IF we may judge by the manner in which these words are introdu­ced, there are none in all the bible, applicable to civil rulers, in their publick capacity, of more solemn importance.

The last words of good men are commonly tho't worthy of particular notice; especially, if they are great as well as good, of an elevated sta­tion [Page 6] as well as character in life. This is a consi­deration that adds weight to my text. For it is enrolled among the last words of one of the best and greatest men that ever lived. Such was Da­vid, 'the man after God's own heart,' who was raised up from low life to the regal dignity, and stiled, on that account, 'the anointed of the God of Jacob.'

And was my text nothing more than his own private sentiments, formed with due care, upon long observation and experience, it might well deserve the particular attention of all in civil power; especially, as he was a man of extraor­dinary knowledge, penetration and wisdom, as well as piety; and, at the same time, singularly qualified to make a judgment in an affair of this nature, as he was called into publick service from a youth, and had for many years reigned king in Israel.

But it is not only David that here speaks. The words are rather God's than his. For they are thus prefaced, The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me. 'That God who had se­lected the Jews to be his people, and was their God so as he was not the God of other nations; the rock on whom their political state was built, and on whom it depended for support and pro­tection':—This God spake unto David, either by Samuel, or Nathan, or some other inspired pro­phet, or himself immediately from heaven, say­ing, [Page 7] as in the words I have read to you, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. It is certainly some momentous truth, highly worthy of the most serious consideration of civil rulers, that is here delivered, or it would not have been ushered in with so much solemnity.

Some read the words, (agreable eno' to the original, as criticks observe) there shall be a ruler over men that shall be just, ruling in the fear of God; and refer them to Christ, as agreeing with other prophecies, which describe him as a 'king that shall reign in righteousness,' and be of 'quick understanding in the fear of the Lord:' But if they be allowed to look forward to him that has since 'come forth out of Zion,' they were also designed for the instruction and benefit of Solomon, David's son and appointed successor to the throne of Israel. And by analogy they are applicable to civil rulers, in their various stations, in all ages of the world.

In this view I shall now consider them, under the two following heads obviously contained in them.

• I. There is a certain order among mankind, according to which some are entrusted with power to rule over others.
• II. Those who rule over others must be just, ruling in the fear of God.

[Page 8] The whole will then be applied to the occa­sions of the day.

I. I am to say, in the first place, there is a cer­tain order among men, according to which some are entrusted with power to rule over others. This is evidently supposed in the text; and 'tis supposed, not as a bare fact, but a fact that has taken place conformably to the will of God, and the reason of things.

This, to be sure, is the truth of the case, in it self considered. Order and rule in society, or, what means the same thing, civil government, is not a contrivance of arbitrary and tyrannical men, but a regular state of things, naturally resulting from the make of man, and his circumstances in the world. Had man abode in innocency, his nature as a sociable creature, and his condition as a dependent one, would probably have led to some sort of civil superiority: As, among the inhabitants of the upper world, there seems to be a difference of order, as well as species; which the scripture in­timates, by speaking of them in the various stile of thrones, dominions, principalities, powers, arch­angels and angels. But however it would have been, had man continued in obedience to his ma­ker, government is rendered a matter of necessity by the introduction of sin into the world. Was there no civil rule among men, but every one might do that which was right in his own eyes, with­out restraint from humane laws, there would not [Page 9] be safety any where on the earth. No man would be secure in the enjoyment, either of his liberty, or property, or life: But every man's hand would be against his fellow; and mankind must live in perpetual danger, from that oppressi­on, rapine and violence, which would make this world rather a hell, than a fit place to dwell hap­pily in.

The present circumstances of the human race are therefore such, by means of sin, that 'tis ne­cessary they should, for their mutual defence and safety, combine together in distinct societies, lodg­ing as much power in the hands of a few, as may be sufficient to restrain the irregularities of the rest, and keep them within the bounds of a just decorum. Such a superiority in some, and infe­riority in others, is perfectly adjusted to the pre­sent state of mankind.—Their circumstances re­quire it.—They could not live, either comfortably or safely without it.

And from hence, strictly and properly speak­ing, does that civil order there is among men take rise. Nor will it from hence follow, that govern­ment is a mere humane constitution. For as it originates in the reason of things, 'tis, at the same time, essentially founded on the will of God. For the voice of reason is the voice of God: And he as truly speaks to men by the reason of things, their mutual relations to and dependencies on each other, as if he uttered his voice from the ex­cellent [Page 10] glory. And in this way, primarily, he declares his will respecting a civil subordination among men. The sutableness of order and supe­riority, both to the nature of man, and his cir­cumstances in the world, together with its neces­sary connection, in the nature of things, with his safety and happiness, is such an indication of the divine pleasure, that there should be government, as cannot be gainsay'd nor resisted.

Only it must be remembred here, a distinction ought always to be made between government in its general notion, and particular form and man­ner of administration. As to the latter, it cannot be affirmed, that this or that particular form of government is made necessary by the will of God and reason of things. The mode of civil rule may in consistency with the public good, admit of va­riety: And it has, in fact, been various in diffe­rent nations: Nor has it always continued the same, in the same nation. And one model of government may be best for this Community, and another for that; nay, that model which may be best for the same community at one time, may not be so at another. So that it seems left to the wisdom of particular communities to de­termine what form of government shall take place among them; and, so long as the general ends of society are provided for and secured, the de­termination may be various, according to the va­rious circumstances, policies, tempers and interests of different communities.

[Page 11] And the same may be said of the manner of vesting particular persons with civil power, whe­ther supreme or subordinate. This is not so fix'd by the divine will, as that all nations are obliged to one and the same way of devolving the admi­nistration of rule. The supreme authority in Israel, 'tis true, from which, of course, all subor­dinate power in that state was derived, was settled by God himself on David, and entail'd on his family to descend in a lineal succession. But it does not appear, that this was ever intended to be a rule obligatory on all nations of the earth: Nor have they kept to it; but have varied in their manner of designing persons for, and introducing them into, the several places of civil trust. And this seems to be a matter alterable in its nature, and proper to be variously determined according to the different circumstances of particular nations.

