IN the preceeding introduction, some account hath been given of the sudden, treacherous and unprovok'd attack, made by the Indians upon the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, soon after the publication of the general Peace, at a time when we were but just begin­ing to respire from our former calamities, and looked for an approach of quiet on every side. The principal transactions of the cam­paign 1763 have likewise been briefly recapitulated, and the reader informed by what means the editor became possess'd of the valuable papers, which have enabled him to bring the history of this Indian war to a conclusion, and fur­nished the materials of the following sheets.

COLONEL BOUQUET, as before mentioned, not having a sufficient number of troops to garrison the different posts, under his command, and at the same time to cross the Ohio and take advantage of the dejection into which he had thrown the enemy, by the defeat at Bushy-Run, was obliged to restrain his [Page 2] operations to the supplying the forts with provisions, ammunition and other necessaries.

IN the execution of this service, he received no annoyance from the enemy, for they now saw themselves not only forced to give up their designs against FORT-PITT; but, retreating beyond the Ohio, they deserted their former towns, and abandoned all the country between Presque-Isle and Sanduski; not thinking themselves safe till they arrived at Muskingam.

HERE they began to form new settlements, and remained quiet during the winter. But, in the mean time, having supplied themselves with powder &c. from the French traders, (and now flattering themselves that the great distance of their settlements would render them inaccessible to our troops) the ensuing spring 1764 presented these savage enemies afresh on our frontiers; ravaging and murdering with their usual barbarity.

TO chastise them for their perfidy, General Gage resolved to attack them on two different sides, and to force them from our frontiers; by carrying the war into the heart of their own country. With this view, he destined a corps of troops to proceed under Col. Bradstreet, to act against the Wiandots, Ottawas, Chip­was and other nations, living upon or near the lakes; while another corps, under the command of Col. Bouquet should attack the Delawares, Shawa­nese, Mingoes, Mohickons, and other nations, between the Ohio and the lakes.

THESE two corps were to act in concert; and as that of Col. Bradstreet could be ready much sooner than the other, he was to proceed to Detroit, Michili­mackinac and other places. On his return, he was to encamp and remain at Sanduski, to awe, by that position, the numerous tribes of western Indians, so as to prevent their sending any assistance to the Ohio Indians, while Colonel Bouquet should execute his plan of attacking them in the heart of their settle­ments.

COL. BOUQUET'S expedition was to proceed altogether by land, and was on that account attended with great difficulties. His men were to penetrate thro' [Page 3] a continued depth of woods, and a savage unexplor'd country; without roads, without posts, and without a retreat if they failed of success. When once en­gaged in these deserts, they had no [...], nor any kind of assistance to ex­pect. Every thing was to be carried with them — their ammunition, baggage, tools, stores, and provisions necessary for the troops during the whole expedi­tion. And besides, they were liable to many embarrasments, and difficulties which no prudence could foresee, scarce any caution prevent; so that, in this account, sundry things, which, in the usual method of conducting military opera­tions might not be thought worthy of a detail, may nevertheless be found high­ly serviceable to those who may afterwards be employed in this species of war, which is new to Europeans, who must submit to be instructed in it by experi­ence, and in many articles even by the savages themselves.

PART of the 42d and 60th regiments were ordered on this expedi­tion, and were to be joined by two hundred friendly Indians, and the troops required of Virginia and Pennsylvania. The Indians never came, and the Virginians pleaded their inability to raise men, having already in pay a­bout 700 militia for the defence of their own frontier. In Pennsylvania, a bill for raising 1000 men was passed May 30th; but, with the utmost dili­gence that could be used, the number could not be compleated till the begin­ing of August.

ON the 5th of that month, the men being assembled at Carlisle, one hund­red and eighteen miles to the westward of Philadelphia, Governor Penn, who had accompanied Col. Bouquet to that place, acquainted the two Pennsylva­nia battalions with the necessity we were laid under of chastising the Indians ‘for their repeated and unprovoked barbarities on the inhabitants of the pro­vince; a just resentment of which, added to a remembrance of the loyalty and courage of our provincial troops on former occasions, he did not doubt, would animate them to do honor to their country; and that they could not but hope to be crown'd with success, as they were to be united with the same regular troops, and under the same able commander, who had by them­selves, on that very day, the memorable 5th of August in the preceeding [Page 4] year, sustained the repeated attacks of the savages, and obtained a compleat victory over them.’—He also reminded them ‘of the examplary punishments that would be inflicted on the grievous crime of desertion, if any of them were capable of so far forgetting their solemn oath and duty to their king and country, as to be involved in it.’

COL. BOUQUET then assumed the command of the regular and provincial troops; and the four following days were spent in the necessary preparations for their march; the Colonel giving the most express orders to the officers and men to observe strict discipline, and not to commit the least violation of the civil rights or peace of the inhabitants.—He, at the same time, made the most prudent regulations for a safe and commodious carriage of the baggage, taking care to rid himself of all unnecessary incumbrances.

THE 13th of August this small army got to Fort Loudoun; but notwith­standing all the precautions taken to prevent desertion, the Pennsylvania troops were now reduced to about 700 men. The Colonel was therefore un­der a necessity to apply to the government of that province to enable him to compleat their number to the full complement; which was generously grant­ed by a resolve of the Governor and Commissioners August 16th; and the army advancing now beyond the settled parts of Pennsylvania, he made appli­cation to the colony of Virginia, where (under the countenance of Go­vernor Fauquier) the men wanted were soon raised, and joined the army at Pittsburg, about the latter end of September.

NOTHING material happened in their march, from Fort Loudoun to Fort Pitt, (formerly Fort Du Quesne) on the Ohio, three hundred and twenty miles west from Philadelphia; at which place Col. Bouquet arrived the 17th, September.

DURING this interval, several large convoys were forwarded under strong escorts; and tho' the enemy continued their ravages all that time on the fron­tiers, [Page 5] they durst not attack any of those convoys, which all arrived safe at Fort Pitt.

