1. Of the Injury done to our Charter.

Whether the Charters of New-England were not invaded and va­cated in pursuance of the very same ends that caused the General Attempt lately made upon the Charters throughout all the English Dominions?

Whether the Destruction of the English Charters were not one of the most considerable Branches of the late Popish Plot, for the subver­sion and utter extinction of the Protestant Religion?

Whether it be rational to suppose that our late Superiours at [...] did receive or could propose any advantage by the over­throw of our Charter-Government but only to bring us within the reach of Popish Counsels, when it should be time for them to work upon us?

[Page 2]Whether (supposing our Charters forfeitable) we had forfeited them by breaking any one Article or Condition in them?

Whether therefore the late Conspirators in the Court at White-Hall did not rob us in the Massachusets Colony of our Charter, by first letting fall their Quo Warranto, when we had sent Agents to stand a Trial at Law; and then by issuing out a Writ of Scire fa­cias against us, requiring us to appear suddenly after at Westminster and so entring Judgment against us for our non-appearance, whilst in the mean time it was perfectly impossible we should have any timely notice of it?

VVhether it be not a great Article in the Declaration publisht by his Highness the Prince of Orange ▪ concerning the Reasons of his Discent into England, That all Magistrates who have been unjustly turned out, shall forthwith Reassume their former Imployments and the English Corporations return to their ancient Prescriptions & Charters?

VVhether Connecticut died not as a Fool Dieth, and were not baub­led out of their Charter, and whether they are not more knaves than fools, who would go about to make them twice dead, when not only their Charter was actually restored by the Proclamation of King James, but also his present Majesty has declared (as we have undoubted information) That their Charter is as Good as ever?

VVhether we have not Received an Attested Copy of a Bill past in the House of Commons, which expresly Declares, That the Pro­ceedings against our Charter were Illegal, and a Grievance?

VVhether notwithstanding the sence of all England Assembled in a full and free Parliament to the contrary, we should not rather lick up the Spittle of some of our Learned Jayl-birds, who ever now and then spawn a Pamphet to tell us, That we have been fairly dealt with?

Whether when 'tis considered that for the meer hope sake of a lasting Peace and Settlement under the protections and priviledges of our Charters, we have with an incredible expence and labour [Page 3] subdued a dismal Wilderness into a famous, & flourishing Teritory, of no small advantage to the Crown of England; we may expect that it will be thought just and fair for us to be deprived of those Privi­ledges and Injoyments by which we were hereunto decoy'd and ruined by the miseries of an Arbitrary Government?

Whether upon the little glimmering prospect which we now have of our being freed from the wretched circumstances under which we laboured by the loss of our Charter-Priviledges, we may not be allowed to wear a little joy in our faces, and return thanks to our God, the Soveraign Bestower of all the good we have in Possession or Expectation?

Whether if our late President should make it appear, either that he did not contribute to the loss of our Charter, or that he has a just and due regret for doing it, this might not reconcile him to the af­fections of the people, of which among so many that have desired to see him humbled, so few desire to see him ruined?

2. Of the Commission by which we were lately Governed.

Whether the late Commission by which the late Government was imposed upon us, did not deny us the Common Rights, which all En­glish men justly count themselves born unto, and entirely subject [...] that was dear to us unto the Arbitrary Disposal of five or six men, that shewed their manifest hatred to whatsoever N-England loved?

Whether if indeed by our being here, we become Slaves, and are to be utterly excluded from all interest in making of Laws, and raising of Taxes, but what is in the submitting and smarting part of them we had not better agree to break up the Plantation, and march some for England again?

Whether those People who now declare for the continuance of that Commission, do not therein (some ignorantly, some maliciously) [...]bets Treason, and the worst of Treasons against the Liberties of the English Nation, and make themselves parties to the worst Enemies of their Countrey?

[Page 4]Whether they were persons inconsiderable for Note or Number which did call our late Government by the name of a French-Go­vernment, and counted it an Essay or Specimen of what was intend­ed for the whole English Nation?

Whether any good man has done any other than buy Repentance at a dear rate by espousing the Interests, or gratifying the humours of the men that so lately Lorded over us!

Whether common Cursing and Swearing and Sabbath-breaking be not admirable qualities in a Governour, and such as may make a­ny New-Englanders dote upon him, or endeavour his [...], when we have all the assurance in the world that we shall be commended by the Authority of England for our deposing him?

