GIVE me leave to address myself to you par­ticularly. I am persuaded of your love of justice and equity; and it is happy you live in a country blest with liberty; admitting every one to publish his sentiments, to give information, and even advice to the greatest men, without the least impeachment of their honour or understand­ing.

This little piece may be singular; as it looks back to the fundamental principles of the constitu­tion, and the very first dawnings of English free­dom; it is meant to support the almost obliterated idea of English dignity, which has been long since dropt, or shamefully abused, by many political writers, and is almost buried in the rubbish of an­tiquity. But as the vigour of our constitution, and the very existence of the empire depends upon its revival, by measures resulting from this noble prin­ciple; I, in the name of every well-wisher to this country beseech you, particularly, who are in­vested with power, to preserve or destroy the [Page 2] happiness of millions, to weigh well the important point, at this very important moment, and signa­lize yourself, by uncommon efforts, to save this great and mighty nation, from falling a sacrifice to a set of men, whose designs are, first to distract us with fatal divisions among ourselves, then con­sign us over to our enemies, who have long since paid down the price.

'Tis necessary first to inform you, that, whatever I assert I can prove; my intelligence comes from the very fountain: I have the sanction of men who stand foremost in reputation, wealth, and in­fluence; my facts are such as the predestinarian must allow to have been from decrees eternal, nor can time immemorial change them into delusion. But suffer me to suspend the explanation of my plan, and keep back for a moment the conviction I intend to fix upon you, that it may finally strike with fuller evidence, and leave the stronger im­pressions. And first let me ask this single question —Is there any method by which the enemies of Great-Britain can reasonably hope to conquer, or destroy us, but by forming dissentions, stirring up prejudices, disaffection, disagreement, and divisions; which may eventually bring us to a fatal civil war, or render us unable to unite with spirit, vigour, and success in our own defence? This is their im­mediate interest; this is their best policy; this is the point they should keep in view, and what they are resolved to effect.— Every good subject of these kingdoms, will reply, Most undoubtedly, most evidently.

[Page 3]It is known to all men, well acquainted with the world, and motives of their conduct, that invete­rate enemies may, from secret and ambitious designs, under the cover of solemn treaties, or high enco­miums of esteem, be apparently our friends. The Spainards formerly, and the French of late, have attempted universal monarchy by arms. The Spainards were beat out of that humour in 1588, by the loss of the general Armada: the French, by the battles of Hockstade and Ramillies; but they then thought proper to eke out the lyon's skin with the fox's tail; and, at Utrecht, they had the address to unravel the victories of the war. The little remains of the same spirit, then left, in­duced them to avail themselves of the death of Charles the sixth; they over-run Germany by the division of the princes, even to Bohemia; but were again forced to their arts, by way of treaty. They have since attempted to over-run Germany by surprise, and were preparing to do the same in A­merica; but being beaten out of both, they once more had recourse to treaties, and formed the late peace; by what means, and how obtained, I will not say; but thus, you see, the enemies of Great-Britain have played a game, ever by b*****y, successful, and often exceeding their warmest ex­pectation. 'Tis therefore contrary to common sense, to suppose they will quit the cards, while they have every thing to expect.—No; experi­ence tells us, they have steadily pursued their suc­cess ever since the peace.—We know (but we dare not yet impeach)— has for several years since the peace, actually re­ceived [Page 4] from the court of France, £**** a year, for service undertaken, and promised to be executed, for them. But this is is no strange thing; for there was an English minister, formerly, who stood a pensioner to that court. ^* And though we must not suppose there has been an instance lately, yet there can be no impropriety in looking back at the measures pursued; since our artful enemies, before and since the late peace, have been admit­ted into our kingdom, and have ardently endea­voured to gain admittance into our councils also. I hope they have been disappointed; for 'tis evi­dent, to every man of common sense, that their designs are to divide us, by raising false suspicions, prejudices, and jealousies against each other; and so distract us, by intestine quarrels, as to weaken our strength, which, when united, is, by their dear experience, found irresistable. ^†

