I.

IT is impossible but the whole Attention of the Reader must be awaken'd in this Book: The Heroes of the two Armies are now to encounter, all the foregoing Battels have been but so many Preludes and Under-actions, in order to this great Event: Wherein the whole Fate of Greece and Troy is to be decided by the Sword of Achilles and Hector.

This is the Book, which of the whole Iliad appears to me the most charming. It assembles in it all that can be imagined of great and important on the one hand, and of tender and melancholy on the other. Terror and Pity are here wrought up in Perfection, and if the Reader is not sensible of both in a high degree, either he is utterly void of all Taste, or the Translator of all Skill, in Poetry.

II.

‘VERSE 37. Not half so dreadful rises, &c.]’ With how much dreadful Pomp is Achilles here introduced! How noble, and in what bold Colours hath he drawn the blazing of his Arms, [Page 38] the Rapidity of his Advance, the Terror of his Appearance, the Desolation around him; but above all, the certain Death attending all his Motions and his very Looks; what a Crowd of terrible Ideas in this one Simile!

But immediately after this, follows the moving Image of the two aged Parents, trembling, weeping, and imploring their Son: That is succeeded again by the dreadful gloomy Picture of Hector, all on fire, obstinately bent on Death, and expecting Achilles; admirably painted in the Simile of the Snake roll'd up in his Den and collecting his Poisons: And indeed thro' the whole Book this wonderful Contrast and Opposition of the Moving and of the Terrible, is perpetu­ally kept up, each heightening the other: I can't find Words to express how so great Beauties affect me.

III.

‘VERSE 51. The Speech of Priam to Hector.]’ The Poet has entertain'd us all along with various Scenes of Slaughter and Horrour: He now changes to the pathetick, and fills the Mind of the Reader with tender Sorrows. Eustathius ob­serves that Priam preludes to his Words by Actions ex­pressive of Misery: The unhappy Orator introduces his Speech to Hector with Groans and Tears, and rending his hoary Hair. The Father and the King plead with Hector to preserve his Life and his Country. He represents his own Age, and the Loss of many of his Children; and adds, that if Hector falls, he should then be inconsolable, and the Empire of Troy at an end.

It is a piece of great Judgment in Homer to make the Fall of Troy to depend upon the Death of Hector: The Poet does not openly tell us that Troy was taken by the Greeks, but that the Reader might not be unacquainted with what happen'd after the Period of his Poem, he gives us to under­stand in this Speech, that the City was taken, and that Priam, his Wives, his Sons and Daughters, were either kill'd or made Slaves.

IV.

‘VERSE 76. Enter yet the Wall, and save, &c.]’ The Argument that Priam uses (says Eustathius) to induce Hector to secure himself in Troy is remarkable; he draws it not from Hector's Fears, nor does he tell him that he is to save his own Life; but he insists upon stronger Motives: He tells him he may preserve his Fellow-Citizens, his Country, and his Father; and farther, persuades him not to add Glory to his mortal Enemy by his Fall.

V.

‘VERSE 90. My bleeding Infants dash'd against the Floor.]’ Cruelties which the Barbarians usually exercis'd in the sack­ing of Towns. Thus Isaiah foretels to Babylon that her Children shall be dash'd in pieces before her Eyes by the Medes. Infantes eorum allidentur in oculis eorum, xii. 16. And David says to the same City, Happy shall he be that taketh and dasheth thy little ones against the Stones. Psal. cxxxvii. 9. And in the Prophet Hosea, xiii. 16. Their Infants shall be dash'd in pieces. Dacier.

VI.

‘VERSE 102. But when the Fates, &c.]’ Nothing can be more moving than the Image which Homer gives here, in comparing the different Effects produc'd by the View of a young Man, and that of an old one, both bleeding, and ex­tended on the Dust. The old Man 'tis certain touches us most, and several Reasons may be given for it; the princi­pal is, that the young Man defended himself, and his Death is glorious; whereas an old Man has no defence but his Weakness, Prayers, and Tears. They must be very in­sensible of what is dreadful, and have no Taste in Poetry, who omit this Passage in a Translation, and substitute things of a trivial and insipid Nature. Dacier.