Whether when a Governour has made his allowed Knot of Coun­sellors competently drunk at his Bouts with them after midnight, they be not in a fine pickle to manage the Government of this large Territory, which no doubt now perishes for the want of such Su­per-sober Counsellors?

Whether those people who now afflict themselves with a Bodily fear that a mean person may now and then get into the place of a Magistrate among us, have not forgotten, what sort of Gentlemen were among our late Counsellors? And whether they know the O­riginal of our late boysterous Deputy Governour, who in very good time informed us, That the Scabbard of a Red-coat should quickly sig­nifie as much as the Commission of a Justice of the Peace?

What were the Qualifications which were counted enough to make a man capable of a Place in the late Administration?

3. Of the Opression which was used every day upon us in our Civil Concerns

Whether some of the principal Gentlemen concerned in the late Government have not once and again ingeniously Confest, That the Government was become Intollerable?

Whether those that Rob on the Road, or in the night under the [Page 5] fear of Hanging are not honest Robbers in comparison of them that Rob in the capacity of Lawyers, by making the Law it self out a Fool to manage the designs of Robbery?

Whether any man alive can tell what Law our late Masters were pleased to Govern by.

Whether amongst many other injuries which the Fermentations of the last April did unto several honest people, this be not one, that certain pickt, settled and Standing Officers (but no Free hol­ders) called Jury-men, were thereby dismist from their places, which we thought they must have held Durante Vitâ, by a Lease for their Lives?

Whether in one and the same Crime, sometimes the Old Law of New-England was not that which did convict the fault, and the new Law of Old-England, that which did adjust the Fine?

Whether we did not with a very singular Edification, and Satis­faction hear our late courteous Rulers very gravely hold forth un­to us, that, It was not for His Majesties Interest that we should thrive?

Whether the usage of the Ipswich Men, & the Plymouth Men were not so just and kind that they ought never to forget it? or whether a peaceable desiring, that we might have liberty for an Assembly before we Rais'd Taxes; or whether Begging Mony to carry on a Tryal at Law for Town-lands injuriously invaded, were an inexpia­ble Treason?

What was Major Appleton put, and kept in Prison, and denyed an Habeas Corpus for?

And for what were Major Saltonstal and Mr. Bradstreet, and o­thers Imprisoned and put to a strange Cost and Charge.

How many times have the Excise-men gone unto honest and courteous Houses in the Country, pretending themselves ill, and so procuring the Civilities that good people use to treat Strangers with, but thereupon dropt a three-pence, or sixpence in a by place of the House, and then sworn that they bought drink there; and [Page 6] how many times has this Trick been play'd upon persons that ne­ver sold a drop of drink in their lives? Who clapt these Knaves on the Back, and held them by the Chin in these Rogueries? Who went Ships with them?

Whether Mr. Morton the very Reverend, and no less peaceable Minister of Charles-Town, were not by Governour Androsss furious Command (contrary to the declared Sense of two of the Judges upon the Bench) drag'd out of his own County, to be Try'd for Seditious Preaching, on purpose because he thought no place but Boston could afford a Jury wicked enough to ruine him, on the Te­stimony of one single Debaucht Person, contradicted by the whole Assembly that heard the Sermon?

What was the true Reason why no Town might meet to Transact any Parish-business, above once a Year?

VVhether it was not both verbally and really deny'd by the late Usurpers here, that any man in the Colony own'd so much as one Foot of Land? And so after all the vast Treasure and Labour which we had spent to provide for our selves a Livelihood in a Wilderness, had not we brought our Hogs (and all our other Cat­tle too) to a fair Market?

VVhether it were possible for all the mony and Movables in New-England to have paid the prizes that must have been exacted for the Patents, which we were now obliged to take for our Own Lands, even as they are stated in the Fees of the Secretaries Office?

VVhether a certain person divers ways endear'd to our late Gang of Mony-catchers, having of his own a Spot of Land, worth not a­bove Two Hundred Pounds, was not at last forced to offer Fifty Pounds for a Patent for it, and yet after all could not get it so, be­cause (forsooth) a Neighbour offered to give more for a good Ti­tle to it.

How many Hundred Acres of other mens Lands have been beg­ged by Counsellors, out of their singular and fatherly Affection to [Page 7] the Country? and who must have maintained the scores of VVi­dows and Orphans, that must have been brought to beg their bread, whilst others beg'd their Lands?