[Page 5]I am sorry that I am furnished with such facts; but so it happen'd, that soon after the late peace took place, several persons of known integrity and tried abilities, grew every day more and more out of fashion. The famous Financier then took the lead; and instead of an eligible and con­stitutional method of reducing our debts and taxes, he immediately proceeded in a succession of mea­sures, which all tended to divide and distract us. He began with extending the excise laws over the makers of cyder; which some suppose (for some men will believe there was a French influence prevailing some where, and cannot forget a former minister's taking a pension from that court) was but a leading measure towards bringing the ma­kers of small-beer, (in their own houses) under the same odious laws; which must have been attended with murmurs, and dangerous divisions; and thereby directly have answered the designs of our enemies.

General warrants came next; which, by their mischievous, dangerous nature, and fatal tendency, and the efforts made to establish them as legal (which in their consequences must so certainly have utterly demolished every future claim to Liberty in this kingdom) leaves us no possible doubt, whether our Gentle Shepherd had, or had not, adopted French politics; because the Grand Monarch him­self [Page 6] could never have devised a better engine of slavery.—But I must lead you on, if not already convicted, to other measures, which were equally destructive, and, if continued, must have been at­tended with the same unhappy and dreadful conse­quences.—Restrictions on our trade.—He had the influence to fit out a number of our men of war; which, from the expence, parade, and mighty blustering in giving proper instructions, one might have imagined, had been designed for some grand and capital expedition; and though it did not a­stonish all Europe, as some preparations of this kind have done, yet it astonished all men of com­mon sense, who ever reflected on the consequence, except those few who knew the cause. This Grand Armada, for so I choose to call it, as it resembles the Invincible Armada, both in the motives of its outset, and fate they met with; one was attended with the loss of the Spanish power, the other with the loss of the English trade. One was de­signed to enslave mankind; the other, if there was any design at all, to impoverish, and hereafter en­slave the English empire. The brave officers of this squadron, were now made (under oath) real custom-house officers; not for England but for Spain and France; for, by this means, the French have possessed themselves of a great share of this most advantageous trade. ^* Can any man imagine the [Page 7] then minister so totally lost to common sense, and so totally blind to the nation's interest, as to have done this under proper motives and influence? the the least that can be said, or the best apology that [Page 8] can possibly be made for him, is, that he wanted capacity and discernment. But it makes no dif­ference to the nation, whether our ruin comes by blunders, or by iniquity; the minister who brings such calamities upon us, from either, ought to be responsible.

Our manufacturers, or Spittal-field weavers, in the mean time, complained that the French eva­ded our prohibitory laws against their silks, by first sending them to the ports from whence our laws admit silks, paying a certain duty, &c. and prayed for redress.—Had they strictly observed this minis­ter's conduct, they would never have given them­selves the trouble to attend him in the manner they did; for they must have concluded, he was too well bred, and too busy in pushing other mat­ters, to give them the relief they wanted; for they wanted a national preference, and laws to secure English manufactories, and English interest; and as they were ignorant of his designs, their expec­tations must be acknowledged natural. But the manner in which he found means to disappoint them is well known.—Our merchants applied for pay­ment of the Canada Bills, as agreed upon by the definitive treaty; but were put off, with empty promises, and the common-place professions of sin­cerity in office; the only thing they could ever obtain, and the only thing in his department of business, that he can, with any justice, be said to be master of. At last, those bills sunk so low as 5 per cent. and were looked upon as lost; which were, in a few months after, by the honest nego­ciation of the men who succeeded this minister, [Page 9] fixed and actually paid, at near 40 per cent. and gives a most striking proof of his inability, or un­worthiness to take any lead in matters of state.

