassadors to the rest, pressing them to join him, with assur­ances of his protection. But they seemed in ge­neral [Page 56] greatly disinclind to our western operations. Indian affairs had been too long neglected by the province of New York, to which the principal ma­nagement of them has always been committed. Neither the sums allotted for presents to those sa­vages, were always by our governors fairly expend­ed; nor the presents themselves honestly distributed. And partly thro' repeated frauds, and the omission of proper measures to conciliate their favour, our interest with them amounted to little more than a bare neutrality. Johnson holds a con­ference with them. Mr. Johnson nevertheless pre­tending a mighty influence over them, was intrust­ed with 5000 l. sterling, in order to engage their assistance for the general benefit of his Majesty's service. For this purpose he held a congress with some of their principal sachems at Mount-Johnson ^*, soon after his return from Alexandria.

YOUR LORDSHIP is pleased to insist upon my ‘de­scending into a detail of every transaction, how minute soever, that can give any light into the more secret springs of our political action. Anecdote of Johnson and Shirley.’ I shall therefore acquaint your Lordship, that upon the general's arrival at Albany, Mr. Johnson laid before him a copy of the minutes of his late treaty with the Indians. These minutes, it seems, con­tained [Page 57] some unhandsom reflections upon his excel­lency; insinuating, that to treat separately with them, he had employed one Lydius, a person of not the most unexceptionable character, either for loyalty or integrity. The single reason upon which the surmise could be founded was this. Lydius, who formerly lived near Lake George, and whose Indian acquaintance was very extensive, had offer­ed the general his assistance, in procuring the junc­tion of a number of them, on the designed expedi­tions. Upon which he wrote to Mr. Johnson, inti­mating the pleasure it would give him, if he could make any use of this man in his Majesty's service. On delivering those minutes into the general's hands, Johnson, sensible of the insinuation, told him, he intirely disapproved the reflection they seemed to contain, and appeared ashamed of its insertion. Having perused the paper, Shirley could not avoid complaining of the ill usage, while the other with solemn vows protested, he was not privy to it, and importuned him to return the minutes, that he might erase the obnoxious passage. The former con­fided in the sincerity of his protestations, but soon after had abundant reason to distrust his integrity.

THE general had applied to one Staats, who re­sided near Albany, and had a considerable interest [Page 58] with the Indians of Stockbridge ^*. He proposed to him his raising a company of them, as a guard to the battoes in their passage to Oswego. Privately was this man intimidated from the undertaking: and Mr. Johnson, to induce him to break thro' his promises, offered him a captain's commission, could he engage an Indian company to proceed on the ex­pedition under his own direction.

YOUR LORDSHIP, being already informed of this gentleman's appointment to the command of the provincial army, by the interest of General Shirley, will scarce have patience at the recital of a conduct so astonishing and ungrateful. The secret, my Lord, Faction formed against the general, and occasion of it. was this. — Mr. Johnson was never distin­guished for his sense or penetration. He had now for his aid-de-camp Capt. Wraxal, a man of art and ge­nius, who a few years before had been appointed se­cretary for Indian affairs, and clerk of the city and county of Albany. Governor Clinton had granted a commission for the latter of those offices, before the date of Wraxal's sign manual. A suit was there­fore commenced, and is still depending between him, and the person in possession of the office, su­spended on the determination of a point of law. Up­on this account Wraxal became a humble depend­ant [Page 59] on Lieut. Governor De Lancey, before whom, unless superseded in the chief command, the case must be determined upon a writ of error: the lat­ter, who had been a declared enemy to Johnson, throughout the whole of Clinton's administration, and had even prevented the assembly from discharg­ing a very equitable demand he had against the pro­vince for services and disbursements, now determin­ed to fall in with, and set him up, in competition with Shirley. Wraxal's post and dependence afford­ed a fine opportunity for the purpose: and so John­son became strongly attached to the Lieut. Gover­nor. Evil effects of it. Your Lordship will no longer wonder at his procuring all the Indians he could prevail upon, to join the provincial troops under his own command; or at his attempts to excite others to embarrass and obstruct the general's designs upon the Lake On­tario. In support of a charge so heavy as this, I think it incumbent upon me to assign the following instances: 1. Not an Indian joined General Shirley at Schenectady, agreeably to Mr Johnson's positive assurances. 2. Nor at either of the castles in the five cantons, as he passed thro' them to Oswego: but, on the contrary; 3. One Bant, an Onondaga (three of whose sons were in Johnson's army) at the head of several other Indians, declared to Mr. Shirley at Oswego, that it was a place of trade and [Page 60] peace — that there should be no war there — and that he should not disturb the French; adding, that he was going with the like message to Canada. The general having convinced him, that the ex­pulsion of the French from their encroachments must redound to the advantage of the Six Nations; he asserted, that Mr. Johnson had sent them upon this embassy to Canada. Tho' this appeared ut­terly incredible, 'tis nevertheless certain, 4, seve­ral other Indians arrived from the Onondaga castle, with a belt, declaring it to have been sent them by Mr. Johnson, with his request, that not man of them would join the King's troops, under the com­mand of General Shirley. 5. Others also, from the Seneca, Oneida, and Cayuga cantons concur­red in the like reports; particularly one Redhead, an Indian of great fame, and a speaker at the late congress at Mount-Johnson, came to Oswego, in his way to Oswagatic or la Gallette, and desired the cessation of all military designs; affirming, that with the same request he was going to the French.

IT was with difficulty, my Lord, these Indians were reconciled to our attempts, detained at Oswe­go, and thereby prevented from communicating our operations to the enemy. The general, from these instance, became more and more suspicious, that the faction at New York were endeavouring to [Page 61] embarrass and impede his measures. What farther confirmed his suspicions, that the Lieut. Governor of New York, with that view, made Mr. Johnson his instrument, was a letter, which after his arri­val at Oswego he received from the latter, wherein he justified that very aspersion before disavowed, contained in the minutes above recounted.

MY LORD, we will now leave Mr. Shirley at Oswego; and pursue the course of transactions, as well at New York, as in the southern colonies. Dunbar marches to Philadel­phia.

DUNBAR, having reached Fort Cumberland, dispatched an Indian express to General Shirley, with an account of the defeat, and the necessary returns respecting the troops under his command; acquainting him, moreover, with his intention of marching to Philadelphia, and his hopes of meet­ing his orders at Shippensburgh. About the same time Mr. Dinwiddie wrote to Dunbar, proposing a second attempt on Fort Du Quesne. But a coun­cil being thereupon held, the Members of which were Col. Dunbar, Lieut. Col. Gage, Governor Sharp, Major Chapman, Major Spark, and Sir John St. Clair, it was unanimously conceived, that Mr. Dinwiddie's scheme was impracticable. The very next day, being the second of August, Dun­bar began his march towards Philadelphia, with 1600 men, four six-pounders, and as many cohorns; [Page 62] leaving behind him the Virginia and Maryland com­panies, and about 400 wounded. At this sudden departure of the forces, Frontiers of Virginia left exposed. the Virginians were ex­trmely disobliged, as not only exposing their fron­tiers, and occasioning the daily desertion of their provincials; but because the enemy, in flying par­ties, penetrated into the province, and on many of the inhabitants committed robberies and murder. What judgment ought to be formed of this retreat, I leave your Lordship to determine. Certainly those southern colonies ought to have strengthend General Braddock with a large body of provincial forces, Another at­tempt on Fort Du Quesne pro­posed. which had doubtless prevented all that ef­fusion of blood and treasure — the fatal consequen­ce of their ill-judged parsimony! Upon the advi­ces received from Dunbar, Mr. Shirley gave orders for renewing the attempt, if the southern colonies would readily afford him a competent reinforcement.

But Pennsyl­vania with­holds her Aid.GOVNRNOR MORRIS having convened the Penn­sylvania assembly, informed them of the retreat of our army, and in a well-drawn pathetic speech, pressed them to the most vigorous measures for the defence of their borders. They proceeded so far as to vote for raising 50,000 l. but offering a bill for tax­ing the proprietary-estate, an immediate rupture ensued, of which your Lordship is long since ac­quainted, by the ample accounts in sundry late [Page 63] pamphlets on that and similar subjects. As to Virginia — now equally open to the irruptions of the enemy, four companies of rangers were order­ed out, Virginia pro­vides for her frontier De­fence alone. and the assembly voted 40.000 l. for fur­nishing a thousand men for the frontier defence. About the same time, met the council and assem­bly of New Jersey, and the latter voted 30,000 l. for the public service: but as the house proposed to prolong the currency of the bills for nine years, to which Mr. Belcher, who never swerves from his instructions, not being able to assent, New Jersey only conti­nues her regi­ment in pay. 15,000 l. only was raised, and its use restricted to keeping on foot her regiment at Oswego, commanded by Col. Schuyler. At New York, De Lancey's management with respect to the rein­forcement designed by New York. the house of representa­tives assembled on the 5th of August, and set out with a generous spirit. Agreeable to the request of the Massachusetts Bay government, always fore­most in military affairs, they resolved to reinforce the provincial army, destined for Crown Point, with 400 men. The bill was actually passed the house for that purpose; and the council had determi­ned to conceal from their knowledge, the contents of a second letter from Gen. Shirley to Col. Dunbar, of the 7th of August, in which he ordered him to pro­ceed with his troops to Albany, for the protection of that important post, in case the colony forces should meet with a repulse. By this bill the assembly [Page 64] proposed to invest the respective captains of the city militia with an arbitrary power to draught men for the service. The design of this extraordinary project was suspected to serve a particular purpose, on a new election of representatives, which, accord­ing to custom, it was thought would immediately ensue the arrival of Sir Charles Hardy, who was soon expected with a commission for the chief com­mand of this province. It certainly was a favourite bill; for, contrary to president, the Lieut. Gover­nor came to the council board ^*, and pressed them to pass it: but when he perceived an amendment preparing for a ballot of the recruits in New York, as well as in the other counties, he immediately laid the General's letter to Dunbar before the house — in consequence of which, the design of a reinforce­ment instantly dropped, and the assembly adjourn­ed the next day.

His influence over the assembly.AFTER what I have already recounted, your Lordship will not, I presume, be at all surprised, to find Mr. De Lancey leaving no device untried, to maintain the sole direction of the assembly. He knew that on his interest with the representatives [Page 65] depended his credit with the ministry; and that with the expiration of his power to carry certain points of prerogative, would also expire their opi­nion of his importance. His agents in England, to support their patron, had hitherto amused a certain noble Lord with many specious promises. They had represented his capacity to serve the Crown in very magnificent terms; nor forgot his readiness to procure, whenever an opportunity presented, the obedience of the house to some favourite instruc­tions. Hence it is evident, that the loss of his as­cendancy over that branch of the legislature, must naturally terminate in the extinction of his grandeur derived from the Crown.

WHILE he held the reins of government, assum­ed on Sir Danvers Osborne's decease, the ministry had none to inspect his conduct, or trace him thro' the mazy labyrinth of his politics. From himself came all their intelligence, and hence undoubtedly none in his own disfavour. During these golden days of security and repose, he resigned himself to pleasure, and indulged his natural disposition to vo­luptuousness and ease. The province, the mean while, was principally governed by his secretary; who, like a second Atlas, bore the chief burden of the state. Thus negligent of his politics, his po­pularity began to suffer a manifest declension. His popula­rity declines. It [Page 71] was moreover notably abridged by his passing th [...] charter before-mentioned, repugnant, by his ow [...] confession, to the dictates of his judgment. By thi [...] step he incurred such general umbrage, that the ve­ry members of the assembly could not be wrough [...] upon to confirm it. Nay, so disgustful to the peo­ple was this charter, that a majority of the mos [...] reputable inhabitants united against it in a petition to the house. Civil liberty, and by some, even the rights of conscience were imagined to be in danger; and the opposition being, as it were, pro aris & fo­cis, was extremely animated. The Lieut. Gover­nor became now apprehensive of the consequence. He stood upon the point of resigning his command to a successor hourly expected; and, without regain­ing his seat as chief justice, his popularity appeared descending from its meridian: nor, in case of a disso­lution was he insensible his authority with the house must suffer a total eclipse. Your Lordship cannot therefore but observe, of what moment it was, to secure the friendship of the next governor. Permit me to mention the arts, whereby it was accom­plished.

He secures the ear of his successor;SIR CHARLES HARDY arrived in our harbour on the 2d of September 1755. The council immedi­ately convened themselves for his reception. In the midst of their consultations, Mr. Oliver De Lancey, [Page 67] without leave of the board, bolts into the chamber, and modestly interposes his advice, to send a mes­sage to Sir Charles, requesting his continuance in the ship, till the next morning. The reason assign­ed was, to gain time for drawing out the militia, to receive his excellency at landing, with the formali­ty and honour due to his rank. But the true secret was, to gain an opportunity for the Lieut. Gover­nor, and a select juncto, to pass the evening with him, in order to conciliate his graces, and give him early impressions in favour of their party. The next day, the governor published his commission; and was, by Mr. De Lancey, invited to a public entertainment. In the evening they conducted him to the common, to hear the acclamations of the people; and on every occasion, followed him with servile court and adulation. To impress a high sense of his predecessor's popularity, they spared no pains. For this purpose also they intrigued with the assembly, and city corporation, two elective bodies, and thence under his influence. and procures eulogiums on his own administra­tion. Of the lat­ter, Mr. Oliver De Lancey, as alderman, was a member; and, with true fraternal affection, stimu­lated the board to insert in their address a compli­ment to his brother. A modest motion, my Lord! and so vehemently urged, that it was carried, tho' not without some opposition. The burden of that [Page 68] momentuous passage, without which the whole had been jejune and insipid, was discharged in these terms — ‘We have the greatest reason to expect the continuation of that wise and happy admini­stration, we have been blessed with some time past.’ Still greater was Mr. De Lancey's interest in the assembly, as I have already had the honour to acquaint your Lordship. But one gentleman in that house opposed the flattery of their address. He is a man of an affluent independent fortune, a bold unshackled spirit, and of strong natural parts. The address was calculated to secure De Lancey's power both with governor and people: the former, by displaying to Sir Charles his formidable interest in that house: the latter, by preventing a dissolution; than which nothing was the object of greater dread. ‘It has, Sir, (these are the expressions) been usu­al in this colony, at the accession of a new gover­nor, to give the people an opportunity of a new election of representatives. If your excellency conceives, that such a measure, in the present state of affairs, will be consistent with his Majes­ty's service, and the security of this his loyal co­lony, it will be agreeable to us, and to the peo­ple we have the honour to represent.’

‘THE importance of the business under our con­sideration, and the dispatch necessary to accom­plish [Page 69] it, will plead our excuse to your excellency, for not being earlier in this address.’

‘AND here, Sir, we should have ended, were we not in justice bound to pay some acknowlege­ment to the administration of your excellency's predecessor the Lieut. Governor; whose upright intentions, as far as we had opportunities of dis­covering them, ever tended to his Majesty's ho­nour and service, and the welfare and prosperity of this colony.’