VII.

‘VERSE 114. The Speech of Hecuba,]’ The Speech of He­cuba opens with as much Tenderness as that of Priam: The Circumstance in particular of her shewing that Breast to her Son which had sustain'd his Infancy, is highly moving: It is a silent kind of Oratory, and prepares the Heart to listen, by prepossessing the Eye in favour of the Speaker.

Eustathius takes notice of the Difference between the Speeches of Priam and Hecuba: Priam dissuades him from the Combat by enumerating not only the Loss of his own Family, but of his whole Country: Hecuba dwells entirely upon his single Death; this is a great Beauty in the Poet, to make Priam a Father to his whole Countrey; but to de­scribe the Fondness of the Mother as prevailing over all o­ther Considerations, and to mention that only which chiefly affects her.

This puts me in mind of a judicious Stroke in Milton, with regard to the several Characters of Adam and Eve. When the Angel is driving them both out of Paradise, Adam grieves that he must leave a place where he had convers'd with God and his Angels; but Eve laments that she shall never more behold the fine Flowers of Eden: Here Adam mourns like a Man, and Eve like a Woman.

VIII.

‘VERSE 140. The Soliloquy of Hector.]’ There is much Greatness in the Sentiments of this whole Soliloquy. Hector prefers Death to an ignominious Life: He knows how to die with Glory, but not how to live with Dishonour. The Reproach of Polydamas affects him; the Scandals of the meanest People have an Influence on his Thoughts.

'Tis remarkable that he does not say, he fears the Insults of the braver Trojans, but of the most worthless only. Men of Merit are always the most candid; but others are ever for bringing all Men to a Level with themselves. They cannot [Page 41] bear that any one should be so bold as to excel, and are ready to pull him down to them, upon the least Miscarriage. This Sentiment is perfectly fine, and agreeable to the way of thinking natural to a great and sensible Mind.

There is a very beautiful Break in the middle of this Speech. Hector's Mind fluctuates every way, he is calling a Council in his own Breast, and consulting what Method to pursue: He doubts if he should not propose Terms of Peace to Achilles, and grants him very large Concessions; but of a sudden he checks himself, and leaves the Sentence unfinish'd. The Paragraph runs thus, ‘"If, says Hector, I should offer him the largest Conditions, give all that Troy contains—’ There he stops, and immediately sub­joins, ‘"But why do I delude myself, &c.’

'Tis evident from this Speech that the Power of making Peace was in Hector's Hands: For unless Priam had trans­fer'd it to him he could not have made these Propositions. So that it was Hector who broke the Treaty in the third Book; (where the very same Conditions were propos'd by Agamemnon.) 'Tis Hector therefore that is guilty, he is blameable in continuing the War, and involving the Greeks and Trojans in Blood. This Conduct in Homer was neces­sary; he observes a poetical Justice, and shews us that Hector is a Criminal, before he brings him to Death. Eustathius.

IX.

‘VERSE 141. Shall proud Polydamas, &c.]’ Hector alludes to the Counsel given him by Polydamas in the eighteenth Book, which he then neglected to follow: It was, to withdraw to the City, and fortify themselves there, before Achilles re­turn'd to the Battel.

X.

The Words literally are these, ‘" There is no talking with A­chilles, [Page 42] [...], from an Oak, or from a Rock, [or about an Oak or a Rock] as a young Man and a Maiden talk together.’ It is thought an obscure Passage, tho' I con­fess I am either too fond of my own Explication in the a­bove-cited Verses, or they make it a very clear one. ‘"There is no conversing with this implacable Enemy in the Rage of Battel; as when sauntring People talk at leisure to one another on the Road, or when young Men and Women meet in a Field."’ I think the Exposition of Eustathius more far­fetch'd, tho' it be ingenious; and therefore I must do him the Justice not to suppress it. It was a common Practice, says he, with the Heathens, to expose such Children as they either could not, or would not educate: The Places where they deposited them were usually in the Cavities of Rocks, or the Hollow of Oaks: These Children being frequently found and preserv'd by Strangers, were said to be the Offspring of those Oaks or Rocks where they were found. This gave occasion to the Poets to feign that Men were born of Oaks, and there was a famous Fable too of Deucalion and Pyrrha's repairing Mankind by casting Stones behind them: It grew at last into a Proverb, to signify idle Tales; so that in the present Passage it imports, that Achilles will not listen to such idle Tales as may pass with silly Maids and fond Lovers. For Fables and Stories (and particularly such Stories as the Pre­servation, strange Fortune, and Adventures of expos'd Chil­dren) are the usual Conversation of young Men and Maidens Eustathius his Explanation may be corroborated by a Paral­lel Place in the Odyssey; where the Poet says,

