THE late and present Conduct of the French in North-America, is now very justly become the Ob­ject of Attention of the British Nation. They are sensible that their un­justifiable Encroachments, must be attended with bad Consequences to the British Colo­nies there; and that in the Event, Great­Britain itself must be greatly affected. But the Sense of these Things is, however, so general and indeterminate, that it may not be amiss at this Juncture, plainly and par­ticularly to shew the Importance of the British Colonies in North-America to the Mother-Kingdom; and the necessary fatal Consequences of the present Measures the French are pursuing, unless a speedy and final Stop be put to them.

[Page 2] To render the whole more plain and in­telligible, it seems proper, previously to mention his Majesty's undoubted Right to those Territories, that the French have been, and are now invading, and fortifying them­selves upon; and to give a succinct Ac­count of the Encroachments they have made since the Treaty of Utrecht, and the later one of Aix-la-Chapelle, with some other occasional Remarks.

Sebastian Cabot, who sailed from England, with a Commission from Henry the VII. first discovered the Northern Continent of America, in 1497; and took Possession of it for that Monarch.

It is needless to take Notice of what par­ticular Parts of this Continent the French have since at different Times possessed them­selves, which have been afterwards con­firmed to them by Treaty; or to ascertain the exact Boundaries of all his Britannick Majesty's Territories in North-America.

It will be sufficient for the present Pur­pose, to observe, that the Province of Nova­Scotia, or Accadia, was first granted by King James I. under certain, determinate Bounds.

That the French were afterwards in Possession of it; that during the Time of their Possession, they understood the Limits to extend every Way as far at least, as those de­scribed in King James's Grant.

[Page 3] That at the Negotiation for the Treaty of Utrecht, it was expresly insisted upon by the French King; that Accadia, extended Westward of St. John's River.

That by the Treaty of Utrecht, the said Province was ceded to the Crown of Great­Britain, according to its antient Limits, which was confirmed by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle; tho' Commissaries were to be appointed by the respective Crowns, to settle the precise Limits.

That the Iroquois, or Indians of the Five (now Six) Nations, as they are commonly called, had voluntarily put themselves under the Protection of the Crown of Great­Britain, from the first Settlement of the English in that Country.

That it never was disputed before the Treaty of Utrecht, but always agreed by all Authors, whether English or French, that Lake Iroquois, by the French called Lake Champlain, Lake Cadaraqui or Ontario, and Lake Erie, with the Country adjacent, was the proper Country of the Iroquois.

That Part of the Iroquois formerly in­habited on the North Side of the Lake Ontario, and are in the French Maps called Iroquois du Nord.

That that Part of the River St. Lawrence, as it is now called, between Lake Cadara­qui, [Page 4]and where the River Outawawa, falls into it near Mont-Real was formerly called the River Iroquois.

That the Iroquois have conquered most of the other Tribes inhabiting between them and the River Missisippi; and therefore those Lands by right of Conquest belong to the Iroquois, and as such are considered by them.

That by the Treaty of Utrecht the Iroquois and their Country are expresly acknow­ledged to belong to, and be under the Dominion of, the Crown of Great-Britain.

That in 1744, at a Conference between the Commissioners of the Colony of Virginia, and the Deputies of the Six Nations at Lancaster in Pennsylvania, the Deputies of the Six Nations expresly asserted their right to the Soil of the Country claimed by the Colony of Virginia from the Mountains backwards; and for a valuable Considera­tion at that Time sold it to that Colony.

That the Colonies of the Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Virginia claim Extent as far West, as the South Sea founded originally on a Grant of King James 1st. in 1606.

Notwithstanding the notoriety of these Facts, and these express Stipulations, the French did, after the Treaty of Utrecht, make some Encroachments on the North [Page 5]East Part of the Province of Nova-Scotia for carrying on a Fishery there.

In the Country of the Iroquois they erect­ed several Fortresses, one between Lake Erie and Lake Ontario, on the East of the great Falls of Niagara, to Command the In­dians that should pass by the South Side of the Lakes; another at the West End of Lake Erie; and a very strong one at the South End of Lake Iroquois or Lake Champlain, commonly called Crown-Point. This last is of the more Importance, as it gives the French the Command of that Lake; serves for a Barrier to Mont-Real on that Side; and as a Magazine for Stores, and a Rendezvous for Troops whenever the French, or their Indians make any Incursions into the Co­lony of New-York, or the Western Frontiers of the Massachusetts-Bay, & New-Hampshire. It's about One Hundred and twenty Miles from the City of Albany, all Water Carriage saving a small Carrying Place; and Eighty six Miles from the nearest Part of Connecticut River.

These Encroachments made in Time of Peace before the last War, they pretend to hold, 'till the Limits of the Territories be­longing to the two Crowns respectively in North-America are settled by Commissaries. This is common French Policy, or rather Perfidy.

[Page 6] The French Court seem always to have made North-America an Object of great At­tention; and long ago to have formed a Plan, which they have been steadily, tho' slowly, carrying into Execution.

Since the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle they have been more hasty; well knowing of what Advantage it would be to their am­bitious Views of universal Monarchy to accomplish it. Their Encroachments have been more numerous, their Hostilities more violent.

In the Province of Nova-Scotia, they have erected a Fort near Bay-Vert; from whence they have a Communication by Water with Louisbourgh, and Canada, and other French Settlements. They have e­rected another strong one upon the Istmus of the Peninsula, mounted with 26 Cannon, which commands the Basin and Harbour of Chiqnecto or Bobaussin; and within very near Cannon-Shot of an inferior one built by the English on the other Side of the Basin. They have seized St. John's River, and erected two Forts there; from one of which they had lately the Insolence to fire upon one of the King's Ships. They have engrossed the whole Furr-Trade of that River to themselves; which, before the late Peace, was wholly carried on by the En­glish. [Page 7]So that in Reality, considering the Disposition of the French Inhabitants, and the Indians that are under their Influence and Direction, they are more effectually Masters of that whole Province than the English. They have, in Conjunction with the Indians, who have been instigated by them, committed many Acts of Hostilities against his Majesty's Troops, and other Sub­jects in that Province; killed many, and taken others Prisoners; besides plundering Vessels and then burning them.

Since the Treaty of Utrecht, they have settled a considerable Village on both Sides the River Chaudiere; ^* At some Leagues distance from the Southerly Bank of the River St. Lawrence, about twenty Leagues up this River ( Chaudiere) there is a Land Carriage of a few Miles to the River Kennebeck. At this Place, if they have not already built a Fort, there has been good Intelligence that they had designed one. From hence the whole Force of Canada might, in a few Days, be poured into the Eastern Parts of the Colony of the Massachusetts-Bay; the great Nursery of Trees for Masts, Yards, and Bowsprits, for the Royal Navy.

[Page 8] Since the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, they have erected several more Fortresses in the Country of the Iroquois: One upon the North Side of the Lake Ontario directly opposite to the English Fort at Oswego on the South Side, (called by them Fort Trunto) at the Place where the Indians, that come by the North Side of the Lakes, used to pass this Lake in order to Trade at Oswego. They have built a large strong Stone trading House between the Lakes Erie and Ontario, to the Westward of the great Falls of Niagara, to prevent the Indians passing the South Side of the Lakes to Oswego.