MR. DE LANCEY is one of the most fortunate of men. While the people impatiently expected a dissolution, an express arrived on the 12th of Sep­tember, with a confused, but alarming account of an action at Lake George. This rendered it necessary for Sir Charles Hardy immediately to proceed to Albany. Thither the Lieut. Governor accompanied him, and had thereby a fair oppor­tunity to ingross and cajole him. I shall suspend the relation of his success, till I have laid before your Lordship the progress of the provincial army, and their repulse of the French.

MAJOR GEN. LYMAN, being advanced with the troops to the Carrying-Place, about 60 miles from Albany, was waiting the arrival of General John­son, Lyman builds a fort at the Carry­ing Place. who set out from thence on the 8th of Au­gust, with the train of artillery. Lyman had begun [Page 70] fort at the landing, on the east side of Hudson's River, now called Fort Edward. About the latter end of the month, Gen. Johnson, with the main body, moved forward 14 miles more northerly, and pitched his camp at the south end of Lake George, before called St. Sacrament. By some Indians, who had been sent as scouts, he received the following advices: — That they had discovered a party of French and Indians at Tinonderoge, situate on the isthmus between the north end of Lake George and the southern part of Lake Champlain, 15 miles on this side Crown Point; but that no works were there thrown up. To have secured this pass, which commanded the route to Crown Point through the Lake, had been a measure extremely adviseable. Mr. Johnson, informed of its importance, on the 1st of September wrote to Gen. Shirley, that he was impatient to get up his battoes; proposing then to proceed with part of the troops, and seize upon that pass. The French however took ad­vantage of the delay, and cut out work enough for him at his own camp.

OF the troops that sailed from Brest in the spring, amounting to about 3000, your Lordship knows, eight companies were taken with the Lys and Al­cide men of war, who fell in with our fleet com­manded by Admiral Boscawen. One thousand [Page 59] were landed at Louisburgh; and the residue arrived at Quebec, with Mons. de Vandreuil governor-ge­neral of Canada, and Baron Dieskau, commander of the forces. The French Court, well apprised of the singular consequence of Oswego, had deter­mined to reduce it. Dieskau de­signs to re­duce Oswe­go; Such being the Baron's in­structions, he immediately proceeded to Montreal; from whence he detached 700 of his troops up the river, intending himself speedily to join them with the remainder. Just before he had made the ne­cessary preparations, Montreal was alarmed with the news of our forming a numerous army near Lake St. Sacrament, for the reduction of Fort Frederic, and perhaps to penetrate into the heart of Canada. Whereupon a grand council being held, but is di­verted. the Baron was importuned to proceed thro' Lake Champlain, for the defence of that fortress: nor was he without great difficulty prevailed upon to alter his intended route.

DIESKAU, He marches to attack Gen. John­son. having in vain waited the coming up of our army, at length resolved himself to ad­vance towards them; and if he proved victorious, to desolate our northern settlements, lay the towns of Albany and Schenectady in ashes, and cut off all communication with Oswego. A dreadful re­solution, my Lord! And had he succeeded — I tremble at the thought — had he succeeded. But [Page 72] the Supreme Disposer of events had not yet devot­ed us to ruin; and therefore, like the councils of Achitophel, blasted the sanguinary purpose. —

FOR the execution of this design, he embarked at Fort St. Frederic with 2000 men in battoes, and landed at the South Bay ^* Of this movement, Gen. Johnson had not the least intimation, till his scouts discovered their actual departure from the South Bay towards Fort Edward. By an English prisoner the Baron was told that the fort was de­fenceless, and our camp at the Lake, when he left it a few days before, without lines, and destitute of cannon. Having approached within two miles of Fort Edward, he opened his design to his troops, consisting of 600 militia, as many Indians, and 200 regulars. To animate his irre­gulars, His irregu­lars averse to the attack of Fort Ed­ward. who seemed disinclined to the attack pro­posed, he assured them, that inevitable must be their success — ‘that on reducing this fort, the English camp must necessarily be abandoned, and their army disperse in great disorder — that this would enable them to subdue Albany; and by starving the garrison of Oswego, superadd to to their conquest the absolute dominion of Onta­rio.’ with whatever intrepidity this harangue in­spired his European troops, the Canadians and sa­vages, [Page 73] fearful of our cannon, were utterly averse to the scheme; but declared their willingness to sur­prise our camp, where they expected nothing beyond musquetry ^*. He moves aginst our cmap; Thus disappointed in his principal de­sign, he changed his route, and began to move against the main body at the Lake. Gen. Johnson, on the information of his scouts, had dispatched seperate messengers to Fort Edward, with advice of the enemy's approach towards that garrison; of which one was unfortunately intercepted: the rest who got back, reported, that they had descried the enemy about four miles to the northward of the fort. Instead of any attempt to discover the strength of the guard left with their battoes at the South Bay, which might easily have been cut off, a council of war resolved the next morning to detach 1000 men, with some Indians, to fall upon, or, as Mr. Johnson expresses it in his letter to the several governors, "to catch, the enemy in their retreat." On this service commanded Col. Williams, a brave officer, who met the baron within four miles of our camp.

THE English, my Lord, were encamped on the banks of Lake George, being covered on either side by a low thick-wooded swamp. After the march of the detachment, Gen. Johnson drew up [Page 74] the cannon, then at 500 yards distance from the front. Trees where also felled to form some sort of breast-work: and this was all his cover against an attack; having hitherto strangely delayed the proper retrenchments.

and meets our detach­ment.ABOUT an hour after Williams's departure, a heavy fire was heard; which evidently approaching, Gen. Johnson judged rightly, that our detachment was retreating: for the French were superior in number, amounting to about 1800. Upon this he sent out a reinforcement to support them; which was very judiciously conducted on the death of Williams, by Lieut. Col. Whiting, a Conne­ticut officer, who gained much applause at the re­duction of Louisburgh. Gen. Johnson informs the governors, ‘That about half an hour after eleven the enemy appeared in sight, and marched a­long the road in very regular order, directly up­on our center: That they made a small halt, about 150 yards from the breast-work, when the regular troops made the grand and center attack; while the Canadians and Indians squatted and dispersed on our flanks.’ This halt was the baron's capital error: for, amidst the conster­nation at the camp, had he closely followed up the detachment, he had easily forced their lines, and gained a complete victory. But by continuing for [Page 75] some time a platoon fire, with little execution at that distance, our men recovered their spirits. As soon as the artillery began to play, Dieskau and his regulars found themselves totally deserted by the militia and savages, who all skulked into the swamps, took to trees, and mantained a scattered fire upon our flanks, for some time, with variable and intermitting briskness. He is defeat­ed, and taken pri­soner. Having now no com­mand of any part of his army, except his handful of regulars, the baron thought proper to retire; which he did in very great disorder. A party from the camp followed him, fell upon his rear, disper­sed the remaining soldiers about him, and being himself wounded in the leg, was found resting on a stump, utterly abandoned and destitute of suc­cour. Feeling for his watch, to surrender it, one of our men, suspecting him in search of a pistol, poured a charge thro' his hips; of which wound he is not yet recovered. Upon his retreat, the mili­tia and Indians retired in small parties: and as the English neglected to continue the pursuit, they halted about four miles from the camp, at the very place where the engagement happened in the morn­ing. Opening their packs for refreshment, they here entered into consultation, respecting a second attack. Why the enemy was not pursued, when their retreat became general, no tolerable reason [Page 76] has ever yet been assigned; and Mr. Johnson in his letter, Gallant be­haviour of M'Ginnes. seems very artfully to evade it. No­thing however could be more fortunate than the gallant behaviour of a party consisting of about 200, led by Capt. M' Ginnes, who had been detached from Fort Edward, to the assistance of the main body. They fell upon the French in the evening, put an end to their consultations, and gave them a total overthrow. M' Ginnes died of the wounds he received in this reincounter, having signalized himself by a spirit and conduct that would have done honour to a more experienced officer.

Remark on Wraxal's imagination.MR. WRAXAL, in his letter to the Lieut. Gover­nor of New York, told him, he stood so near Gen. Johnson, when the latter received his wound, that "he thought he saw the ball enter:" which curi­ous piece of intelligence was obliterated before its publication. I only mention this circumstance to convince your Lordship, that the most intrepid soldier hath not always the same presence of mind.

The enemy not pursued.IF the dusk of the evening was too far advanced, before the repulse at the Lake, for an immediate pur­suit (which by the way could not be the case, since M' Ginnes's encounter was subsequent) yet the neglect of it the next day admits of no colourable apology. Mr. Lyman urged it with great warmth; but the [Page 77] general with most of the field officers, are accused of an equal disinclination. Mr. Johnson, to judge by his letter, seemed well satisfied with his escape, and determined with this action to close the present campaign. It was probably to avoid the prosecu­tion of the expedition, that he transmitted no ac­count of the battle to General Shirley; contenting himself with requesting Lieut. Governor Phipps to send a copy of his letter from Boston, tho' his own situation was 200 miles nigher to Oswego. The Gentleman at Albany, to whom his dispatches were intrusted, suspecting their contents, and conceiving their communication to the General absolutely ne­cessary for his Majesty's service, broke open the letter to Governor Phipps, and sent an express with a copy to Oswego.

THE Indians, The Indians joined not in the action. during the whole of the engage­ment, some of the Mohawks only excepted, retired from the camp, waiting the event of the conflict at a convenient distance. Nor indeed was their assistance expected, by those who knew their boasted fidelity was a mere delusion, and Mr. Johnson's so much magnified influence, what it has since ap­peared to all men, the grossest imposture. They even declared before their march, they intended not to engage, but to be witnesses of the gallantry of our troops. And had Dieskau won the day, [Page 78] equally ready had they been to scalp their brethren the English, as now they appeared to exercise their brutal dexterity on the French. and left our army after it. Moreover, they came in a body to Albany, immediately after the battle, on pretence of celebrating the success of our arms, and to condole with the widows of those who fell in the action. This, says one of Mr. Johnson's encomiasts, is their custom; subjoining prophetcially, that they were in a fortnight after their departure to return to the camp. The sa­vages, my Lord, observe no such custom, save on the conclusion of an enterprize; whereas this was scarcely commenced: and as to their return, 'tis notorious they never did. Besides, had the gene­ral the real interest pretended, would he not, for once, have induced them to postpone their trium­phant festivity, and untimely condolence, when their presence at the camp, would they realy fight, was of indispensable necessity; and himself in expec­tation of a second attack; nor, by the drain of his letter, exempt from a little perturbation of mind?

Major Gen. Lyman ma­liciously chaaged with cowardice.To render the luster of this gentleman's charec­ter still more refulgent, by preventing any one's sharing with him the glory of the day, a juncto combined at the camp, and framed a letter ^*, im­peaching [Page 79] Mr. Lyman, the second in command, of dastardly carriage, which they procured one Cole, a fellow of no reputation, to sign, and convey to the press. A notable instance of the amazing la­titude to which an invidious spirit is capable of proceeding. So true is the poet's observation,

For, in reality, no man, my Lord, behaved with more magnanimity, than the unfortunate object of their jealousy: and from his superior merit actually arose their malignity, as he thence rivalled their dei­fied idol. The reason why this much-injured officer deferred his vindication, was not only the disgrace­ful name of his calumniator, but because he ex­pected that justice from the public; who accord­ingly, in testimony of his merit, vested him, the next campaign, with the same important post. But numbers of witnesses — eye witnesses, utterly impartial, and not belonging to the camp, are ready to depose, that by them he was seen fight­ing like a lion, and exposing his life in the hottest of the battle: not to mention a gentleman ^*, of un­doubted veracity, to whom Gen. Johnson, two days after the action, frankly acknowledged in [Page 80] his tent, that to Lyman was chiefly to be ascribed the honour of the victory.

Remarks on Johnson's reasons for not pursuing the enemy, or prosecut­ing his expe­dition.I SMALL now, my Lord, take the liberty to make a few remarks on Mr. Johnson's letter to the governors; and examine the reasons assigned a­gainst pursuing his advantage, as well as those al­edged for not prosecuting the expedition. The repulse of the French delivered us from such un­speakable calamity, naturally to be apprehended from the enemy's success, that we have infinite reason to thank the GOD OF ARMIES, for thus re­markably rescuing us from the jaws of perdition. Nor ought we to mention either our officers or men, [...]ho generally behaved as well as could be expected, without a suitable tribute of gratitude. But the General's own letter will enable me to con­vince your Lordship, that the magnificent tro­phies erected to his fame, sprung wholly from the New York cabal; whose services, when encircled with his laurals, he was ever after to acknowledge and retaliate

By this letter he appears so conscious of deserving reprehension, rather than applause, that the latter part of his epistle is apparently calculated to divert all inquiry into the true reason of his not pursuing [Page 81] the enemy, and breaking up the campaign, with­out paying a visit, to Crown Point. ‘Our men, says he, have suffered so much, fatigue for three days past; and are constantly standing upon their arms by day, half the whole upon guard by night, and the rest lie down armed and accoutered; that both officers and men are almost worn-out.’ I can't help thinking, that had the general begun his breast-work more seasonably, and not waited for intelligence of the enemy's advancing, before he ordered up his cannon, his men had been less fa­tigued by this redoubtable, action. But least the world should remain in the dark about the real grounds of his apprehension, he proceeds — ‘The enemy may rally; and we judge they have consi­derable reinforcements near at hand.’ I question, my Lord, whether the whole circle of history af­fords a single instance of an army's rallying, after the slaughter of 1000 men (his own computation) out of about 1800, the whole force of the enemy. And whence he conjectured they had any reinforce­ments so near at hand, as not to be able to join their routed detachment, still remains one of those arcanas of state, which, by common understandings, is not to be fathomed: or, if the French consisted of 200 grenadiers, 800 Canadians, and 706 Indi­ans (the barons account to the general) so great a [Page 82] slaughter as is pretended by the letter, with the loss of the greatest part of the principal officers, and Mons. St. Pierre, who had the chief command and influence over the Indians, must have reduced them to less than 800. From these, one would have imagined, there was no danger of a second attack. Far more probable was it, that for so momentous an enterprize as the reduction of the forts before-mentioned, the French had mustered all the forces they could spare from Crown Point and Tinonderoge, where many of the regular troops were posted; especially, as they went un­furnished with cannon. Add to this, that our ar­my was now flushed with victory; the enemy, on the contrary, disconcerted; and, according to his account, most of their principal officers, and many of their men, slain; the Indians too, by the death of St. Pierre, probably wavering and dissipated. This, if such were the facts, was a glorious op­portunity to disposess them of Tinonderoge. But the longer they were suffered to fortify, the more arduous the task to dislodge them, and the greater the loss of our present advantage, resulting from their defeat and our success. Besides, was their any probability of their returne the next day, to re-assault the camp with musquetry, when the ef­fects of our cannon (admiting them to have done [Page 83] the pretended execution ^*) was still so recent in their memories; and to the Indians, even the first time, so visibly tremendous? But the cautious ge­neral subjoins — ‘We don't think it either prudent or safe to be sending out parties in search of the dead.’ I agree, it had been more for his Majesty's service to have dispatched them in pursuit of the living. After a short paragraph concerning the wounded, his panic returns — ‘I think we may expect very shortly a more formidable attack.’ More formidable than what? Why, than that of their regulars firing at a distance and the Canadians and Indians running away — ‘and that the enemy will then come with artillery.’ I wonder whether this gentleman expected to reduce Crown Point without being exposed to the French artillery. But whence this surmise of a more formidable attack, he thinks not proper to communicate. It was well known, the whole force sent from France amount­ed to about 3000: — that of these, Admiral Bos­cawen took eight companies, and 1000 were in gar­rison at Louisbourgh. Admitting therefore that all the rest arrived at Quebec, without any loss, (a [Page 84] favourable concession) the utmost amount that reached Canada was about 1700; of which 500 were at Cadaraqui: so that, without any allowance for those killed at the camp, or In the mock pur­suit which ensued, the whole number of regulars that arrived with Dieskau, and could come against him, but little exceeded 1100. The gentleman proceeds— ‘The late Col. Williams had the ground cleared for building a stockaded fort: our men are so harrassed, and obliged to be upon watchful duty, that I think it would be both unseasonable, and I fear in vain, to set them at work upon the designed fort. I design to order the New Hamp­shire regiment up here to reinforce us: and I hope some of the designed reinforcements will be with us in a few days. When these fresh troops arrive, I shall’—I dare say your Lordship expects at least the demolition of Fort St. Frederic: nothing like it— ‘I shall immediately set about building a fort.’ Still the strongest symptoms of terror and alarm: for, 'tis evident from this passage, he had now laid aside all thoughts of prosecuting the expe­dition, should even succours arrive, as in fact soon after succours did arrive, and in greater numbers than were necessary. All his puissant purposes ter­minated now, "in setting about building a fort." And if indeed he thought Crown Point impregnable [Page 85] by the army then under his command, above 4000 strong, he must necessarily conclude it would be found so the next year, by double the number; and if then attempted thro' another route, his grand fortress at the end of the Lake was absolutely use­less. Nor would it prove any defence to the coun­try between Lake George and Hudson's River, while the French could penetrate it by two other more usual passages, the South-Bay and Wood-Creek; thro' the former of which they had actually marched to his camp. And as to their formidable attack with artillery, whence could they bring it, but from Crown Point? And if they learnt he in­tended, in the present campaign, nothing beyond building a stockaded fort, that very intelligence was sufficient to induce them to attack the camp with cannon; against which, I am confident, his fort would make but a very indifferent resistance. But, in reality, 'twas most probable they would ex­ert their efforts in strengthening Crown Point and Tinonderoge; the reduction of which, for not im­proving our success at the camp, will cost us a vast addition of blood and treasure.