The Meaning of which Passage is plainly this, Tell me of what Race you are, for undoubtedly you had a Father and Mother; you are not, according to the old Story, descended from an Oak or a Rock. Where the Word [...] shews that this was become an ancient Proverb even in Homer's Days.

XI.

‘VERSE 180. Struck by some God, he fears, recedes, and flies.]’ I doubt not most Readers are shock'd at the Flight of Hector: It is indeed a high Exaltation of Achilles (which was the Poets chief Care, as he was his chief Hero) that so brave a Man as He­ctor durst not stand him. While Achilles was at a distance he had fortify'd his Heart with noble Resolutions, but at his approach they all vanish, and he flies. This (as exceptionable as some may think it) may yet be allow'd to be a true Portrait of human Nature; for Distance, as it lessens all Objects, so it does our Fears: But where inevitable Danger approaches, the stoutest Hearts will feel some Apprehensions at certain Fate. It was the Saying of one of the bravest Men in this Age, to one who told him he fear'd nothing, Shew me but a certain Danger, and I shall be as much afraid as any of you. I don't absolute­ly pretend to justify this Passage in every point, but only to have thus much granted me, that Hector was in this despe­rate Circumstance.

First, It will not be found in the whole Iliad, that Hector ever thought himself a Match for Achilles. Homer (to keep this in our Minds) had just now made Priam tell him (as a thing known, for certainly Priam would not insult him at that time) that there was no Comparison between his own Strength, and that of his Antagonist.

Secondly, we may observe with Dacier, the Degrees by which Homer prepares this Incident. In the 18th Book the mere Sight and Voice of Achilles, unarm'd, has terrify'd and put the whole Trojan Army into Disorder. In the 19th, the very Sound of the coelestial Arms given him by Vulcan, has affrighted his own Myrmidons as they stand about him. In the 20th, he has been upon the point of killing Aeneas, and Hector himself was not sav'd from him but by Apollo's in­terposing. In that and the following Book, he makes an incredible Slaughter of all that oppose him; he overtakes [Page 44] most of those that fly from him, and Priam himself opens the Gates of Troy to receive the rest.

Thirdly, Hector stays, not that he hopes to overcome A­chilles, but because Shame and the dread of Reproach forbid him to re-enter the City; a Shame (says Eustathius) which was a Fault, that betray'd him out of his Life, and ruin'd his Countrey. Nay, Homer adds farther, that he only stay'd by the immediate Will of Heaven, intoxicated and irresistibly bound down by Fate.

Fourthly, He had just been reflecting on the Injustice of the War he maintain'd; his Spirits are deprest by Heaven, he expects certain Death, he perceives himself abandon'd by the Gods; (as he directly says in ℣. 300, &c. of the Greek, and 385 of the translation) so that he might say to Achilles what Turnus does to Aeneas,

This indeed is the strongest Reason that can be offer'd for the Flight of Hector. He flies not from Achilles as a mor­tal Hero, but from one whom he sees clad in impenetrable Armour, seconded by Minerva, and one who had put to flight the inferior Gods themselves. This is not Cowardice according to the constant Principles of Homer, who thought it no part of a Hero's Character to be impious, or to fancy himself independent on the supreme Being.

Indeed it had been a grievous Fault, had our Author suf­fer'd the Courage of Hector entirely to forsake him even in this Extremity: A brave Man's Soul is still capable of rouzing itself, and acting honourably in the last Struggles. Accord­ingly Hector, tho' deliver'd over to his Destiny, abandon'd by the Gods, and certain of Death, yet stops and attacks Achil­les; When he loses his Spear, he draws his Sword: it was impossible he should conquer, it was only in his Power to fall gloriously; this he did, and it was all that Man could do.