VVhether when some certain Widows that had their Lands ta­ken from them, pleaded with these publick Thieves, and urg'd on them, That God would one day plead the cause of the Widows, they were not scoffingly bid to stay till that day come?

4. Of the Persecution which our Sacred Concerns were assaulted with.

VVhether Jefferies the late Lord Chancellor of England, or some body else, advised no body, To Ruine these Churches as fast as he could yet not to do it by force▪ but to Sap them by starving the Mi­nisters every where from their Imployments, upon which their Churches will by consequence fall of themselves; and whether fine steps were not taken in the practice of this Advice?

VVhether in the ordinary Dispensations of Justice among us, if a person accused of any Crime, were a vicious profligate blasphe­mous Fellow, he were not likely to have all possible favour shown him, but if he were a serious, holy, Good Man, he might not expect the utmost rigour, that the extent of their sence of the Law could inflict on him?

VVhether the pious Christians in New-England had not some cause at least why their Consciences might scruple the mode of Swearing on the Book, when the Common Law which is the onely Law pretended for it in this Case does in all old Presidents, inter­pret a Swearing ON to be a Swearing BY the Gospels, and we have long thought it sinful to swear by any Creatures?

VVhether some of the Justices themselves in their giving of Oaths did not awaken our thoughts by making the poor people Swear By the Holy Evangelists, concluding the Oath with so help you God▪ and his holy Evangelists? And whether when a man was prosecuted for Perjury, the form of his Indictment did not run, That he did perjuriously on the Holy Evangelists of the Almighty God [Page 8] Depose, &c? And whether yet even the Homiles of the Church of England do not teach us, That to say, So help me God, and Saint John, is Idolatry?

Whether many of the best People in the Country were not Fined and Imprisoned meerly for scrupling to Swear on the Book, though they readily offered to Swear with an Vplifted Hand?

VVhether the least affront offered unto them that were so scru­pulous were not to put them by from Serving on a Jury, or as a Witness? And whether the bottom of this intreague were not chiefly to render the Largest the most sober, and valuable part of the Country uncapable of any Interest in the passage of Justice be­tween man and man? And whether some folks would not have had then a brave time on't?

VVhether those very Judges, who punisht holy and worthy men, for only scrupling a mode of Swearing, ever did or durst pu­nish a Quaker for not Swearing at all?

VVhether those very Oppressors who would not permit the New-Englanders to retain their old Rites in Swearing, did not allow New-Yorkers under the same Government to Swear with Vplifted Hands according to their ancient Mode?

VVhether none of our late Superiours had cause to know that in the island of Guernsey, and Jersey, which are under the Crown of England it be not according to Common Law (because Anci­ent Custom) to Swear with Lifting up the Hand?

Whether although it seem a small Truth for which the good peo­ple have suffered his malicious and unreasonable Persecution, yet the [...] of the Cause do not rather augment and commend the Fidelity of the Sufferers?

Whether the late wise Justices did not affirm all the Ecclesiastical [...]-Laws against Nonconformists to be in force against us, when they so vigorously prosecuted that worthy Minister Mr. Mather the Younger for Publishing (before Sir Edmond Andross arrived [Page 9] here) a modest and placid Discourse giving the Reasons of our Dissent from the Ceremonies of the Church of England? And of what value with them was the late King's Declaration for Liberty of Conscience? And whether, when they had the power of bind­ing & loosing the Press, it had not been more sasisfactory for them to have answered it by Scripture and reason or any way rather than by a ruinous Romish Prosecution?

Whether when 'twas argu'd, that it would be a very unfair thing to punish the Noncon's in this Countrey, for not using the Service of the Church of England, while the Countrey had scarce any but Noncon's in it▪ and so every man almost in the Land must pay at least 12 l a day (be­sides other far greater penalties) which with Sundayes and Holydayes would amount to four pounds a man by the year, for not being present at the Common Prayer Worship, that Justice had not more of the Wolf than the Fox in him, who reply'd, We are in a way to bring it to that extremity?

Whether when the late Kings Declaration for liberty of Conscience, gave us hopes of deliverance from an approaching Persecution, the Min­isters of Boston having agreed with their Congregations to keep a day of Thanksgiving to God for that Mercy, Governour Andross did not send for them the night before the day intended, and with many menaces, bid them keep the day at their peril, and tell them he would send Souldiers to guard their Churches and them too? and yet having thus put by the day, to the great scandal and offence of the whole Town, had he not the face to deny afterwards that ever he had forbidden it?