But, to proceed, fresh blunders were now me­diating (I mean in the Gentle Shepherd's admini­stration; for he father's so many, that his idea will ever stand connected with blunders of state) he turned his wisdom towards restraining the trade of, and taxing our British colonies; which indeed stood in need of some attention, but of a contrary nature; for they had been at their full share of expence with Great-Britain, and Ireland, in prosecuting the war. ^* The late peace had taken most of the articles of remittance out of their reach, by the re­version of the sugar islands and West India trade to the French; vastly in debt to England for ma­nufactures, in debt to themselves for the large sums issued for the support of their troops; re­stricted [Page 10] by the custom-house officers of our men of war from their natural trade with Spanish Ameri­ca:—but, instead of giving any relief to those poor makers of brick (which might have been done by extending their trade to foreign markets) he immediately took away the little straw they had left; he took away all their paper currency; ^† and though there may be good arguments in favour of [Page 11] a solid medium of commerce, yet there can be no arguments in favour of taking away an artificial medium, without supplying its place with a better than that which is taken away; and the sum thus taken away must be replaced, before the mer­chants in America can pay the merchants and ma­nufacturers in England; and this is the reason that so many thousands of our poor are now out of em­ploy, and in a starving condition. ^* Surely, nothing could keep people from demanding sudden revenge upon the authors of so much mischief, but the love of liberty, order, English dignity, and an English King.

Englishmen, and their descendants, wherever they go, and wherever they plant themselves, are Englishmen, with all their rights, priviledges, and freedom.—They are subjects; for they have their king, and his protection, in every corner of the earth; nor is he less an Englishman who lives in India, Africa, or America, than he who daily basks in the immediate sunshine of royal presence.

Thus the Romans were Romans; and wherever they went they carried their city.—We were Englishmen in Saxony: the Scotch are Englishmen by alliance, and intimate union; the Irish are Englishmen by adopting our laws; and the sacred rights of English freedom go through the world with them. These first principles of our constitu­tion [Page 12] are our birthright, and just inheritance; and shall any power on earth dare to injure or violate them? Yet this obstinate blunderer, in defiance of equity, honour, policy freedom, persuasion, or humanity, ventured to set the example, and tried the dreadful experiment, which no minister ever attempted before; and at a single stroke enslaved e­very Englishman in America. They had been, long before, represented to him reduced to a state of bankruptcy; their trade lost, by restrictions and insupportable taxes; their money all taken from them, with no possible method of replacing it: in debt to England; burdened with immense internal taxations to discharge their provincial debts, contracted by the expence they were put to in the late war, in conjunction with England; ^* though the benefits of conquest could be immediately advantageous to England only; greatly behind hand in their agriculture, by sending their labouring men into the field of battle.—In short, they had little else left but life and freedom. But this —, against all their humble intreaties, or spirited as­sertions, of being Englishmen (whose property is [Page 13] at his own disposal) stript them of all future pre­tensions to either property or freedom, by impo­sing upon them the late remarkable and ever me­morable Stamp-Act; which at the same time car­ried within itself such a dangerous engine of state, as never before was attempted to be raised in this kingdom. We know, from our own history, that Kings have made large strides to be absolute; but no minister, even Woolsey himself, ever ventured so far. This Act ^* invests an absolute power in the four Lords of the Treasury (which is much the same as giving it to the first Lord) to raise the price upon the stamp'd paper, to any sum they might think proper. This paper, by the letter and spirit of the law, was absolutely necessary, in the execution of any business where property was concerned, to make the same valid in law; hence it is evident, from the stamps being kept in Eng­land, the sole power of sending over the paper, or preventing its going at proper times, and in sufficient quantities, the power of the stamp-master, appointed for the distribution of paper, to harrass and plague the people, by monopoly, or local de­tention, which would raise the price of the paper itself, by the difficulty of obtaining it; or oblige [Page 14] the distant farmer to travel, hundreds of miles, to secure a single sheet; which is contrary to the laws of vicinage, the absolute impossibility of paying money for the paper; subjecting the poor hus­bandman to bring his corn or cattle to the stamp-master for payment; ^* the power of juries taken away, and all decisions committed to judges, who hold their commissions at pleasure; and, in fine, the power of governing all his Majesty's subjects in America by having the full command of their wealth; so that the King himself had no other than the name of dominion over them. I say, when all those circumstances come to be considered, and their tendency discovered, the meanest under­standing must discern the most infamous and exe­crable designs, through the whole, that our inve­terate enemies themselves could possibly have re­commended.—I say, our enemies; for the famous Financier had not capacity or genius enough for such a deep and wise-invented plan of destruction.