WHILE Col. Bouquet was at Fort Loudoun, he received dispatches by ex­press from Col. Bradstreet, dated from Presque-Isle August 14th, acquaint­ing him that he (Col. Bradstreet,) had concluded a peace with the Delawares and Shawanese; but Col. Bouquet perceiving clearly that they were not sin­cere in their intentions, as they continued their murders and depredations, he determined to prosecute his plan without remission, till he should receive fur­ther instructions from General Gage; who, upon the same principles, refused to ratify the treaty, and renewed his orders to both armies to attack the enemy.

ABOUT the time of Col. Bouquet's arrival at Fort Pitt, ten Indians appeared on the north side of the Ohio, desiring a conference; which stratagem the savages had made use of before, to obtain intelligence of our numbers and in­tentions. Three of the party consented, tho' with apparent reluctance, to come over to the Fort; and as they could give no satisfactory reason for their visit, they were detained as spies, and their associates fled back to their towns.

ON the 20th of Sept. Col. Bouquet sent one of the above three Indians after them with a message, in substance as follows— ‘I have received an account from Col. Bradstreet that your nations had begg'd for peace, which he had consented to grant, upon assurance that you had recalled all your warriors from our frontiers; and in consequence thereof, I would not have proceed­ed against your towns, if I had not heard that, in open violation of your en­gagements, you have since murdered several of our people.’

‘AS soon as the rest of the army joins me, which I expect immediately, I was therefore determined to have attacked you, as a people whose promises can no more be relied on. But I will put it once more in your power to save your­selves and your families from total destruction, by giving us satisfaction for the hostilities committed against us. And first you are to leave the path [Page 6] open for my expresses from hence to Detroit; and as I am now to send two men with dispatches to Col. Bradstreet who commands on the lakes, I desire to know whether you will send two of your people with them to bring them safe back with an answer? and if they receive any injury either in going or coming, or if the letters are taken from them, I will immediately put the Indians now in my power to death, and will shew no mercy for the future to any of your nations that shall fall into my hands. I allow you ten days to have my letters delivered at Detroit, and ten days to bring me back an answer.’—

HE added ‘that he had lately had it in his power, while they remained on the other side of the river, to have put their whole party to death, which punishment they had deserved by their former treachery; and that if they did not improve the clemency now offered to them, by returning back as soon as possible with all their prisoners, they might expect to feel the full weight of a just vengeance and resentment.’—

WE have been the more particular in our account of this first transaction with the Indians; because the Colonel's firm and determined conduct in open­ing the campaign, had happy effects in the prosecution of it, and shews by what methods these faithless savages are to be best reduced to reason.

ON the 1st of October, two of the Six Nation tribes, an Onondago and Oneida Indian, came to Fort Pitt, and under colour of our ancient friendship with them, and their pretended regard to the English, endeavoured to dis­suade the Colonel from proceeding with the army. They told him that his force was not sufficient to withstand the power of the numerous nations through whose countries he was to pass, and assured him that if he would wait a little, they would all come and make peace with him; at the same time recommending it particularly to him to send back the two Indians detained as spies. These little arts being clearly made use of to spin out the season till the approach of winter should render it impossible to proceed, they made but little impression. He told them that he could not depend on the pro­mises [Page 7] of the Delawares and Shawanese; and was determined to proceed to Tuscarowas, where, if they had any thing to say, he would hear them.

IN the mean time, he was using the utmost diligence to prepare for his march, and was obliged to enforce the severest discipline. One woman be­longing to each corps, and two nurses for the general hospital, were all that were permitted to follow the army. The other women in the camp, and those unnecessary in the garrison, were ordered immediately down the country into the settlements. Two soldiers were shot for desertion; an example which became absolutely necessary to suppress a crime which, in such an expedition, would have been attended with fatal consequences, by weakening an army already too small.

COL. BOUQUET, having at length, with great difficulty, collected his troops, formed his magazines, and provided for the safety of the posts he was to leave behind him, was ready on the 2d of October to proceed from Fort Pitt, with about 1500 men, including drivers and other necessary followers of the army.

AS a just idea of the conduct of this expedition, and the great caution tak­en to prevent surprize, will be best obtained from the ORDER OF MARCH, we shall here insert it, with a Copper Plate for the illustration of it, and an ac­curate Draught, taken from actual surveys, of the road and adjacent country, through which the army passed.

THE Colonel, expressing the greatest confidence in the bravery of the troops, told them, ‘he did not doubt but this war would soon be ended, under God, to their own honor, and the future safety of their country, provided the men were strictly obedient to orders, and guarded against the surprizes and sudden attacks of a treacherous enemy, who never dared to face British troops in an open field; that the distance of the enemy's towns, and the clearing roads to them, must necessarily require a considerable time; that the troops in those deserts, had no other supplies to expect but the ammu­nition [Page 8] and provisions they carried with them; and that therefore the utmost care and frugality would be necessary in the use of them.’ He published the severest penalties against those who should be found guilty of stealing or embezzling any part of them, and ordered his March in the following manner.—

A corps of Virginia ^* volunteers advanced before the whole; detaching three scouting parties. One of them, furnished with a guide, marched in the center path, which the army was to follow. The other two extended them­selves in a line a-breast, on the right and left of the aforesaid party, to reco­noitre the woods.

UNDER cover of this corps, the ax-men, consisting of all the artificers, and two companies of light infantry, followed in three divisions, under the di­rection of the chief engineer, to clear three different paths, in which the the troops and the convoy followed, viz.—

THE front-face of the square, composed of part of the 42d. regiment, marched in a column, two deep, in the center path.

THE right face of the square, composed of the remainder of the 42d. and of the 60th regiment, marched in a single file in the right hand path.

THE first battalion of Pennsylvanians composed the left face, marching in like manner in the path to the left of the center.

THE corps de reserve, composed of two platoons of grenadiers, followed the right and left faces of the square.

THE 2d battalion of Pennsylvanians formed the rear face of the square, and followed the corps de reserve, each in a single file, on the right and left [Page 9] hand paths; all these troops covering the convoy, which moved in the center path.