5. Of the Indian War.

Whether no Indian Lands, nor Indian Rights have been Patented away by our late Patent mongers?

Whether to advance this principle, that the Indians, because Pagans, have no Title to any Lands at all in this Countrey, be not the way to continue the friendship of the Indians to us? and whether after all the hard censures we have undergone, the World will not judge us the juster, and more righteous of the two, who own they have though Pagans, a just Right to all their Lands but those, which they have by fair Contract or just Conquest parted with?

Whether it were no bodies Expectation, that on pretence to pay off a [Page 10] great Army for a long Service, a vast Tax must have been Levy'd, which would on purpose have been made intollerable to the people? that here­upon a distrest, and distracted part in the Country would have mutiny'd? and an advantage would thence be taken by some sort of men to have taken away the Lives, and Estates of whom they pleas'd for being con­cern'd in the Rebellion, though they had been never so peaceable, and in­nocent? Would not this have been a notable way for some folks to thrive in the world?

Whether no Captives of late escap't from the Indians have affirmed, That the Indians say, Some persons in Boston have incouraged them to go on with the War?

6. Of the Revolution.

Whether it were not purely in Opposition to the enemies of the Prince of Orange that we Seized upon Governour Andross, and his Accomplices? and not a design hatcht by Jesuits to carry on a Popish Interest among us, as a Pamphlet lately disperst very gravely and politickly informs us?

Whether our late Rulers did not use all imaginable care to keep us▪ ig­norant of the Successes of the Prince of Orange, which themselves had sufficient information of?

How many Healths has that Riotous, and abject Crew drank to the Confusion of the Prince of Orange since eighty nine; and whether that sport is like to last always unremarkt or unpunisht?

Whether the news of the Princes coming into England did not fill them with as much visible Consternation as us with satisfaction, and whether the Reason of it be not manifest to all of us?

Whether the man that brought the Princes Declaration with him into the Country were not Imprisoned for bringing treasonable and seditious Pa­pers with him?

Whether some Riots that have been committed since the Revolution were not secretly produced, or at least fomented by men of the same Par­ty with them that most suffered by them?

Whether Governour Andross by stealing out of the Castle where he was a Prisoner, after he had abused the Captain with such assurances of his proving himself a true Prisoner, did not give an evidence of some peculiar Guilt or Fear upon him as well as Falseness in him; and whether the Captain ought to trust him again, or in Civility so far to remember him as a Gentleman, as to forget that he is a slippery Prisoner.

[Page 11]What would those Fellows be at, who are so lavish in their Discourse as to condemn us for Pirates only for taking Pirates? what party did Pounds serve that it must be so criminal to Apprehend him? and who were his Correspondents? and whether it be not very reasonable not only that those Men who ventured their Lives so nobly for their Countrey should be commended, but rewarded?

Whether it be not the special Priviledge of Charlstown Church and Town to be furnisht with Deacons and Captains, which publish Remonstrances against the present Government, and Berogue the deserving Gentlemen in whose hands it is? and whether those Fellows (to retort the phrase upon them they so saucely use to the Gentlemen in Authority) could propose any thing by their late Mutinies & Factions, than the putting the Countrey into a Flame?

Whether those Men who desire to see the late Power in play again, be not weary of their own Lands, or Livings (if they have any?) or do not want to be Owners of Other Mens?

Whether those Men who now show themselves violent against our return in any sort to our Charters, are not therein declared Enemies to he glorious designs of the greatest Prince in the World?

Whether it would not be a fine spot of work, when we have given to Sr. Edmond Andross and his Creatures the afront of dismissing them from the Government, and we every hour look for a Confirmation and Appro­bation from England of what we have done, yet to restore them to their former places?

Whether a strict eye ought not to be kept on those ridiculous Blades at Charlstown, and those Mischievous ones in Prison, who are scattering about the Country their scandalous Pamphlets, to perswade a thing so pernicious?

Whether such empty trifling Pamphlets can Proselyte any but the silliest Buzzards in the World, and whither we have reason to fear we have many such among us?

[Page 12]AND since 'tis in a late Pamphlet boldly affirmed that none of the Letters (in our hands) of those lately in Office or Govern­ment, manifest an design of ruining the Countrey▪ or procuring any violence to the Inhabitants; we shall annex some few Notes among many much worse) out of the Letters of but One of them, viz. Mr. RANDOLPH, and by this little, let all dis-interested persons judge, whether those who guided the People to this alteration had not some cause.