In the Year 1753, they marched a large armed Force, consisting of Regulars, Militia and Indians, from Mont-Real into the Country of the Iroquois; altho' forbid by the Indians by three several Messages, and threatned to destroy all the Indians that should oppose them: The same Year they built two Forts, one upon a River that empties itself into the Lake Erie, the other at fifteen Miles distance on the River Obèuf, which falls into the River Ohio. ^*

[Page 9] Early the next Year, the French march­ed to a small English Fort at the Forks of Mohongahala, lower down the River Ohio; garrisoned by a small Number of People from Virginia, who were obliged to sur­render upon Terms on the first Summons.

Some Time after the same Year, a Body of eleven Hundred Men, French and Indians attacked Major Washington, Commander of the Virginia Forces, whose Corps consisted of but about three Hundred Men, & obliged him to surrender upon Articles of Capitula­tion.

[Page 10] They have built another Fort at the Forks, where the River Oubasche falls into the River Ohio. How many more For­tresses they have erected lower down to­wards the River Missisippi, and on that River, I do not pretend to know. They have likewise built two Vessels like our Brigantines, of about 60 or 70 Tons for Transportation on the Lake Ontario. These Lakes are large Inland Seas, navigable by Vessels of a considerable Burthen.

By the Treaty of Utrecht, confirmed by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, it is expresly stipulated that the French shall have Liberty of passing into the Country of the Five Nations, and other Indians in Friendship with Great-Britain, for the sake of Com­merce; and that the English shall have the same Liberty of passing into the Countries of the Indians in Friendship with the French on the same Purpose.

Since the last Treaty, the French have plundered several of his Majesty's Subjects trading, not in the Countries of the Indians in Friendship with the French, but in the Countries of the Iroquois, and other Indian Nations in Friendship with Great-Britain, of Goods to a very great Value; killed some, made others Prisoners, and transported se­veral to Old-France. They have lately [Page 11]avowed in the most publick Manner, their determined Resolution to make Prisoners all his Majesty's Subjects, that they shall find trading in those Countries, and to con­fiscate their Effects.

This Conduct of the French has deterred all the Traders of his Majesty's Colonies, from passing into the Indian Countries for the sake of Commerce; altho' before these Hostilities of the French, three Hundred Traders went yearly from the single Colony of Pennsylvania.

Besides these open Hostilities, and Bare­faced Encroachments, the French are con­tinually making use of every Art, Policy can suggest, with the greatest Industry humane Nature is capable of, to seduce the Indians in Alliance with the English, and draw them over to their Interest. For this Purpose, the most artful & zealous of their Missionaries are sent among them: The lower People are encouraged to live amongst and intermarry with the Natives. The Priests after they are admitted amongst them, soon gain a great Ascendency over them. They make use of the Religion they teach them, to inspire them with the greatest hatred to the English, and Attach­ment to the French. In this they have had but too much Success; assisted as they have [Page 12]been, by the bad Conduct of some of the English Governments, to the Indians of the most Consequence.

Many Years ago, a Number of the Iroquois, the most antient and faithful Allies of the English, and the most War-like of all the Indian Nations; went off and settled above Mont-Real. They have lately persuaded one Half of the Onondago Tribe, with many other Indians to remove; and have built them a Church and Fort. Many of the Seneka's, the most numerous Tribe of the Six Nations, appear to be much inclined to the French; and there is great Reason to fear that the whole Body of the Six Nations, will soon be lost to the Crown of Great­Britain, and gained by the French; unless some proper Measures be taken to prevent them, and to regain those that are lost.

The Indians in the French Interest are, upon all proper Opportunities, instigated by their Priests, who have generally the chief Management of their publick Councils, to Acts of Hostility against the English, even in Time of profound Peace between the two Crowns. Of this there are many un­deniable Instances: The War between the Indians & the Colonies of the Massachusetts­Bay, & New-Hampshire, in 1723; by which those Colonies suffered so much Damage, [Page 13]was begun by the Instigation of the French; their Supplies were from them, and there are now original Letters of several Jesuits to be produced; whereby it evidently ap­pears, that they were continually animat­ing the Indians, when almost tired with the War, to a further Prosecution of it. The French not only excited the Indians and supplied them, but joined their own Forces with them in all the late Hostlities that have been committed within his Majesty's Pro­vince of Nova-Scotia.

From an intercepted Letter this Year from the Jesuit at Penobscot, and from other Information, it is certain that they have been using their utmost Endeavours to ex­cite the Indians to new Acts of Hostility a­gainst his Majesty's Colony of the Massachu­etts-Bay, and some have been committed. ^*

The French not only excite the Indians to Acts of Hostility, but Reward them for it, by buying the English Prisoners of them; for the Ransom of each of which, they afterwards demand the Price that is usually [Page 14]given for a Slave in these Colonies. They do this under the specious Pretence of rescu­ing the poor Prisoners from the Cruelties and Barbarities of the Savages; but in Re­ality to encourage them to continue their Depredations; as they can by this Means get more by hunting the English, than by hunting Wild-Beasts; while in Reality the French at the same Time, keep up a large Army of Indians entirely at the Expence of the English, without any to themselves.

It is very uncertain, & difficult to guess, what may be the Number of Indians scatter­ed upon the back of the English & French Settlements, thro' this vast Continent. But if the Account be true, or near true that was given in an open Council of the Six Nations at Turpehawkie, on their return from the Treaty at Philadelphia, in 1742, there must be a great many Thousand of them.

And altho' the Indians live scattered, as a Hunter's Life requires; they may be collected together from almost any Distance, as they can find their Subsistence from their Gun in their Travelling.

But let the Number of the Indians be what it will, they are not formidable meer­ly on Account of their Numbers; there are many other Circumstances that give them a great Advantage over the English.

[...] is a great Chance, whether in a Country consisting of Woods and Swamps, which the English are not acquainted with, the Enemy do not lay in Ambush for them in some convenient Place, and from thence destroy them. If this should not be the Case, but the English should pursue them, as soon as they have gained the Rivers, by Means of their Canoes, to the Use of which they are brought up from their Infancy, they presently get out of their Reach: Further, if a Body of Men were to march into their Country to the Places where they are settled, they can, upon the least Notice, without great Disadvantage quit their present Habitati­ons, and betake themselves to new ones.

Bnt to return from these occasional Re­marks, and to point out the Consequences of the present Measures of the French, if they are suffered to pursue them:

The first and most immediate will be the engrossing the whole Furr and Pelt Trade. The Furrs and Pelts imported into England, have been computed to amount to about £. 90,000 Sterling per Annum, besides what are used in the Plantations, which is no in­considerable Quantity; but I believe greatly exceed that Sum. What Part is imported from North-America, and what from the Nothern Parts of Europe, I cannot tell. The [Page 17]whole Indian Trade of North-America, is carried on entirely by Barter; and that chiefly, & indeed almost wholly for Strouds, Duffils, Blankets, & other Manufactures of Great-Britain.