I have recited but one clause of this Act, tho' all tends to the same end, and breaths the same spirit. ^†

[Page 15]Thus, this minister was upon the very point of gaining such an undue influence, in this nation, as never was before known. How soon would he have had such a number of venal followers, who, for their share of American property, might im­plicitly obey his dictates, or rather the dictates of our enemies, till they had plunged this great em­pire into utter ruin, and abject slavery; or at least created such disturbances as the enemy would have taken advantage of. It would have given great alarm to us all, had the power of the stamps, here in England, been thus delegated to the minister; but those who look any distance, see equal danger attending those in America. Indeed, in some re­spects, there was more danger in the latter; for the distance must lessen the grievous com­plaints, and gives the minister an opportunity of gathering wealth, and creating power, unseen, though not unfelt; yet many would not have im­mediately discerned the cause. ^* Beside how cruelly oppressive and unjust! Shall the bee, who goes farthest for honey, have no shelter from the hive? [Page 16] is the sweetness of the honey-suckle too delicious for his palate, or its juice to precious for his sup­port; while he labours in the common cause? Shall the Englishman, in India, or America, for they are there, still Englishmen, be denied the use and enjoyment of their little pocket expences, while their wealth must center here in England? Shall their fidelity be called in question, if, after a trial of 150 years they never did refuse to sub­mit to the laws of their country, while they breath­ed an English spirit? Have our provinces ever re­fused to contribute their full share of support in the common cause, when they had the honour of doing it, with their own consent?

The Parliament certainly have, and ought to preserve, a legislative power over the whole em­pire. But, I hope, taxation is looked upon as a different thing from legislation, and always con­fined to actual representation, If his Majesty has not power enough, in any one of the colonies, to raise proportionably necessary supplies, for the support of the state in general; or if his prero­gative power is not sufficient to regulate and or­der all matters of government, necessary for their peace and safety, let it be immediately increased and strengthened; ^* why need the worst method [Page 17] be first tried; while a thousand, which are easy, and have always proved successful, are neglected? Would any man, in his senses, if his hand or foot were inflamed, first attempt a cure by violent and untried remedies, which might very probably de­stroy the limb, perhaps the whole body; would he not first try lenitives; or, if local applications prove not effectual, would he not alter his regi­men, correct the juices, and submit to purify the whole body, rather than lose so valuable a part?