THUS, my Lord, Reflections on the for­tune and conduct of this general. ended this expensive expedi­tion in erecting a wooden fort; faulted by Mr. Montresor ^*; and, I dare say, derided by the ene­my. [Page 86] So that if ever any man obtained laurels with­out earning them, it was this fortunate general; who, by the splendid representations of his secre­tary, and the sovereign decree of his patron, is ex­alted into an eminent hero. To the panegyrical pen of Mr. Wraxal, and the — sic volo, sic jubeo — of Lieut. Gov. De Lancey, is to be ascribed that mighty renown, which echoed thro' the colo­nies, reverberated to Europe, and elevated a raw unexperienced youth into a kind of second Marl­borough— ‘Fortunate puer, tu nunc eris alter ab illo.’ So capricious is fortune, and so fond of sporting with human affairs. The emperor Severus (I think it is Herodian tells the story) when obliged to raise the siege of Atras, the only attempt in which he had ever been baffled, thought himself conquered because he did not conquer: but our hero, it seems, is a conqueror, because he was not conquered. When a general finds himself attacked in his camp, a very quaker methinks, would forget his princi­ples, and follow, in spight of Barclay and the meet­ing, the powerful dictates of nature incentive to self-defence. And did the valour of our warrior carry him an inch farther? Did he pursue an ene­my, who by flying, with the loss of about 30 men, [Page 87] exhibited a full proof of a most extraordinary pusi­lanimity? Or, if his wound (which, considering it was made by a ball visible in its flight to his aid-de-camp, must have been very capacious) rendered his personal pursuit impracticable; were any or­ders given to improve the fortune of the day, and destroy a fugitive army? Was not, on the contrary, the noble ardor of those who offered to pursue, by positive orders repressed; and a poltroon adversary suffered to escape, whose recent cowardice promis­ed a general slaughter, and who, in their present panic, had fallen a sacrifice to our victorious arms?

THESE are facts of incontestible notoriety: Why this action was so greatly ex­aggerated and if your Lordship demands, whence then the ac­counts that six or eight hundered, nay a thousand, fell before the camp (when, in reality, the enemy lost not above two hundered in all the three en­gagements, which is less than our own loss) there is no other way of accounting for these glaring mis­represenrations, than that it suited our present sys­tem of politics to have this action exaggerated and magnified. It was necessary to exalt Johnson, in order to depress Shirley, and they who had repre­sented the expedition against Crown Point of such prodigious importance, thought it adviseable to render every thing important that was transacted in that expedition. Every man among us knew it to [Page 88] be an imposition; and yet ran the risk of having his head broke for offering to doubt it. It was notorious, not above 30 of the enemy were found slain at the camp; and that the rest of the dead could neither fly into the air, nor dive into the earth. Where then was the remainder? To anticipate the question, left any one should have effrontery enough to start it— they were carried off by a flying enemy, who took to their heels to save their own lives; and yet were so anxious about their dead, as to carry them all along. Such manifest contradictions are we oblig­ed to believe [...]

NAY, to excuse this favourite general, the blame of not following his advantage, has been thrown on Mr. Shirley, Shirley ab­surdly cen­sured. and attributed to his positive di­rections. Besides the absurdity of the accusation, that he could be accessary to an omission of this nature, it was absolutely impossible for him to know whether the enemy would at all risk an attack. Your Lordship will consider, the general was then at least 365 miles from the place of action, nor ad­vised of it till nine days after it happened. But when he received the intelligence, so far from di­recting to the inactivity of a merely defensive con­duct, that he dispatched repeated expresses to Mr. Johnson, urging him in the most pressing terms, to pursue the advantage already obtained; and if [Page 89] unable to proceed in person, to commit the charge of the troops to Major Gen. Lyman: or, if he found it impracticable to invest Crown Point that season, at least to make himself master, if possible, of the enemy's advanced post at Tinonderoge.— But all was ineffectual: the laurel being already ac­quired, fortune was not again to be put to a des­perate venture.

WE will now, if your Lordship pleases, return to Oswego, where General Shirley arrived the 21st of August, and take a view of the course of his proceedings in that quarter.

YOUR LORDSHIP may remember, Course of proceedings at Oswego. that the troops marched from Schenectady, with scarce half the number of battoemen, which contracted for the service; and these by frequent desertions gradual­ly decreased. Hence the transportation of provisi­ons, thro' this long tract of country, was so much impeded, that until the latter end of September it was impossible, upon that account, to move from Oswego.

THE general however had, in the mean time, made all the necessary preparations for the expedi­tion to Niagara: and as the arrival of a large con­voy with provisions was then hourly expected, A council of war held there. he held a council of war at his camp on the 18th of September; at which were present

• [Page 90]His Excellency the GENERAL:
• Lieut. Col. Ellison,
• Lieut. Col. Mercer,
• Col. Schuyler,
• Capt. Patten,
• Major Littlehales,
• Major Bradstreet, Adj. Gen.
• Capt. Bradford,
• Capt. Broadley, Com. of the vessels on the Lake.

The general represents the state of affairs, and informs the council of his intelli­gences.THE general informed this council, that thro' the great desertion of battoemen, the scarcity of waggons on the Mohawk River, and the desertion of sledgemen at the Great Carrying-Place, the con­veyance of provisions and other stores had been so much retarded, that there had not been at any time since his arrival, a sufficient quantity of dry provi­sions to enable him to go upon action: but as a large supply would probably very soon arrive, he was determined to proceed immediately. He thought proper to inform them of his intelligence concern­ing the situation and strength of the enemy — which was to this purpose — That before he left the One­ida Carrying-Place, two trusty Indians, with as many Albany traders, were sent as spies to Niaga­ra; who, after fourteen days absence, returned with an account — That the Indians had been two days in the French fort there, which was built partly of stone, but principally of logs, being in a weak and ruinous condition — that the garrison consisted of about 60 French and 100 Indians, who said they [Page 91] had for some time expected 900 Indians and a quan­tity of stores from Canada; but were apprehensive their vessels were taken — That letters came in fre­quently from Fort Du Quesne, whence also they expected a considerable reinforcement. The spies ad­ded, that the Indians were disgusted at the division of the spoils, on the defeat of General Braddock, and that the French had lost 30 men in that engage­ment — that they saw many English scalps, with a large quantity of cloaths and furniture — that the French had there 70 or 80 large battoes, with which they intended to meet and board our vessels▪ and this article was confirmed by another Indian, who set out after the spies, and meeting one of our row­gallies, cautioned the commander against a nearer approach to Niagara.

HIS EXCELLENCY also informed the council, that in Indian spy had been with the Outawawas, who assisted the French in the action at Monongahela — that they had declared their inclination to lay down the hatchet; and that others more westerly gave the like intimations; which had induced him to dispatch four messengers with belts of wampum, to invite them into our alliance, or at least to engage their neuterality.

UPON the general's arrival at Oswego, he thought it necessary to procure intelligence from Frontenac; [Page 92] and for that purpose sent out a party of white men and Indians, who returned about the 8th of Sep­tember, with information — that they landed upon an island, about six furlongs from the fort, from whence they had a full view of it — that it was built in a bay, near the edge of the water, and surround­ed by a stone wall; the land behind it cleared, and rising in a gradual acclivity — that two vessels of about 40 tons each, lay moored in the harbour, un­rigged, and without guns — that at the east end of the fort there was a regular encampment, and six marquis tents; from the extent of which they ima­gined it contained about 3 or 400 men. — Upon the side of the bay, opposite the fort, the land pro­jected about half a mile: between this and the island they were upon was another little island, about three quarters of a mile from the fort, inhabited by about twenty Indian families. The spies added, that there were several other adjacent islands; but they dis­covered no battoes. His Excellency farther ac­quainted the council, that an Indian who came to Oswego about the time of his arrival, and had left Frontenac nine days before, declared there were 30 French within the fort; a considerable quantity of powder, and many guns mounted on the sur­rounding wall, which was about six feet thick; and the encampment without consisted of 600 soldiers. [Page 93] The information of Redhead, to the same effect, was also laid before the council, with the addition — that there were two encampments, one of Canadi­ans, and the other of regulars, in a hollow, indis­coverable from the island; and that he was told, by the commandant, of a much larger number of troops expected with the general, lately arrived from France; when they proposed to invest Oswe­go. Gen. Johnson's letter of the 1st of September, signifying, that his scouts informed him of the de­parture of 300 canoes to Frontenac, was also con­sidered: and from these articles of intelligence — the account of the arrival of the French troops — the suspension of all intercourse between Frontenac and Niagara — and their lying still so long at the former; his excellency observed, it was not impro­bable their design might be to make a descent on Oswego, if the whole force proceeded on the expe­dition to Niagara, which was about 150 miles to the westward; and from whence, at that advanced season, they could not return in less than 30 days. That this was the more probable, as Oswego was of the greatest importance for securing the frontiers of the western colonies, maintaining the British do­minion over the great lakes, and the country be­yond the Apalachean mountains. He also took no­tice of the defenceless state of Oswego, which would [Page 94] render it necessary to leave a strong garrison there: that the number of effectives at that time in the three regiments and independent companies, in­cluding serjeants and corporals, amounted to 1376; and that the irregulars, who were Albany men and Indians, procured by his own emissaries, consisted only of 120. For the better security of the place, the general had ordered to be built, with all possible dispatch, a strong wooden fort, capable of mount­ing cannon, with picquets and a ditch, on a high point, commanding the old fort on the east side of the river. This he observed was already begun, and would soon be compleated: and that for the proposed enterprize, he had built and equipped a sloop and schooner of sixty tons each, two row-gal­lies, each of twenty tons, with eight whale-boats, each capable of carrying sixteen men. He then in­formed them of his intention to embark for Nia­gara, as soon as the expected convoy arrived, with 600 regulars, including gunners and matrosses, be­sides the Albany and Indian irregulars, one 18 pounder, four 12 pounders, a ten-inch mortar, a seven-inch hoyet, two royals, and five small swi­vel-hoyets, the vessels, whale-boats, and a compe­tent number of battoes; leaving behind him 700 effectives, two 12 pounders, ten 6 pounders, six 3 pounders, and eight cohorns.

[Page 95]THE council, upon this representation, were un­animously of opinion, in answer to the several ques­tions proposed, that the force intended for the Nia­gara expedition was sufficient: but with respect to Oswego, some imagined it would not defensible: the majority, however, were of contrary sentiments. All agreed, that a feint upon Frontenac, while his excellency was gone to Niagara, was by no means adviseable. They universally concurred in opinion, that a fort ought to be erected on the west side of the old fort; and that it would be for his Majesty's service to prepare materials for building one or more vessels, larger than any of those already upon the lake, capable of mounting ten 6 pounders, besides swivels, two more row-gallies, and 100 good whale-boats.

IN consequence of this advice, Preparations to proceed on the Nia­gara expedi­tion. 600 regulars were draughted, the artillery and ordnance-stores shipped on board the sloop Ontario, part of the provisions on board the sloop Oswego, and the residue was ready for the row-gallies, whale-boats, and battoes. While these preparations were making, the weather was extremely wet and tempestuous. The rains be­gan to fall so heavily on the 18th of the month, that on the best chosen ground the tents of the sol­diers were overwhelmed. As 400 of the troops must have gone in open battoes, it was impossible [Page 96] to pass the lake with any safety, till the storm a­bated; which was on the 26th of the month, when orders were immediately issued for the imbarkation of the troops: but these could not be carried into execution. Which could not be pro­secuted from the badness of the wea­ther. Tho' the rains ceased for a short space of time, the western winds began to blow with re­doubled fury; and were again succeeded by conti­nual rains for thirteen days together. During this boisterous weather, numbers fell sick, whose tents were an insufficient shelter: and the Indians, well acquainted with the climate, went off, declaring the season too far advanced to admit of an expedi­tion upon the lake.