The present Trade therefore is of great Consequence, and if it was properly prose­cuted, the Advantages arising to Great­Britain, would be in Proportion to its In­crease; not only as it would occasion a greater Consumption of British Manufac­tures, but likewise as it would bring in a greater Quantity of those valuable Com­modities, which Great-Britain must other­wise Purchase from other Powers at a dearer Rate, and Pay for in Money too. The Indians may be supplied cheaper from the English, than from the French; this is very evident, inasmuch as the French are frequently supplied from Albany, by the Means of their Indians (who are really Factors for the French) with great Part of their Goods at an advanced Price, and yet have their own Profit upon them, when they sell them to the Indians.—The English Colonies are better situated, were it not for the French Encroachments, to carry the Trade into the Indian Country, than those of the French; and are there­fore capable of increasing and extending [Page 18]this Trade to a greater Advantage than they. But notwithstanding the Advan­tages of the English, and the Disadvantages of the French, the latter have always pushed it on with greater Vigour, and have always had by much the largest Share of it: Neither is this much to be wondered at, since the French of Canada have scarce any other Trade but this; and this is so essential to that Settlement, that if they were once to be cut off from it, that must soon languish and decay: Besides that the Tax paid by the Company on this Trade, is one of the principal Funds from whence the Supplies are raised for defraying the Charges of that Government.

The Pelts & Furrs imported into France, amounted some Years ago, to no less than £.135,000 Sterling per Annum; and since that Time, the French Trade in those Commodities has been continually increa­sing, whilst that of the English hath been diminishing; and in a little Time will, very probably, nay, must necessarily be entirely lost to the English & gained by the French, if the latter are suffered to continue possessed of their present Encroachments, and to strengthen themselves in them.

Whoever will compare the Account al­ready given of these Encroachments, with [Page 19]the Map of the Country, must see at the first View that they have taken, & are tak­ing Possession of, and fortifying all the most important Places upon the Lakes & Rivers, upon the Back of all the Northern Colonies; by which the Indians must pass from their Country to Trade with the English, or the English into the Indian Country on the same Purpose.

When they shall have sufficiently strength­ened themselves in these, they will effectu­ally cut off all Communication between the Indians and the English Settlements; and oblige the Natives to Trade solely with them, whether they will or no. Besides, the Natives will find it more for their Ad­vantage in that Case to Trade with the French, than with the English: For as the French, with their Forts, will carry their Trade into the different Parts of the Indian Country, can any one imagine the Indians will carry their Goods many Hundred Miles, attended with great fatigue and difficulty; to exchange them for those very Com­modities that they can be supplied with for the same Goods, in a Manner at their own Doors? No certainly they will not.

Besides the engrossing this Trade to them­selves, the French will, in a little Time, draw all the Indians entirely off from the [Page 20]English, and firmly attach them to their In­terest. The cutting off the Communica­tion between the English and the Indians by the French Forts and Settlements, will oblige the Indians to Trade with the French, whether they will or no. Their carrying the Trade into the Indian Country, and supplying them with the Commodities they want at their own Doors, will make it their Interest to Trade with them. This Exchange of Commodities, if properly regulated, will attach the Indians to the Interest of those that supply them with what they cannot subsist without. But above all, the Vigour and Resolution of the French in carrying on Settlements, building Forts & strength­ening themselves in them at such a Distance from their present Country, few as their Inhabitants are, will give them a high Opinion of the French Courage, and create a Dependance upon them. On the other Hand, the tame Behaviour of the English in looking quietly on, or in making but a feeble Resistance against these violent En­croachments, while their Interest is so deep­ly concerned, their Colonies are so many, and their Inhabitants so numerous, will give them a mean, contemptible Opinion of them: They will look upon the English as dastardly Cowards; upon the French as [Page 21]brave Men; upon the one as fit to be re­lied upon for Protection; on the other as unworthy of the least Confidence, & rather wanting Assistance & Protection from them, than capable of affording them any.

A Sachem of one of the Tribes of the Six Nations, publickly Reproached the English with this at the late Conference between Commissioners from the British Govern­ments, and the Six Nations, at Albany. Ad­dressing himself to the Commissioners: "You talk, said he, of your Strength, where do we see it? The French build Forts, and keep them when they have done; the English do not hinder them: The French behave like Men, the English like Women."

The Six Nations are the bravest Warriors of all the Indians. They have always been in Alliance with the English, and had for­merly the greatest Aversion to the French. They once not only threatned, but had very near compleated the Destruction of Canada: But from the Neglect of the English to cultivate this Temper, and indeed from a direct contrary Conduct in some of the Governments, and from the Industry and Assiduity of the French to gain them to their Interest; many went off and settled amongst the French a long Time ago; a great Number are lately gone off; those [Page 22]that remain are very wavering in their Affections to the English, and there is not the least Doubt to be made but that they will entirely abandon us; and that in a very little Time, if they have not already agreed to do it, unless we behave with more Discretion and Justice towards them, & more Vigour and Resolution against the French.

If this should be the Case; if these In­dians should be gained to the French and the numerous Tribes in Alliance with them, all the rest of the Indians upon the whole Continent would infallibly be brought into the same Interest. What Use the French would make of these new Allies, we know too well from past Experience. They would most certainly employ them even in Time of profound Peace between the two Crowns, against any or all the British Settle­ments as would best suit their ambitious Views and Designs.

It has been already remarked, that the Tribes of Indians living upon the Lakes and the Rivers that run upon the Back of the English Settlements in North-America, are very numerous, and can furnish a great Number of fighting Men; all perfectly well acquainted with the Use of Arms as soon as capable of carrying them; as they get the whole of their Subsistence from hunting; [Page 23]and that this Army, large as it may be, can be maintained by the French without any Expence.

Fom their Numbers, their Situation and the Rivers that run into the English Settlements, it is easy to conceive that they can at any Time make an Attack upon and constantly Annoy as many of the ex­posed English Settlements as they please; and those at any Distance from each other.

The Effects of such Incursions have been too severely felt by many of the British Co­lonies, especially in the Eastern Parts of New­England, not to be very well known. The entire breaking up Places that had been for a considerable Time settled at a great Expence, both of Labour and Money; burning the Houses, destroying the Stock, killing and making Prisoners great Numbers of the Inhabitants; with all the cruel Usage they meet with in their Captivity, is only a Part of the Scene. All other Places that are exposed are kept in continual Terror; the Lands lay waste and uncultivated from the Danger that attends those that shall presume to Work upon them: Besides the immense Charge the Governments must be at in a very ineffectual Manner to defend their extended Frontiers; and all this from the Influence the French have had over, but [Page 24]comparatively a few of the Indians. To the same or greater Evils still will every one of the Colonies be exposed whenever the same Influence shall be extended to the whole Body of them.

South-Carolina may be easily annoyed in this Manner by the Indians that live near the French Settlements upon the River Missisippi, and the Branches of the other Rivers that run into it. South-Carolina, in­deed hath this Advantage at present, that these Indians have been for a long Time, and are still in strict Alliance with them; and whilst they continue closely attached to their Interest, they will be a Barrier to them against the French and their Indians: But this is a very precarious Dependence, considering how easy it will be for the French, after they have gained the rest of the numerous Tribes, to secure them also to their Interest, or else to employ their Indians to cut them off.

The late and present Enterprises of the French, with the Assistance of the Indians upon the Borders of Pennsylvania, Mary­land, Virginia, and North-Carolina; are too strong Proofs how much they are exposed.

New-York is not more secure; but on the contrary, if the French should gain the Six Nations to their Interest (of which there [Page 25]is the greatest Danger) as these are the most War-like of all the Indians, as they are perfectly well acquainted with that Country, and might perhaps have a par­ticular Resentment against that Colony; and at the same Time can be easily supplied by Water from the French Magazine at Crown-Point, with Ammunition and Pro­visions; this Colony would perhaps be more exposed than almost any other to the most cruel Ravages and Depredations.