But the intention of this letter is not to contro­vert the Right of Parliament; it is to trace the designs, and actual influence, which our enemies gain over us, by working upon our passions and prejudices; sowing the seeds, and carefully culti­vating the poisonous weeds of jealousy and discon­tent, in every heart, capable of nourishing the [Page 18] cursed plant; and imposing upon the understand­ings of those among us, not thoroughly acquainted with our universal interests, intimate and insepa­rable connections, and the necessity of preserving the whole empire free, rich, and happy. The mearest nonesense and madness, that ever disgraced common sense: for what? but to divide us against ourselves, and our own natural interests; the only method by which we can possibly be destroyed. It becomes us therefore to watch very attentively, lest such men lead us by delusions to embrace our own ruin, in hunting shadows, and defining words, which, if defined by solemn Acts of Parliament, ever so clearly, leave the heart still at liberty to think for itself. It now becomes us to enquire, whether there be still any grievous laws or restric­tions upon our subjects, in any corner of the earth; whether it is not high time to think of taking off the heavy duty on soap and candles, in the seat of manufactures, which subjects the labourer to in­ [...] inconveniencies, and of course heightens the price of goods. ^* Whether our manufactures [...] not, from restrictive laws, and injudicious [...] still remaining in our plantations? whe­ther the admiralty courts, as they are now esta­blished there, are not dangerous, oppressive traps, to the fairest trader? ^† Whether some of the [Page 19] most important of our provinces have not remon­strated, and prayed, for an extention of their com­merce, which alone enables them to pay for our manufactures? ^* Whether the board of revenue, erected in Boston, and the money collected there­by, to take upon ourselves the support of all the civil officers of government in America, which they themselves used always to support, is not a measure, which, while it gives uneasiness to our colonists, burdens ourselves in ^† England with [Page 20] fresh expences? Whether laying a heavy duty upon glass, and paper, will not oblige them to ma­nufacture those coarse articles among themselves, and thereby ruin every manufacturer of those goods in England? Is it political to begin with loading such articles of necessity first with duties, and such too as are easily made in America? for those gross kinds of goods demand less labour, and will flourish, where manufactures of luxury cannot possi­bly exist. The government now pays a bounty of three shillings per pound on wrought silks, sent to the very same place, is not this giving money to the rich and extravagant, who wear silks, and can well, or ought to be well able to pay something to the support of government; and at the same time pinching the poor necessitous cottager, by deny­ing him light, while he may have shelter from the peircing cold? Besides, the increase of duty, and price, upon things of luxury, would give them no uneasiness or distress; for, whenever they have ability to pay for the article, they will think it no hardship to add the duty; but to load the most ne­cessary articles that ever go from us, they think, must be looked upon by us, whenever we consider the consequences fully, as injudicious; tending to injure our own manufactures, transfer them to the only place we have left to export them to; dis­courage the growing settlements, which, as they extend in cultivation, will stand in a proportion­able [Page 21] necessity of our manufactures; whereas, their confinement must drive them to the resource of manufacturing; the eternal consequences of want of land. Some may imagine, perhaps, for some men have very fruitful, though very shallow ima­ginations, that we must oblige them to consume our manufactures; but those who know any thing of the matter, will tell you, it is extremely dif­ficult to oblige any people, against their inclina­tion, to wear superfine cloth, drink beer, eat cheese, lay out every shilling in their possession for jewels, ribbons, and the innumerable fashi­onable trinkets we send to them. ^* Is it necessary to enquire, whether the noise and dispute about the right of taxing America, and the efforts to do it, is not a dispute between the power of adminis­tration, who want to feed their dependants on the riches of America; and the future increase and flourishing of our manufactures, on which de­pends our commerce, grandeur, and freedom? Or, in other words, whether we shall, in future, have a most advantageous trade with our colonies, in which, as it increases, they must of necessity [Page 22] share our burdens: or whether a few men in power shall command their wealth and our own (it is inseparable) by laying fresh taxes upon, and creating new offices among them? For I must beg leave to observe, that this late act, discoura­ging some of our most important manufactures, and which so justly alarms our fellow-subjects in Ame­rica, was formed by, and arose entirely from, the leaven of that power, which before brought us to such unhappy circumstances. ^*—That this man, though justly banished from his Majesty's imme­diate employment, finds means yet to divide and distract, and almost destroy the power and reputa­tion of these great kingdoms; that he pursues the designs of our enemies with success, and still blows up the sparks of prejudice into a dangerous flame; let us enquire, how it came to pass, that the Judges in our colonies are still so totally dependant on the Governors, for their commission and sup­port; and why the spirit of the Act of Settlement should not extend to the most distant subject. His Majesty, immediately upon his succession to the throne, gave a most striking instance of his incli­nation to support this independency; and ordered, that the pensions, which usually went with the office, should be fixed to them immoveable. 'Tis [Page 23] clear, therefore, that the Minister, not his Ma­jesty, desired the continuance of this dependence,