Another council of war held, in which the general re­presents the unfavoura­ble circum­stances of affairs.IN the midst of these difficulties another council, consisting of the same members who composed the last, was called on the 27th of September. The ge­neral acquainted them with the untoward state of affairs, and some of his latest advices. He observed as follows — That the preceding day, eight battoes were arrived, with 48 barrels of flour, and 13 of bread; so that there was then 14 days full allowance of those species of provisions for 2000, being the number then in his camp — That he thought it necessary to take with him 21,000 weight of bread and flour, which for 700 men, forty days, amount­ed only to three-fourths of the usual allowance — that, in such case, there would be left with the [Page 97] garrison only 8000 weight of bread and flour, at half allowance for only 12 days: but, by advices received from the Carrying-Place and Mohawk River, he had the greatest reason to expect such a quantity of provisions, in a few days, as would be a full supply for some mouths — that a party of men, with two officers, in whale-boats, sent seven days before to Frontenac to discover the enemy's motions, were returned, with the following report — That they went into the harbour, and saw the fort, which appeared to be a regular square faced with stone, having four embrasures in the front — that the encampment consisted of above 100 tents — that two brigantines of about 40 tons each, and a small sloop lying then at anchor, were rigged, and the sails of one of them bent: and a number of battoes lay near the walls of the fort. He commu­nicated to them also a copy of the orders and in­structions given to the French regulars sent thither; which were taken from baron Dieskau, in the ac­tion at Lake George: whence it appeared, that ten companies of the Queen's battalian marched from Montreal to Cadaraqui, in two divisions, upon the first and second of August, together with 250 Ca­nadians, exclusive of Indians: the number of men therefore at Frontenac, including the garrison, might amount to 1000 effectives, originally design­ed, [Page 98] as appeared from those papers, for an attack up­on Oswego. He farther took notice of the depar­ture of some of our Indians, and their unanimous opinion, that the attempt against Niagara could not succeed this season: on which account the re­mainder were resolved to return to their respective castles; giving nevertheless the highest assurances of their willingness to join us in much greater num­bers the ensuing spring; — that the Albany traders were of the same opinion, that the battoes, tho' well adapted for the navagation of small rivers, could not live on the lake in such tempestuous weather as had continued for a fortnight past — that Lieut. Holland, who had resided there above three years, declared it was commonly windy and wet, with few fair days intervening, during the fall. — That it was besides now impracticable for the vessels and battoes to sail in concert: and as the vessels and whale-boats would not contain all the supplies, there was the utmost danger of spoiling that part of the provisions and ammunition, which must be conveyed in the battoes; in consequence of which many of them might be cut off; it being more than probable, from the weakness of their fort, the ene­my would attack them on the lake — that from the returns of the director and surgeons of the hospital, the number of the sick amounted to about 300, ex­clusive [Page 99] of officers; which they imputed to the ex­cessive rains, and want of barracks. His excellency informed them, he proposed the erection of bar­racks, and a strong redoubt on the hill, west of the old fort, before the winter was too far advanced.

THESE matters, my Lord, Their opi­nion, and advice to lay aside the ex­pedition, and strength­en Oswego. were attentively con­sidered: and the council of war prayed leave to add to the general's representation — That Major Brad­street, since his residence there, was persuaded 1650 Canadians had passed by from Cadaraqui to Niaga­ra, for the Ohio; a great part of whom, thro' scar­city of provisions, he conceived must then be up­on their return to Canada; and that a considerable number of French traders go annually from Cana­da to Detroit, and other French settlements to the westward, who, at this season, are generally upon their return: — that their passage home is by the way of Niagara, where, it is very probable, they and all the French will tarry, as long as their pro­visions admit, for the defence of so important a post. That there were then but few proper bat­toe-men at Oswego: nor could they be provided with a sufficient number, as those who understood the management of battoes were chiefly employed in the transportation of provisions from Schenecta­dy to Oswego, and from Albany to Lake George; and that the soldiers were unable to conduct them [Page 100] to Niagara, the lake being turbulant generally five days in six.

THE advice of the council, my Lord, was una­nimously to this effect — That the arrival of the battoes with provisions, tho' hourly expected, was by no means to be depended upon, there being scalping-parties in the neighbourhood; one of which, since the last council of war, had actually killed three, and captivated two of the workmen employed in building the new fort on the east side of the river: and the cutting off the battoes was the more to be apprehended, as the Indians in our al­liance were now returning to their castles. Nor did they think it adviseable to risk the troops in battoes upon the lake, at so advanced a season of the year. They approved his excellency's intention of raising barracks for the soldiers without delay; and thought the fort on the east side of the Onondaga River ought to be compleated as soon as possible; and a­gain advised the erection of a work for mounting cannon on the eminence west of the old fort — all which, in their opinion, could not be effected be­fore the winter was too far set in, without employ­ing the whole strength then at the place. They were also unanimously and clearly of opinion, that his excellency ought to defer any attempt on Nia­gara or Frontenac, till the next spring; when they [Page 101] had great reason to expect the junction of a large body of the Six Nations, and some of the French allies, who had taken up the hatchet against the English, and were concerned on the banks of the Mononga [...]ela. Besides, he might, in the ensuing campaign, have a greater number of troops, whale-boats instead of battoes, and a more powerful naval force, which they conceived ought to be provided against the next spring.

THIS advice, my Lord, Which was carried into execution. the general proceeded immediately to carry into execution. Compleating the fort on the east side of the river, was a matter of principal attention, because situated on a high point of land, at 100 yards distance from the lake, commanding the ground round about it — the old fort at 450 yards distance — and the entrance of the harbour. Its circumference was 800 feet, be­ing built of logs from 20 to 30 inches diameter, and the outer wall 14 feet high. Round it was to be a ditch 14 feet broad and 10 deep. Within, a square log-house to overlook the walls, and barracks for 300 men. — This fort, called Ontario, was to mount 16 pieces of cannon. Another, called Oswego, was immediately begun, upon an eminence 450 yards west of the old fort. It was a square of 170 feet, with bastions, and a rampart of earth and masonry; which, besides the paraper, was to be 20 feet thick, 12 in height, with a ditch 14 feet broad and 10 [Page 102] deep. The barracks within were to contain 200 men. This was to mount eight pieces of cannon; being made the more defensible, as it commanded a good landing, distant 150 yards on the edge from the lake.

The general labours to establish the Indians in our interest.WHILE these works were carrying on, the gene­ral employed himself in a necessary attention to In­dian affairs. He laboured to establish some of the principal Onondagas, who were thro' negligence become wavering; and dispatched messages to those who were gone from us, and settled at Oswegatie, and to the messasagues and Chippawees on the north side of the Lake Ontario. Others were sent to foment the dissaffection of the Outawawas, dis­gusted at the French partition of the plunder, on Braddock's defeat. With the Senecas, the remotest from our settlements of all the five cantons, and therefore the most debauched by the French, he succeeded so well, that they now dismissed Joncaire, one of their emissaries, whose father had been long suffered to reside among them, in spite of our re­peated remonstrances; and was the chief preserver of the fort at Niagara. They also engaged to meet him, the next campaign, with 100 of their warriors, and promised for the future to refuse the assistance they had formerly given the French, in transport­ing their furrs, with horses and sleds, across the Ni­agara [Page 103] Carrying-Place — as necessary there, as at any of our portages between Schenectady and Oswego. When nothing further could be prosecuted, And returns to Albany. the ge­neral retired from Oswego the 24th of October, leaving 700 men in garrison, under the command of Lieut. Col. Mercer; with orders to continue the works projected for its defence.

HAVING, my Lord, taken up too much of your time in a circumstantial relation of the proceedings in this quarter, I shall not trouble you with any re­flections upon them. Your Lordship has seen the insurmountable difficulties attending this western expedition; and will doubtless approve our not ha­zarding the loss of Oswego. French de­signed to cut off Oswego, had the ge­neral pro­ceeded to Niagara. That such would have been the event, had Mr. Shirley left the place about the beginning of October, was wisely foreseen, from the advices he had received: and baron Dieskau, just after the action at Lake George, assured a gen­tleman of distinction in the army, he questioned not the English general would make himself master of Niagara; but that the French had half the forces he brought with him from Brest, with a number of Canadians and Indians, at Frontenac, ready, imme­diately on his departure, to invest Oswego, and cut off his retreat. Sir Charles Hardy calls in the militia on a false alarm.

WHILE the general was at Albany, after his re­turn from the lake, forwarding the supplies for the [Page 104] garrison at Oswego; preparing for the operations of the next campaign, and examining into the state of the troops arrived there under Col. Dunbar; the city was alarmed by expresses from General John­son, informing, that 8 or 9000 of the enemy were advancing towards him. Sir Charles Hardy, then at Albany, called in the militia: and a detachment of the regular troops, with a train of artillery, held themselves in readiness to march at a moment's warning. But another express gave reason to be­lieve those apprehensions were ill grounded, and General Johnson's fears in some measure abated. It seems a few Indian scouts had discovered the tracks of a large army; but Capt. Rogers, the brave officer before mentioned, came into the camp soon after them, and declared, the enemy were em­ployed, as the general had predicted in his letter to Mr. Johnson of the 19th of September, in throw­ing up works at Tinonderoge. Upon which, the militia were dismissed to their respective habitations.

OF the malignity of the New York faction against the general, I have already acquainted your Lord­ship: permit me to present you with another in­stance of the same spirit. A mercenary scribler, of whom I shall soon take more particular notice, is pleased to inform the public, that ‘Col. Dunbar with his forces, were obliged six weeks to lie en­camped [Page 105] at Albany, in the rain and snow, till bar­racks were built for them. That they were entire­ly obliged to Sir Charles Hardy, that they got a stick of wood to burn. So (says he) were our forces disposed of.’

ALBANY, my Lord, is an old compact city, con­sisting of 3 or 400 well-built houses: and at about 16 miles N. W. from it, is the town of Schenecta­dy, consisting of about 150 houses. The inhabitants are far from being indigent: the adjacent country abounds with provisions; and in such quarters, your Lordship is sensible, his Majesty's troops will not want necessaries; especially fuel, in a country cover­ed with timber. Where then the probability, that the forces, which consisted of 1200, would suffer in a post like this? As to the affair of barracks, my Lord, there was a council held at New York, on the first of August, when the news arrived of Col. Dunbar's retiring into winter-quarters, after Brad­dock's defeat. It was composed of Mr. De Lancey the Lieut. Governor, Mess. Alexander, Kennedy, Murray, Holland, Chambers, and Smith; and the opinion of that board then was, ‘That not only the King's forces to the southward, but also those that could be spared from Nova Scotia, should quarter near Albany, for any future operations.’ This resolve Mr. De Lancey transmitted to the ge­neral [Page 106] at Oswego; and as Dunbar's troops were or­dered to Albany, for the defence of that country, and particularly to make a stand, in case the pro­vincials were defeated; they had, methinks, the highest reason to expect favour from the inhabitants, and the special countenance of the government, e­ven had they been quartered upon them as usual: and which at present is actually the case, by express orders of my Lord Loudon. The general, I say, had no reason to expect, upon this head, any op­position from the civil magistrate. But Sir Charles Hardy, on his arrival at Albany, about the 26th of September, signified to him by letter, his appre­hensions of uneasiness arising among the inhabitants, should the soldiers be quartered upon private fami­lies; and wished to have his excellency's orders for building barracks, both there and at Schenectady; least his assembly should not chuse to put the pro­vince to that charge. He also expressed his hopes, if such an expence was saved them, of their greater readiness to raise more men, should the service re­quire it, the next campaign. The general's answer to this letter equally demonstrated his integrity to the crown, and concern for the troops. He inti­mated his fears, that the construction of barracks would be thought an extraordinary expence; but it being necessary for the service, that Dunbar's, [Page 107] and the regiment of the late Sir Peter Halket, should winter in Albany and Schenectady, he com­plied with Sir Charles's request; and desired him to provide barracks for those regiments with all possible dilligence, that the troops, on their arrival in his government, might not find themselves des­titute of quarters. To relieve the crown in the ex­pence, he farther took notice to Sir Charles, of the request made by his own government for drawing these troops to Albany — that they would in a spe­cial manner cover the frontier of New York — be of service to Oswego in the ensuing spring — and that the inhabitants would draw very large sums from their residence amongst them. Nor did he for­get to recommend an imitation of the Massachussetts Bay; who thought it reasonable to erect barracks for his own regiment, tho' they knew their conti­nuance among them would be short, destined as they were for the western expedition. But that there might be no delay in building the barracks, arising from any doubt of the expence being paid by the province of New York, Mr. Shirley inform­ed Sir Charles, that if they would not, after these considerations, take that expence on themselves, he would defray it out of the contingent-money in the hands of the deputy pay-master. Thus, my Lord, if any ground for complaint of the want of [Page 108] barracks, Mr. Shirley 'tis clear was intirely uncen­surable: and if the troops, as this libeller informs us, did suffer in their tents, — I submit it to your Lordship, whose province it was to have found them better quarters. But the fact is, that the bar­racks were finished, and the troops quartered in them before the first of December, fuel provided for them sufficient for the winter, and all at the expence of the crown.

THE winter now approaching, commissioners were appointed by the governments concerned in the Crown Point expedition, to ascertain their re­spective quotas for garrisoning the forts Edward and William Henry, and disbanding the rest of the army. After this was compleated, the general and Sir Charles Hardy returned to New York; where the former convened a grand congress of governors and field officers, to deliberate on a plan for the o­rations of the succeeding campaign. But before I enter upon their transactions, I shall briefly lay be­fore your Lordship those between Sir Charles Har­dy and his assembly; which was opened on the se­cond, and continued sitting till the 23d of Decem­ber.