The Colonies of New-Jerseys, Connecticut and Rhode-Island, are at present secured, by having some of the other Colonies as a Bar­rier to them.

The Western Parts of the Colonies of the Massachusetts-Bay, and New-Hampshire, lay open to the Incursions of the Indians, that may be supplied from Crown-Point, it being not quite ninety Miles from that Fort to Connecticut-River. But the Eastern Parts of these Provinces, especially the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay, are still more exposed, and have been often and for a long Time together, thro' the Instigation of our good Allies the French, the Theatre of War.

The St. John's and other Nova-Scotia In­dians, whom the French have gained to an entire Dependance upon them, may be em­ployed either against the Eastern Parts of [Page 26] New-England, or the Province of Nova­Scotia.

The Damage the Province of Nova-Scotia has already suffered from them, at the Insti­gation and with the Assistance of the French, has been such, as has hitherto prevented their making Settlements back into the Country, whereon they might raise their own Sub­sistence, and threatens, if not remedied, to prevent any future Settlement of that Coun­try by the English.

Upon the whole, it cannot be doubted that if the French should engross the Furr Trade to themselves, and attach the Indians firmly to their Interest, they would never want Inclination nor Power to employ them, even in Time of profound Peace between the two Crowns, to harrass any Number of the English Colonies as should best suit their Purposes; which, besides all the other Evils already mentioned, would be attended with this, that it would effectually hinder the In­crease and Settlement of his Majesty's Ter­ritories, whilst it would give the French an Opportunity to increase & settle their own, and not only their own, but such Part of his Majesty's as they have unjustly taken Pos­session of.

But the Calamities of the English Colo­nies would be greatly increased under these [Page 27]Circumstances in Case of a War between the two Crowns.

As the Fort at Crown-Point, where the French may collect a sufficient Number of Forces for their Purpose, is within little more than a hundred Miles of the City of Albany, and much nearer to many of their other Settlements, as there is an easy Passage by Water from this Fort, it would be no difficult Matter for the French, with the Assistance of the Indians, especially of the Six Nations, who border upon and are inti­mately acquainted with, every Part of that Colony, not only to burn and destroy the out Settlements, but even the City of Albany it self, before they could receive Assistance from the other Parts of the Government: At the same Time their Neighbours may be prevented from giving them any, by having Employment enough at Home, to defend their own Frontiers against other Parties of Indians.

The same Remark may be made with Regard to the Western Frontier of the Co­lony of the Massachusetts-Bay: But it is in the Eastern Part that this Colony and the Pro­vince of New-Hampshire is most exposed in Time of War to the Ravages of the French and their Indians.

[Page 28] Quebec, the Capital of all the French Go­vernments, is so near to this Part of the Massachusetts, that whilst other Parts of the Country, and their Neighbours too, are kept in a continual Alarm by Parties of Indians, the whole Force of Canada, with as many Indians as they see Cause to join with them, may very suddenly and secretly make their Attack here, burn and destroy many Towns, break up others, kill many of the Inhabi­tants, and make more Prisoners, destroy their Stock, and return back with great Security, before a sufficient Force could be sent against them. They might at the same Time de­stroy the King's Woods, from whence Masts, &c. are supplied for the Royal Navy, unless they should hope one Day to be Masters of them themselves, and on that Account reserve them for their own Use. But in Case of a War between the two Crowns, the Province of Nova-Scotia will not only feel all the fore­mentioned calamitous Effects; but under its present Circumstances, would be in Danger of being totally lost to the Crown of Great­Britain, and gained by the French. As Louisbourg, which is in the Neighbourhood of this, is on all Accounts a proper Place of Rendezvous for regular Troops and a Navy to be sent from France, as the French have already a Fort upon Bay Vert, and another [Page 29]upon the Basin of Chignecto, as they have secured the River of St. John's, and attach­ed the Indians of that River, and the other Indians, to their Interest, as the French Inha­bitants are well known to be better inclin­ed to the French than the English Govern­ment, and must eternally be so, as long as they are suffered to have French Roman Catholic Priests, Subjects of the French King, and under the Direction of the Bishop of Quebec, among them; and as the English have not one Fort, except Annapolis-Royal, that can hold out one Day against a proper Number of regular Forces provided with sufficient Canon, if the French should, before the English are a ware of it, send a large Body of Troops, with necessary Artillery, and a Number of Men of War to protect them, the French Inhabitants, who amount to ma­ny Thousands, would upon their first Ap­pearance, universally revolt, & the Conquest of that whole Province would not take up one Fortnight. When the French have once made a Conquest of this Province, and strengthened themselves in it, they will have laid a good Foundation for dispossessing the English, in some future Time, of all their other Colonies in North-America, and securing them to themselves, with all the Advantages of them.

[Page 30] That the French have had this in View from the Beginning of their Settlements in North-America, seems clear from their sur­rounding the English Colonies, and building Forts upon the Lakes, and most convenient Rivers on the Back of the English Settle­ments from St. Lawrence-River to Missisippi, and claiming an exclusive Navigation in those Lakes and Rivers, and the Property of all that Part of the Continent.

What a Value France sets upon the Colony of Nova-Scotia, and how essential a Territory she esteems it for the Support of her other Settlements, and for compassing the Design she hath upon the whole Continent of North­America, plainly appears from the extreme Reluctance with which she made the Cession of it to Great-Britain at the Treaty of U­trecht; and it is clear from that Negociation, that nothing but the feeble State in which she then felt herself, nothing but the last Ne­cessity could have reduced her to make it. What an attentive Eye she hath kept upon it ever since it hath been in the Possession of the English, appears from the continual Practices of the Governour of Canada, the Bishop of Quebec, and the French Missionaries from thence in Time of Peace, to seduce the French Inhabitants from their Allegiance to the Crown of Great Britain. The same is evi­dent [Page 31]from the repeated Attempts of the French during the late War; some of them very expensive and hazardous to a very con­siderable Part of her Navy, for the Reduction of it; as also since the Conclusion of the Peace, from her Encroachments upon the Isthmus and St. John's- River, in manifest Violation of her most solemn Stipulations at Aix-la-Chapelle; and with an apparent View of holding her self in Readiness to take the first favourable Opportunity upon a Rupture between the two Crowns of sur­prizing the Colony.

One great, and indeed main Security of the English Colonies in North-America, a­gainst the fatal Effects of the French En­croachment, consists in this, that the French Settlements at present are not capable of subsisting a Body of Troops strong enough to over-run the English Settlements; but should the French make themselves Masters of Nova-Scotia, which is a Country fruitful of all Kind of Grain and Provisions; they would be in a Condition to introduce and subsist a Body of Troops strong enough with the French Acadians, and Inhabitants of Cape-Breton and Canada, together with the Indians, to reduce all the English Colo­nies.

[Page 32] Another great Security to the English Colonies, is that the French have no con­venient Harbours, but only in the Island of Cape-Breton; but should they make them­selves Masters of Nova-Scotia, they might from their Possession of so large a Sea-Coast extending from Cape-Sable to Cape-Canceau, ninety Leagues upon the Atlantic Ocean, abounding with most commodious Harbours for Ships of the largest Burthen, be in a Condition to dispute the Mastery of those Seas. Those who know the Situation and State of the Colonies upon the Continent of North-America, will not doubt but that the immediate Effect of the French gaining Nova-Scotia, would be the Loss of the New­England Cod-Fishery, and the intercepting and destroying the greatest Part of the Trade of those Colonies, the Loss of the King's Woods in the Province of the Massachusetts­Bay and New-Hampshire, which contain all the Nurseries of white Pine Trees; from whence the British Navy is at present sup­plied with Masts, Yards & Bowsprits; and occasion the breaking up all the English Set­tlements within the Province of Maine, which is the Eastern Part of the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay, as also of Albany and the Settlements about it, which makes the Western Part of New-York: And that thus [Page 33]by Degrees with a proper Force and the continual Incursions of the Indians, all the English Colonies might probably be over­run in a few Years, unless they were strong­ly supported with regular Troops from Home.