If the Reader, after all, cannot bring himself to like this Passage, for his own particular; yet to induce him to suspend [Page 45] his absolute Censure, he may consider that Virgil had an uncommon Esteem for it, as he has testify'd in transferring it almost entirely to the Death of Turnus; where there was no necessity of making use of the like Incidents: But doubt­less he was touch'd with this Episode, as with one of those which interest us most of the whole Iliad, by a Spe­ctacle at once so terrible, and so deplorable. I must also add the Suffrage of Aristotle, who was so far from looking upon this Passage as ridiculous or blameable, that he esteem'd it mar­vellous and admirable. ‘"The wonderful, says he, ought to have place in Tragedy, but still more in Epic Poetry, which proceeds in this Point even to the Unrea­sonable: For as in Epic Poems one sees not the Per­sons acting, so whatever passes the Bounds of Reason is proper to produce the admirable and the marvellous. For example, what Homer says of Hector pursued by Achilles, would appear ridiculous on the Stage; for the Spectators could not forbear laughing to see on one side the Greeks standing without any motion, and on the other; A­chilles pursuing Hector, and making Signs to the Troops not to dart at him. But all this does not appear when we read the Poem: For what is wonderful is always agreeable, and as a proof of it, we find that they who relate any thing usually add something to the Truth, that it may the bet­ter please those who hear it.’

The same great Critick vindicates this Passage in the Chapter following. ‘"A Poet, says he, is inexcusable if he in­troduces such things as are impossible according to the Rules of Poetry: but this ceases to be a Fault, if by those means he attains to the End he propos'd; for he has then brought about what he intended: For example, if he ren­ders by it any part of his Poem more astonishing or admi­rable. Such is the Place in the Iliad, where Achilles pur­sues Hector.’ Arist. Poet. chap. 25, 26.

XII.

‘VERSE 197. Where two fam'd Fountains.]’ Strabo blames Homer for saying that one of the Sources of Scamander was [Page 46] a warm Fountain; whereas (says he) there is but one Spring, and that cold, neither is this in the Place where Homer fixes it, but in the Mountain. It is observ'd by Eustathius that tho' this was not true in Strabo's Days, yet it might in Ho­mer's, greater Changes having happen'd in less time than that which pass'd between those two Authors. Sandys, who was both a Geographer and Critick of great Accuracy, as well as a Traveller of great Veracity, affirms as an Eye witness, that there are yet some Hot-water Springs in that part of the Country, opposite to Tenedos. I cannot but think that Gen­tleman must have been particularly diligent and curious in his Enquiries into the Remains of a Place so celebrated in Poetry; as he was not only perhaps the most learned, but one of the best Poets of his Time: I am glad of this occasion to do his Memory so much Justice as to say, the English Versification owes much of its Improvement to his Translations, and espe­cially that admirable one of Job. What chiefly pleases me in this place, is to see the exact Landskip of old Troy, we have a clear Idea of the Town itself, and of the Roads and Countrey about it; the River, the Fig-trees, and every part is set before our Eyes.

XIII.

‘VERSE 219. The gazing Gods lean forward from the Skies.]’ We have here an Instance of the great Judgment of Homer. The Death of Hector being the chief Action of the Poem; he assembles the Gods, and calls a Council in Heaven concern­ing it: It is for the same Reason that he represents Jupi­ter with the greatest Solemnity weighing in his Scales the Fates of the two Heroes: I have before observ'd at large upon the last Circumstance in a preceding Note, so that there is no occasion to repeat it.

I wonder that none of the Commentators have taken no­tice of this Beauty; in my Opinion it is a very necessary Ob­servation, and shews the Art and Judgment of the Poet, in that he has made the greatest and finishing Action of the Poem of such Importance that it engages the Gods in Debates.

XIV.