But 'tis quite otherwise in respect of govern­ment itself, in its general notion. This is not a matter of meer humane prudence, but of moral necessity. It does not lie with men to de­termine at pleasure, whether it shall or shall not take place; but, considering their present weak, exposed and dependent condition, 'tis unalterably right and just there should be rule and superiority in some, and subjection and inferiority in others: And this therefore is invariably the will of God; his will manifested by the moral fitness and rea­son of things.

[Page 12] And the will of God, as discovered in the re­velations of scripture, touching government a­mong men, perfectly coincides with his will pri­marily made known, upon the same head, by the constitution of things: Or rather, 'tis more clearly and fully opened. For kings, and princes, and nobles, and all the judges of the earth, are here re­presented ^* as reigning and ruling by God: Yea, they are stiled, the ministers of God ^† and the powers that be are declared to be ordained of God ^‖: And, upon this consideration, subjection to them is demanded, for conscience sake ^‡; and whosoever re­sisteth, is looked upon as resisting the ordinance of God ^*. From all which it is apparent, there is no more room to dispute the divinity of civil rule upon the foot of revelation, than of reason.

And thus we have seen, not only that some among men have rule over others, but that it is reasonable in itself, and agreable to the will of God, it should be so.

And 'tis easy to collect from the whole, the true design of that power some are entrusted with over others. It is not merely that they might be distinguished from, and set above vulgar peo­ple; much less that they might live in greater pomp, and be revered as gods on earth; much less still that they might be in circumstances to oppress their fellow-creatures, and trample them [Page 13] under their feet: But it is for the general good of mankind; to keep confusion and disorder out of the world; to guard men's lives; to secure their rights; to defend their properties and liberties; to make their way to justice easy, and yet effectual, for their protection when innocent, and their re­lief when injuriously treated; and, in a word, to maintain peace and good order, and, in general, to promote the public Welfare, in all instances, so far as they are able. But this leads me to the next head of discourse, which is what I have principally in view; viz.

II. Those who rule over others must be just, ruling in the fear of God. Here I shall distinctly say,

1. They must be just. They ought to be so in their private capacity; maintaining a care to exhibit in their conduct, towards all they are con­cerned with, a fair transcript of that fundamental law of the religion of Jesus, as well as eternal rule of natural justice, 'all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.' But private justice, tho' necessary in all, yet is not the virtue here especially intended. The injunc­tion respects those who rule over men; and 'tis as magistrates, not private members of society, that they are required to be just.

And this duty includes in it more than a ne­gation of unrighteousness. 'Tis not enough that rulers are not unjust; that they don't betray [Page 14] the trusts reposed in them; that they don't de­fraud the public; that they don't oppress the sub­ject, whether in a barefac'd manner, or in a more covert way; by downright violence, or under the cloak of law: 'Tis not enough, I say, that rulers don't, in these and such like ways, pervert judgment and justice; out, besides all this, they must be positively righteous. Being possess'd of an inward, steady, uniform principle of justice, setting them, in a good measure, above the in­fluence of private interest, or party views, they must do that which is equal and right, in their various stations, from the king in supreme, to the lowest in authority under him.

It would carry me too far beyond the hour assigned me, should I make a distribution of ru­lers into their several ranks, and mention the more special acts of justice respectively required of them. I shall therefore content my self with speaking of them chiefly in the collective sense; pointing out, under a few general heads, some of the more im­portant articles wherein they should approve them­selves just. And they are such as these.

They must be just in the use of their power; confining it within the limits prescribed in the constitution they are under. Whatever power any are vested with, 'tis delegated to them accor­ding to some civil constitution. And this, so long as it remains the constitution, they are bound in justice to conform themselves to: To be sure, they [Page 15] ought not to act in violation of any of its main and essential rights. Especially, is this an impor­tant point of justice; where the constitution is branched into several parts, and the power origi­nally lodged in it, is divided, in certain measures, to each part, in order to preserve, a ballance in the whole. Rulers, in this case, in either branch of the government, are bounded by the constitution, and obliged to keep within the proper limits as­signed them; never clashing in the exercise of their power, never encroaching upon the rights of each other, in any shape, or under any pretence whatever. They have severally and equally a right to that power which is granted to them in the constitution, and to wrest it out of each other's hands, or to obstruct one another in the regular legal exercise of it, is evidently unjust. As in the British constitution, which devolves the power of the state, in certain proportions, on King, Lords and Commons, they have neither of them a right to in­vade the province of the other, but are required, by the rule of righteousness, to keep severally within their own boundaries, acting in union a­mong themselves, and consistency with the con­stitution. If the prerogatives of the King are sacred, so also are the rights of Lords and Commons: And if it would be unjust in Lords or Commons, to touch, in any instance, the prerogative of the crown; so would it be in the crown, to invade the rights, which are legally settled in Lords and Commons: In either of these cases, the law of righteousness is violated: Nor does the manner in which it is [Page 16] done make any essential difference; for, if one part of the government is really kept from exert­ing it self, according to the true meaning of the constitution, whether it be done openly, or by secret craft; by compulsion or corruption, the de­signed ballance is no longer preserved; and which way soever the scale turns, whether on the side of sovereignty, or popularity, 'tis forced down by a false weight, which, by degrees, will overturn the government, at least, according to this parti­cular model.

And the case is just the same in all dependent governments, as in those whose power originates in themselves: Especially, where the derived con­stitution, like that of Great-Britain, is divided into several ruling parts, and distributes the grant­ed powers and priviledges severally among these ruling parts, to each their limited portion. The constitution is here evidently the grand rule to all cloathed with power, or claiming pri­viledge, in either branch of the government. And 'tis indeed a fundamental point of justice, that they keep respectively within the bounds marked out to them in the constitution. Rulers in one branch of the state should not assume the power delega­ted to those in another: Nay, so far should they be from this, that they should not, in any degree, lessen their just weight in the government; much less may they contrive, by an undue application to their hopes or fears, or by working on their ambition, or covetousness, or any other corrupt [Page 17] principle; much less, I say, may they contrive to influence them to give up their power, or, what is as bad, to use it unfaithfully, beside the intention for which it was committed to them. These are certainly methods of injustice; and, if put in practice, will, by a natural causality, weak­en, and, by degrees, destroy those checks which rulers are mutually designed to have one upon a­nother; the effect whereof must be tyranny, or anarchy, either of which will be of fatal conse­quence.