This may appear very extraordinary at first View, considering the superiour Number of Inhabitants within the English, to those of the French Colonies, especially as the English are Masters of such a large Sea­Coast: But if the Advantages which the Form of Government in the French Colo­nies gives them, over that of the English Colonies in Time of War is considered, this will not seem an improbable Supposition. All the French Settlements in North-Ame­rica, how many small Governments soever they may be divided into, are under the ab­solute Command of the Governor of Canada.

The English Colonies, exclusive of Georgia and Nova-Scotia, are divided into eleven distinct Governments, within each of which nothing of any Consequence can be trans­acted but by their respective Assemblies. They are independent of each other, some of them very remote from the other, those which are near are generally disunited in their Councils upon the Manner of acting against the common Enemy, disagreeing a­bout [Page 34]the Quota of Men and Money which they should respectively contribute; and considering themselves as more or less con­cerned, according to the Distance of their Colonies from immediate Danger, so that it is very difficult for them to agree upon any one Plan, and as difficult to execute it, if one could be agree don. Of this there is a most melancholly Proof at this very Time, since not with standing the present common Danger, no two Governments can agree up­on any Measures, nor has any one Govern­ment separately, except the Massachusetts­Bay, acted with any Degree of Vigour; much less with that Vigour that the present Circumstances demand. ^*

It is easy therefore to conceive, that a large Body of Men, Part of them regular Troops, with the Assistance of the Indians, scattered thro' the Continent, upon the Back of all the English Colonies, (as the French Settle­ments likewise are) when under the absolute Command of one Governor-General, who upon all Emergencies can direct their Force as he pleases, may reduce a Number of dis­united independent Colonies, unsupported with regular Troops, tho' much superior to them in Point of the Number of Inhabitants.

[Page 35] The Effects of this Difference of Govern­ment within the French & English Colonies were most sensibly felt in the late War. And if we may judge by the late & present Proceedings of the French upon this Conti­nent, they design we shall feel them more sensibly still, and that perhaps sooner than we imagine.

It is therefore highly necessary that the most vigorous Measures should be speedily and unitedly projected and pursued, to op­pose any further Encroachments of the French, and to oblige them to relinquish those they have already made. The Safety and Security of all the English Colonies in North-America, their very Being as English Colonies, make such Measures absolutely ne­cessary, and that without any Loss of Time. And how far the Interest of Great-Britain it self may make such Measures necessary, will appear from considering the Importance of these Colonies to the Mother-Kingdom.

That the present Grandeur of Great-Bri­tain is owing to its large & extended Com­merce, is agreed on all Hands.

That it is by this large Commerce that she is enabled to keep up so large a Naval Force, and that the Superiority of her Na­val Force maintains her present Power and Independency, is equally certain.

[Page 36] What Addition is made to her Commerce, and Consequently her Wealth, Strength and Superiority of Naval Power, by her being possessed of so many large Colonies, and par­ticularly how far her Colonies in North­America conduce to the Support & Increase of these, will appear from the following Remarks.

The Inhabitants of the Colonies in North­America make a large Addition to the Sub­jects of Great-Britain. The Extent of these Colonies, exclusive of the Island of New­foundland, & measuring it upon the Sea-Coast from Nova-Scotia to Georgia, inclusive of both, is about five Hundred Leagues, & the Depth of them as far back as the South Sea.

The Settlements, which are chiefly on the Sea-Coast, may be computed to contain a­bove One Million Inhabitants, exclusive of Indian Savages and Negro Slaves.

These Inhabitants within the Compass of one Hundred and forty Years, from which Time the utmost AEra of the eldest of these Colonies is to be dated, have from small Drafts made out of the Mother-Country and her Dependencies, chiefly in the Begin­ning of their Settlements, grown to their present Number by the natural Increase of the People, saving what Addition they have [Page 37]received by such as have transplanted them­selves from the Northern Parts of Germany.

It has been found by Assessments made from Time to Time of the rateable Polls in the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay, where there are now near two hundred Thousand Inhabitants, that taking their Increase at a Medium, from the first Settlement of the Colony to the Year 1743, they have doubled their Number once in twenty Years.

If this should not be thought an equitable Rule of estimating the future Growth of the Inhabitants within this Province, when their Number is so large, (tho' it seems it should hold good as long as there is Room enough for them to spread) yet it seems a moderate Computation to reckon, that their present Number may be doubled at the End of thirty Years, and if that is a just Rule for rating the Increase of the Inhabitants with­in the other Colonies, as it seems to be, then the Number of Inhabitants within all the British Colonies in North-America, may be expected from their natural Increase, and without making any Allowance for the transplanting of Protestant Families from the Palatinate, Swiss Cantons, and other Nor­thern Parts of Germany, to amount at the End of that Period to near three Millions.

[Page 38] More distant Calculations may seem too remote and uncertain; it may suffice to Remark that from the general Healthful­ness of the Climate thro' the whole Range of these Colonies, and the immense Tracts of Lands fit for all Kind of Agriculture, that this Territory is capable of supporting as many Inhabitants at least as any King­dom in Europe.

The Advantage accruing to the Mother­Country from the great Number of Inhabi­tants in her Northern Colonies, will appear from the Consideration of the Consumption they will occasion of British Manufactures, and also of all other European Commodities in general, which last must be landed and reship'd in Great-Britain (which is by the Acts of Trade made the Staple of them for all the English Colonies) before they can be imported into America.

I shall not enter into a Detail of the Eu­ropean Commodities which are consumed within the Colonies, or a Computation of what Number of Hands their present Inha­bitants may employ in England, for furnish­ing them with the British ones: Extracts from the Custom-House Books of the Goods exported for the Colonies, have shewn them to be very large at present; what is export­ed for New-England only amounting to Four [Page 39]Hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling per Annum; and the future Vent of them continually in­creasing in Proportion to the Growth of its Inhabitants, must of it self in Time become a more considerable Trade, and of a more beneficial Nature in every Respect to Great­Britain, than all its Branches of Com­merce with Foreign States, put together. It is computed that near Half the present Shipping of Great-Britain is improved in the Commerce carried on with her Plantations, which Trade alone will in Time employ a much greater Quantity of Shipping, than all the present Shipping of Great-Britain. Besides, this Trade will enable her with greater Advantage to extend her Commerce with other Countries.

Another Remark relates to the Fisheries carried on in the adjacent Seas: Very par­ticular Estimates have been made of the New-England Cod-Fishery, whereby the Returns of it appear to be (exclusive of the Newfoundland Fishery, for all of which there is a sufficient Market) above One Hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling per Annum. All this Fish, except what is consumed in Ame­rica, which is but an inconsiderable Part of it, is exported to Portugal, Spain, and Italy, and there sold for Gold, or Bills of Exchange payable in Great-Britain, from whence Re­turns [Page 40]are made to the Colonies in English Goods; so that the Produce of the Fishery, as well as the Profit of furnishing the Out­set of it, center in the Mother-Country.