‘VERSE 226. From Ida 's Summits—]’ It was the Custom of the Pagans to sacrifice to the Gods upon the Hills and Mountains, in Scripture Language upon the high places, for they were persuaded that the Gods in a particular manner in­habited such Eminences: Wherefore God order'd his People to destroy all those high places, which the Nations had pro­phan'd by their Idolatry. You shall utterly destroy all the Places wherein the Nations which you shall possess served their Gods, upon the high Mountains, and upon the Hills, and un­der every green Tree. Deut. xii. 2. 'Tis for this Reason that so many Kings are reproach'd in Scripture for not taking away the high Places.

XV.

‘VERSE 249. Thus Step by Step, &c.]’ There is some Dif­ficulty in this Passage, and it seems strange that Achilles could not overtake Hector when he is allow'd to excel so much in Swiftness, especially when the Poet describes him as running in a narrower Circle than Hector: Eustathius gives us many Solutions from the Ancients: Homer has already told us that they run for the Life of Hector; and consequently Hector would exert his utmost Speed, whereas Achilles might only endeavour to keep him from entring the City: Besides, A­chilles could not directly pursue him, because he frequently made Efforts to shelter himself under the Wall, and he being oblig'd to turn him from it, he might be forced to take more Steps than Hector; but the Poet to take away all Grounds of an Objection, tells us afterwards, that Apollo gave him a su­pernatural Swiftness.

XVI.

‘VERSE 251. As Men in Slumbers.]’ This beautiful Com­parison has been condemn'd by some of the Ancients, even so far as to judge it unworthy of having a Place in the Iliad: [Page 48] They say the Diction is mean, and the Similitude itself ab­surd, because it compares the Swiftness of the Heroes to Men asleep, who are in a state of Rest and Inactivity; but surely there cannot be a more groundless Criticism: The Poet is so far from drawing his Comparison from the Repose of Men asleep, that he alludes only to their Dreams: It is a Race in fancy that he describes; and surely the Imagination is nim­ble enough to illustrate the greatest Degree of Swiftness: Be­sides the Verses themselves run with the utmost Rapidity, and imitate the Swiftness they describe. Eustathius.

What sufficiently proves these Verses to be genuine, is, that Virgil has imitated them, Aen. 12.

XVII.

‘VERSE 270. Sign'd to the Troops, &c.]’ The Difference which Homer here makes between Hector and Achilles de­serves to be taken notice of; Hector in running away towards the Walls, to the end that the Trojans who are upon them may overwhelm Achilles with their Darts; and Achilles in turning Hector towards the Plain, makes a Sign to his Troops not to attack him. This shews the great Courage of Achil­les; and yet this Action which appears so generous has been very much condemn'd by the Ancients; Plutarch in the Life of Pompey gives us to understand, that it was look'd upon as the Action of a Fool too greedy of Glory: Indeed this is not a single Combat of Achilles against Hector, (for in that case Achilles would have done very ill not to hinder his Troops from assaulting him) this was a Rencounter in a Battel, and so Achilles might, and ought to take all Advantage to rid himself, the readiest and the surest way, of an Enemy whose Death would procure an entire Victory to his Party. Where­fore does he leave this Victory to Chance? Why expose himself to the Hazard of losing it? Why does he prefer his private Glory to the publick Weal, and the Safety of all the Greeks, which he puts to the venture by delaying to conquer, [Page 49] and endangering his own Person? I grant it is a Fault, but it must be own'd to be the Fault of a Hero. Eustathius. Dacier.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 278. Then Phoebus left him—]’ This is a very beautiful and poetical manner of describing a plain Circum­stance: The Hour of Hector's Death was now come, and the Poet expresses it by saying that Apollo, or Destiny, for­sakes him: That is, the Fates no longer protect him. Eustathius.

XIX.

‘VERSE id.—Fierce Minerva flies to stern Pelides, &c.]’ The Poet may seem to diminish the Glory of Achilles, by ascribing the Victory over Hector to the Assistance of Pal­las; whereas in truth he fell by the Hand only of Achilles: But Poetry loves to raise every thing into a Wonder; it steps out of the common Road of Narration, and aims to surprize; and the Poet would farther insinuate that it is a greater Glory to Achilles to be belov'd by the Gods, than to be only excellent in Valour: For many Men have Valour, but few the Favour of Heaven. Eustathius.

XX.