Let us no longer be deceived by the arts of our enemies, or by any wicked minister, influenced by them, who pretends, that our colonies pay no taxes. If his motives are wicked, he ought to be banished for his principles; if honest, he ought to be despised for his profound ignorance, or ina­bility. Doest thou not know, thou short-sighted creature, that our line of British colonies import one third of all our exports of British manufac­tures; that they have, by law, no other market, to purchase at, nor inclination to wear, or con­sume, any other manufactures than British; that they so far excel us, living in England, in taste and conduct, as to consume no foreign manufac­tures; ^* and, where our subjects in North Ame­rica consume twenty shillings value of, French manufactures, we, who live here in England, con­sume a million's worth of the meerest trinkets, or articles of the most depraved fashions, that can be brought into use?—Doest thou not know, that if his Majesty's faithful subjects (I will now call them) take off one third of our manufactures exported, that they support under every tax; and at the same time increase the fortune, of every third [Page 24] manufacturer through the kingdom, who works for export; that the manufacture, let it be what it will, pays the labourer his wages, with all his taxes included in it. ^† But where does he get the money, but from the industrious farmer in Ame­rica, who imports and pays for the cloth, stock­ings, shoes, buttons, linens, furniture, or any other article whatever. What can therefore force us into such madness, as to discourage this trade, or prevent, for a moment, giving every encourage­ment that can be devised to increase it; for it is the very basis of our wealth, strength, and great­ness.

The following letters, presented not long since to a noble Lord, by an old, firm, steady friend to the constitution, (whose abilities enabled him to make the clearest observations, upon many years great experience,) will confirm this opinion.