Besides this, a Whale-Fishery is carried on within the Province of the Massachusetts­Bay, from whence considerable Quantities of Oil are yearly exported to England, per­haps to the Amount of Twenty Thousand Pounds Sterling, or more annually, the prime Cost in New-England.

The Profits of these Fisheries are the more Beneficial, as they are gained out of the Sea, (a Fund not to be exhausted) and find Em­ployment for a great Number of Hands, many of which might be useless, or but of small Account on Shore; as is found to be the Case of most Countries with Respect to the Refuse Part of their Inhabitants: And Fisheries are more particularly advantage­ous to a Maritime Power, as they breed up the best of Sailors. The Cod-Fishery of New-England has therefore been ever justly esteemed a good Nursery of Seamen for the Royal Navy, & it has the Advantage even of the English Colliery in this Respect, that whereas five or six Hands are sufficient to navigate a Collier of a large Burthen, a great­er Number of Hands is necessary to be em­ployed on Board a Fishing Vessel of fifty [Page 41]Tons, for navigating it, and catching & cur­ing the Fish; all of whom may bereckon­ed good Seamen, or at least very fit for im­mediate Service on Board the King's Ships.

The next Remark relates to the Naval Stores: Every Species of these is of the Growth and Produce of the Northern Co­lonies. The Royal Navy is almost wholly supplied from the Province of the Massachu­setts-Bay and New-Hampshire, with Masts, Yards and Bowsprits; as the Shipping of England in general is with Pitch and Tar from Carolina.

Upon this Article it may be observed, that it is an invaluable Advantage to a Maritime Power to have its Naval Stores of the Pro­duce of it's own Dominions, independent of a Foreign State, and not liable to be cut off from them by the Accident of War, or Prohibition of the Prince, in whose Dominion they must be purchased: To have them likewise imported in it's own Shipping, at reasonable Rates, and in Exchange for it's own Manufactures.

The Difference between being dependent upon a foreign Power for any of these Stores, and having them of the Growth of the Bri­tish Territories, is remarkable in the Article of Tar. When Great Britain was obliged to take that Species from the Northern [Page 42]Powers, the Price of it rose to five Pounds Sterling per Barrel; and Sweden in the Year 1710 refused to let it be exported in English Vessels. This Imposition occasioned a Bounty to be given by Parliament for the Encouragement of raising Tar in the English Colonies in North-America, the Effect of which has been to lower the Price of it to a tenth Part of what was before given; and to be paid for to Subjects of Great Britain in British Manufactures, instead of being paid for to Foreigners in Silver and Gold.

Great-Britain may likewise in Time be supplied from her Northern Colonies with Bar Iron, Hemp and Pot-Ash. Pot-Ash has been made in New-England, and that of the best Quality and imported from thence to Eng­land: And was the Method of making it publickly known, Great-Britain might be supplied from her Colonies in North-Ame­rica with her whole Consumption of that Article.

The next Remark relates to the rich Com­modities of Furrs, Tobacco ^* & Rice, which are the Produce of these Colonies. There is likewise a fair Prospect of Carolina's rai­sing sufficient Plantations of Mulberry Trees for the Production of Raw-Silk; they have [Page 43]already got to a confiderable Perfection in the raising & making Indigo: It's Oranges are found to be near as good as those of Seville; and it is not to be doubted but that the Climate and Soil of the British Northern Colonies is capable of producing a variety of Wines that may vie with those of Europe.

The next Thing to be remarked is, that the Lumber, Horses and Fish (not to mention the Flower and Pork) with which North­America supplies the Sugar Colonies, are ne­cessary for carrying on the Sugar Works in the Plantations there, & for the Subsistence of their Negroes, so that the Support of these Islands, depends upon that of the English Northern Colonies: Were those to be lost, the Sugar Islands, independent of their being conquered by the French, would soon lan­guish and decay to such a Degree as to be of little Service to the Mother-Country.

The last Remark to be made is, that the Prince, who holds Possession of the English Colonies in North-America, will be in a Con­dition to keep the Sovereignty of the Atlan­tic Ocean, thro' which the homeward bound Trade from the East and West-Indies gene­rally passes: This evidently appears from the Extent of the Sea-Coast, which the Co­lonies of North-America take up, abounding with most commodious Harbours, from [Page 44]whence the Ships passing thro' those Seas, may be intercepted. France most sensibly felt the Effects of it during the last War in the Captures made by the English of their Trade in general, returning from those Parts: And it is well known that the Harbour of Louisbourg is the Rendezvous of the French East-India and South-Sea Trade in their Passage home to France. It is evident from what has been mentioned, how much the Shipping, Trade and Maritime Power of Great-Britain, must be increased by the Ad­vantages arising to her from her Colonies in North-America: And on the other Hand, how much her Power would be diminished, and that of France aggrandized, if she should ever happen to lose them to the French.

The Observation therefore, which has been made by some, That England main­tained her Power and Sovereignty at Sea before she was augmented with her Colo­nies, and therefore may as well support it now without them, is ill-founded. It is true, was the Consequence of her losing them only to be, that they would become vacant, or which is the same Thing with Respect to the Powers in Europe, be occu­pied only by Indian Savages, (which was the State of North-America before the English and French entered into Possession of it) [Page 45] Great Britain, tho' much weakened by the Loss of her Colonies, might still (supposing the Marine of France to be as much inferior in all other Respects to that of Great-Bri­tain, as it was before the two Crowns ac­quired their respective Possessions in North­America) support her Power at Sea in the same State she did before the Acquisition of them. But that is not the Case; if the Eng­lish should lose Possession of them, the French would gain it; and the Question is, What Alteration in the State of Power, this Change might make to the Prejudice of England; and whether the French, after England had suffered this Diminution in her Trade and Maritime Strength, would not by their Ac­quisition of it, in Addition to the Resources of Wealth and Power which France already has in her self and her American Territories, have laid a sure Foundation for a general and lasting Dominion by Sea as well as Land? Undoubtedly if this should ever be the Case, the Trade & Commerce of France, and with it her Naval Power, would increase to such a Degree of Superiority over that of Great Britain, as must entirely destroy her Commerce, reduce her from her present State of Independency to be at last nothing more than a Province of France. The French court are very sensible of this, and [Page 46]have long been purfuing such Measures as may finally bring about this Event, tho' perhaps at a distant Time.

With this View, Maps of this Country have been from Time to Time published under the Direction of that Court, in every later one of which they have been making greater Excisions of his Majesty's Territories, and tacking them to those of the Grand Monarch; and at the same Time actually taking Possession of them, settling and for­tifying upon them.

Upon the whole, it is evident that the French have been, and are now, in manifest Violation of the most solemn Treaties, mak­ing the most hostile Encroachments upon his Majesty's undoubted Territories.

That the Consequences of these Encroach­ments, if the French are suffered to keep Pos­session of them, and strengthen themselves in them, will be;

1. The engrossing the whole of the Furr Trade of North-America to themselves.

2. The attaching all the Indians scattered thro' that vast Continent upon the Back of all the English Settlements to their Inte­rest.

3. The employing those Indians when thus attached to them, even in Time of profound Peace between the two Crowns, [Page 47]to annoy any or all his Majesty's Colonies, as may best serve their Purposes.