2. Another general instance wherein rulers should be just, relates to the laws by which they govern. [They have an undoubted right to make and execute laws, for the publick good. This is essentially included in the very idea of govern­ment: Insomuch, that government, without a right to enact and enforce proper laws, is nothing more than an empty name.

And this right, in whomsoever it is vested, must be exercised under the direction of justice. For as there cannot be government without a right of legislation, so neither can there be this right but in conjunction with righteousness. 'Tis the just exercise of power that distinguishes right from might; authority that is to be revered and obeyed, from violence and tyranny, which are to be dread­ed and deprecated.

[Page 18] Those therefore to whom it belongs to make, or execute the laws of a government ought, in these exercises of their power, to square their con­duct by that strict justice, which will be to them a sure rule of right action.]

To be sure, if they would be just, they must make no laws but what bear this character. They should not, when upon the business of framing and passing acts, suffer themselves to be swayed by any wrong biass, either from self-will, or self-interest; the smiles or frowns of men greater than themselves; or the humour of the populace: But should bring the proposed laws to a fair and im­partial examination, not only in their reference to the temper, genius and circumstances of the community, but to that justice also which is founded in the nature of things, and the will of the supreme legislator: And if they should appear to be inconsistent with this eternal rule of equity, they ought not to countenance them, but should do what they can to prevent their establishment. And the rather, because should they enact that in­to a statute, which is unrighteous; especially, if it be plainly and grosly so, they would be charge­able with 'framing mischief by a law': The guilt whereof would be the more aggravated, as power, in this case, would be on the side of op­pression; and, what is as bad, as unrighteousness, by this means, would take a dreadful spread thro' the community. For as the laws are the rule for the executive powers in the government, if these [Page 19] are unjust, all that is done consequent upon a re­gard to them, must be unjust too. That would be the state of things which Solomon describes, when he says, 'I saw under the sun the place of judgment, that wickedness was there; and the place of righteousness, that iniquity was there:' Than which, there cannot be given a more terrible representation of the unhappy effect of a disregard to justice in the making of laws.

But Rulers, in order to their answering the character of just, must not satisfy themselves with making none but righteous laws; but must pro­vide also, so far as may be, a sufficiency of such to restrain the sons of wickedness, men of avaricious minds, and no consciences, from that rapine and violence, those frauds and oppressions, in their various kinds and degrees, which their lusts would prompt them to perpetrate, to the damage of so­ciety, and in violation of all that is right and just.

Besides which, they should be particular in their care to guard the important and extensive article of commerce; calculating laws so as that they may have a tendency to oblige every mem­ber of the community, to use the methods of fair­ness and honesty in their dealings with one ano­ther: In order whereto, one of the main things necessary is, to fix the precise weight and measure, according to which these and those commodities shall be bought and sold; hereby rendring the practice of honesty easy and familiar, while, at [Page 20] the same time, it is made a matter of difficulty, as well as hazard, for this member of the commu­nity to defraud that, by palming on him a less quantity than he bargain'd, for, and expected to receive.

[A noble example of this expedient to promote justice, the scripture presents us with, in the his­tory it gives of the laws by which the Jews of old were governed. It was not thought sufficient to prohibit their 'doing unrighteousness in mete­yard, or weight, or measure;' and to command their having 'just ballances and just weights, a just Ephah and a just Hin:' But the standard was fixt by law, according to which all weights and measures must be regulated; and it was kept in the sanctuary of God. And so exact was the government in its care to prevent all fraud, that it allowed no "weights, ballances or measures to be made of any metal, as of Iron, Lead, Tin, (which were obnoxious to rust, or might be bent or easily impaired) but of Marble, Stone or Glass, which were less liable to be abused." ^* And officers also "were appointed in every city to go about into shops, and see that the ballances and measures were just, and determine the stated mea­sure of them: And with whomsoever they found any weight or measure too light or short, or bal­lance that went awry, they were to be punished by the judges." ^‖ This pattern of justice has [Page 21] been copied after by all governments acquainted with it; and the more particular their law, have been for the regulation of weights and measures, the better calculated have they been to promote honesty in private dealing.]

And if justice in rulers should shew itself by reducing the things that are bought and sold to weight and measure, much more ought it to be seen in ascertaining the medium of trade, as near­ly as may be, to some determinate value. For this, whether it be money, or something substi­tuted to pass in lieu of it, is that for which all things are exchanged in commerce. And if this, which is of such universal use in the affair of traffick, be a thing variable and uncertain, of one value this week, and another the next, 'tis diffi­cult to conceive, how justice should take place between man and man, in their dealings with one another. If the measure we call a foot might gradually, in the space of a few months or years, lengthen into a yard, or shorten into an inch; every one sees, it would, if used as a measure in trade, tend to spread unrighteousness in a com­munity, rather than justice. So, if the weight we call a pound might gradually, in the like space, increase or diminish one half; 'tis past dispute, it would be an occasion of general ini­quity, rather than a means to promote honesty. And the case is really the same (however insen­sible we may be of it) with respect to the passing medium in a government. If what we call a [Page 22] shilling, may, in a gradual way, in the course of a few months or years, rise in value so as to be equal to two or three, or sink in proportion; 'tis impossible, in the nature of things, but a wide door should be opened for oppression and injustice. An upright man, in this case, would find it ex­treamly difficult to do himself justice, or others he might be concerned with in business. And for those of dishonest minds, and no principles of honour or religion, if men of craft and foresight, they would have it very much in their power to enrich themselves by being unjust to their neigh­bour.

I am sensible, the case may be so circumstan­ced in a government, especially if it be a depen­dent one, as that it may be extreamly difficult, if not impossible, while they have no money, to keep that which passes, in the room of it, from varying in it's real worth. But it is not very difficult; to be sure, it is not impossible, to pitch upon some certain standard, to which the current medium may be so related, as that it's true value, at different times, may be nearly ascertained: And if this was established as the rule in all pub­lic payments, as well as private contracts and bar­gains, it would be no other than what is right. It would certainly tend not only to do every one justice, but to put it very much out of the power of men of no probity 'to go beyond and defraud their brother:' Whereas, while the medium is connected with no established certain standard, [Page 23] but continually varies in it's real worth, it must be, in the natural course of things, an occasion of great injustice. [Some, on the one hand, under the fair pretence of a reasonable care to secure themselves, will injure those who lie at their mercy, by extorting from them more that is meet. And others, on the other hand, will take the ad­vantage, to pay a just debt with one half the true value it was originally contracted for: Nor will the practice of unrighteousness be confined to these and such like instances, but unavoidably mingle itself with men's transactions in the whole business of trade, so as to put them upon making a prey of one another; as is too much the case among ourselves at this day.]