Transac­tions in New-YorkI HAVE already observed, that the ministry, from the time of Mr. Clinton's departure in 1753, had been sollicitous about procuring the consent of our [Page 109] assembly to a law establishing a permanent provision for the governor, and other necessary officers. between Sir Charles Hardy and his assem­bly. When Sir Danvers Osborne arrived, he brought with him an instruction for that purpose; from the terms of which it was apparent that the ministry had it much at heart; and Sir Danvers, before he left England, was made to believe that Mr. De Lancey, by means of his great popularity, would enable him to carry it into execution. This I had from a gentleman, to whom Sir Danvers opened himself, and whom he consulted before his embarkation for his govern­ment. The gentleman is a person of the first figure in these colonies; and being acquainted with the system of politicks in New York, he informed Sir Danvers, that those promises were by no means to be depended upon: that Mr. De Lancey was inex­pressibly jealous of his ascendancy over the assem­bly, who were utterly disinclined to a perpetual support: that he would join in no measures that might weaken the confidence they reposed in him: that as long as he maintained his influence in their counsels, he would virtually be the governor of the province; and therefore upon the whole, his inte­rest and ambition would infallibly lead him to keep every governor in a state of dependence upon him. Sir Danvers disliked so disagreeable a prediction; and many are of opinion, that its accomplishment [Page 110] hastened his unhappy fate. Excuse me, my Lord, for troubling you with a relation of facts, a little out of the strict order of time. Anecdote of Sir Danvers Osborne. There is an anec­dote of Sir Danvers, of which I would not have your Lordship uninformed. He arrived here on the 7th of October, 1753, under very discouraging ap­prehensions of the people; and indeed not without reason, the opposition against Mr. Clinton having been carried beyond all decorum. Governor Os­borne's commission, thro' Mr. Clinton's abscence, remained unpublished till the third day after his arrival. This is usually done, first privately in the council-chamber; and immediately after, in the most public manner at the city-hall. To wait on his excellency thither, Mr. Clinton came abroad; an astonishing crowd being assembled at the Fort Gate, to attend the procession. Mr. Clinton's ene­mies were very assiduous in exciting the popular acclamations; and the huzzas of the mob were scarce intermitted for a moment. There appeared, in short, such a profusion of joy, accompanied with some indecent expressions respecting himself, as gave Mr. Clinton just reason to suspect more open indignities. He therefore soon took his leave of Sir Danvers, who expressed his displeasure at the con­duct of his enemies. This, my Lord, proved a day of general festivity and Bacchanalian frolic. In [Page 111] the evening, the city was illuminated: the com­mon blazed with bonfires: great was the consump­tion of Madiera; and every company rung with maledictions against the late commander in chief, who was charged as the sole procurer of the new instruction; an account of which could only have transpired from some of the council. Sir Danvers alone appeared unaffected with our intemperate re­vels; and on his countenance sat a melancholy gloom. He convened the council on Thursday the eleventh of the month; and prayed their sentiments on the probability of obtaining a permanent support, according to his instructions. That the point was unattainable, they all delivered as their unanimous opinion. He then required the solution of the same question from each member severally; and still from each received the same reply. Upon this, he turn­ed himself about in apparant distress, uttered a deep sigh, and reclining his head against a window, in a desponding accent said, ‘What then am I come hither for?’ The next morning — But I desist. This instruction, as your Lordship will be pleased to recollect, remained unrevoked all the time of his suceessor: and 'tis natural to expect, that the people of this province were very inquisi­tive whether it was continued to Governor Hardy — they were so. But Sir Charles did not follow [Page 112] the example of Mr. De Lancey, in laying his in­structions before the assembly. The article relative to the support has undergone, as I am credibly in­formed, very few alterations, and those only in the preamble. That it was in substance the same, is evident from his speech to the house, on the 3d of December, at the opening of that session. His words are these: Sir Charles Hardy's speech to his assembly. ‘I am commanded by his Majesty to recommend in his name without delay, to consider of a proper law to be passed, for settling a permanent revenue upon a solid foundation, for defraying the necessary and established charge es of government; taking care that such law be indefinite, without limitation of time; and that provision be made therein for a competent sa­lary to the captain-general and governor in chief of this his Majesty's province; and likewise for competent salaries to all judges, justices, and other necessary and usual officers and ministers of government: and also for a certain permanent fund, for repairing and maintaining the fortifi­cations, for making anual presents to the Indians, and for the other contigent expences attending that service: and in general, for all such other charges of government, as may be fixed or as­certained. Their an­swer.’ The assembly in their address, after a justly-merited compliment, for his activity in [Page 113] proceeding to Albany, and their approbation of the measures for garrisoning the frontiers, subjoin this emolient paragraph: ‘We wish we could, with e­qual satisfaction, reconcile to ourselves your ex­cellency's recommendation of an indefinite sup­port: but humbly beg leave to inform your ex­cellency, that we have no permanent funds, on which to establish such a revenue; nor do any occur to us, without very apparant inconvenien­cies to our constituents. We therefore most hum­bly hope we shall stand acquitted in the eyes of our most gracious sovereign, if we decline a measure so directly opposite to the sentiments of almost every individual of the colony. We can­not leave this subject, without disclosing to your excellency the concern it gives us, that this his Majesty's loyal colony, which, tho' small in num­bers, has chearfully bore very heavy expences, and particularly supported its governors, and o­ther officers of government, in a more liberal manner than most others on the continent, should be requested to pursue measures hitherto un­known to it, whilst the rest, almost without ex­ception, are left to practise the very measures de­nied to us.’

MR. CLINTON, my Lord, Their beha­viour differ­ent from [...] what it was i [...] [...] and the reason. asked of this same as­sembly only a support for five years; and it was [Page 114] refused with indignation and virulence. Sir Charles here demands much more; and we see, that he is answered with the most commendable decency. To help your Lordship in accounting for his contra­dictory behaviour — Mr. De Lancey was bent up­on expelling that governor from the province: and to gain his point, continually fomented the quar­rel he himself excited. But Sir Charles was to be treated in a different manner, and measures more lenient were to be pursued. An ascendency over him would ensure to his lieutenant many advantag­es; and enable him to procure the governor's as­sent to a bill, for paying him a large sum, now due for his salary and other perquisites, while he had the chief command. He might indeed, but durst not pass such a bill himself, and therefore it was not offered. Accordingly, the house, at their very next meeting, sent up a bill to the council, on the 4th of February 1756, for paying the debts of the government; in which he was a creditor for near 4000 l. But of this I shall have occasion to take more particular notice. Thus, my Lord, I will forfeit my honour, if, upon a faithful perusal of the journals of assembly, your Lordship doth not find — the conduct of the house, and the inte­rest of Mr. De Lancey, for ten or fifteen years past, perfectly to tally.

[Page 115]LET us now take a view of the transactions in the grand council of war, Grand coun­cil of war conven [...]d at New York for settling the opera­tions for 1756. which the general had con­vened at New York, for settling a plan of the future operations. It was opened on the 12th of Decem­ber, and continued sitting for the space of two days. Tho' the invitation to the governors was universal, it consisted only of these members:

• His Excellency General Shirley, commander in chief of all his Majesty's forces in North America:
• His Excellency Sir Charles Hardy, Knight, go­vernor and commander in chief of the province of New York:
• The Honourable Horatio Sharpe, lieut. gover­nor and commander in chief of the province of Maryland:
• The honourable Robert Hunter Morris, lieut. governor and commander in chief of the province of pennsylvania:
• The Honourable Thomas Fitch, governor and commander in chief of the colony of Connecticut.
• Col. Thomas Dunbar:
• Col. Peter Schuyler:
• Major Charles Craven:
• Sir John St. Clair, deputy quarter-master general:
• Major John Rutherford.

After adjusting several points of rank, the mem­bers took their seats in the order mentioned; and [Page 116] the general opened the conferrence, by laying be­fore the council the King's instructions to General Braddock. The general delivers his sentiments to the council; He then delivered his sentiments to the board, to the following purpose: ‘That our only enterance into Lake Ontario, was thro' the Onon­daga River to Oswego. No other harbour had his Majesty upon that lake, capable of receiving vessels of force: that Oswego was situate in the country of the Onondagas, the centre canton of the Six Nations, and famous for the furr trade no other mart could we boast, for commerce or correspondence with those nu­merous tribes of savages inhabiting the western country, on the banks of the great lakes Erie, Huron, Michigan, and the many rivers which roll into them: That the Lake Ontario was only accessible to the Canadians, thro' the river Cada­racqui, formerly called by the French Fleuve I­roquois; but, in their late maps, calculated to countenance their exorbitant claims, distinguish­ed by the name of St. Lawrence. At the head of that river was their enterance into that lake; and near Fort Frontenac, situated on its north­eastern edge, about 50 miles, from, and nearly opposite to, our fort at Oswego: That while the enemy kept possession of Frontenac, with the harbour at Fronto, and a free passage thro' the [Page 117] Iroquois River, they would always be able to build and maintain vessels of force upon the lake: Thas his Majesty would therefore be necessitated to support a naval armament there, at least equal to that of the French. Without this, they might annoy any forts we could erect at the northeast end of the pass at Niagara; and Oswego itself be lost. The inevitable consequence of which would be, the defection of the Six Nations, the loss of the whole country for near 300 miles from Oswe­go to Schenectady, and perhaps the reduction of Albany itself.’ The general added, ‘That all the French forts at Niagara, upon the lake Erie, and the river Ohio, those also upon lake Huron, at the Streights of Missilimakinac, and the Lake Michigan still more westerly, received all their supplies by water carriage from Montreal, thro' the River Iroquois, and the Lake Ontario: That the French settlements at the mouth of the Mis­sissippi furnished these northern garrisons neither with provisions nor stores; being not only at 2000 miles distance from any of them, but embarrassed with insuperable difficulties, by a laborious na­vagation against a rapid stream.’ Hence his ex­cellency concluded, ‘That could the French be dislodged from Frontenac and the little fort at Fronto, and their enterance into Lake Ontario [Page 118] obstructed, all their other forts and settlements on the Ohio, and the western lakes, were depriv­ed of their support from Canada, and must e [...] long be evacuated.’

and proposes his plan of operations;IMPRESSED, my Lord, with these views, the ge­neral proposed, as a plan of operations for the next year — That 5000 men should be very early assem­bled at Oswego, and 4000 of them sent to attack Frontenac and La Gallette; which being reduced, an attempt should be made upon the forts at Nia­gara, Presque Isle, Riviere au Beuf, Detroit, and Missilimakinac: and that in the mean time, 3000 provincial troops should march from Will's Creek, for the reduction of Fort Du Quesne: that a body of 1000 should proceed to Crown Point, build a fort there, and launch one or more vessels into Lake Champlain: And that the force of Canada might be farther divided, he proposed, that 2000 men should carry fire and sword up Kennebec River, fall upon the settlements adjoining to the River Chandiere, and proceed to its mouth, three miles distant from Quebec; and by dividing themselves into small parties along the banks of the river St. Lawrence, and destroying the scattered settlements there, keep that part of Canada in continual alarms.

HE then observed, that if the several attempts upon Crown Point, the forts upon the lakes, and [Page 119] the Ohio, were not prosecuted at the same time, very perilous might be the consequences. That if in particular, while Frontenac and Niagara were attacked, no attempt was made against Crown Point, the whole force of Canada would march to oppose us; which would defeat the design, and require so large a body of troops, as to render the transporta­tion of necessaries to Oswego impracticable. So nu­merous an army might also march against Albany, as effectually to cut off the retreat of our forces, or at least totally obstruct their supplies: That should, on the contrary, our whole strength be destined for Crown Point, and the western operations neglected; Oswego, the grand object of the French, was in the utmost danger of falling into their hands. A loss irreparable and beyond estimation — the loss of the whole country down to Albany, with that of the Six confederate Nations; and to the French the acquisition of an absolute dominion on the lakes, and the whole southern country.

HIS EXCELLENCY finished, with informing the council of his late intelligence — That the French were building three large vessels, of superior force to ours, in the harbour of Frontenac: and upon the whole prayed their advice.

A PLAN so well digested, and so clearly stated, Which was approved, with some little altera­tions. [...]equired but little consideration; and accordingly [Page 120] it was in the main unanimously approved. The council advised the general, to give orders for building three or more vessels at Oswego. They were of opinion, that 10,000 men were necessary for the Crown Point expedition, and 6000 for that on Lake Ontario. The attempt against Fort Du Quesne, by the [...]stern governments, 'was thought would answer very good purposes, especially in securing the fidelity of the western Indians. The feint against Quebec was approved, if it interfered not with the other expeditions. The operations on Lake Onta­rio, they conceived ought to begin with the attack on Frontenac — and upon the whole, were of opi­nion — that an additional number of regular troops would be necessary for effectually recovering and securing his Majesty's rights and dominions on the continent.

Design a­gainst Tinon­deroge in the winter de­feated.THE council having finished their business, the governors soon after returned to their respective provinces. But the general continued his head quar­ters at New York, till the 21st of January, to pro­secute an expedition against Tinonderoge, this winter: and as the French garrison was left very weak, it had doubtless succeeded, had not the want of frost and snow prevented the transportation of the stores. The cabal against the general strengthen­ed and by what causes. Before he left New York, he had a fresh instance of the unwearied and ill-natured industry [Page 121] of his opposers; of which, because important in its consequences, I shall give your Lordship an ample detail. The principal agents were Mess De Lancey and Pownal, who now formed a kind of duumirate, to perplex the service, in order to ruin the general. Without question, my Lord, you are as much surprized, after what has already been said concerning these gentlemen, to find Mr. Pownal a­mong the general's enemies, as you would have been had I told you that Mr. De Lancey was not. I am sensible, that a person of your Lordship's high sense of honour, will recollect Mr. Shirley's favours to him at Boston; and think it incredible to find him in the catalouge of those combined against his benefactor. But it is a shining remark of Tacitus ^*, ‘That benefits are only so far acceptable, as it seems possible to discharge them; and that when they have exceeded all retaliation, hatred is returned for gratitude.’ Mr. Pownal, who was ambitious of recommending himself to a certain noble Lord in England, by furnishing him with American intelli­gence, could by no means brook his being absent from the congress at Alexandria, in the spring of the present year. He earnestly sought an introduc­tion to General Braddock; and Mr. Shirley did the [Page 122] office with great politeness. He was then just in­formed of his appointment to be lieut. governor of New Jersey, and on that account pressed for an ad­mission into the council. Mr. Shirley, in a very genteel manner, declined a task, which might give offence to the general; and if any resolution tran­spired, draw himself into a snare. But Mr. Pownal, being a stranger to that diffidence and modesty, so suitable to his years and inexperience, became from this moment disgusted, and was seldom after seen amongst that gentleman's friends. He tarried at Philadelphia, till General Braddock's defeat: and towards autum returned to New York. This change of temper recommended him to Mr. De Lancey, who failed not to exasperate the rising resentment: and now his opposition became open and unreserv­ed. Just at this juncture, arrived Sir Charles Har­dy; and Mr. Shirley being then at Oswego, your Lordship sees how seasonable their opportunity, for sowing the seeds of prejudice in the breast of the new governor. I will not take upon me to speak of their success; but doubtless no misrepresentations were wanting to strengthen the cabal. Yet no sooner did the general arrive from Oswego at Albany, where Mess. Pownal and De Lancey attended upon Sir Charles, than the former, dissembling his en­mity, laboured to procure his confidence, that he [Page 123] might pry into his secrets: but from previous inti­mations of his present disposition, in a letter to a gentleman then near the general, he failed in that insidious design. He could now no longer suppress his malevolence, or conceal his recent connections; and therefore openly traduced the very man, to whom he was indebted for all his significancy a­mongst the provinces. My Lord, it is with reluc­tance I utter these things. But your Lordship is as determined to know every transaction which con­cerns the operations in America, as I am to dis­charge the office of a faithful historian. Truth is too sacred to be violated either out of fear or favour; and whatever your Lordship may think of this gen­tleman, such was his conduct. I knew him an a­vowed enemy to Mr. De Lancey, and to Mr. Shir­ey as sanguine a friend. I have since known him to calumniate the latter, and applaud the former. With a change of residence, or rather of interest, he changes sides; and on this account, no man perhaps ever multiplied so many adversaries in so short a time. He aims at two governments, with­out the least prospect of peace, if either of them should fall under his command. I can assure your Lordship, that even in the province of New Jersey he is so little esteemed, and that principally for in­triguing the disbandment of the regiment under [Page 124] Col. Schuyler, to disoblige Mr. Shirley, that upon his return to England in February 1756, he was unable to procure a vote of assembly, desiring his assistance of their agent at the Court of Great Britain; though he pushed it with an earnestness that would have cost most men a blush of confusion.

Mr. Pownal's [...]haviour to [...] governor of New Jer­sey.DETERMINED to embarrass the general, nothing could have been more agreeable to Mr. Pownal and the lieut. governor of New York, than an admission into the late council of war. To a seat at that board neither of them had the least pretension; and yet both were highly displeased at not being invited. Mr. Pownal, who has often distinguished himself for pushing a bold point, repaired to New Jersey, and importuned Governor Belcher, unable on ac­count of his age, to attend the congress in person, to depute him in his stead. His excellency very wisely answered, that the invitation he had receiv­ed from the general, was merely a personal com­pliment: nor could he, with the least decency, in­sist upon an appearance by proxy. His lieutenant, impatient of a denial, called in a menacing tone for pen, ink, and paper, thinking to operate on the in­firmities of age by commination and outrage. The council were astonished at this indecent attack upon an ancient and faithful servant of the Crown, and witheld their advice. But the governor, conscious [Page 125] of the propriety of his refusal, firmly adhered to his first resolution; and Mr. Pownal abruptly quitting the board, returned with disappointment to New York.