4. That they will one Day make them­selves Masters of all the British Colonies in North-America.

That these Colonies are of such Conse­quence to the Trade, Wealth and Naval Power of Great-Britain, and will in future Time make so much larger Additions to it, that whilst she keeps them entire, she will be able to maintain not only her Indepen­dency, but her Superiority as a Maritime Power. And on the other Hand, should she once lose them, and the French gain them, Great-Britain herself must necessarily be re­duced to an absolute Subjection to the French Crown, to be nothing more than a Province of France.

1. TAbles of the Proportion of Marriages to Births, of Deaths to Births, of Marriages to the Numbers of Inhabitants, &c. form'd on Observaions made upon the Bills of Mortality, Christnings, &c. of populous Cities, will not suit Countries; nor will Tables form'd on Observations made on full settled old Countries, as Europe, suit new Countries, as America.

2. For People increase in Proportion to the Number of Marriages, and that is greater in Proportion to the Ease and Con­venience of supporting a Family. When Families can be easily supported, more Persons marry, and earlier in Life.

3. In Cities, where all Trades, Occu­pations and Offices are full, many delay marrying, till they can see how to bear the Charges of a Family; which Charges [Page 2]are greater in Cities, as Luxury is more common: many live single during Life, and continue Servants to Families, Jour­neymen to Trades &c. hence Cities do not by natural Generation supply themselves with Inhabitants; the Deaths are more than the Births.

4. In Countries full settled, the Case must be nearly the same; all Lands being occupied and improved to the Heighth; those who cannot get Land, must Labour for others that have it; when Labourers are plenty, their Wages will be low; by low Wages a Family is supported with Difficulty; this Difficulty deters many from Marriage, who therefore long continue Servants and single.—Only as the Cities take Supplies of People from the Country, and thereby make a little more Room in the Country; Marriage is a little more in­courag'd there, and the Births exceed the Deaths.

5. Europe is generally full settled with Husbandmen, Manufacturers, &c. and therefore cannot now much increase in People: America is chiefly occupied by Indians, who subsist mostly by Hunting.— But as the Hunter, of all Men, requires the greatest Quantity of Land from whence to draw his Subsistence, (the Husbandman [Page 3]subsisting on much less, the Gardner on still less, and the Manufacturer requiring least of all), The Europeans found America fully settled as it well could be by Hunters; yet these having large Tracks, were easily prevail'd on to part with Portions of Territory to the new Comers, who did not much interfere with the Natives in Hunting, and furnish'd them with many Things they wanted.

6. Land being thus plenty in America, and so cheap as that a labouring Man, that understands Husbandry, can in a short Time save Money enough to purchase a Piece of new Land sufficient for a Plantati­on, whereon he may subsist a Family; such are not afraid to marry; for if they even look far enough forward to consider how their Children when grown up are to be provided for, they see that more Land is to be had at Rates equally easy, all Circumstances considered.

7. Hence Marriages in America are more general, and more generally early, than in Europe. And if it is reckoned there, that there is but one Marriage per Annum a­mong 100 Persons, perhaps we may here reckon two; and if in Europe they have but 4 Births to a Marriage (many of their Marriages being late) we may here reckon [Page 4]8, of which if one half grow up, and our Marriages are made, reckoning one with another at 20 Years of Age, our People must at least be doubled every 20 Years.

8. But notwithstanding this Increase, so vast is the Territory of North-America, that it will require many Ages to settle it fully; and till it is fully settled, Labour will never be cheap here, where no Man continues long a Labourer for others, but gets a Plan­tation of his own, no Man continues long a Journeyman to a Trade, but goes among those new Settlers, and sets up for himself, &c. Hence Labour is no cheaper now, in Pennsylvania, than it was 30 Years ago, tho' so many Thousand labouring People have been imported.

9. The Danger therefore of these Colo­nies interfering with their Mother Country in Trades that depend on Labour, Manu­factures, &c. is too remote to require the Attention of Great-Britain.

10. But in Proportion to the Increase of the Colonies, a vast Demand is growing for British Manufactures, a glorious Market wholly in the Power of Britain, in which Foreigners cannot interfere, which will in­crease in a short Time even beyond her Power of supplying, tho' her whole Trade should be to her Colonies: Therefore Britain [Page 5]should not too much restrain Manufactures in her Colonies. A wife and good Mother will not do it. To distress, is to weaken, and weakening the Children, weakens the whole Family.

11. Besides if the Manufactures of Britain (by Reason of the American Demands) should rise too high in Price, Foreigners who can sell cheaper will drive her Mer­chants out of Foreign Markets; Foreign Manufactures will thereby be encouraged and increased, and consequently foreign Nations, perhaps her Rivals in Power, grow more populous and more powerful; while her own Colonies, kept too low, are unable to assist her, or add to her Strength.

12. Tis an ill-grounded Opinion that by the Labour of Slaves, America may possibly vie in Cheapness of Manufactures with Britain. The Labour of Slaves can never be so cheap here as the Labour of working Men is in Britain. Any one may compute it. Interest of Money is in the Co­lonies from 6 to 10 per Cent. Slaves one with another cost 30 £. Sterling per Head. Reckon then the Interest of the first Purchase of a Slave, the Insurance or Risque on his Life, his Cloathing and Diet, Expences in his Sickness and Loss of Time, Loss by his Neglect of Business (Neglect is natural to [Page 6]the Man who is not to be benefited by his own Care or Diligence), Expence of a Driver to keep him at Work, and his Pil­fering from Time to Time, almost every Slave being by Nature a Thief, and com­pare the whole Amount with the Wages of a Manufacturer of Iron or Wool in Eng­land, you will see that Labour is much chea­per there than it ever can be by Negroes here. Why then will Americans purchase Slaves? Because Slaves may be kept as long as a Man pleases, or has Occasion for their Labour; while hired Men are continually leaving their Master (often in the midst of his Business,) and setting up for themselves. §. 8.

13. As the Increase of People depends on the Encouragement of Marriages, the fol­lowing Things mustdiminish a Nation, viz. 1. The being conquered; for the Con­querors will engross as many Offices, and exact as much Tribute or Profit on the La­bour of the conquered, as will maintain them in their new Establishment, and this diminishing the Subsistence of the Natives discourages their Marriages, & so gradually diminishes them, while the Foreigners increase. 2. Loss of Territory. Thus the Britons being driven into Wales, and crowded together in a barren Country in­sussicient [Page 7]to support such great Numbers, diminished 'till the People bore a Propor­tion to the Produce, while the Saxons increas'd on their abandoned Lands; 'till the Island became full of English. And were the English now driven into Wales by some foreign Nation, there would in a few Years be no more Englishmen in Britain, than there are now People in Wales. 3. Loss of Trade. Manufactures exported, draw Subsistence from Foreign Countries for Numbers; who are thereby enabled to marry and raise Families. If the Na­tion be deprived of any Branch of Trade, and no new Employment is found for the People occupy'd in that Branch, it will also be soon deprived of so many Peo­ple. 4. Loss of Food. Suppose a Nation has a Fishery, which not only employs great Numbers, but makes the Food and Subsistence of the People cheaper: If a­nother Nation becomes Master of the Seas, and prevents the Fishery, the People will diminish in Proportion as the Loss of Em­ploy, and Dearness of Provision, makes it more difficult to subsist a Family. 5. Bad Government and insecure Property. Peo­ple not only leave such a Country, and settling Abroad incorporate with other Na­tions, lose their native Language, and be­come [Page 8]Foreigners; but the Industry of those that remain being discourag'd, the Quantity of Subsistence in the Country is lessen'd, and the Support of a Family becomes more difficult. So heavy Taxes tend to diminish a People. 6. The Introduction of Slaves. The Negroes brought into the English Sugar Islands, have greatly diminish'd the Whites there; the Poor are by this Means depriv'd of Employment, while a few Families acquire vast Estates; which they spend on Foreign Luxuries, and edu­cating their Children in the Habit of those Luxuries; the same Income is needed for the Support of one that might have main­tain'd 100. The Whites who have Slaves, not labouring, are enfeebled, and there­fore not so generally prolific; the Slaves being work'd too hard, and ill fed, their Constitutions are broken, and the Deaths among them are more than the Births; so that a continual Supply is needed from Africa. The Northern Colonies having few Slaves increase in Whites. Slaves also pejorate the Families that use them; the white Children become proud, disgusted with Labour, and being educated in Idle­ness, are rendered unfit to get a Living by Industry.