There is yet another thing, belonging to this head, wherein rulers should approve themselves just; and that is, the execution of the Laws. [The power of executing as well as making laws (as has been hinted) is inseparable from govern­ment. And the demands of justice are to be comply'd with, in the one as well as the other. If 'tis just that rulers should make righteous laws, 'tis equally so, when they are made, that they should take effectual care to enforce a proper re­gard to them. Of what service would laws be, though ever so wisely calculated to promote the public good, if offenders against them should be connived at, or suffered, by one means or another, to go unpunished? And what might reasonably be expected in consequence of such a breach of [Page 24] trust, but that the best laws, together with the authority that enacted them, should be held in contempt?—There is no such thing as supporting the honour of government, or securing the good ends proposed by the laws it establishes, but by unsheathing the sword, in a faithful and impartial execution of justice.

But here, that we may speak clearly, it may be proper to distinguish between those rulers to whom it belongs to appoint and authorise persons to execute the laws, and those who are vested with authority for this purpose. For the duty which justice requires is different, according to the na­ture of that power, wherewith these different ru­lers are betrusted.

It is certainly a point of justice, in those whose business it is to empower others to execute the laws, to select out of the community such as are well qualified for so important a trust. Every man is not fit to have the sword of justice put into his hands. And the main thing to be lookt at, in the choice of persons for this service, is their suitableness to it. Meerly their being men of birth and fortune, is not a sufficient recommenda­tion: Nor, if they are eagerly forward in seeking for a post of honour or profit, is it a certain indi­cation, that they are fit to be put into it: Neither, if they should offer money to purchase it, ought they, on this account, to be preferred to men of greater merit: Much less ought it to be looked [Page 25] upon as a turning argument in their favour, that they are fit instruments to serve the secret de­signs of those in superior station. These are con­siderations beside the true merit of the case: And those only ought to bear sway, which enter into the real characters of men, determining their qua­lifications for the trust that is to be reposed in them.

The advice which Jethro gave Moses is here proper, 'Thou shalt provide out of all the peo­ple able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness.' ^* These are the men, men of understanding, courage and resolution; men of integrity, fidelity and honesty; men of piety and substantial religion; men of a noble generosity, setting them above the temptations, which those of narrow minds and selfish views, are easily drawn away by and enticed: These, I say, are the pro­per men to fill the various posts in the state. And it would be injustice to the public, for the per­sons concerned in the disposal of them, to neglect these, and bestow them on those of a contrary cha­racter. Men of low natural capacities, and small acquired accomplishments, are unmeet to be ex­alted to places of important trust. And should this be done, it would be acting over the evil, which Solomon complained of in his day, Folly is set in great dignity. And those are as unfit to be [Page 26] constituted guardians of the laws, who are indo­lent, inactive and irresolute; much more, if, to­gether herewith, they are known to be of a vi­cious turn of mind. It can't be supposed, men of this character should be faithful in the execu­tion of justice; and to devolve this care on them, would be to wrong the community, and expose authority.

Not that those, with whom it lies to appoint officers, are always to blame, when unqualified persons are put into places of trust; for they are liable, after all prudent caution, to be mistaken in their own judgment, and to be imposed on by misinformation from others. But then, they should take due care, when such persons are found, upon trial, to be unequal to the trust committed to them, to remedy the inconvenience: Nor o­therwise will they continue innocent, however faultless they might be at first. 'Tis evidently the demand of justice, that such unmeet persons should be displaced, and others better qualified put in their room.

And 'tis equally just, that those who are capa­ble of behaving well, but behave ill in their re­spective stations, should be testified against. And should they be so unadvised, as grosly to abuse their power; applying it to the purposes of ty­ranny and oppression, rather than to serve the good ends of government, it ought to be taken out of their hands, that they might no longer be [Page 27] under advantages to injure their brethren of the same community.

These are demands of justice from those, who are to put others into the executive trust.

And justice is likewise required of this sort of rulers, according to the respective trust that is committed to them.

If 'tis their business to sit in the place of judg­ment, they must judge uprightly in all cases, whe­ther civil or criminal, and not under a wrong in­fluence from favour to the rich, or pity to the poor, or fear of the great, or affection or disaffec­tion to any man's person whatsoever; having that precept in the divine law ever in their eye, 'Ye shall do no unrighteousness in judgment: Thou shalt not respect the person of the poor, nor ho­nour the person of the mighty: But in righteous­ness shalt thou judge thy brother.' ^† And that also, 'Thou shalt not wrest judgment, thou shalt not respect persons, neither take a gift; for a gift doth blind the eyes of the wise, and prevent the words of the righteous.' ^*

If 'tis their business to enquire who have been offenders against the laws, and to exhibit com­plaints against them as such; they must be coura­gious [Page 28] and impartial, complying with their duty equally in respect of all, be their character what it will.

If 'tis their business to act as executioners of justice, they must faithfully inflict the adjudged sentence: In doing of which, tho' there may be room for the exercise of compassion, especially in the case of some sort of debtors; yet the righte­ousness of the law may not be eluded by needless, much less fraudulent delays, to the injury of the creditor.

In fine, whatever their trust is, whether of less or greater importance, they must exercise it with care, fidelity, resolution, steadiness, diligence, and an entire freedom from a corrupt respect to men's persons, as those who are concerned for the ho­nour of government, and that it's laws may take effect for the general good of the community.]

To go on,

3. Another instance wherein rulers should be just, respects the debts that may be due from the public. A government may be in debt, as well as private men. Their circumstances may be such, as to render it adviseable for them to bor­row money, either of other governments, or with­in themselves: Or, they may have occasion to make purchases, or to enter into contracts, upon special emergencies, which may bring them in debt. In which cases, the rule of justice is the [Page 29] same to magistrates, as to men in a private life. They must pay that which they owe, according to the true meaning of their engagements, with­out fraud or delay.