THIS gentleman, my Lord, He procures one Evans to publish in­vectives against the general. became acquainted at Philadelphia with one Evans, who, for a ^* valu­able consideration, dedicated to him his map of the middle British colonies, with an encomium, that he esteemed him the best judge of it in America. This man having, in the public streets of Philadelphia, not only presumed to accuse Governor Morris of high reason, but to asperse two of his Majesty's minis­ters as pensioners to France, fled from justice there, and took sanctuary in New York. Mr. Morris, how­ever [Page 126] ever commenced an action against him in this pro­vince, more for his own vindication, than a repa­ration of damages; which the poor fellow would never have been able to make. Upon this he was committed to goal, till Mr. Oliver De Lancey so far befriended him, as to become his security, These were his circumstances, when he published a pamphlet full of invectives against General Shirley. I will not affirm, that he wrote it at the instance of the cabal in New York. I leave your Lordship to judge how far they were concerned in it, after add­ing, that it contained their repeated remarks; that Mr. Pownal was frequently at his lodgings about the time of its publication; and did actually accom­pany him to a printer, to hasten the impression, be­fore he sailed for ^* England. I shall not trouble your Lordship with any particular observations upon this libel. If ever it should fall into your Lordship's hands, this letter will assist you in detecting its false­hoods, and forming a proper judgment both of its author and his abet [...]ors.

[Page 127]THUS, my Lord, was every opportunity embraced by the cabal to prejudice the general in the opinion of the people: and happy for the colonies, Great pains taken to pre­judice Mr. Shirley both in England and America. had their misrepresentations been confined to this side the At­lantic! Bent on Mr. Shirley's removal, all imagi­nable pains were taken to defame his character. Here, they questioned his integrity. But in Eng­land, they endeavoured to create a suspicion of his judgment. General Johnson was set up as his com­petitor; and to his renown were blown all the trumpets of fame. Shirley's deep sense of the im­portance of Oswego, was made the object of buf­foonry and ridicule. The reduction of Crown Point represented as a matter of superior moment. Three hundred men Mr. De Lancey often declared to be a sufficient garrison for Oswego. The general was therefore charged with squandering the King's mo­ney, in making it the main object of his attention: and out of mere opposition, a scheme was recom­mended for turning our whole force toward Crown Point. Upon this errand, my Lord, Mr. Pownal went home in February 1756. I need not inform your Lordship of the success of the faction. The sequel will shew with what consequences it was at­tended. Thus ended the year 1755. Reflections on the fruit­less opera­tions of 1755. A year never to be forgotten in America. It opened with the fairest prospects to these distant dispersions of the [Page 128] British Empire. Four armies were on foot, to re­move the encroachments of a perfidious neighbour, and our coasts honoured with a fleet for their secu­rity, under the command of the brave and vigilent Boscawen. We had every thing to expect — no­thing to fear. The enemy was despised; and we, only desired a proclamation of war, for the final destruction of the whole country of New France. But, my Lord, how unlooked for was the event! General Winslow indeed succeeded in Nova Scotia: but Braddock was defeated — Niagara and Crown Point remained unreduced — the Barbarians were, let loose from the wilderness — many thousand farms abandoned — the King's subjects inhumanly butchered, or reduced to beggary — one of the ^* provinces rent by intestine broils — in another, a potent faction laying the foundation for new disast­ers, in the course of the ensuing year.

The import­ance of the New Eng­land colonies in military matters.THE New England colonies, my Lord, take the lead in all military matters. Your Lordship is too well acquainted with history, not to know, they chiefly owed their origin to the disputes which in­volved the nation in all the calamities of a civil war. The first planters encountered innumerable difficulties, and were long engaged in repeated wars with the Indian natives. Their descendants retain [Page 129] the martial prowess and spirit of their ancestors: and for wisdom, loyalty, and an enterprising geni­us, are a people of renown. In these governments lies the main strength of the British interest upon this continent. Besides their above advantageous character, they are very considerable for their num­bers, the Massachussetts bay contains about 40,000 capable of arms. The militia of Connecticut is a­bout 27,000. Rhode Island and New Hampshire are not so populous. Shirley obliged to visit his own government. His Majesty's service there­fore rendered it necessary for the general, according to the plan of operations, to visit his own govern­ment, in order to sollicit the succours, without which the expedition proposed against Crown Point must inevitably have failed. 1756. For this purpose he set out from New York on the 21st of January: and, but for his presence and sollicitations at Boston, no provincial troops would this year have entered the field. — That colony was so extremely disobliged at the conduct of General Johnson, in neglecting to pursue his advantages, after the memorable route of the French at Lake George, as to be in general averse to a new campaign: And with difficulty ob­tains their concurrence in another expedition. and with the utmost difficulty did the general procure their concurrence in another expensive attempt. — There let us at present leave him, promoting the public service of the colonies: and returning again to New York — [Page 130] suffer me, at this inactive season of the year, to en­tertain your Lordship with one or two instances of Lieut. Governor De Lancey's more private politi­cal feats.

NEVER was any man more impolitic than Go­vernor Clinton. Had he kept the chief justice de­pendent on his favour, he would have governed his province with ease and tranquillity: but by granting him a new commission for his office, during good behaviour, he set him at liberty to act at plea­sure: and in consequence of this fatal error, the province was thrown into violent convulsions. No­thing therefore, my Lord, could be more desirable to his successor, than to hold that gentleman under proper restraint. Sir Charles Hardy had this ad­vantage: his office of chief justice, I am informed, became extinguished the moment the government devolved upon him by the death of Sir Danvers Osborne. From the time of Sir Charles Hardy's ar­rival, Lieut. Gov. De Lancey resume his seat on the bench, tho' his office of chief justice was become extinct. Mr. De Lancey had impatiently expected a new commission: but the governor neglecting the offer, to the astonishment of most in the province, he notwithstanding ventured to resume his seat on the bench in January term; when two felons were arraigned before him. This bold stroke at the pre­rogative, most men imagined would have drawn down the resentment of the new governor; and why [Page 131] it was passed by without observation, I must leave to your Lordship's conjectures. That De Lancey had, in reality, no right to the exercise of that of­fice, has been strongly insisted upon by gentlemen of the law, tho' in an extrajudicial manner. I pre­tend not myself to any knowledge in that intricate science; but beg leave to present your Lordship with an opinion, relating to the point, contained in the following letter from a gentleman of the profes­sion to his friend in this city; with a copy of which I have been favoured —

PERHAPS, my Lord, no higher evidence can be assigned of a man's influence, than such a bold in­vasion of his Majesty's prerogative. Mr. De Lancey was determined not to lose an office, which he knew to be the grand source of his popularity, and the main prop of his power. For, whoever is chief jus­tice of the province, unless a very novice, must be the second man in the government. Governor Hardy made no opposition to this large Pride of ambition: and the other not long after, by his wonderful artifice, subjected him to his absolute dominion. It was effected in the following man­ner — Your Lordship will be pleased to recollect, De Lancey obliges the governor to pass two acts of assembly that Mr. De Lancey had the address to prevail up­on the assembly to send up a bill to the council, on the 4th of February, intituled, ‘An act for the payment of the Debts due from this Co­lony; and other Purposes therein mentioned.’ By this, payments were to be made to many cre­ditors of the government, for services done this colony, [Page 136] without specifying what those services were. The lieut. governor was to receive 3787 l. 16 s. and several other sums were payable to his brother. It was in reality a bill for discharging the arrears due to the ordinary officers of the government. To ren­der it the more palatable to the governor, provision was made for paying him also large sums [...]or pre­sents to the Indians, and the expences of his voy­age to Albany, after the French repulse at Lake George. When it came up to the council, it ob­tained a majority only by one voice: and of these, my Lord, two gentlemen, besides lieut gov. De Lancey, were themselves interested in the bill. They were the puisne judges of the supreme court, Mess. Horsmanden and Chambers, whose arrears of salary were now by the act to be discharged. Mess. Colden, Alexander, and Smith looked up­on it, as a mean invasion of the King's instructions, which, until they resigned their seats at the council board, they were bound in honour to regard with sacred punctuality. — It was besides evidently par­tial; no provision being made for other creditors, whose demands were indisputable. They also con­ceived it derogatory to the dignity of that board, to pass an act, excluding themselves from any knowledge of those services, for which the respec­tive sums were made payable. For these reasons, [Page 137] among others, they opposed the bill; and prayed their dissent might be entered, as a vindication of themselves to his Majesty. The governor, to whom it was sent up, detained it for farther consideration; tho' he passed several other bills on the 19th of the month. This circumstance, my Lord, could not but chagrin his lieutenant, who had the bill much at heart; not only on account of the large sums thereby payable to himself and brother; but because the passing it into a law, would be the fullest evi­dence of his ascendency over the governor; and if he could bring him into disgrace with the ministry, by leading him into a breach of instructions. It was plain he would have nothing to rely upon, but his own popularity. This was an important card, and to be skilfully played off. So indeed it was: and when I finish the story, I am persuaded your Lord­ship will entertain no very mean opinion of Ame­rican politicians. — The spring was now advancing; and it became necessary to pass a law far levying forces, not only to join the eastern colonies, on a new expedition against the French fortress at Crown Point, but for the protection of our western fron­tiers, in conjunction with Pennsylvania anst New Jersey, which were become fields of blood, by the daily ravages of inhuman barbarians. The bill for this purpose originated with the assembly: and [Page 138] Mr. De Lancey, who was now closeting the mem­bers, was its principal constructor. When it came before the council on the 28th of March, that board immediately objected to it, according to his expec­tations: and the governor declared, that if the council approved, he should himself give it a ne­gative. According to the tenor of this bill, the for­ces designed for the western expedition were to serve but forty days, when the province of New Jersey had ordained their quota, to be disbandable by Mr. Belcher: and Sir Charles Hardy insisted, that the like confidence ought to be reposed in his judge­ment. The two houses now engaged themselves in a dispute, at a time when, of all others, every con­tention should have been avoided. Mr. Oliver De Lancey, appointed by the house to provide the supplies for the regiment designed as our quota to­wards the Crown Point expedition, now gave or­ders to stop all farther preparations, an open rup­ture between the governor and assembly being daily expected. The members began freely to speak a­gainst him. The council laboured to procure an alteration of the bill — but all to no purpose. The principal thing aimed at, was the passing of the debt-bill: and a leading member in the house plain­ly intimated their designs to the governor. Doubt­less your Lordship will wonder he did not dissolve [Page 139] them with indignation. Believe me, my Lord, it would have been a step, at this time, extremely unadviseable. Forty days intermission between the test and return of the writ of summons for the elec­tion of representatives, being required by law; the public exigencies were too pressing to admit of any delay. Mr. De Lancey knew all his advantages: and that Sir Charles Hardy might be at no loss to conjecture that the house was now acting at his beck, nor himself under the necessity of joining with the council against the bill, absented himself from the consultations of that board. The neigh­bouring colonies in the mean time were urging the dispatch of our preparations for opening the campaign. Reduced at length by these perplexities, he was obliged to send for his lieutenant, and give him his promise to pass the favourite bill for payment of the public debts. The house then privately took back the quota-bill; and after a few alterations, the council passed it on the 31st of March. To both of them Sir Charles gave his as­sent the following day: and they were enrolled a­mong our laws, I leave this affair to your Lord­ship's own reflections; observing only, that from this period, the lieutenant governor's influence be­came more apparant than before — and that as it always was, so it will ever continue to be, his rul­ling [Page 140] passion, and the grand engine of his politics, to crush or controul the King's governors in this province.

THE plan of operations, concerted at New York in December, was a few days after transmitted to Sir Thomas Robinson, to be laid before his Majes­ty, Intelligence from Eng­land, for the royal approbation. ^* Upon the arrival of the first vessels from Europe in April following, we were surprised with these remarkable articles of intelligence: — That the action at Lake George had been magnified in England into an almost de­cisive victory — that Mr. Johnson was advanced to the dignity of a baronet, and 5000 l. sterling voted by the commons, as a farther reward for his great services — that Eyres, his engineer, was raised to a majority — and Wraxal, his secretary, to the com­mand of a company. To crown, in fine, the utmost wishes of his adversaries — that Mr. Shirley's con­duct having been entirely disapproved, his Majesty had been pleased to remove him from the command, and appoint the right hon. the Earl of London ge­neral of all his forces in North America. Mr. Shirley's adversaries and why. Than these particulars, nothing could have been more pleasing [Page 141] to the New York cabal; as they were shortly to reap the fruits of all these calumnies of which they had been the original authors. A change of the general at once gratified their revenge and ambiti­on, and facilitated the execution of an affair ear­nestly solicited, and greatly advancive of their in­terest.

I WILL not assert, that Mr. Shirley had yet re­ceived his Majesty's orders with respect to the late plan of operations. I believe he had not — because on the 7th of May he arrived at Albany, and con­tinued his preparations for carrying that plan into execution, untill the 25th of the month, when a council of war was there held, The general arrives at Albany, and calls a coun­cil of war; consisting of the fol­lowing members:

• His Excellency the GENERAL.
• Lieut. Col. Gage, Lieut. Col. Burton, Major Chap­man, Major Sparks, Sir John St. Clair, John Mon­tresor, Esq chief engineer.

Mr. Shirley laid before them the minutes of the congress in December, and ac­quaints them with the si­tuation of affairs. and acquainted them with the state of affairs. With respect to the western expedition, the naval sorce upon the lake consisted, he observed, of two vessels of ten carriage-guns each; two row-gallies, each of ten swivels; and that he had three months before issued orders for building three other vessels, one of eighteen, ano­ther [Page 142] of sixteen, and a third of 12 carriage-guns. Besides which, there would be 250 whale-boats up­on the lake, each of them capable of containing 16 men. The land forces then at Oswego, and on their march for preserving a free communication between that place and Albany, were his own and Peppe­rell's regiments, with that raised and supported by the province of New Jersey, and the four independ­ent companies of New York. As there was a maga­zine of provisions and stores at the Canajohary Falls, about 35 miles from Schenectady; his excellency proposed posting there 100 men out of those forces: as many more at the German Flats, to secure ano­ther magazine, guard the portage, and convoy the provisions thro' the Wood Creek: and as the fall near Oswego occasioned another small portage, a fort was there also to be erected, for a garrison of fifty men at least. It was, my Lord, of the great­est moment to keep open the communication be­tween Albany and our fort on the lake; his excel­lency was therefore intent upon raising four com­panies of sixty privates each, to be employed in scouting along the passage, and harrassing the French settlements between Frontenac and Montreal.

THE general gave them also an account of the strength of Oswego, when he left it the last fall — adding, that he had sent up Mr. M'Keller, the en­gineer [Page 143] in second, and Mr. Sower, a practitioner engineer, with orders to make such additional works, as they should think necessary for the secu­rity of that important post. And your Lordship will be pleased to take notice, that these orders were issued very early in March, before the Mohawk ri­ver was open; and that the engineers actually ar­rived at Oswego in April. At these several garri­sons were to be deposited six months provisions for 7000; and he observed to the council, that for that purpose, 200 whale-boats and 500 battoes had been dispatched from the first of April since Schenectady. The remaining quantity would have been trans­sported by the middle of July, had his designs been carried into execution.