A party of light horse-men marched behind the rear-face of the square, followed by another corps of Virginia volunteers, forming the rear-guard.

THE Pennsylvania volunteers, dividing themselves equally, and marching in a single file, at a proper distance, flanked the right and left faces of the square.

THIS was the general order of March. Nor was less attention paid to particular matters of a subordinate nature. The ammunition and tools were placed in the rear of the first column, or front face of the square, followed by the officer's baggage, and tents. The oxen and sheep came after the bag­gage, in separate droves, properly guarded. The provisions came next to the baggage, in four divisions, or brigades of pack-horses, each conducted by a horse master.

THE troops were ordered to observe the most profound silence, and the men to march at two yards distance from one another. When the line or any part of it halted, the whole were to face outwards; and if attacked on their march, they were to halt immediately, ready to form the square when ordered. The light horse were then to march into the square, with the cat­tle, provisions, ammunition and baggage. Proper dispositions were likewise made in case of an attack in the night; and for encampments, guards, communications between the centries, signals, and the like.

THINGS being thus settled, the army decamped from Fort-Pitt on Wed­nesday October 3d, and marched about one mile and an half over a rich level country, with stately timber, to camp No. 2. a strong piece of ground, pleasantly situated, with plenty of water and food for cattle.

THURSDAY October 4th, having proceeded about two miles, they came to the Ohio, at the beginning of the narrows, and from thence followed the course [Page 10] of the river along a flat gravelly beech, about six miles and a quarter; with two islands on their left, the lowermost about six miles long, with a rising ground running across, and gently sloping on both sides to its banks, which are high and upright. At the lower end of this island, the army left the river, marching thro' good land, broken with small hollows to camp No. 3; this day's march being nine miles and a quarter.—

FRIDAY October 5th. In this day's march, the army pass'd thro' Loggs-town, situated seventeen miles and an half, fifty seven perches, by the path, from Fort-Pitt. This place was noted before the last war for the great trade carried on there by the English and French; but its inhabitants, the Shawa­nese and Delawares, abandoned it in the year 1750. The lower town extended about sixty perches over a rich bottom to the foot of a low steep ridge, on the summit of which, near the declivity, stood the upper town, commanding a most agreeable prospect over the lower, and quite across the Ohio, which is a­bout five hundred yards wide here, and by its majestic easy current adds much to the beauty of the place. Proceeding beyond Loggs-town, thro' a fine country, interspersed with hills and rich valleys, watered by many rivu­lets, and covered with stately timber, they came to camp No. 4; on a level piece of ground, with a thicket in the rear, a small precipice round the front, with a run of water at the foot, and good food for cattle. This day's march was nine miles, one half, and fifty three perches.

SATURDAY October 6th, at about three miles distance from this camp, they came again to the Ohio, pursuing its course half a mile farther, and then turn­ing off, over a steep ridge, they cross'd big Beaver-creek, which is twen­ty perches wide, the ford stony and pretty deep. It runs thro' a rich vale, with a pretty strong current, its banks high, the upland adjoining it very good, the timber tall and young.—About a mile below its confluence with the Ohio, stood formerly a large town, on a steep bank, built by the French of square logs, with stone chimneys, for some of the Shawanese, Delaware and Mingo tribes, who abandoned it in the year 1758, when the French deserted Fort Du Quesne. Near the fording of Beaver-creek also stood about seven [Page 11] houses, which were deserted and destroyed by the Indians, after their defeat at Bushy-run, when they forsook all their remaining settlements in this part of the country, as has been mentioned above.

ABOUT two miles before the army came to Beaver-creek, one of our people who had been made prisoner by six Delawares about a week before, near Fort Bedford, having made his escape from them, came and informed the Colonel that these Indians had the day before fallen in with the army, but kept them­selves concealed, being surprized at our numbers. Two miles beyond Beaver-creek, by two small springs, was seen the scull of a child, that had been fixed on a pole by the Indians. The Tracts of 15 Indians were this day discovered. The camp No. 5 is seven miles one quarter and fifty seven perches from big Beaver-creek; the whole march of this day being about twelve miles.

SUNDAY 7th October, passing a high ridge, they had a fine prospect of an extensive country to the right, which in general appeared level, with a­bundance of tall timber. The camp No. 6 lies at the foot of a steep descent, in a rich valley, on a strong ground, three sides thereof surrounded by a hollow, and on the fourth side a small hill, which was occupied by a detached guard. This day's march was six miles sixty five perches.

MONDAY 8th October, the army cross'd little Beaver-creek, and one of its branches. This creek is eight perches wide, with a good ford, the coun­try about it interspersed with hills, rivulets and rich valleys, like that describ­ed above. Camp No. 7 lies by a small run on the side of a hill, commanding the ground about it, and is distant eleven miles one quarter and forty nine per­ches from the last encampment.

TUESDAY October 9th. In this day's march, the path divided into two branches, that to the southwest leading to the lower towns upon the Musking­ham. In the forks of the path stand several trees painted by the Indians, in a hieroglyphic manner, denoting the number of wars in which they have been en­gag'd, and the particulars of their success in prisoners and scalps. The camp [Page 12] No. 8. lies on a run, and level piece of ground, with Yellow-creek close on the left, and a rising ground near the rear of the right face. The path after the army left the forks was so brushy and entangled, that they were obliged to cut all the way before them, and also to lay several bridges, in order to make it passable for the horses; so that this day they proceeded only five miles, three quarters and seventy perches.

WEDNESDAY 10th. Marched one mile with Yellow-creek on the left at a small distance all the way, and crossed it at a good ford fifty feet wide; pro­ceeding thro' an alternate succession of small hills and rich vales, finely wa­tered with rivulets, to camp No. 9. seven miles and sixty perches in the whole.

THURSDAY 11th. Cross'd a branch of Muskingham river about fifty feet wide, the country much the same as that described above, discovering a good deal of free stone. The camp No. 10. had this branch of the river parallel to its left face, and lies ten miles one quarter and forty perches from the for­mer encampment.