[They may also be in debt for services done by labourers, in this and the other secular employ­ment. And here the rule of justice is that, 'withold not good from them to whom it is due, when it is in the power of thine hand to do it. Say not unto thy neighbour, go, and come again, and to-morrow I will give, when thou hast it by thee'. ^‖ Or if the labourers are such as have nothing beforehand, but their day-labour is what they depend on for the support of themselves and families, the rule is yet more particular, 'Thou shalt not oppress an hired servant that is poor and needy;—at his day thou shalt give him his hire, neither shall the sun go down upon it; for he is poor, and setteth his heart on it: Lest he cry against thee unto the Lord, and it be sin un­to thee'. ^† And again, 'Thou shalt not defraud thy neighbour, nor rob him: The wages of him that is hired, shall not abide with thee all night until the morning'. ^‡]

In fine, they may be in debt to their own of­ficers, whether in higher or lower station, the proper business of whose office calls off their at­tention from other affairs. And as their time, and [Page 30] care, and tho't, are employed in the service of the public, a public maintenance is their just due. 'Who goeth a warfare any time at his own charge? Who planteth a vineyard, and eateth not of the fruit thereof? Or, who feedeth a flock, and eateth not of the milk of the flock? Say I these things as a man? Or saith not the law the same also?' ^* For it is written, 'For this cause pay you tribute; for they are God's ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. ^† Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's' ^‡

Nor is it sufficient that they be supported ac­cording to the condition of men in low life. This may be tho't enough, if not too much, by those who imagine, that the more strait-handed they are upon the head of allowances, the more serviceable they shall be to the public. But there is such a Thing in the state, as a 'with­holding more than i [...] meet'. And it really tends to the damage of a government. Too scant an allowance may unhappily prove a temptation to officers, to be hard upon those dependent on them; and what they may injuriously squeeze out of them, by one artful contrivance or another, may turn out more to the hurt of the communi­ty, than if twice that sum had been paid out of the public treasury, and this evil, by means here­of, had been prevented. Besides, 'tis no ways fitting, that men cloathed with honour and power [Page 31] should be brought down to a level with vulgar people, in the support that is granted them. Their outward circumstances should be elevated in proportion to their civil character, that they may be better able to support the visible dignity of their station, and command that respect which is due to men of their figure. He that is Gover­nour should eat the bread of a Governour; and subordinate officers should be maintained, accor­ding to the rank they bear in the state: Nor ought their honourable maintenance to be tho't a matter of meer bounty; 'tis rather a debt, which can't be withheld without injustice.

[To be sure, where their stipends have been established, or, at least, they have had reasonable encouragement to expect such a certain acknow­ledgment for their service, righteousness requires that it be paid them: Nor may it be tho't that the same nominal sum, falling [...]astly below the real worth of the debt, will be sufficient to dis­charge it. It certainly is not sufficient, in the eye of justice, either natural or revealed; which respects no man's person, but will do that which is right to the lowest, as well as to the highest officer in the state.

And the case, in point of equity, is really the same, where a government has come into no special agreement; but the ascertaining the quan­tum proper for the support of it's officers, is left to it's own wisdom and probity. For an allow­ance [Page 32] is due to them by the law of righteousness: And it ought to be granted, both in proper sea­son, and full proportion, that there may be no rea­son for complaint, either of penurious or unjust dealing.

I may add here, the distribution of rewards, in case of extraordinary service done for a govern­ment, falls properly under this head of justice. For tho' there may be bounty in it, there is also a mixture of righteousness. But however this be, it has been the practice of all nations to shew sin­gular marks of respect to those who have distin­guished themselves by their eminent labours for the public. And it is to be hoped, this go­vernment will never be backward, according to their ability, suitably to reward those who have signalized themselves, in doing service for their king and country.]

4. Another general instance wherein rulers should be just, concerns the liberties and privi­ledges of the subject. In all governments there is a reserve of certain rights in favour of the people: In some, they are few in kind, and small in de­gree: In others, they are both great and nume­rous; rendring the people signally happy whose lo [...] it is to be favoured with the undisturbed en­joyment of them. And it would be no wonder, if they should keep a jealous eye over them, and think no cost too much to be expended, for the defence and security of them: Especially, if they [Page 33] were the purchase of wise and pious ancestors, who submitted to difficulties, endured hardships, spent their estates, and ventured their lives, that they might transmit them as an inheritance to their posterity.

And shall such valuable, dear-bought rights be neglected, or invaded by the rulers of a people? 'Tis a principal part of that justice which is eter­nally expected of them, as they would not grosly pervert one of the main ends of their office, to preserve and perpetuate to every member of the community, so far as may be, the full enjoyment of their liberties and priviledges, whether of a civil or religious nature.

Here I may say distinctly,

As rulers would be just, they must take all proper care to preserve entire the civil rights of a people. And the ways in which they should express this care are such as these.

They should do it by appearing in defence of their liberties, if called in question, and making use of all wise and sutable methods to prevent the loss of them: Nor can they be too active, dili­gent or laborious in their endeavours upon this head: Provided always, the priviledges in dan­ger are worth contending for, and such as the people have a just right and legal claim to. O­therwise, there may be hazard of losing real li­berties, in the strife for those that are imaginary; [Page 34] or valuable ones, for such as are of trifling con­sideration.

They should also express this care, by season­ably and faithfully placing a proper guard against the designs of those, who would rule in a dispo­tic manner, to the subversion of the rights natu­rally or legally vested in the people. And here 'tis a great mistake to suppose, there can be dan­ger only from those in the highest station. There may, 'tis true, be danger from this quarter: And it has sometimes proved so in fact: An unhappy instance whereof was seen in the arbitrary reign of king JAMES the second, in person at home, and by his representative here; as a check to which, those entrusted with the guardianship of the na­tion's rights were spirited to take such measures, as issued in that revolution, and establishment of the succession, on which his present majesty's claim to the British throne is dependent. May the succession be continued in his royal house for­ever! And may the same spirit, which settled it there, prevail in the rulers of the English nation, so long as the sun and moon shall endure!