‘VERSE 291. Obey'd and rested.]’ The whole Passage where Pallas deceives Hector is evidently an Allegory: Achilles per­ceiving that he cannot overtake Hector, pretends to be quite spent and wearied in the Pursuit; the Stratagem takes effect, and recalls his Enemy: This the Poet expresses by saying that Pallas, or Wisdom, came to assist Achilles. Hector ob­serving his Enemy stay to rest concludes that he is quite fa­tigued, and immediately takes Courage and advances upon him; he thinks he has him at an Advantage, but at last finds himself deceiv'd: Thus making a wrong Judgment he [Page 50] is betray'd into his Death; so that his own false Judgment is the treacherous Pallas that deceives him. Eustathius.

XXI.

‘VERSE 317. The Speeches of Hector, and of Achilles.]’ There is an Opposition between these Speeches excellently a­dapted to the Characters of both the Heroes: That of Hector is full of Courage, but mixt with Humanity: That of Achil­les, of Resentment and Arrogance: We see the great Hector disposing of his own Remains, and that Thirst of Glory which has made him live with Honour, now bids him pro­vide, as Eustathius observes, that what once was Hector may not de dishonour'd: Thus we see a sedate, calm courage, with a Contempt of Death, in the Speeches of Hector. But in that of Achilles there is a Fiertè, and an insolent Air of Su­periority; his Magnanimity makes him scorn to steal a Vi­ctory, he bids him prepare to defend himself with all his Forces, and that Valour and Resentment which made him desirous that he might revenge himself upon Hector with his own Hand, and forbade the Greeks to interpose, now directs him not to take any Advantage over a brave Enemy. I think both their Characters are admirably sustain'd, and tho' Achil­les be drawn with a great Violence of Features, yet the Picture is undoubtedly like him; and it had been the utmost Absur­dity to have soften'd one Line upon this Occasion, when the Soul of Achilles was all on fire to revenge the Death of his Friend Patroclus. I must desire the Reader to carry this Observation in his Memory, and particularly in that place, where Achilles says he could eat the very Flesh of Hector; (tho' I have a little soften'd it in the Translation) V. 438.

XXII.

‘VERSE 391. So Jove 's bold Bird, &c.]’ The Poet takes up some time in describing the two great Heroes before they close in Fight: The Verses are pompous and magnificent, and he illustrates his Description with two beautiful Similes: He makes [Page 51] a double use of this Conduct; he not only raises our Imagi­nation to attend to so momentous an Action, but by lengthen­ing his Narration he keeps the Mind in a pleasing Suspense, and divides it between Hopes and Fears for the Fate of Hector or Achilles.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 409. Thro' that penetrable Part furious he drove, &c.]’ It was necessary that the Poet shou'd be very particular in this Point, because the Arms that Hector wore, were the Arms of Achilles, taken from Patroclus; and consequently, as they were the Work of Vulcan, they would preserve Hector from the Possibility of a Wound: The Poet therefore to give an Air of Probability to his Story, tells us that they were Pa­troclus his Arms, and as they were not made for Hector, they might not exactly fit his Body: So that it is not improbable but there might be some place about the Neck of Hector so open as to admit the Spear of Achilles. Eustathius.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 438. Could I my self the bloody Banquet join!]’ I have before hinted that there is something very fierce and violent in this Passage; but I fancy that what I there observ'd will justify Homer in his Relation, tho' not Achilles in his sa­vage Sentiments: Yet the Poet softens the Expression by say­ing that Achilles only wishes that his Heart would permit him to devour him: This is much more tolerable than a Passage in the Thebais of Statius, where Tydeus in the very Pangs of Death is represented as knawing the Head of his Enemy.

XXV.