FRIDAY 12th. Keeping the aforesaid creek on their left, they marched thro' much fine land, watered with small rivers and springs; proceeding likewise thro' several savannah's or cleared spots, which are by nature extremely beau­tiful; the second which they passed being, in particular, one continued plain of near two miles, with a fine rising ground forming a semicircle round the right hand side, and a pleasant stream of water at about a quarter of a mile dis­tant on the left. The camp No. 11. has the abovementioned branch of Mus­kingham on the left, and is distant ten miles and three quarters from the last encampment.

SATURDAY 13th. Cross'd Nemenshehelas-creek, about fifty feet wide, a little above where it empties itself into the aforesaid branch of Muskingham, having in their way a pleasant prospect over a large plain, for near two miles on the left. A little further, they came to another small river which they [Page 13] cross'd about fifty perches above where it empties into the said branch of Muskingham. Here a high ridge on the right, and the creek close on the left, form a narrow defile about seventy perches long. Passing afterwards over a very rich bottom, they came to the main branch of Muskingham, about seventy yards wide, with a good ford. A little below and above the forks of this river is Tuscarowas, a place exceedingly beautiful by situation, the [...] rich on both sides of the river; the country on the northwest side being [...] entire level plain, upwards of five miles in circumference. From the ruined houses appearing here, the Indians who inhabited the place and are now with the Delawares, are supposed to have had about one hundred and and fifty warriors. This camp No. 12. is distant eight miles nineteen per­ches from the former.

SUNDAY 14th. The army remained in camp; and two men who had been dispatched by Col. Bouquet from Fort-Pitt, with letters for Col. Bradstreet, returned and reported—"That, within a few miles of this place, they had been made prisoners by the Delawares, and carried to one of their towns sixteen miles from hence, where they were kept, till the savages, knowing of the arrival of the army here, set them at liberty, ordering them to acquaint the Colonel that the head men of the Delawares and Shawanese were coming as soon as possible to treat of peace with him."

MONDAY 15th. The army moved two miles forty perches further down the Muskingham to camp No. 13, situated on a very high bank, with the river at the foot of it, which is upwards of 100 yards wide at this place, with a fine level country at some distance from its banks, producing stately timber, free from underwood, and plenty of food for cattle.

THE day following, six Indians came to inform the Colonel that all their chiefs were assembled about eight miles from the camp, and were ready to treat with him of peace, which they were earnestly desirous of obtaining. He returned for answer that he would meet them the next day in a bower at some [Page 14] distance from the camp. In the mean time, he ordered a small stockaded sort to be built to deposit provisions for the use of the troops on their return; and to lighten the convoy.

AS several large bodies of Indians were now within a few miles of the camp, whose former instances of treachery, altho' they now declared they came for peace, made it prudent to trust nothing to their intentions, the strictest orders were repeated to prevent a surprise.

WEDNESDAY 17th. The Colonel, with most of the regular troops, Virginia volunteers and light horse, marched from the camp to the bower erected for the congress. And soon after the troops were stationed, so as to appear to the best advantage, the Indians arrived, and were conducted to the bower. Be­ing seated, they began, in a short time, to smoak their pipe or calumet; a­agreable to their custom. This ceremony being over, their speakers laid down their pipes, and opened their pouches, wherein were their strings and belts of wampum. The Indians present were,

• SENECAS. Kiyashuta, chief with 15 warriors.
• DELAWARES. Custaloga, chief of the Wolfe-tribe, Beaver, chief of the Turky-tribe, with 20 warriors.
• SHAWANESE. Keissinautchtha, a chief, and 6 warriors.

Kiyashuta, Turtle-Heart, Custaloga and Beaver, were the speakers.

The general substance of what they had to offer, consisted in excuses for their late treachery and misconduct, throwing the blame on the rashness of their young men and the nations living to the westward of them, suing for peace in the most abject manner, and promising severally to deliver up all their prisoners. After they had concluded, the Colonel promised to give them an answer the next day, and then dismissed them, the army returning to the camp—The badness of the weather, however, prevented his meeting them again till the 20th, when he spoke to them in substance as follows, viz.

‘THAT their pretences to palliate their guilt by throwing the blame on the western nations, and the rashness of their young men, were weak and fri­volous, [Page 15] as it was in our power to have protected them against all these nati­ons, if they had sollicited our assistance, and that it was their own duty to have chastised their young men when they did wrong, and not to suffer themselves to be directed by them.’

HE recapitulated to them many instances of their former perfidy— ‘their killing or captivating the traders who had been sent among them at their own request, and plundering their effects;—their attacking Fort Pitt, which had been built with their express consent; their murdering four men that had been sent on a public message to them, thereby violat­ing the customs held sacred among all nations, however barbarous; —their attacking the king's troops last year in the woods, and after being defeated in that attempt, falling upon our frontiers, where they had continued to murder our people to this day. &c.’—

HE told them how treacherously they had violated even their late engage­ments with Col. Bradstreet, to whom they had promised to deliver up their pri­soners by the 10th of September last, and to recall all their warriors from the frontiers, which they had been so far from complying with, that the prisoners still remained in their custody, and some of their people were even now continu­ing their depredations; adding that these things which, he had mentioned, were only ‘a small part of their numberless murders and breaches of faith; and that their conduct had always been equally perfidious.—You have, said he, pro­mised at every former treaty, as you do now, that you would deliver up all your prisoners, and have received every time, on that account, considera­ble presents, but have never complied with that or any other engagement. I am now to tell you, therefore, that we will be no longer imposed upon by your promises. This army shall not leave your country till you have fully complied with every condition that is to precede my treaty with you.’