But, as I said, a people's liberties may be in danger from others, besides those in the highest rank of government. The men who strike in with the popular cry of liberty and priviledge, working themselves, by an artful application to the fears and jealousies of the people, into their good opinion of them as lovers of their country, [Page 35] if not the only stanch friends to it's interests, may, all the while, be only aiming at power to carry every thing according to their own sovereign pleasure: And they are, in this case, most dange­rous enemies to the community; and may, by degrees, if not narrowly watched, arrive to such an height, as to be able to serve their own ends, by touching even the people in their most valua­ble rights. And these commonly are the men, thro' whose influence, either as primary mana­gers, or tools to others, they suffer most in their real liberties.

In fine, they should express this care in a con­stant readiness to bear due testimony against even the smaller encroachments upon the liberty of the subject, whether by private men's invading one another's rights, or by the tyranny of inferiour officers, who may treat those under their power, as tho' they had no natural rights, not to say a just claim to the invaluable priviledges of English­men.

The ancient Romans have set an illustrious ex­ample in this kind. Such was the provision they made to secure the people's priviledges, that it was dangerous for any man, tho' in office, to act towards the meanest freeman of Rome in violation of the meanest of them. Hence the magistrates who ordered Paul and Silas to be beaten uncon­demned, feared when they heard they were ROMANS. And Lysias, the chief captain, was filled with the [Page 36] like fear for commanding, that Paul should be examined with scourging; when he understood, that he was born a freeman of Rome. And it would have a good tendency to secure to the people the enjoyment of their liberties, if these smaller instances of illegal power were carefully and severely chastised.

But justice in rulers should be seen likewise in their care of the religious rights and liberties of a people. Not that they are to exert their autho­rity in settling articles of faith, or imposing modes of worship, so as that all must frame their belief, and order their practice, according to their deci­sions, or lie exposed to penalties of one kind or a­nother. This would be to put men under re­straint, as to the exercise of their religious rights: Nor are penal laws at all adjusted in their nature, to enlighten men's minds, or convince their judg­ment. This can be done only by good reason: And this therefore is the only proper way of ap­plying to reasonable creatures.

Justice in rulers should therefore put them upon leaving every member of the community, without respect of persons, freely to choose his own religion, and profess and practice it according to that external form, which he apprehends will be most acceptable to his maker: Provided, his religion is such as may consist with the public safe [...]y: Otherwise, it would be neither wisdom nor justice in the government to tolerate it.

[Page 37] Nor is this all; but they should guard every man from all insult and abuse on account of his religious sentiments, and from all molestation and disturbance, while he endeavours the propagation of them, so far as he keeps within the bounds of decency, and approves himself a peaceable mem­ber of society.

Besides which, it would be no more than rea­sonable, if, as christian magistrates, they distin­guished those in their regards, who professed the religion of JESUS, and in that way, which, to them, was most agreable to scripture rule. They should be guardians to such christian societies, by defending their constitution; by countenancing their manner of worship; by maintaining the liberties granted to them in the gospel-charter, in all their regular exercises, whether in church as­semblies for the performance of the services of piety, or the choice of officers, or the administra­tion of discipline; or in councils, greater or less, for the help and preservation of each other: And, in fine, by owning those who minister to them in sacred things, and providing for their support, according to that rule in scripture, as well as common equity, 'They that preach the gospel should live of the gospel': Or if they they are generally and wrongfully kept out of a great part of that support, which has been engaged, and is justly due to them, by taking their case into con­sideration, and doing what may be effectual for their relief.

[Page 38] This last instance of the care of rulers, I the rather mention, because it falls in so exactly with the circumstances of the pastors of the churches in this province. There is not, I believe, an or­der of men, in the land, more universally, or to a greater degree, injured and oppressed in regard of their just dues. While others have it, in some measure, in their power to right themselves, by rising in their demands, in proportion to the sink­ing of the current medium, they are confined to a nominal quantum, which every day varies in its real worth, and has been gradually doing so, 'till it is come to that pass, that many of them don't receive more than one half, or two thirds of the original value they contracted for. And to this it is owing, that they are diverted from their stu­dies, discouraged in their work, and too frequent­ly treated with contempt. And what is an ag­gravation of their difficulty, their only desiring that justice may be done them, often makes an uneasiness among their people: And if they urge it; to be sure, if they demand it, 'tis great odds but there ensues thereupon contention and strife, and, at last, such a general alienation of affection, as puts an entire end to their usefulness.

Suffer me, my fathers in the government, as I have this opportunity of speaking in your pre­sence, to beseech the exercise of your authority, on the behalf, (may I not say) of so valuable and useful a part of the community: And the rather, because some special provision for their relief seems [Page 39] to be a matter of justice, and not meer favour; as it is by means of the public bills, tho' contrary to the design of the government, that they are injured. And might not this be made, without any great expence either of time or pains, and so as to be effectual too, to put it out of the power of people to turn off their ministers with any thing short of the true value of what they agreed with them for, when they settled among them? This is all they desire: And as it is nothing more than common equity, would it not be hard, if they should be still left to groan under their oppressi­ons, and to have no helper?

The great and general court, it must be ac­knowledged, more than twenty years since, "Upon serious consideration of the great distres­ses, that many of the ministers within this pro­vince laboured under, with respect to their sup­port, resolved, that it was the indispensible duty of the several towns and parishes, to make addi­tions to the maintenance of their respective mi­nisters; and therein to have regard to the grow­ing difference in the value of the bills of credit, from what they had sometimes been". And thereupon "earnestly recommended the speedy and chearful practice of this duty to the several congregations within this province". And that the recommendation might be universally known and comply'd with, " Ordered, That their re­solve should be publickly read on the next Lord's day after the receipt thereof, and at the anniversa­ry [Page 40] meeting of the several towns in the month of March next" following. ^‡

[Page 41] And it is with thankfulness that we take no­tice of this instance of the care of our civil fa­thers; tho' we are sorry, we must, at the same time, say, it was generally treated with neglect by our congregations, as being void of power.