[Page 9] 14. Hence the Prince that acquires new Territory, if he finds it vacant, or removes the Natives to give his own People Room; the Legislator that makes effectual Laws for promoting of Trade, increasing Em­ployment, improving Land by more or better Tillage; providing more Food by Fisheries; securing Property, &c. and the Man that invents new Trades, Arts or Manufactures, or new Improvements in Husbandry, may be properly called Fathers of their Nation, as they are the Cause of the Generation of Multitudes, by the En­couragement they afford to Marriage.

15. As to Privileges granted to the marri­ed, (such as the Jus trium Liberorum among the Romans,) they may hasten the filling of a Country that has been thinned by War or Pestilence, or that has otherwise vacant Territory; but cannot increase a People beyond the Means provided for their Subsistence.

16. Foreign Luxuries & needless Manu­factures imported and used in a Nation, do, by the same Reasoning, increase the People of the Nation that furnishes them, and diminish the People of the Nation that uses them.—Laws therefore that prevent such Importations, and on the contrary pro­mote the Exportation of Manufactures to [Page 10]be consumed in Foreign Countries, may be called (with Respect to the People that make them) generative Laws, as by increasing Subsistence they encourage Marriage. Such Laws likewise strengthen a Country, doubly, by increasing its own People and diminishing its Neighbours.

17. Some European Nations prudently refuse to consume the Manufactures of East-India: — They should likewise for­bid them to their Colonies; for the Gain to the Merchant, is not to be compar'd with the Loss by this Means of People to the Nation.

18. Home Luxury in the Great, in­creases the Nation's Manufacturers em­ploy'd by it, who are many, and only tends to diminish the Families that indulge in it, who are few. The greater the com­mon fashionable Expence of any Rank of People, the more cautious they are of Marriage. Therefore Luxury should never be suffer'd to become common.

19. The great Increase of Offspring in particular Families, is not always owing to greater Fecundity of Nature, but some­times to Examples of Industry in the Heads, and industrious Education; by which the Children are enabled to provide better for [Page 11]themselves, and their marrying early, is encouraged from the Prospect of good Subsistence.

20. If there be a Sect therefore, in our Nation, that regard Frugality and Industry as religious Duties, and educate their Children therein, more than others com­monly do; such Sect must consequently increase more by natural Generation, than any other Sect in Britain.—

21. The Importation of Foreigners into a Country that has as many Inhabitants as the present Employments and Provisions for Subsistence will bear; will be in the End no Increase of People; unless the New Comers have more Industry and Fru­gality than the Natives, and then they will provide more Subsistence, and increase in the Country; but they will gradually eat the Natives out.—Nor is it necessary to bring in Foreigners to fill up any occasional Vacancy in a Country; for such Vacancy (if the Laws are good, § 14, 16) will soon be filled by natural Generation. Who can now find the Vacancy made in Sweden, France or other Warlike Nations, by the Plague of Heroism 40 Years age; in France, by the Expulsion of the Protestants; in Eng­land, by the Settlement of her Colonies; or in Guinea, by 100 Years Exportation of [Page 12]Slaves, that has blacken'd half America?— The thinness of Inhabitants in Spain, is owing to National Pride and Idleness, and other Causes, rather than to the Expulsion of the Moors, or to the making of new Settlements.

22. There is in short, no Bound to the prolific Nature of Plants or Animals, but what is made by their crowding and inter­fering with each others Means of Sub­sistence. Was the Face of the Earth vacant of other Plants, it might be gradu­ally sowed and overspread with one Kind only; as, for Instance, with Fennel; and were it empty of other Inhabitants, it might in a few Ages be replenish'd from one Nation only; as, for Instance, with Englishmen. Thus there are suppos'd to be now upwards of One Million English Souls in North-America, (tho' 'tis thought scarce 80,000 have been brought over Sea) and yet perhaps there is not one the sewer in Britain, but rather many more, on Account of the Employment the Colonies afford to Manufacturers at Home. This Million doubling, suppose but once in 25 Years, will in another Century be more than the People of England, and the greatest Number of Englishmen will be on this Side the Water. What an Accession of Power to the British [Page 13]Empire by Sea as well as Land! What Increase of Trade and Navigation! What Numbers of Ships and Seamen! We have been here but little more than 100 Years, and yet the Force of our Privateers in the late War, united, was greater, both in Men and Guns, than that of the whole British Navy in Queen Elizabeth's Time.—How important an Affair then to Britain, is the present Treaty for settling the Bounds be­tween her Colonies and the French, and how careful should she be to secure Room enough, since on the Room depends so much the Increase of her People?

23. In fine, A Nation well regulated is like a Polypus; take away a Limb, its Place is soon supply'd; cut it in two, and each deficient Part shall speedily grow out of the Part remaining. Thus if you have Room and Subsistence enough, as you may by dividing, make ten Polypes out of one, you may of one make ten Nations, equally populous and powerful; or rather, increase a Nation ten fold in Numbers and Strength.

And since Detachments of English from Britain sent to America, will have their Places at Home so soon supply'd and in­crease so largely here; why should the Palatine Boors be suffered to swarm into our Settlements, and by herding together [Page 14]establish their Language and Manners to the Exclusion of ours? Why should Pennsyl­vania, founded by the English, become a Co­lony of Aliens, who will shortly be so nume­rous as to Germanize us instead of our Anglifying them, and will never adopt our Language or Customs, any more than they can acquire our Complexion.

24. Which leads me to add one Remark: That the Number of purely white People in the World is proportionably very small. All Africa is black or tawny. Asia chiefly tawny. America (exclusive of the new Comers) wholly so. And in Europe, the Spaniards, Italians, French, Russians and Swedes, are generally of what we call a swar­thy Complexion; as are the Germans also, the Saxons only excepted, who with the English, make the principal Body of White People on the Face of the Earth. I could wish their Numbers were increased. And while we are, as I may call it, Scouring our Planet, by clearing America of Woods, and so making this Side of our Globe reflect a brighter Light to the Eyes of Inhabitants in Mars or Venus, why should we in the Sight of Superior Beings, darken its People? why increase the Sons of Africa, by Plant­ing them in America, where we have so [Page 15]fair an Opportunity, by excluding all Blacks and Tawneys, of increasing the lovely White and Red? But perhaps I am partial to the Complexion of my Country, for such Kind of Partiality is natural to Mankind.