THIS speech made an impression on the minds of the savages, which, it is hoped, will not soon be eradicated. The firm and determined spirit with which the Colonel delivered himself, their consciousness of the aggravated injuries they had done us, and the view of the same commander and army that had so [Page 17] severely chastised them at Bushy-Run the preceeding year, now advanced into the very heart of their remote settlements, after penetrating thro' wilder­nesses which they had deemed impassible by regular troops—all these things contributed to bend the haughty temper of the savages to the lowest degree of abasement; so that even their speeches seem to exhibit but few specimens of that strong and ferocious eloquence, which their inflexible spirit of indepen­dency has on former occasions inspired. And tho' it is not to be doubted, if an opportunity had offered, but they would have fallen upon our army with their usual fierceness, yet when they saw the vigilance and spirit of our troops were such, that they could neither be attacked nor surprized with any pros­pect of success, their spirits seemed to revolt from the one extreme of insolent boldness, to the other of abject timidity. And happy will it be for them and for us, if the instances of our humanity and mercy, which they experienced in that critical situation, shall make as lasting impressions on their savage dis­positions, as it is believed the instances of our bravery and power have done; so that they may come to unite, with their fear of the latter, a love of the former; and have their minds gradually opened, by such examples, to the mild dictates of peace and civility.

The reader, it is to be hoped, will readily excuse this digression if it should be thought one. I now resume our narrative. The two Delaware chiefs, at the close of their speech on the 17th, delivered 18 white prisoners, and 83 small sticks, expressing the number of other prisoners which they had in their possession, and promised to bring in as soon as possible. None of the Shawanese kings appeared at the congress, and Keissinautchtha their deputy de­clined speaking until the Colonel had answered the Delawares, and then with a dejected fullenness he promised, in behalf of his nation, that they would sub­mit to the terms prescribed to the other tribes.

The Colonel, however, determined to march farther into their country, knowing that the presence of his army would be the best security for the per­formance of their promises; and required some of each nation to attend him in his march.

[Page 18]KIYASHUTA addressed the several nations, before their departure, ‘desir­ing them to be strong in complying with their engagements, that they might wipe away the reproach of their former breach of faith, and convince their brothers the English that they could speak the truth; adding that he would conduct the army to the place appointed for receiving the prisoners.’

MONDAY October 22d. The army attended by the Indian deputies, march­ed nine miles to camp No. 14. crossing Margaret's creek about fifty feet wide— The day following, they proceeded sixteen miles one quarter and se­venty seven perches farther to camp No. 15. and halted there one day.

THURSDAY 25. They marched six miles, one half and sixteen perches to camp No. 16, situated within a mile of the Forks of Muskingham; and this place was fixed upon instead of Wakautamike, as the most central and convenient place to receive the prisoners; for the principal Indian towns now lay round them, distant from seven to twenty miles; excepting only the lower Shawanese town situated on Scioto river, which was about eighty miles; so that from this place the army had it in their power to awe all the enemy's settlements and destroy their towns, if they should not punc­tually fulfil the engagements they had entered into.—Four redoubts were built here opposite to the four angles of the camp; the ground in the front was cleared, a store-house for the provisions erected, and likewise a house to receive, and treat of peace with, the Indians, when they should return.

ON Saturday 27th. A messenger arrived from king Custaloga, informing that he was on his way with his prisoners, and also a messenger from the lower Shawanese towns of the like import. The Colonel however, having reason to suspect the latter nation of backwardness, sent one of their own people, desiring them— ‘to be punctual as to the time fixed; to provide a sufficient quanti­ty of provisions to subsist the prisoners; to bring the letters wrote to him last winter by the French commandant at Fort Chartres, which some of their [Page 19] people had stopp'd ever since;’ adding that, ‘as their nation had ex­pressed some uneasiness at our not shaking hands with them, they were to know that the English never took their enemies by the hand, before peace was finally concluded.’

THE day following, the Shawanese messenger returned, saying that when he had proceeded as far as Wakautamike, the chief of that town undertook to proceed with the message himself, and desired the other to return and acquaint the English that all his prisoners were ready, and he was going to the lower towns to hasten theirs.

OCTOBER 28th. Peter the Caughnawaga chief, and 20 Indians of that nation arrived from Sanduski, with a letter from Colonel Bradstreet, in answer to one which Colonel Bouquet had sent to him from Fort-Pitt, by two of the Indians who first spoke to him in favour of the Shawanese, as hath been already men­tioned. The substance of Colonel Bradstreet's letter was "that he had settled nothing with the Shawanese and Delawares, nor received any prisoners from them.—That he had acquainted all the Indian nations, as far as the Ilinois, the bay &c. with the instructions he had received from General Gage, re­specting the peace he had lately made; that he had been in Sanduski-lake and up the river, as far as navigable for Indian canoes, for near a month; but that he found it impossible to stay longer in these parts; absolute neces­sity obliging him to turn off the other way, &c.

COL. BRADSTREET, without doubt, did all which circumstances would per­mit, in his department; but his not being able to remain at Sanduski agree­able to the original plan, till matters were finally settled with the Ohio Indians, would have been an unfavourable incident, if Colonel Bouquet had not now had the chiefs of sundry tribes with him, and was so far advanced into the In­dian country, that they thought it adviseable to submit to the conditions im­posed upon them.

[Page 20]THE Caughnawagas reported that the Indians on the lakes had delivered but few of their prisoners; that the Ottawas had killed a great part of theirs, and the other nations had either done the same, or else kept them.

FROM this time to November 9th, was chiefly spent in sending and receiving messages to and from the Indian towns, relative to the prisoners, who were now coming into the camp one day after another in small parties, as the different nations arrived in whose possession they had been. The Colonel kept so stedfast­ly to this article of having every prisoner delivered, that when the Delaware kings, Beaver and Custaloga, had brought in all their's except twelve which they promised to bring in a few days, he refused to shake-hands or have the last talk with them, while a single captive remained among them.