It will not be pretended, but that the distresses of the ministers, and from the same cause too, the sinking of the medium, are vastly greater now, than they were twenty years ago: And if it was then reasonable, in the great and general Court, to recommend it to the several congrega­tions, throughout the province, as their indispensa­ble duty, to make additions to the maintenance of their ministers, and therein to have regard to the lower value of the bills of credit, from what they formerly were; it is certainly now high time to oblige them to this: Especially, as the grievances of the ministers have often, since that day, upon these occasions, been opened to their civil fathers, whose interposition has been humbly and earnestly intreated.—But I would not be too pressing: Neither have I said thus much on my own ac­count, who am not, thro' the goodness of God, in suffering circumstances myself, but in very pity to many of my poor brethren who are; because there may be danger lest guilt should lie on the government, if they take no notice of the sighing of so considerable a body of men; and because, I verily believe, the offerings of the Lord are too often despised, by reason of that poverty those are [Page 42] unrighteously reduced to, by whom they are pre­sented.

But to return,

5. Another instance of justice in rulers relates to the defence of the state, and it's preservation in peace and safety. [The happiness of a people lies very much in their living peaceably among themselves, and at quiet with their neighbours. For which reason, rulers are bound in justice to use all prudent endeavours, that they may 'fit every man under his own vine, and under his fig-tree, and have none to make them afraid'. In order whereunto,

They should take care to prevent intestine jarrs and commotions in the government, by giving no occasion for murmurings and com­plaints; or if any should unhappily arise, by speedily removing the causes of them: By testi­fying a just displeasure against the fomentors of animosities, fewds and factions: By watching the motions of uneasy, turbulent and mobbish spirits, and checking the first out-breakings of them; or if, thro' the lusts of men, insurrection or re­bellion should happen, by seasonably putting a stop thereto, lest afterwards the whole force of the government should be scarce sufficient for this purpose.

It may be, the late unnatural rebellion, which began in Scotland, was too much despised at first. [Page 43] It would not otherwise, 'tis probable, have risen to such a formidable height: Tho' the alwise holy God, by permitting this, and then remark­ably succeeding the King's arms, under the com­mand of his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumber­land, to put an end to this traiterous attempt a­gainst the throne of Great-Britain, took occasion, not only to lay the nation and it's dependencies, under more sensible bonds to give glory to him, in language like that of the 18th Psalm, 'Great deliverance hath he given to his king, and shew­ed mercy to his anointed: Therefore will we give thanks unto thee, O Lord, and sing praises to thy name': But to do that also, which was proper to engage their more fervent prayers of faith, that he would go on to clothe the the king's enemies with shame, and cause the crown to flourish on his head, and the head of his posterity forever.

Rulers also should endeavour to keep the state from being embroiled in foreign war, by contri­ving, in all prudent ways, to engage and continue the friendship of neighbouring nations; by bear­ing with lesser injuries from them, and not hasti­ly resenting greater ones, so far as may be con­sistent with the public safety; by sacredly adhe­ring to the treaties and contracts, they may have entred into with them; by expressing a due cau­tion not to invade their rights or properties, or in any instance whatever to give them just cause of provocation: Or if this shou'd at any time hap­pen, [Page 44] by appearing ready to make them all reason­able satisfaction.

Or if, after all, war should arise, by means of the pride, or avarice, or self-will and tyranny of unreasonable men, their concern should now be to look to the preservation of the state at home, by providing a sufficiency of warlike stores, in their various kinds; by guarding the exposed frontiers and coasts; and, in a word, by putting and keeping things in such a posture of defence, that neither their people, nor their interests, may easily fall a prey in their enemy's hands.

Besides which, it would be both wisdom and justice to carry the war into their enemies territo­ries; doing every thing in their power to humble their pride, curb their malice, and weaken their strength; especially, where there may be most danger of being annoyed by them.]

6 thly, And finally, Rulers should be just to promote the general welfare and prosperity of a people, by discouraging, on the one hand, idle­ness, prodigality, prophaness, uncleaness, drunken­ness, and the like immoralities, which tend, in the natural course of things, to their impoverishment and ruin: And by encouraging, on the other hand, industry, frugality, temperance, chastity, and the like moral virtues, the general practice whereof are naturally connected with the flou­rishing of a people in every thing that tends to [Page 45] make them great and happy. As also, by ren­dring the support of government as easy as is consistent with it's honour and safety; by cal­culating laws to set forward those manufactures which may be of public benefit; by freeing trade, as much as possible, from all unnecessary burdens; and, above all, by a wise and sutable provision for the instruction of children and youth: In or­der whereunto effectual care should be taken for the encouragement and support, not only of pri­vate schools, but of the public means of education. COLLEGES ought to be the special care of the government, as it is from hence, principally, that it has it's dependence for initiating the youth in those arts and sciences, which may furnish them, as they grow up in the world, to be bles­sings both in church and state. It would cer­tainly be unrighteous, not to protect these societies in the full and quiet enjoyment of such rights as have been freely and generously granted to them: And if they should not have within themselves a sufficiency for the support of their officers, it would be a wrong to the community not to do what was further wanting towards their comfor­table and honourable support.

And having thus, in a general and imperfect manner, gone over the more important instances, wherein rulers should be just, it might now be proper to enlarge on the obligations they are un­der to be so: But the time will allow me only to suggest as follows.

[Page 46] [They are obliged to be thus just, from the fitness and reasonableness of the thing in itself con­sidered. 'Tis a duty that naturally and necessarily results from the relation they stand in to society, and the power they are vested with, in all righ­teous ways, to promote it's welfare. And it would, in the nature of things, be incongruous and absurd for men so scituated and betrusted, and for such good ends, to injure those over whom they are exalted, by abusing their power to the purposes of tyranny and oppression. Such a con­duct would evidently and grosly break in upon that propriety and fitness of action, which is im­mutably and eternally required, in such a constitu­tion of things, as rulers and ruled, and the rela­tive obligations respectively arising therefrom.

They are also obliged to be thus just, in vir­tue of the will of the supreme legislator, made known in the revelations of scripture; which en­joins such precepts as those, 'Judges and officers shalt thou make thee;—and they shall judge the people with just judgment. Thou shalt not wrest judgment;—that which is altogether just shalt thou follow'. ^‡ And again, 'Thus saith the Lord, Execute ye judgment and righteousness, and deliver the spoiled out of the hand of the op­pressor: And do no wrong, do no violence to the stranger, the fatherless, nor the widow': ^‖ To which laws of the great king of the world they [Page 47] owe an indisputed obedience, as they are, in com­mon with the rest of mankind, the subjects of his government: Nor can they be freed from the charge of reflecting contempt on the divine ma­jesty, and that sovereign authority by which he governs his creatures, if, in their administrations, they should express a disregard to them.

