Further Quaeries Upon the Present STATE of the New-English AFFAIRS.
THough there be a Truth in the Proverb, That a Fool may ask more than a Philosopher can answer; yet I that am one of the first sort, am going to ask nothing but what a Person of as mean parts as my self, may answer. Tis a time when every man should be active in pursuing the Peace of his Countrey; and I have some hopes, that if my Countrey men give themselves the trouble of Answering these Quaeries, the Effect will be but peaceable.
A Former Paper of Quaeries, written and published by one that had not been half seven years in this Countrey, did the Countrey no harm. Which encourages the Writer and Publisher of these further Quaeries (who also is not a Native of New-England, tho a great Observer of, and Well-wisher to it) to adventure a second part of the same Tune: with no design but that of Service te the Countrey; my good Friends, the New-Englanders, may see, that some obscure and retired Persons unknown to them, do take more notice of their Circumstances than they are well aware.
Of the GOVERNMENT.
Whether it be not a great Injury and Prejudice against the most Loyal People in all the English Dominions, to represent New-England as if it had the least Inclination to deny a most obedient Submission or Subordination to the Authority of England? and whether even the most Thinking part of the Countrey ever thought of such a thing, till they heard it mentioned by the mouths of their most malicious Adversaries? or have yet thought of it with any Passions but those of Detestation?
Whether we have not all imaginable reason to embrace our antient (however condemned or vacated) CHARTERS, as the best Instrument of our Government, by conformity whereunto, (tho there be one of them [Page 2] not yet so good in Law) we shall most express our Allegiance to Their Majesties, and our Dependance on the Authority of England? Inasmuch as,
First, Even the late K. James in his Proclamation, Dated October. 17 th 1688. did restore some (if not all) of our Charters, as far as a Proclamation could go towards it. [ Quaere] whether they who thought an illegal Commission of K. James could supersede our Charters, might not as well think an illegal Proclamation of K. James could restore them?
Secondly, His Highness, the (then) Prince of Orange, Engaging in that glorious Expedition, upon the first notice whereof, New-England manifested an earlier zeal for Him and It, than any of all the American Plantations, had these Words in His Declaration; All Magistrates who have been unjustly turned out, shall forthwith Resume their former Employments, as well [...] all the Burroughs of England shall return to their antient Prescriptions and Charters.
Now when we were Condemned, they found us in England, it was the Massachusets Colony in Westminster.
Thirdly, In our Address to Their Majesties, Dated June 6 th 1689. our words are these, Finding an absolute necessity of Civil Government, the People generally manifested their desire and importunity once and again, that the Governour, Deputy Governour and Assistants, Chosen and Sworn in May 1688. according to Charter and Court, as then formed, would Assume the Government: The said Governour, Deputy Governour and Assistants then resident in the Colony, did consent to accept the present Care and Government of this People, according to the Rules of the Charter.
Fourthly, In answer to that Address, His Majesty, in a most gracious Letter, bearing Date, Aug. 12 th. 1689. does Authorize and Impower our present Rulers to continue in His Name the Care in the Administration of the Government.
Which Letter is Superscribed [ To such as For the Time Being, take care for preserving the Peace, and Administring the Laws, &c.] An Expression which implies a Succession.
Fifthly, The Body of the English Nation Assembled in Parliament have Declared the Invasion made upon our Charters, to be illegal and a grievance. And the Bill for the Restauration of Charters, so far as New-England is concerned in it, has thrice passed the Honourable House of Commons.
[Page 3]These things are mentioned, not as if they were sufficient Deliverances of the Massachusets Charter, (as for the Charters of the other Colonies, 'tis peevishness to question whether they be not in as good force as ever) from the disadvantages with which a pretended but injurious form of Law has hampered it. But they are produced as Intimations of the best Rule that our Government can at present have, while in a conjunction with all these Encouragements, there is the voice, and vote, and consent of the whole People, so far as it can be legally understood, agreeing thereunto, So that we go on to enquire.
Whether the Foundations being every where overturned, and all things out of course, it be not become utterly impossible at such an extraordinary Time, for the Niceties and Punctilioes of Law, to be exactly observed? And, whether those that are Baiting and Bantring at the present Government, for wanting some Circumstances of Law, to strengthen the foundation which they act upon, can suggest any other Foundations, but what would be a thousand times more feeble and rotten, than those which we are now upon?