BY the 9th of November, most of the prisoners were arrived that could be ex­pected this season, amounting to ^‡ 206 in the whole; besides about 100 more in possession of the Shawanese, which they promised to deliver the following spring. Mr. Smallman, formerly a Major in the Pennsylvania troops, who had been taken last summer near Detroit by the Wyandots, and delivered to the Shawanese, was among the number of those whom they now brought in, and informed the Colonel that the reason of their not bringing the remainder of their prisoners, was that many of their principal men, to whom they belonged, were gone to trade with the French, and would not return for six weeks; but that every one of their nation who were at home, had either brought or sent theirs. He further said that, on the army's first coming into the country, it had been reported among the Shawanese that our intention was to destroy them all, on which they had resolved to kill their prisoners and fight us; that a French trader who was with them, and had many barrels of powder and ball, made them a present of the whole, as soon as they had come to this resolution; but that, happily for the poor captives, just as the Shawanese were preparing to execute this tragedy, they received the Colonel's message, informing them [Page 21] that his intentions were only to receive the prisoners and to make peace with them on the same terms he should give to the Delawares.

ON this intelligence they suspended their cruel purpose, and began to collect as many of the prisoners as they had power to deliver; but hearing immediately afterwards that one of our soldiers had been killed near the camp at Musking­ham, and that some of their nation were suspected as guilty of the murder, they again imagined they would fall under our resentment, and therefore determined once more to stand out against us. For which purpose, after having brought their prisoners as far as Wakautamike, where they heard this news, they collected them all into a field, and were going to kill them, when a second express providentially arrived from Col. Bouquet, who assured them that their nation was not even supected of having any concern in the aforesaid murder; upon which they proceeded to the camp to deliver up the captives, who had thus twice so narrowly escaped becoming the victims of their barbarity.

ON Friday, November 9th, the Colonel, attended by most of the principal officers, went to the conference-house. The Senecas and Delawares were first treated with. Kiyashuta and 10 warriors represented the former. Custaloga and 20 warriors the latter.

KIYASHUTA spoke— ‘With this string of wampum, we wipe the tears from your eyes—we deliver you these 3 prisoners, which are the last of your flesh and blood that remained among the Senecas and Custaloga's tribe of Delawares we gather together and bury with this belt ^† all the bones of the people that have been killed during this unhappy war, which the Evil Spirit occasioned among us. We cover the bones that have been buried, that they may be never more remembered—We again cover their place with leaves that it may be no more seen.—As we have been long astray, and the path between you and us stopped, we extend this belt that it may be again cleared, and we may travel in peace to see our brethren as our ancestors formerly did. [Page 22] While you hold it fast by one end, and we by the other, we shall always be able to discover any thing that may disturb our friendship.’—

THE Colonel answered that ‘he had heard them with pleasure; that he re­ceived these 3 last prisoners they had to deliver, and joined in burying the bones of those who had fallen in the war, so that their place might be no more known. The peace you ask for, you shall now have. The king, my master and your father, has appointed me only to make war; but he has other ser­vants who are employed in the work of peace. Sir William Johnson is em­powered for that purpose. To him you are to apply; but before I give you leave to go, two things are to be settled.’

THE Colonel, after promising to deliver back two of their people, Capt. Pipe, and Capt. John, whom he had detained at Port-Pitt, took the chiefs by the hand for the first time, which gave them great joy.

THE next conference was on November 10th, with the Turkey and Turtle tribes of Delawares, King Beaver their chief and 30 warriors representing the former; and Kelappama brother to their ^* chief with 25 warriors the latter. [Page 23] The Senecas and Custaloga's tribe of Delawares were also present. Their speech and the answer given, were much the same as above; excepting that the Colonel insisted on their delivering up an Englishman, who had murdered one of our people on the frontiers and brought the scalp to them; and that they should appoint the same number of deputies and deliver the same number of hostages, for each of their tribes, as had been stipulated for Custaloga's tribe.

NOVEMBER 11. King Beaver presented six hostages to remain with Col. Bouquet, and five deputies to treat with Sir William Johnson, who were ap­proved of. This day he acquainted the chiefs present that as he had great reason to be dissatisfied with the conduct of Nettowhatways, the chief of the Turtle tribe who had not appeared, he therefore deposed him; and that tribe were to chuse and present another for his approbation. This they did a few days afterwards—Smile not reader at this transaction; for tho' it may not be attended with so many splendid and flattering circumstances to a commander, as the deposing an East Indian Nabob or chief; yet to penetrate into the wil­dernesses where those stern West Indian Chieftains hold their sway, and to frown them from their throne, tho' but composed of the unhewn log, will be found to require both resolution and firmness; and their submitting to it clearly shews to what degree of humiliation they were reduced.

BUT to proceed. The Shawanese still remained to be treated with, and tho' this nation law themselves under the necessity of yielding to the same condi­tions with the other tribes, yet there had appeared a dilatoriness and sullen haughtiness in all their conduct, which rendered it very suspicious.

THE 12th of November was appointed for the conference with them; which was managed on their part by Keissinautchtha and Nimwha their chiefs, with the Red Hawke, Lavissimo, Bensivasica, Eweecunwee, Keigleighque, and 40 warriors; the Caughnawaga, Seneca and Delaware chiefs, with a­bout 60 warriors, being also present.

THE Red Hawke was their speaker, and as he delivered himself with a [Page 24] strange mixture of fierce pride, and humble submission, I shall add a passage or two from his speech.

BROTHER,

‘You will listen to us your younger brothers; and as we discover some­thing in your eyes that looks dissatisfaction with us, we now wipe away every thing bad between us that you may clearly see—You have heard many bad stories of us—We clean your ears that you may hear—We re­move every thing bad from your heart, that it may be like the heart of your ancestors, when they thought of nothing but good.’ [Here he gave a string.]

‘BROTHER; when we saw you coming this road, you advanced towards us with a Tomahawk in your hand; but we your younger brothers take it out of your hands and throw it up to God ^* to dispose of as he pleases; by which means we hope never to see it more. And now brother, we beg leave that you who are a warrior, will take hold of this chain (giving a string) of friendship, and receive it from us, who are also warriors, and let us think no more of war, in pity to our old men, women and children’—Intimating, by this last expression, that it was mere compassion to them, and not inability to fight, that made their nation desire peace.