As to the provincial expedition, he informed them — that the troops voted by the several colo­nies amounted to 8800 men, including the officers and garrisons at the forts Edward and William-Hen­ry. One, or perhaps two hundred Indians might be expected to join them, besides a company which his excellency had raised to harrass the enemy upon Lake Champlain, and procure intelligence of their motions in Canada; and three more, for the like service, were intended to be chosen out of the whole force destined for Crown Point.

ABOUT this time one Rogers, of New Hampshire, Capt. Ro­gers, an active officer, gains intelli­gence; of which the general in­formes the council. [Page 144] capt. of a ranging company, gave repeated demon­strations of his activity in the neighbourhood of Crown Point. He made many incursions upon the enemy, fell on their scattered parties, and scarce e­ver returned to Fort William-Henry, without scalps and prisoners. The general took a particular notice of him; and he became singularly serviceable in pro­curing intelligence. By a cadet whom he took on the 20th of May, we were informed, that the whole number of men at Fort St. Frederic, Tinonderoge, and at an advanced post, were 1100, composed of the regiments of Languedoc, the Queen's regiment, two companies of the colony troops, and the militia. Be­sides these, there were Indians; but their numbers uncertain: that at Tinonderoge the French had twelve pieces of ordnance mounted, and carriages preparing for an additional number; but that the retrenchment at at the advanced post was without any cannon. These troops wintered at Montreal and Chambly; and arrived at the south end of the lake about the middle of April, being plentifully supplied with provisions and military stores.—These intelli­gences the general laid before his council; and then observed, that the 50th and 51st regiments, the four independent companies, and the regiment of New Jersey, were scarce a third part of the number of troops designed by the general plan for the operations upon [Page 145] Lake Ontario: that the provincials were also not on­ly deficient of the complement thought necessary at the congress, but even of the number voted by the provinces concerned in the enterprize against Crown Point; and that it was impracticable, even with the junction of the 44th and 48th regiments, then at Albany, to carry on both the northern and western expeditions at the same time: that he had no de­pendance upon the Indians of the Six Nations; Sir William Johnson being unable to procure scouting parties; and that upon this account he proposed raising four companies for that service.

YOUR Lordship may hence observe, what reason the congress in December had for their opinion, that more troops were necessary for his Majesty's service in America. No reinforcements being yet arrived from England, for carrying the general plan into execution, the council were of unanimous opinion — that 1300 ought to be posted at Oswego, Their opi­nion and ad­vice. 50 at the Falls, 200 at the Oneida Carrying-Place, 150 at the German Flatts, and as many more at the Conejo­hary Falls. They advised therefore, — that the 50th and 51st, and the New Jersey regiments, the inde­pendents, and the North Carolina provincials (all which amounted to about 2000 men) should be em­ployed in that service. The 44th and 48th regiments, with the colony troops, were thought sediment to re­duce [Page 146] Crown Point. Accordingly, they recommend­ed their junction: advising, however, that the re­gulars should continue for a time in their encamp­ment, at Albany. — The ranging companies, pro­posed by the general, were highly approved; and the raising of others strongly recommended. They also concurred with him in sentiment — that a road ought to be made from the German Flatts to Oswe­go: and declared, it appeared to them very neces­sary to strengthen Fort Edward, and erect another at the South Bay. The former was a deposit for stores, and at the concurrence of all the routes from Crown Point to Albany. The latter would command the route taken by baron Dieskau for his designed attack upon Fort Edward — a route thro' which in­cursions were frequently made upon our northern frontier. A fort at the South Bay was conceived re­quisite, to cover our convoys of provisions for the northern expedition from the insults of the enemy, who in flying parties infested the passage from Al­bany to ^* William-Henry. The propriety of this ad­vice, my Lord, must be evident to every man of a tolerable acquaintance with the country; and these [Page 147] were the very sentiments which the general repeat­edly communicated to Sir William Johnson, in his letters, after the action at Lake George; which were then slighted by the cabal, who studiously opposed him in all his measures.

THUS I have shewen your Lordship the reasons why the general plan continued to be unexecuted, till the sitting of this last council of war. Mr. Shir­ley, however, in hopes of the arrival of the expect­ed reinforcements, and loth to be diverted from his favourite designs upon Lake Ontario, continued to throw large quantities of provisions and stores into Schenectady, and all the magazines between that place and Oswego. This, it was supposed, was done to induce his successor, from these ample supplies, to act upon this quarter; it being universally ima­gined, that Crown Point was now become the main object of the ministry. Till the arrival of General Webb on the 7th of June, this was only conjecture, and general report. The effects of the misrepre­sentations of American affairs in England, then be [...]came evident to all; for the stores laid in at Sche­nectady were now reconveyed to Albany for the northern expedition; and fresh clamours excited a­gainst Mr. Shirley, Major Ge­neral Aber­crombie takes the command of the army. for his supplies towards the western operations. On the 15th of June, Major General Abercrombie landed at New York; and [Page 148] ten days after at Albany, where he immediately took upon himself the command of the army. Shir­ley continued there no longer than to deliver over to the new general the proper returns, and commu­nicate such information as appeared necessary, with respect to the present situation of affairs.

THE whole force, of which General Abercrombie now took the command, consisted of the 44th, 48th, 50th, and 51st regiments, four independent com­panies, the New Jersey regiment, four companies raised by the province of North Carolina, Otway's, and the Highland regiments, ^* and the provincial forces destined against Crown Point.

Sir William Johnson [...] a con­ference at Onondaga.INSTRUCTIONS had been given to Sir William Johnson, to procure a large body of the Six Nations, to join in any attempt that might be made upon the Lake Ontario; and to engage 100 more, for the as­sistance of the provincial army. To effect which, he was then holding a conference with the deputies of the Six Cantons at Onondaga; from whence he was to proceed immediately to Oswego. Mr. Shir­ley had, besides, raised a company of Indians from Stockbridge, to be employed in ranging the woods between Fort William-Henry and Montreal: and that his Majesty's service upon Lake Ontario might [Page 149] be free from the obstructions, by which it had been the year before greatly embarrassed, he had inlisted 40 companies of battoemen, each of 50 men, Forty com­panies of bat­toe men raised, and their great usefulness. a captain and an assistant, for transporting stores and provisions to Oswego. These were put under the direction of capt. Bradstreet, an active vigilent offi­cer, inured to the hardships to which that service ineviteably exposed him. This, tho' one of the most judicious measures that could have been taken, was made the subject of low invective. The faction at New York laboured to represent it as a project to involve the Crown in a needless expence: but time has given the fullest evidence of the propriety of this step; and proper it will appear to your Lord­ship, before the conclusion of this letter. General Shirley wisely forsaw, that the Indians of the Six Na­tions, whatever influence over them Sir William Johnson might pretend, could not be engaged e­ven to protect the King's troops in the passage thro' their own country; and that unless the communi­cation was kept open to Oswego, nothing could be effected upon, the Lake, nor the garrison itself pre­served from falling into the hands of the enemy. Accordingly, no sooner did the spring open, A small post cut off in the Indian coun­try. than a little blockaded post, with 25 men, at the Carry­ing-Place, in the very center of the [...] country, was cut off; the Oneidas themselves being unques­tionably [Page 150] concerned in the massacre. Nothing could secure us against the repetition of these insults, but passing thro' the country with large squadrons of battoes: and to facilitate the transportation, Mr. Shirley, who canvased every expedient for the pre­servation of Oswego, employed a working party of 80 men, under a director, to remove the obstruc­tions in the Wood Creek; by this means, the por­tage from the Mohawks River, across the great Car­rying-Place, was reduced from eight miles to one. Nor did he omit observing to his successor, that an attempt upon Niagara was of the last importance; the loss or preservation of our Indians depending up­on the success of the operations on Lake Ontario.

RELATIVE to the Crown Point expedition, he re­commended the march of part of the army, in a new discovered route, on the west side of Lake George, to the enemy's advanced works, five miles short of Tinonderoge. Which being carried, the heavy ar­tillery and stores might be there landed, and trans­ported thro' a road to Tinonderoge and Fort Fre­deric: and after the reduction of those Fortresses, he advised General Abercrombie immediately to construct armed vessels, to secure the command of Lake Champlain.

Governor Sharpe's de­signed at­tempt on Fort Du Quesne sails.YOUR Lordship may remember, that an attempt was proposed, at the congress in December, against [Page 151] Fort Du Quesne, with an army of 3000 provincials. Gov. Sharpe was to have commanded in that enter­prize; but there remained now no hope's of its pro­secution. Virginia chose to be entirely upon the de­fensive.— Maryland was wholly inactive; her fron­tier being covered by the adjoining provinces — and as to Pennsylvania, she raised indeed 1500 men, but only with a view to protect her out-farms; nor probably would thus far have consulted her own safety, but for the daily murders and horrid cruel­ties perpetrated upon her borders.

WITH respect to the circumstances of Indian af­fairs to the northward—While Mr. Shirley was at Oswego, and upon his return, Circum­stances of In­dian affairs to the north­ward. as I before observed to your Lordship, he proposed to the Senecas, Ca­yugas, Onondagas, and Oneidas, the erection of small forts for the protection of their respective cas­tles. The two last tribes consented, desiring also, that the forts might be mounted with cannon: and the Tuscoraras afterwards sent deputies to him, with the like request: — the Senecas and Cayugas had also lately signified their acquiescence to Sir William Johnson; and the general transmitted him the plan of a fort, directing the prosecution of the work with all possible dispatch, as a most effectual means to se­cure the Indian country to his Majesty.

BEFORE Mr. Shirley left Oswego the last year, he [Page 152] proposed to the Six Nations, their convening this summer, in a grand council there, the Indians on the north side of Lake Ontario, and round Lake Erie, to consult their common interest, and main­tain a correspondence by annual councils at Oswe­go. And to draw off the latter from their attach­ment to the French, recommended to the Six Na­tions their concurrence, in opening a free trade with the foreign Indians, at the entrance of the O­nondaga river, upon terms more advantageous to all the Indians, than any hitherto pursued. This spring Sir William Johnson informed his excellen­cy, that the Six Nations were extremely well pleas­ed with the projects relating both to the trade at Oswego, and the construction of forts in their can­tons. To accelerate the latter, the general supplied him with 5000 l. sterling, in addition to 5000 l. ad­vanced to him by General Braddock: and yet, my Lord, he was constrained to confess, in a subsequent ^* letter, that unless his excellency could engage se­veral companies of rangers, he despaired of the preservation even of a free passage thro' their coun­try: and whether he has to this day built a single fort, as the general proposed, I have not been able after much inquiry, Situation of our affairs with the southeren In­dians. to discover.

EQUALLY unpromising was the situation of our [Page 153] affairs with the southern Indians. Some hopes in­deed were entertained of the fidelity of the Chero­kees — a people warlike and powerful; in whose territories the Virginians were erecting a fortress. The Shawanese nevertheless continued their irrup­tions into that province: and Governor Dinwiddie was obliged to draft the militia, to oppose their progress, and preserve the town of Winchester. These Indians also, with the Susquehanas and De­lawares, committed frequent hostilities upon the Pennsylvanians. Governor Morris, for the protec­tion of the country, carried a line of forts on the west side of the Kittatiny mountains, all along the extended frontier of that colony, from Delaware to the river Potowmac. The government of New Jer­sey proceeded even to declare war against the De­laware Indians; and would have penetrated into their settlements, had not assurances been sent by Sir William Johnson from the council at Ononda­ga, that the Delawares and Shawanese, in obedience to the Six Nations, were under renewed and positive engagements, to refrain from any farther outrages upon the southern frontiers. If any such promises were really made, 'tis certain they were immediately broken, many of our inhabitants having since been murdered and captivated by the savages of those very tribes. Whence we may fairly conclude, that [Page 154] either the Six Nations connived at these infractions of their commands; or that their antient sovereign­ty is become the contempt of their tributaries. In fact, my Lord, the matter is still worse. Too much reason is there to believe the truth of both these al­ternatives.

Sir William Johnson's conduct considered.I INFORMED your Lordship, that Sir William Johnson was ordered to proceed from Onondaga to Oswego, with as many Indians as could be persuad­ed to march with him; not only for the more ef­fectual preservation of that post, but to execute the plan which Gen. Shirley had concerted, for the establishment of an annual council there, with those Indians who had been long in the French interest, and seemed ready to listen to proposals for an alli­ance with us. It was expedient, my Lord, that he should have complied with these instructions, nay it was his duty; but no sooner was he acquainted with Mr. Shirley's resignation of the command of the ar­my, than he returned from Onondaga to Albany, at the head of about 60 Indians, leaving Capt. Patten with his company of grenadiers, to wander thro' a forlorn wilderness, in search of Oswego. Whether this instance of his conduct was not intended to raise his reputation with the new general, as a leading man among the Indians, I leave, to your Lordship's conjecture. By arts like these, he acquired his In­dian [Page 155] fame: and the influence of the faction at New York so powerfully sustained it, that few persons doubted his ability to procure several hundered war­riors for our assistance, though every day exhibited fresh proofs of their melancholy defection. Besides the destruction of our post in the very country of the Oneidas mentioned before, the enemy infested the parts about Oswego, and the whole passage thi­ther, without the least opposition from the Six Na­tions. Alarms indeed were frequently given of the approach of their flying parties; and it was observ­able, that Sir William Johnson, on those occasions, as Colonel of the county, raised the militia of Alba­ny, and proceeded to the spot; tho' every man ac­quainted with Indians well knows, that of all places, these are the most unlikely for finding the enemy. By such sham expeditions have our northern inha­bitants been impoverished and distressed: nor could they answer any other end, than to raise a bruit thro' the colonies; and with parade and ostentation set the gazetteers upon sounding his applause. — Even in these wild romantic excursions, but few Indians attended him: and yet if we credit our news writ­ers, hundreds were in his train.

MR. SHIRLEY had scarce resigned the command to Major General Abercrombie, when the good ef­fect of the battoe service became so irresistably evi­dent, [Page 156] that his very enemies recollected their un­grounded calumnies with shame and confusion. — I allude, Account of a gallant action of our battoe men under Capt. Bradstreet. my Lord, to the action between the French and our battoe-men, on the 3d of July. Sensible of the importance of Oswego, the enemy collected themselves about the latter end of May in a large body, not many miles to the eastward of that gar­rison; from whence detachments were perpetually sent out to fall upon our workmen, and infest the passage thro' the Onondaga River. Capt. Bradstreet' who had the direction of the battoes, was apprized that small parties lay in ambush, waiting a favour­able opportunity to attack him. Accordingly, when he left Oswego, he ordered the several divisions to proceed as near each other as possible: but so nu­merous and irregular a body could not without dif­ficulty be kept to any tolerable order. He was at the head of about 300 battoe-men, in the first divi­sion, upon his return to Schenectady; and about nine miles from Oswego, when the energy, who were 700 strong, rose from their ambuscade, and fired upon his front. Near the place of attack, was a small island, by which the enemy might easily have ford­ed the river. Bradstreet in an instant landed upon the island, to prevent being inclosed between two fires; and with six men maintained his possession, bravely repelling twenty of the enemy, who attempt­ed [Page 157] to seize that advantageous post. He was than [...] inforced with six others; and even compelled a se­cond party of 40 French to give way. Enraged at this shameful disappointment, the enemy, to the number of 70 men, thought proper to make a third attempt; but the battoe-men, who did not exceed 20, with redoubled bravery still kept their ground, and again forced their adversaries to retire. During these skirmishes, which lasted near an hour, the bat­toe-men in the rear landed, without loss or confu­sion, upon the south side of the river. Four hun­dred of the enemy now advanced up the north side of the stream, intending to ford it about a mile higher, and surround us. Bradstreet, aware of the design, left the island, and with 200 men marched on the other side to oppose them. But they had ac­tually forded over, before he came up, and posted themselves in a swamp. Dr. Kirkland, with the se­cond division of battoes, was now advancing to his assistance; but Bradstreet ordered him, and Capt. Butler, who commanded the third division, to keep their posts, and cover the battoes in the rear. Be­ing arrived at the swamp, an engagement ensued in the Indian manner of fighting, and continued above an hour with dubious success. Bradstreet, at length animating his men, rushed into the thicket thro' twice his number, and gallantly pushed them into [Page 158] the river, where many of them perished. Another attempt was made, in the mean time, to ford the river a little higher; but those being also repulsed, the whole party was intirely routed and dispersed.