Whether it can be pleasing unto the Almighty God, or unto Their Majesties, or the Honourable Parliament; that this great Country should live from year to year without any Civil Government? Or whether one of these Colonies, which never had any Charter at all, did not Comfortably jog on for one threescore years in an innocent & laudable Administration of Government without ever being blamed for it?
Whether the best Course that we can at present steer, be not for us to observe the allowed methods of the whole English Nation, in this wonderful and Critical time of Confusions, and to learn by the best Hints we can get, what will be most agreeable to the Glorious Designs of Their Majesties, King William and Queen Mary, and the Parliament of England; managing of our selves with a most Loyal and Religious Conformity thereunto? And whether it be not something worse than Ignorance to say that we are not now steering of such a Course?
Whether it can be a fair thing, for a Company of Strangers, who have had all manner of Civility and Protection, and are growing rich under the present Government, yet out of their antipathy to the good Order & the good people here, to send home Addresses for the imposing of such a Form of Government upon us, as the biggest part of the [Page 4] Plantation more than seven to one, humbly but warmly Deprecate?
Whether Considering the Antient Enjoyments, and the present Constitution and Inclination of this People, and the Circumstances of our Lands, &c. Those Men are not under the power of a meer Phrenzy who desire not the Restoration of our Charters?
Whether those few little men who now pretend that they are bound in Conscience to Declare against this Government, because they imagine some Circumstantial Forms of Law not exactly observed in our Settlement, thought themselves under any Obligations of Conscience to appear against the late Government, wherein all English Laws, and English Liberties, were perfectly overthrown?
Of the ELECTION.
Whether our Government being now so allowably taken up, according to the Rules of our Charter, it has been amiss, for the General Court to Remember, that an Anniversary Election is among the most Fundamental Rules of our Charter?
Whether all the Corporations in England, none of which have their Charters Restored, go not on with their Elections▪ as well as we?
Whether the greatest Objection against an Election, be not the inconvenient Choice which Distemper and Faction may be too ready, to precipate this people unto? And whether all good men, ought not with a serious watchfulness over their own passions, to endeavour the prevention of that Inconvenience?
Whether the Arduous Affairs which the Approaching Summer is like to entertein us with, will not be so perplexed, as to require the ablest and wisest men in the Country to go thro with them?
Whether the Gentlemen that are now in the Government being by uncomfortable Experience, thus well acquainted with Government, (for Governing is a skill, as great as any of the Liberal Arts) It would not be a madness to make too Essential or Considerable Alterations, in our New Election?
Whether in our Choice of Magistrates there should not be a special Eye to this that as they be persons of great affection to the True Interest of their Country, so they may be for the most part, of good Fashion and Quality, and such as may maintain the due Grandure of a Government?
Of the Present War.
VVhether we are not now evidently Reduced unto that extream Dilemma, that either New-England or New-France must unavoidably perish?
Whether all our Encounters with several Bodies or Nations of Indians that may quarrel with us, be not meerly a lopping of Branches, whereas by an Attack upon Port-Royal and Canada, we fall upon the Root of all our Miseries?
Whether it be not Good Husbandry, in a manner to throw up all Business, and apply our selves one and all to this French War, in which if God give us Prosperity, we shall get more from our Enemies by Fighting, than we can get of one another by Trading?
Whether in all parts of the Country it be not incumbent on well affected persons immediately (with the Countenance of Authority) to List themselves, and humbly offer to our Honourable Rulers and Fathers, their best Service, in the Expedition which is now propounded?
Whether if we make a vigorous Assault upon our French Neighbours, we may not by the blessing of God, hope to be victorious over them?
Whether a thousand things do not now Conspire to invite us unto such an Expectation?
Especially, These Four:
First, That the Wheel of Divine Vengeance is now Turning apace upon the French Papists, for their late Bloody and Matchless Persecutions: in which Persecutions, Our French Neighbours have had a very peculiar share: Why mayn't we hope to be the Executioners of Gods wrath upon them?
Secondly, A great part of the French People, which we propound to invade are such as would see it their happiness to come under the English Government?
Thirdly, The English Arms in other parts of the West Indies are now very prosperous against them; 'Tis probable, their time is come to go down the Wind.
Fourthly, The Mohawks now offer that at the same nick of Time, when we visit them by Sea, they will be upon them by Land; and they [Page 6] will certainly be so discouraged, as wholly to desert us, and unite with our Enemies, if we are now wanting to our selves·
Whether our subduing the French Territories will not be a thing as acceptable to the Crown of England, as profitable to the people of New-England?