HE then produced a treaty held with the government of Pennsylvania 1701, and three messages or letters from that government of different dates; and concluded thus.—

‘Now Brother, I beg WE who are warriors may forget our disputes, and renew the friendship which appears by these papers to have subsisted be­tween our fathers.’—He promised, in behalf of the rest of their nation, who were gone to a great distance to hunt, and could not have notice to attend the treaty, that they should certainly come to Fort-Pitt in the spring, and bring the remainder of the prisoners with them.

[Page 25]AS the season was far advanced, and the Colonel could not stay long in these remote parts, he was obliged to rest satisfied with the prisoners the Sha­wanese had brought; taking hostages, and laying them under the strongest obligations, for the delivery of the rest; knowing that no other effectual method could at present be pursued.

HE expostulated with them on account of their past conduct, and told them— ‘that the speech they had delivered would have been agreeable to him, if their actions had corresponded with their words. You have spoken, said he, much of peace, but have neglected to comply with the only con­dition, upon which you can obtain it. Keissinautchtha, one of your chiefs, met me a month ago at Tuscarawas, and accepted the same terms of peace for your nation, that were prescribed to the Senecas and Delawares; pro­mising in ten days from that time to meet me here with all your prisoners— After waiting for you till now, you are come at last, only with a part of them, and propose putting off the delivery of the rest till the spring—What right have you to expect different terms from those granted to the Delawares &c. who have given me entire satisfaction by their ready submission to every thing required of them?—But I will cut this matter short with you; and before I explain myself further, I insist on your immediate answer to the following questions.—’

1st. ‘Will you forthwith collect and deliver up all the prisoners yet in your possession, and the French living among you, with all the Negroes you have taken from us in this or any other war; and that without any ex­ception or evasion whatsoever?’

2d. ‘Will you deliver six hostages into my hands as a security for your punctual performance of the above article, and that your nations shall com­mit no farther hostilities against the persons or property of his majesty's subjects?’

BENEVISSICO replyed that ‘they agreed to give the hostages required, and said that he himself would immediately return to their lower towns and col­lect [Page 26] all our flesh and blood that remained among them, and that we should see them at Fort-Pitt ^* as soon as possible.—That, as to the French, they had no power over them. They were subjects to the king of England. We might do with them what we pleased; tho' he believed they were all re­turned before this time to their own country—’

THEY then delivered their hostages, and the Colonel told them ‘that tho' he had brought a Tomahawk in his hand, yet as they had now submit­ted, he would not let it fall on their heads, but let it drop to the ground, no more to be seen. He exhorted them to exercise kindness to the captives, and look upon them now as brothers and no longer prisoners; adding that he intended to send some of their relations along with the Indians, to see their friends collected and brought to Fort-Pitt. He promised to give them letters to Sir William Johnson, to facilitate a final peace, and desired them to be strong in performing every thing stipulated.’

THE Caughnawagas, the Delawares and Senecas, severally addressed the Sha­wanese, as grand children and nephews, ‘to perform their promises, and to be strong in doing good, that this peace might be everlasting.—’

AND here I am to enter on a scene, reserved on purpose for this place, that the thread of the foregoing narrative might not be interrupted—a scene, which language indeed can but weakly describe; and to which the Poet or Painter might have repaired to enrich their highest colorings of the variety of human passions; the Philosopher to find ample subject for his most serious reflections; and the Man to exercise all the tender and sympathetic feelings of the soul.

THE scene, I mean, was the arrival of the prisoners in the camp; where were to be seen fathers and mothers recognizing and clasping their once-lost babes; husbands hanging round the necks of their newly-recovered wives; sisters and brothers unexpectedly meeting together after long separation, scarce able to speak the same language, or, for some time, to be sure that they were children of the same parents! In all these interviews, joy and rapture inexpressible were [Page 27] seen, while feelings of a very different nature were painted in the looks of others;—flying from place to place in eager enquiries after relatives not found! trembling to receive an answer to their questions! distracted with doubts, hopes and fears, on obtaining no account of those they sought for! or stiffened into living monuments of horror and woe, on learning their unhappy fate!

THE Indians too, as if wholly forgetting their usual savageness, bore a capi­tal part in heightning this most affecting scene. They delivered up their be­loved captives with the utmost reluctance; shed torrents of tears over them, recommending them to the care and protection of the commanding officer. Their regard to them continued all the time they remained in camp. They visited them from day to day; and brought them what corn, skins, horses and other matters, they had bestowed on them, while in their families; accom­panied with other presents, and all the marks of the most sincere and tender affection. Nay, they did not stop here, but, when the army marched, some of the Indians sollicited and obtained leave to accompany their former captives all the way to Fort-Pitt, and employed themselves in hunting and bringing provisions for them on the road. A young Mingo carri­ed this still further, and gave an instance of love which would make a figure even in romance. A young woman of Virginia was among the captives, to whom he had form'd so strong an attachment, as to call her his wife. Against all remonstrances of the imminent danger to which he exposed himself by approaching to the frontiers, he persisted in following her, at the risk of being killed by the surviving relations of many unfortunate persons, who had been captivated or scalped by those of his nation.

THOSE qualities in savages challenge our just esteem. They should make us charitably consider their barbarities as the effects of wrong education, and false notions of bravery and heroism; while we should look on their virtues as sure marks that nature has made them fit subjects of cultivation as well as us; and that we are called by our superior advantages to yield them all the helps we can in this way. Cruel and unmerciful as they are, by habit and long ex­ample, in war, yet whenever they come to give way to the native dictates of humanity, they exercise virtues which Christians need not blush to imitate. [Page 28] When they once determine to give life, they give every thing with it, which, in their apprehension, belongs to it. From every enquiry that has been made, it appears—that no woman thus saved is preserved from base motives, or need fear the violation of her honor. No child is otherwise treated by the persons adopting it than the children of their own body. The perpetual slavery of those captivated in war, is a notion which even their barbarity has not yet suggested to them. Every captive whom their affection, their caprice, or whatever else, leads them to be, is soon incorporated with them, and fares alike with them­selves.