JUST after the defeat, Capt. Patten, with his gre­nadiers from Onondaga, fell in with our battoes; and the next morning a reinforcement of 200 men came up from the garrison: and but for the exces­sive rains, which began soon after the action, and continued all the next day, these brave battoe-men would probably have cut off the whole party. Had Sir William Johnson, as was expected, accompani­ed Capt. Patten to Oswego, with the Indians from Onondaga, Bradstreet might have made immediate pursuit, and many of the enemy must have been overtaken: but this pacific plenipotentiary was then hastening to Albany (a safer situation) with the im­portant minutes of his late conference. A confer­ence full of affectionate Indian speeches, and large promises of their assistance; when scarce a man of them could be prevailed upon to turn out of his hut for the defence of the common cause. Bradstreet had but three Indians of the Six Nations with him at this attack. Of these, one took to his heels; a second fought bravely; but the third went over to the enemy, and assisted in pointing out our officers. In these several actions we had about 30 men killed [Page 159] and wounded. How many of the French were slain, is not certainly known; tho' it is generally said, they lost about 120. Eighty arms were brought to Schenectady; and about 70 men found in the woods, and carried to Oswego. The French fled in the ut­most disorder: and some of their regular soldiers, being strangers to the country, got bewildered in the desart, and perished for want of sustenance.

BRADSTREET arrived at Schenectady on the 11th of July; Bradstreet gives in­telligence of the enemy's design to at­tack Oswe­go. and the next day acquainted General Aber­crombie at Albany of the state of Oswego. — That he learnt from his prisoners, the French were pre­preparing to attack it, having 1200 men for that purpose encamped not far from the easternmost fort. Upon the receipt of this intelligence, orders were issued to Major General Webb, to hold himself in readiness to march for its defence with the 44th re­giment. My Lord, Mr. Shirley had, several days before ^*, advised General Abercrombie to reinforce that garrison with ^† two battalians at least: and they might have marched immediately, as Bradstreet was ready to convoy the troops, and every magazine, a­long the passage, plentifully supplied with provisi­ons. But not to anticipate my story;

[Page 160]MR. SHIRLEY arrived at New York on the 4th of July, and waited the arrival of my Lord Loudon, who landed there on the 23d of that month, Lord Lou­don arrives. with Mr. Pownal in his train: but in what character the latter returned a second time from England, was a subject of doubtful, conjecture.— His Lordship, re­gardless of his ease, and the fatigues of a tedious voyage, tarried there but three days; and on the 29th of July reached his head quarters at Albany when he took upon himself the command of the army.

Our present force, and that of the French.THE garrison of Oswego consisted now of 1400 men, and about 300 workmen and sailors. Four hundred and eighty-five were posted, in small par­ties, between that place and Burnet's Field, to main­tain an open passage thro' the country of the Six Na­tions. The 44th and 48th regiments at Albany and Schenectady, with the British troops just arrived, consisted now of 2600 men; and the provincials, under the command of General Winslow, were a­bout 7000, and ready to march from Fort William-Henry. — Of the naval force of Oswego, I have al­ready given your Lordship an account: and as to the strength of the enemy at Tinonderoge and Crown Point, according to the latest intelligence obtained by Capt. Rogers, they did not then exceed 3000 men.

FROM his Lordship's known abilities for war, the [Page 161] colonies were in great hopes, that notwithstanding the delay of the British reinforcements, some coup d'eclat would very speedily be struck at Crown Point. But alas! while we were intent upon this favourite design, the enemy were bending their main force, not to oppose us at Tinonderoge, but to secure what was to them a matter of much more importance, Oswego taken by the French, and the garrison made prison­ers of war. I mean the exclusive dominion of the great Lakes — Accordingly, they laid siege to O­swego; and after two or three days contest, obliged the garrison, on the 14th of August, to surrender themselves prisoners of war. This melancholy ac­count was first brought to Albany by several soldi­ers, some of whom had formerly deserted the French service; and remained many days uncon­firmed, till the arrival of two sailors, who made their escape after the reduction of the forts. An univer­sal shock was now given to the whole continent: and to increase our distress, the Indians reported, that the whole garrison was put to the sword, and the dead bodies of our countrymen denied even the sacred rite of sepulture. But this, by subsequent advices, was contradicted: and the spies, dispatched for ob­servation, inform us, that the works are intirely de­molished, and the enemy departed. Circum­stance of the siege un­known. In what man­ner, and by what numbers, it was taken, or upon what terms surrendered, I cannot give your Lord­ship [Page 162] any satisfactory account. How many were kill­ed on either side is also unknown; tho' certain it is that Lieut. Col. Mercer, the commanding officer, is among the slain.

IT is much to be wished, my Lord, that Mr. Shir­ley's advice to General Abercrombie had been fol­lowed: and equally to be regretted, that Sir Willi­am Johnson returned with such precipitation from Onondaga to Albany. Battoe-men imprudently discharged. Nor ought the discharge of 400 battoe-men, after Bradstreet's return, to pass without some remark. They arrived at Schenecta­dy, as I observed before, on the 11th of July; and methinks the recent proofs of their courage, and the account they gave of the strength and designs of the enemy, might have been a sufficient antidote against the poison of that council for their discharge; which was unquestionably designed by Mr. Shirley's enemies for throwing an odium on his measures. General Webb's march de­layed. To the same influence, my Lord, it was undoubtedly owing, thar General Webb's march, with the 44th regiment from Schenectady, was delayed till the 12th of August, but two days before the garrison was actually surrendered. He had proceeded no farther than Burnet's Field, with his regiment of 900 men, and the remaining 800 battoe-men, when the deserters brought him the news of the siege. Upon the receipt of which, he made a forced march [Page 163] to the Oneida Carrying-Place; where he immedi­ately felled trees into the Wood Creek, to prevent the approach of the ^* enemy.

THESE, my Lord, were great oversights: but the loss of Oswego must principally be ascribed to a more distant cause — to a juncto, who have all along embarrassed every part of his Majesty's service on the Lake Ontario. By their misrepresentations, the public has been drawn into a dependance upon the Six Nations, merely to exalt Sir William Johnson: and that nothing might be wanting to procure a change in the command of the army, and destroy all confidence in Shirley's judgment, Oswego, the great object of his attention, has been slighted as an unessential post; and the reduction of St. Fre­deric represented as a point of far superior moment.

MY LORD, Unhappy conse­quences of the loss of this impor­tant post. by these intrigues our country bleeds —Oswego is lost—lost perhaps for ever, — with the naval armament—above 60 pieces of ordnance, and a rich supply of stores and provisions, laid in at a vast expence, for several thousand men, during [Page 164] the whole campaign. — Would to God this was all, and we had nothing worse to apprehend! — Our furr trade, which has long been the principal object of the national attention, and the support of our fron­tier city of Albany, is at an end. The French can now with the utmost facility secure the inland coun­try, and confine us to the very brinks of the ocean — a free communication is opened between Cana­da and Louisiana; and all our intercourse with the Indians totally rescinded. The enemy, on the other hand, may, without opposition or restraint, render these innumerable tribes of savages their allies and dependents. The Six Nations are more wavering than ever: and should they no longer think it ex­pedient to preserve their neutrality, the whole con­tinent must inevitably become a field of blood. Whatever may be thought of these colonies, The colonies not so pow­erful as ima­gined. which of late have been magnified for their numbers and opulence, I do assure your Lordship, that a short war will effectually exhaust them. Their settlements are scattered; their frontiers extensive; the inhabitants but few, generally in very moderate circumstances, and still luxurious, and without resources. The ir­ruption of a few Indians into Pennsylvania, had al­ready occasioned the loss of several hundred souls, and the desolation of near two thousand farms. The frontiers of the neighbouring colonies are equally [Page 165] defenceless: and the power of the native savages, at present in the French interest, is of itself suffici­ent, by slow but inevitable means, to reduce us to extreme beggary and distress.

THUS, my Lord, General Re­flections upon the whole. I have finished the relation of what has hitherto been transacted in America. I have not only presented you with a series of the most interesting events, but brought your Lord­ship acquainted with the characters and designs of the principal agents in our political affairs. If I have erred, I am persuaded it is not in any article of importance, nor purposely in the minutest. —E­very line of this letter hath been penned with the most sacred veneration for truth, and a mind ea­qualy unbiassed by resentment or affection. — For obtaining an intimate acquaintance with the mat­ters rehearsed, few in the colonies have had superi­or advantages: nor in collecting proper materials, has any one been more assiduous. Add to this, that I had no other interest in the public measures, than the interest of every man on the continent. I am unconnected with all parties; neither enjoying any post myself, nor standing in the least relation to a single officer in the army. The love of my country was the sole spring of my curiosity; and so far, in­deed, I was not an unconcerned spectator of the pu­blic transactions. If I have made honourable men­tion [Page 166] of General Shirley, it was owing to my appro­bation of his schemes, as conducive to the common weal of the British plantations: and if my judge­ment was in this regard erroneous, I have the plea­sure to find myself in very respectable company. Except New York, or rather a prevailing faction there, all the colonies hold him in very high esteem. Some have made public declarations of their sense of his great merit; and that too, at a time when he appeared descending from his meridian of glory. But he needed no other than the testimonials of his own province; for he, my Lord, whose conduct is approved by the people of the Massachussetts Bay, must be distinguished both for his abilities and his virtue. They are too numerous and wise to be de­ceived, too free and independent to be driven. An undue influence can never be obtained by the go­vernor of a colony, who has neither power nor pla­ces to bestow. — Their assemblies are annual — the members elected by ballot, in number near 200.— The council, or middle estate, chosen yearly by the assembly: — and as all the offices are elective, not a man in the province is dependent on the smiles or the frowns of the King's representative: — and yet so wise, free, and loyal a people have approved his judgment; confided in his integrity; testified in his favour; and publickly lamented his departure [Page 167] from the continent. I would by no means, my Lord, be understood, by these favourable senti­ments of Shirley, to disparage his noble Successor in the command, he yet has not at least he deserves not to have, a single enemy amongst us: and I hope it will serve the purposes of no man to be his enemy. I could only have wished, that it this critical junc­ture, a gentleman so thoroughy versed in Ameri­can affairs, had been continued in America for his Lordship's assistance. We have to contend with a subtle enterprising foe — a foe, rapacious, martial, and bloody, committing murders, rather than wag­ing war. Tho' the French coony contains perhaps not 30,000 men capable to bear arms; yet these are all under the despotic command and sole direc­tion of their governor-general; and experience teaches us, that in spite of our navy, they may be annually reinforced. The strength of our colonies, on the other hand, is divided; and the concurrence of all necessary both for supplies of men and money. Jealous are they of each other — some ill-constitut­ed — others shaken with intestine divisions — and, if I may be allowed the expression, parsimonious even to prodigality. Our assemblies are diffident of their governors — governors dispise their assem­blies, and both mutually misrepresent each other to the Court of Great Britain. Military measures [Page 168] demand secrecy and dispatch: but while the colo­nies remain undivided, and nothing can be transac­ted but with their universal assent, 'tis impossible to maintain the one, or proceed with the other. Without a general constitution for warlike opera­tions, we can neither plan nor execute. We have a common interest, and must have a common coun­cil, one head, and on [...] purse. — The French service is unexposed to these enbarrassments; and hence they project without discovery, and we scarce collect their designs, till we are attacked and defeated. Hitherto they have prosecuted the war with supe­rior advantage; and yet the militia of the province of the Massachusetts Bay alone, undoubtedly exceeds, by some thousands, all the troops of Canada. Since the commencement of the present hostilities, his Majesty has lost above 3000 loyal subjects: and as all the Indians are at the devotion of the French, and Oswego is now lost, many thousand farms be­fore the opening of the next spring, will probably be abandoned; and the interior settlements delug­ed with the innocent blood of all ages and sexes. Indeed, my Lord, 'tis not beneath the most elevat­ed station, to indulge the benevolent feelings of hu­manity; nor, retiring a while from the pomp and gaity that surrounds you, to shed [...] pitying tear o­ver families inhumanly bereft of their substance, or [Page 169] more inhumanly slaughtered in their beds. — It is a celebrated saying, and does honour to human na­ture, ‘Homo sum, et nihil humanum a me alie­num puto.’

WHAT the present or the next campaign will bring forth, is known only to the Omniscient Go­vernor of the universe. The colonies are nearly ex­hausted, and their funds already anticipated by ex­pensive unexecuted projects: and whether they will still continue their efforts, or resign to a listless de­spair, is uncertain. I fear the worst — and yet you know, my Lord, I am not of a melancholy cast. There is too much reason for general concern: and I venture to predict, what every judicious person foresees, that unless some successful blow is struck— and speedily struck, at the the power of France, Bri­tain must inevitably lose her possessions in America. An event, my Lord, of the most tremenduous conse­quence to us — to you — to the protestant religion — to the peace of Europe — yes — and to the peace and happiness of all mankind.

HITHERTO we have wasted our strength in lop­ing off branches, when the axe should have been laid to the root of the tree. Canada, my Lord, Canada must be demolished — Delanda est Car­thago — or we are undone. Strength sufficient have we left, with proper assistance, for a decisive [Page 170] struggle: but a lingring consumption will infallibly enervate and destroy. France has been, ever can, and will be annually, throwing over fresh troops into her colony, in defiance of our great maritime force: and should peace ensue, even before our ruin is compleated, what will be the state of these provin­ces upon the next rupture between the two crowns, when the inland country is filled with our enemies? —As you therefore value, my noble Lord, the cause of liberty; the glory of the British name; the honour and dignity of the best of Kings; and the preservation of these colonies from bloody carnage and total ruin; exert, I beseech you, exert your in­fluence, to extirpate this brood of French savages from the face of the continent. In a scheme so de­cisive, and in no other, will the provinces heartily unite; and if well concerted, and our unfortified sea-coasts at the same time sufficiently protected; it will doubtless succeed — humble the pride of France — and close the present war with a lasting and honourable peace. I am,