Whether it would not be a Generous, and most Christian Service, for some well disposed New-Englander, to undertake the Gospellizing of the Mohawks, who, though much Tampered withal by the French Papists, express an inclination to the Protestant Religion?
Whether there would not be a great piece of Policy as well as of Piety in such an Undertaking? And whether all Orders of men among us, would not study to support and honour the Undertaker with the extreamest Gratitude?
Whether the advantages, which the French have against us, do not proceed very much from the Conduct of that Gentleman, whose unwearied Industry and Mediation procured of the French King the Return of those Mohawks which had been carried unto France?
Whether there be not these words to be read in a Memorial presented lately to Their Majesties against that Gentleman by one Mr. P. —R —y.
The Petition (concerning Salt Ponds about New-York) was never returned, but the Design put by, because 'twas against the Interest of France. It Evidently appears that he had a Correspondency with the Governour of Canada. Hearing of several Protestant People that deserted Canada, to find it out, he makes his Application to a Merchant at New-York, saying, he heard that several Discontented Persons Deserted Canada; some of them Labouring Men; and that he had occasion for a Gardiner, some presented themselves, but instead of imploying them, he sends them to the Western Islands.
The King of France has for divers years sent several Companies of Souldiers to Canada; among which are many Protestants; several young men of Good Families, who think themselves not men, except they have seen a Campaign. But when they are got into Canada, they are kept there, and cannot Retreat, nor have any Exercise of their Religion, but are Compelled to go to Mass. So that several did endeavour to come to New-York; but Sir Edmond Andross, having thus acted has prevented them. The King of France is so great in those [Page 7] parts, that every year, he sends Souldiers, and when they are there, they are encouraged to Marry, having Land and Houses given them, with other Necessaries; they daily increase, at the Backside of New-England, and New-York, extending to the Backside of Virginia. They grow so numerous, that they will in few years be Masters of all these Countries, if a speedy care be not taken.
They have now a Fort, sixty miles within the English Empire. The Governour of Canada was Required to Demolish his Fort by Collonel Dungon, then Governour of New-York. And Order came from King James to the Governour of New-York and New England, to Retreat, and lay down their Arms; and the like from the King of France to the Governour of Canada. And that the two Kings would end the Controversy in Europe. Notwithstanding all that, they kept their Ground, and a Fort, and a Cloister of Jesuits. Sir Edmond Andross, who pretends to be a Protestant, found fault with Governour Dungon, who is a Roman Catholick, for making War with Canada, notwithstanding the Reasons above written: alleadging that the two Kings were in great Alliance and Friendship.
Whether the Consideration of such things as these, may not more than a little endear the present Government of New-England unto all that would be loath to see the Country given away to its greatest Enemies?
Whether in Conjunction with the Indian Testimonies, which were so much despised this time twelve month, persons a few months ago escaped from a French Captivity have not given upon Oath, such farther Testimonies as these?
J n. L. d. of Salem testifies, that being on Board the (French) Admiral, viz. The Lumbuscado, and in said Ship carried a Prisoner to Port Royal, he did then hear several of the Company on Board said Ship, say, That they came directly from France, and that there was Ten or Twelve Sail of them, Ships of War, that came in Company together, but some of them were taken upon the Coast of France, and some were lost since; and that they [Page 8] were all bound directly for New-England; and that Sir Edmond Andross, late Governour of New-England, had sent to the French King for them to come over, and the Country should be delivered up into his hands, and that they expected that before they should Arrive, it would have been delivered into the hands of the French.
B n. m. y. of Salem Testifies, That he heard the same related by several on Board the other French Ship of War that was in Company, with the Lumbuscado, namely, the Frugum. And also, that they had lost most of their Ships coming over.
Sworn, Nov. 23. 1689.
P p. H. p. of Salem Testifies, That being carried on Board the Lumbuscado, he heard several of the Company say, as above. Sworn Nov. 22. 1689.
J n. C t. Testifies, That being Carried to Port Royal a Prisoner, one Mr. M. O. told him, that the French on Board the Lumbuscado, told him as above. And that the ( French) having lost several of their Ships in their Voyage, and hearing that Sir Edmond Andross was taken and now in hold, they should not proceed at present, but threatned what they would do the next Summer.
Sworn, Nov. 23. 1689.
The same is Testified by M l. C n.
J s A n. Of Salem testifies, That the Lieutenant of the Lumbuscado told him as above.