[Page 34]I know, every candid independant man, who reads, is fully convinced of the goodness of the measures here pointed out: we are now all of opinion; for our interests, and path of proceed­ings, are as plain and clear as substances and sha­dows by sunshine. Our difficulty remains, to fix upon the proper persons who have honesty and firmness enough to lead; for there are so many little sons of Cerberus, who must have a sop, or will otherways bark up our fears, jealousies, phantoms, and apparitions; that our greatest men are either afraid of, or in doubt, whether there is a possibility of opposing them with success, though supported with immediate interest of the wide extended empire. All I will venture to re­commend, is to hold the man who has thus blun­dered, or wilfully plunged us into so many diffi­culties, in the highest contempt; and let the con­duct of those who are in power, point out their fitness for office, by consulting the interest of the kingdom, united.— Difficulties! did I say; I fear a few months more will enable me to say, De­struction! Be not deceived: there are false spi­rits, delusions, and heresies in politics, as well as in religion. He who tells you, the constitution goes on with vigour, lies; the extremities are now perishing; must not the plan soon reach the heart? can the hand or foot be mortified, with­out danger to the whole body? should not the blood, which nourishes the vital part, run pure to the distant limbs, and receive no contamination by the way? the physician who thinks other­ways, is a mad-man or a quack. The statesman, [Page 35] who suffers slavery and oppression to rest on any corner of the kingdom, is to be displaced, as ut­terly unworthy the important trust, either for want of sense or honesty. But, from the fell in­fluence of our enemies, or former Prime State Blunderer, this is our dreadful and unhappy situ­ation. Our colonies are under most severe restric­tions and depressions; their lands are daily selling, to discharge their debts to England; their own internal provincial debts insupportable; their cre­dit lost; their agriculture declining, for want of markets, ^* which the laws of England forbid; their principal inhabitants removing from a loath­some, idle town, or sea-port, retiring into the de­sart, [Page 36] to live in a state of nature; their seamen left to seek employment in foreign ships (which, as they are their home, soon unites them to the fo­reign state to which the ships belong;) their Courts of Admiralty dangerous to the little re­mains of commerce, now scarce sufficient to feed the idle drones placed in them; their Courts of Record, at the arbitrary command and controul of hungry, imperious Governors; ^* threatened with hireling troops; subjected to the courts and deci­sions of Five Revenue Commissioners; ^† repre­sented as rebels to the State, for refusing the shackles of slavery; called rascals, and unjust vil­lains, because disenabled to pay their debts. Un­der [Page 37] these unhappy and desperate circumstances, some may, perhaps, expect they will be forced to open violence. No doubt, our enemies, the French, long to see them drove to that dreadful extremity, and our swords drawn against ourselves; and this would have been the case, two years ago, had we followed the iniquitous advice of Mr. —; but the colonists have no thoughts of such a measure. They know their whole property depends upon the English laws; that the moment they become unhinged from Great Britain, they bid farewell to property; and they tremble at the thought of separation. ^* You may depend, therefore, they will take better methods; they will plead, petition, remonstrate to, and convince, by solid arguments, the gene­rous, humane, and noble hearts of us their coun­trymen in England, how just their claim, how reasonable their requests, how hard their lot, how dear their liberty, and how intimately, how in­separably [Page 38] it stands connected and interwoven with our own. And should they not successfully thus plead the cause of equity, and the cause of Eng­land's liberty; should the hirelings of France, and poison of faction, still find means to stop the ear of reason and common sense; should the fell de­signs of blunderers, or pompous jargon about words, or the thread-bare tales of jealousy, still harden the hearts of Englishmen, they must try another method; they must save, by every rule of oeconomy; reduce their wants, bridle their passi­ons, contract their pleasures, and banish every species of luxury, till they can behold the fashions and tinsel'd splendor of Europe with indifference and contempt. Would there be then a man in England, nay on earth, whose heart would not applaud the noble conduct, and with homage re­vere the sublime character! I should be sorry, but I may live to see, three millions of brave people, clothed in the skins of beasts; fed from Nature's wholesome hand; sheltered from the storm by the unpolished bark, that they may leave freedom for an inheritance to their children. Should this ever be the case (and this, I know, will be the case, sooner than they will part with the rights of Eng­lishmen)— What must then be our condition? Our stocks and credit sunk; our merchants bank­rupts; the produce of our lands perishing on our estates' our manufacturers starving; ^* and, from [Page 39] necessity, must plunder every wealthy neighbour for bread; our nation divided, to whom then our once despicable enemies would give laws and edicts; the question how to govern or enslave one part of the empire would be then changed; for we should then see, too late, that the whole must be preserved, or the whole lost. But I must close the dreadful scene.—You, Sir, whose important bu­siness is to watch over the rights and liberties of this great nation, may, we hope, by your abili­ties, diligence and care, help to save us from the calamities we so justly fear must otherways soon overtake us. And though affairs appear dark and threatening; though our enemies without are ambitious, powerful, and cunning; though they have warm advocates, and faithful servants, in our very bosom; some, from unknown charms, some from false reasoning, and some from pride, and love of power, choosing rather to see the empire lost, than the infallibility of a part questioned in the least point; and though a revengeful disap­pointed servant has found means to continue mis­chief and uneasiness, by spreading lies and preju­dices through the land; yet there are many things to encourage and animate you in a steady and spi­rited opposition to his measures. You have a King, whose glory is the liberty of his subjects; who loves peace, harmony, and concord, and wishes to expand the beams of solid happiness to the most distant corner of the realm: All the real friends of freedom are, or will in a short time, be on your side; the interest of the merchant first, then the manufacturer, and finally the landholder, [Page 40] as they feel the distress, will, in the same pro­portion, bring on conviction; and they must, they cannot but unitedly support the men, who are in­clined to support the state, by wise, just, and equitable measures. The people will, in general, begin to feel their dependence on each other; as that necessity appears, they will look to the proper objects for its support; and those men who stand forth to save them, must become popular and im­portant; while they, who were the cause of their calamities, the disturbers of their peace, destroy­ers of their riches and strength, and promoters of divisions, must become odious and contemptible; for the moment they are convinced, that even any of their fellow subjects are injured, and unjustly treated, their generous hearts feel all the passions of tenderness, humanity, contempt, hatred, and revenge.

May bad policy work out its own ruin, bad men finally be detected, mistaken men convinced, and prejudices rectified by reason and the force of truth; and thus our union cemented, our enemies disappointed in their attempts to divide us; and the glory of the whole empire shine with greater lustre than ever, under the smiles and benign influence of the best of Kings.