They are likewise obliged to be just, out of re­gard to the community, to which they are related; whose welfare is so dependent hereon, that if they act, in their respective stations, not from a princi­ple of justice, but under the influence of worldly views and selfish designs, it may reasonably be ex­pected, that 'judgment should be turned away backward, and justice stand afar off'; that 'truth should fall in the street, and equity not be able to enter': The natural effect whereof must be the ruin of a people. Whereas, if they 'put on righ­teousness, and it clothes them; and their judg­ment is as a robe and a diadem: If they deliver the poor that cry, and the fatherless, and him that hath none to help him; and break to pieces the wicked, and pluck the spoil of his teeth'; they will approve themselves those 'righteous ones in authority, who cause the people to rejoice': And the righteousness wherewith they rule them will be their exaltation.

In fine, it should be a constraining argument with rulers to be just, that they are accountable to that JESUS, whom God hath ordained to be [Page 48] the judge of the world, for the use of that power he has put into their hands. And if, by their unjust behaviour in their places. they have not only injured the people, but unhappily led them, by their example, into practices that are fradulent and dishonest; I say, if they have thus misused their power, sad will be their account another day; such as must expose them to the resent­ments of their judge, which they will not be able to escape. It will not be any security them, that they were once ranked among the great men of the earth. This may now be a protection to them, and it often indeed screens them from that human vengeance, which overtakes those of less influence, tho' guilty of less crimes: But the 'kings of the earth, and the great men, and the chief captains, and the mighty men', will in the day of the ap­pearing of the son of God, be upon a level with the meanest of mankind, and as ready, if consci­ous to themselves that they have been unjust in their stations, to 'say to the mountains and rocks, fall on us, and hide us from the face of him that sitteth on the throne, and from the wrath of the lamb: For the great day of his wrath is come, and who shall be able to stand'? A most affecting consideration, and should powerfully excite those who rule over others, to a righteous exercise of their power; especially, as they will by this means, if in other respects also they have behaved well, obtain the approbation of their judge; who will, as they have been 'faithful over a few things, [Page 49] make them ruler over many'; placing them at his own right hand, in his kingdom.

II. I now proceed to say, in the second place, Those who rule over men, must rule in the fear of God.

The fear of God, being not only in itself a con­siderable part of religion, but also a grace that has a special influence on all the other parts of it, is commonly, and not unfitly, used in scripture to signify the whole of it. This seems to be the meaning of the phrase here: And the thing in­tended is, not only that rulers should be endowed with an inward principle of religion, but that they should exercise their authority, in their whole administration, under the influence of so good and powerful a disposition.

He that ruleth over men, must rule in the fear of God. As if the royal prophet had said, 'It is necessary, civil rulers should have upon their minds a becoming sense of God and religion: And it should govern their public conduct. Whatever they do, in their several stations, should be done under the guidance of an habitual awe of God, a serious regard to his governing will, and their ac­countableness to him. This is the principle that should have a predominating sway in all exert­ments of themselves in their public capacity'. This I take to be the true sense of the words.

[Page 50] To be sure, 'tis the truth of the thing. Civil rulers ought to be possessed of a principle of reli­gion, and to act under the direction of it in their respective stations. This is a matter of necessity. I don't mean that it is necessary in order to their having a right to rule over men. Dominion is not founded in grace: Nor is every pious good man fit to be entrusted with civil power.—'Tis easy to distinguish between government in it's abstracted notion, and the faithful advantageous administration of it. And religion in rulers is necessary to the latter, tho' not to the former.

Not but that they may be considerably useful in their places, if the religious fear of God does not reign in their hearts. From a natural bene­volence of temper, accompanied with an active honest turn of mind, they may be instrumental in doing good service to the public: Nay, they may be prompted, even from a view to themselves, their own honour and interest, to behave well in the posts they sustain, at least, in many instances. But if destitute of religion, they are possessed of no principle that will stimulate a care in them to act up to their character steadily and universally, and so as fully to answer the ends of their insti­tution.

'Tis a principle of religion, and this only, that can set them free from the unhappy influence of those passions and lusts, which they are subject to, in common with other men, and by means [Page 51] whereof they may be betrayed into that tyranny and oppression, that violence and injustice, which will destroy the peace and good order of society. These, 'tis true, may be under some tolerable check from other principles, at least, for a while, and in respect of those actings that are plainly enormous. But no restraints are like those, which the true fear of God lays upon men's lusts. This habitually prevailing in the hearts of rulers, will happily prevent the out-breaking of their pride, and envy, and avarice, and self-love, and other lusts, to the damage of society; and not only so, but it will weaken, and gradually destroy, the very inward propensities themselves to the various acts of vice. It naturally, and powerfully, tends to this: And this is the e [...]ct it will produce, in a less or greater degree, according to the strength of the religious principle, in those who are the subjects of it.

And a principle of religion also, and this only, will be effectual to excite rulers to a uniform, constant and universal regard to truth and justice, in their public conduct. Inferiour principles may influence them in particular cases, and at certain seasons: But the fear of God only will prompt them to every instance of right action, and at all times. This will possess them of such sentiments, give such a direction to their views, and fix such a happy biass on their minds, as that their chief concern and care will be, to behave in their offices so as to answer the good ends for [Page 52] which they were put into them. In one word, They will now be the subjects of that divine and universal principle of good conduct, which may, un­der God, be depended on, to carry them thro' the whole of their duty, upon all occasions, un­der all difficulties, and in opposition to all temp­tations, to the rendring the people, over whom they bear rule, as happy as 'tis in their power to make them.

To be sure, without a principle of religion, none of their services for the public will meet with the divine approbation. 'Tis therefore, in respect of themselves, a matter of absolute necessity that they be possess'd of the true fear of God. It won't suffice, should they behave well in their places, if they have no higher view herein than their own private interest; if they are influenced, not from a due regard to God, his honour and authority, but from love to themselves. This will spoil their best services, in point of the divine ac­ceptance: Whereas, if they act from a principle of religion, what they do in a way of serving their generation will be kindly taken at the hands of a merciful God, and he will, thro' Jesus Christ, amply reward them for it, in the great day of retribution.]

AMEN.