J C s Testifies, That on Board the Lumbusado; one Peter Goit told him, there were thirteen Ships of them came out of France in Company together, and that they were bound directly for Boston in New-England, expecting that the Country, was before, or would be delivered up to the King of France; and told him, before they could get clear of the Coast of France, several of their Ships were taken by the English Ships of War, and the rest of their Fleet taken or dispersed and lost, about Newfoundland.
Sworn Nov. 23. 1689.
Whether the Consideration of these things, be not enough to awaken and animate the utmost Efforts that we can make towards the preservation of our Country?
Of our Vnion and Subjection.
Whether all sorts of men among us, were not by the late Government annoyed with Oppressions, which were then thought intollerable?
Particularly,
Whether Husbandmen do need to be put in mind of the blessed Priviledge to which they were advancing, of taking Patents for their Lands, at a rate which would have reduced them to a meaner Estate than the Famine once brought the Egyptians unto? And whether Marriners do need to be put in mind of a thing called an Act made by a juncto of Blades at New York, by vertue of which the Masters of all the Vessels in New England, were put unto Thousands of Pounds annual Charges, for their Bonds, to lay us all under Bondage, and make a Prison of the Territory?
And whether Merchants and all other Dealers forget what a discouragement all manner of business lately had upon it?
Whether we did not in our Distresses promise to the Almighty God, that if he would rescue us, we would prize our old enjoyments more than ever we did?
Whether any part of Gods Earth have a more easie, a more faithful, a more paternal, and well-intending Government than what New-England is now happy in?
Whether the Government have had any requital for the incredible toyl and time which they have spent for us the last year, but only unreasonable Railings and Complaints?
And whether such requitals will not at last make all sensible men to say, I will not be an healer to this people? so that we must perish, because no man of sense will serve a people so dis-ingenuous?
Whether it be possible for this Countrey to be defended from Ruine, without various (and at this juncture, heavy) Taxes upon us all?
[Page 10]Whether it be not better to give a shilling to a publick Account with our own consent in a general Assembly, than to have a penny forced from us without it, as in the late Arbitrary Government?
Whether some little inequality's in the Rating of men, be not a thing so unavoidable, that the discontents which are sometimes thereat, shew much folly and baseness in us?
Whether they that refuse to pay the Debts and Rates of the Country, especially at such a time as this, when if every one should so do, we should all be undone, are not worthy to be hissed out of our common conversation, as the Wens, or the Scabs, rather than the Members of this body politick?
Whether the great Sect of Grumbletonians in the Countrey whom nothing will satisfie, been't the worst Enemies which this Countrey can have?
Whether we had not better come to part chearfully with all we have, even to our very Rings, and Buckles, and Bodkins, to defray Publick Charges, than suffer our French Enemies to come and rifle us of what is nearer to us than our very Shirts, our Skins.
Whether those Towns in the Countrey which Rant and Tear at a great rate, because of a small Rate, not much exceeding a score of Pounds, laid by absolute necessity upon them, would not afford a Booty of many hundreds of pounds, when our common Enemy breaks in upon us?
Whether Covetousness has not ruined New England, in an hundred lesser Instances already? and whether the Country will not shortly deserve that goodly Epitaph, A People which died to save Charges?
Whether the Summer which is now advancing, be not like to be the blackest Summer that ever New England saw, if by the firmest unity, we prevent it not?
Whether for One County in the Colony to go to over-reach any other of the Countries, as to their Propo [...]tions in the Publick Charges, be not a thing as provoking to God, as it is offensive and odious in the resentments of all sober men?
Whether for one Colony in the Countrey to go to shake off the other (once united) Colonies, in the assistance, which the common [Page 11] dangers have called for, would not be to invite all kinds of miseries on the whole?
Whether we are not all very loudly admonished, by the late Disasters at Shenectady, where the People were so shamefully divided, and contentious about matters of Government, that they whole omitted all that belonged unto the common Safety, and became a Prey to Barbarous French men?
Whether an old Opinion among us, that the Generality of the Merchants in Boston, pursue designs which tis the interest of the Gentlemen abroad in the Country, to be in all things thwarting of, be not a foolish, and groundless imagination? And whether the generality of good men in the Country, are not really of one mind, in the most of that which concerns the good of the whole? And whether they would not be visibly so, if without mutual jealousies they would consult one another?
Whether it would not be convenient for Salem, the oldest Town in the Colony, to go before us all in an Example of unanimous endepvours for the publick welfare?
Whether when Chickens are picking at one another, the Kite will not see it then a time to carry them both away?