THESE instances of Indian tenderness and humanity were thought worthy of particular notice. The like instances among our own people will not seem strange; and therefore I shall only mention one, out of a multitude that might be given on this occasion.

AMONG the captives, a woman was brought into the camp at Muskingham, with a babe about three months old at her breast. One of the Virginia-volun­teers soon knew her to be his wife, who had been taken by the Indians about six months before. She was immediately delivered to her overjoyed husband. He flew with her to his tent, and cloathed her and his child in proper apparel. But their joy, after the first transports, was soon damped by the reflection that another dear child of about two years old, captivated with the mother, and separated from her, was still missing, although many children had been brought in.

A FEW days afterwards, a number of other prisoners were brought to the camp, among whom were several more children, The woman was sent for, and one, supposed to be hers, was produced to her At first sight she was uncertain, but viewing the child with great earnestness, she soon recollected its features; and was so overcome with joy, that literally forgetting her suck­ing child she dropt it from her arms, and catching up the new found child in an extasy, pressed it to her breast, and bursting into tears carried it off, unable to speak for joy. The father seizing up the babe she had let fall, fol­lowed her in no less transport and affection.

[Page 29]AMONG the children who had been carried off young, and had long lived with the Indians, it is not to be expected that any marks of joy would appear on being restored to their parents or relatives. Having been accustomed to look upon the Indians as the only connexions they had, having been tenderly treated by them, and speaking their language, it is no wonder that they con­sidered their new state in the light of a captivity, and parted from the savages with tears.

BUT it must not be denied that there were even some grown persons who shewed an unwillingness to return. The Shawanese were obliged to bind se­veral of their prisoners and force them along to the camp; and some women, who had been delivered up, afterwards found means to escape and run back to the Indian towns. Some, who could not make their escape, clung to their sa­vage acquaintance at parting, and continued many days in bitter lamenta­tions, even refusing sustenance.

FOR the honor of humanity, we would suppose those persons to have been of the lowest rank, either bred up in ignorance and distressing penury, or who had lived so long with the Indians as to forget all their former connex­ions. For, easy and unconstrained as the savage life is, certainly it could never be put in competiton with the blessings of improved life and the light of reli­gion, by any persons who have had the happiness of enjoying, and the capacity of discerning, them.

EVERY thing being now settled with the Indians, the army decamped on Sunday 18th November, and marched for Fort-Pitt, where it arrived on the 28th. The regular troops were immediately sent to garrison the different posts on the communication, and the provincial troops, with the captives, to their several provinces. Here ended this expedition, in which it is remarkable that, notwithstanding the many difficulties attending it, the troops were never in want of any necessaries; continuing perfectly healthy during the whole cam­paign; in which no life was lost, except the man mentioned to have been kill­ed at Muskingham.

[Page 30]IN the beginning of January 1765, Colonel Bouquet arrived at Philadelphia, receiving, wherever he came, every possible mark of gratitude and esteem from the people in general; and particularly from the overjoyed relations of the captives, whom he had so happily, and without bloodshed, restored to their country and friends. Nor was the legislative part of the provinces less sensible of his important services. The assembly of Pennsylvania, at their first sitting, unanimously voted him the following address.

THE Colonel's answer was as follows, viz.

SOON afterwards the Colonel received a very polite and affectionate letter from Governor Fauquier, dated 25th of December, enclosing Resolves of the honorable members of his Majesty's Council, and of the house of Burgesses, for the colony and dominion of Virginia.

THOSE respectable bodies unanimously returned their thanks to him for the activity, spirit and zeal, with which he had reduced the Indians to terms of peace, and compelled those savages to deliver up so many of his Majesty's subjects whom they had in captivity. They further requested the Governor to recommend him to his Majesty's ministers, as an officer of distinguished merit, in this and every former service in which he has been engaged.

THE Colonel, in his answer, acknowledged the ready assistance and coun­tenance which he had always received from the Governor and colony of Vir­ginia in carrying on the King's service; and mentioned his particular obli­gations to Col. LEWIS, for his zeal and good conduct during the campaign.

THE honors thus bestowed on him, his own modesty made him de­sirous of transfering to the officers and army under his command; and in­deed the mutual confidence and harmony subsisting between him and them, [Page 33] highly redound to the reputation of both. He has taken every occasion of doing justice to the particular merit of Col. REID who was second in com­mand; and also to all the officers who served in the expedition, regulars as well as ^* provincials.

THE reader will observe that the public bodies who presented these addresses to the Colonel, not only wished to express their own gratitude, but likewise to be instrumental in recommending him to the advancement his ser­vices merited. And surely it is a happy circumstance to obtain promotion, not only unenvied, but even with the general approbation and good wishes of the public. It ought, however, to be mentioned, that on the first account his Majesty received of this expedition, and long before those testimonies could reach England, he was graciously pleased, of his own royal goodness and as a reward of the Colonel's merit, to promote him to the rank of BRIGADIER GENERAL, and to the command of the southern district of America. And as he is rendered as dear, by his private virtues, to those who have the honour of his more intimate acquaintance, as he is by his military services to the pub­lic, it is hoped he may long continue among us; where his experienced abilities will enable him, and his love of the English constitution entitle him, to fill any future trust to which his Majesty may be pleased to call him.—

THE long continued ravages of the Indians on the frontiers of the British colonies in America, and the fatal overthrows which they have sometimes given our best disciplined troops, especially in the beginning of the late war, have rendered them an object of our consideration, even in their military capacity. And as but few officers, who may be employed against them, can have opportunities to observe the true causes of their advantages over European troops in the woods, it is with the utmost pleasure that I now proceed to lay before the public the following valuable papers, which I mentioned ^* to have been communicated to me by an officer of great abilities and long experience, in our wars with the Indians.

AS scarce any thing has yet been published on a subject now become of the highest importance ^§ to our colonies, these papers will undoubtedly be an acceptable present to the reader; and the remarks contained in them may be more and more improved by the future care and attention of able men, till perhaps a compleat system is at length formed for the conduct of this parti­cular species of war.