‘VERSE 440. Should Troy, to bribe me, &c.]’ Such Reso­lutions as Achilles here makes, are very natural to Men in Anger; he tells Hector that no Motives shall ever prevail [Page 52] with him to suffer his Body to be ransom'd; yet when Time had cool'd his Heat, and he had somewhat satisfy'd his Re­venge by insulting his Remains, he restores them to Priam, this perfectly agrees with his Conduct in the ninth Book, where at first he gives a rough Denial, and afterwards softens into an easier Temper. And this is very agreeable to the Nature of Achilles; his Anger abates very slowly; it is stub­born, yet still it remits: Had the Poet drawn him as never to be pacify'd, he had outrag'd Nature, and not represent­ed his Hero as a Man, but as a Monster. Eustathius.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 450. A Day will come—]’ Hector prophesies at his Death that Achilles shall fall by the Hand of Paris. This confirms an Observation made in a former Note, that the Words of dying Men were look'd upon as Prophecies; but whether such Conjectures are true or false, it appears from hence, that such Opinions have prevail'd in the World above three thousand Years.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 468. The great Dead deface with Wounds, &c.]’ Eusta­thius tells us that Homer introduces the Soldiers wounding the dead Body of Hector, in order to mitigate the Cruelties which Achilles exercises upon his Body: For if every common Sol­dier takes a Pride in giving him a Wound, what Insults may we not expect from the inexorable, inflam'd Achil­les? But I must confess myself unable to vindicate the Poet in giving us such an Idea of his Countreymen. I think the former Courage of their Enemy should have been so far from moving them to Revenge, that it should have re­commended him to their Esteem: What Achilles afterwards acts is suitable to his Character, and consequently the Poet is justify'd; but surely all the Greeks were not of his Temper? Patroclus was not so dear to them all, as he [Page 53] was to Achilles. 'Tis true the Poet represents Achilles, (as Eustathius observes) enumerating the many Ills they had suffer'd from Hector; and he seems to endeavour to infect the whole Army with his Resentment. Had Hector been living, they had been acted by a generous Indignation against him: But these Men seem as if they only dared approach him dead; in short, what they say over his Body is a mean Insult, and the Stabs they give it are cowardly and barbarous.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 474. The Speech of Achilles.]’ We have a very fine Observation of Eustathius on this Place, that the Judgment and Address of Homer here is extreamly worthy of Remark: He knew, and had often said, that the Gods and Fate had not granted Achilles the Glory of taking Troy: There was then no rea­son to make him march against the Town after the Death of Hector, since all his Efforts must have been ineffectual. What has the Poet done in this Conjuncture? It was but rea­sonable that the first Thought of Achilles should be to march directly to Troy, and to profit himself of the general Con­sternation into which the Death of Hector had thrown the Trojans. We here see he knows the Duty, and does not want the Ability, of a great General; but after this on a sudden he changes his Design, and derives a plausible Pretence from the Impatience he has to pay the last Devoirs to his Friend. The Manners of Achilles, and what he has already done for Patroclus, make this very natural. At the same time, this turning off to the tender and pathetick has a fine Effect; the Reader in the very Fury of the Hero's Vengeance, perceives, that Achilles is still a Man, and capable of softer Passions.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 494. "Hector is dead, and Ilion is no more.]’ I have follow'd the Opinion of Eustathius, who thought that what Achilles says here was the Chorus or Burden of [Page 54] a Song of Triumph, in which his Troops bear a part with him, as he returns from this glorious Combate. Dacier observes that this is very correspondent to the Man­ners of those Times; and instances in that Passage of the Book of Kings, when David returns from the Conquest of Goliah: The Women there go out to meet him from all the Cities of Israel, and sing a triumphal Song, the Chorus where­of is, Saul has kill'd his Thousands, and David his ten Thou­sands.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 496.] Unworthy of himself, and of the Dead.]’ This Inhumanity of Achilles in dragging the dead Body of Hector, has been severely (and I think indeed not without some Justice) censur'd by several both Ancients and Moderns. Plato in his third Book de Republica, speaks of it with Dete­station: But methinks it is a great Injustice to Homer to re­flect upon the Morals of the Author himself, for things which he only paints as the Manners of a vicious Hero.

It may justly be observ'd in general of all Plato's Objecti­ons against Homer, that they are still in a View to Morality, constantly blaming him for representing ill and immoral Things as the Opinions or Actions of his Persons. To every one of these one general Answer will serve, which is, that Homer as often describes ill things, in order to make us avoid them, as good, to induce us to follow them (which is the Case with all Writers whatever.) But what is extremely remarkable, and evidently shews the Injustice of Plato's Cen­sure is, that many of those very Actions for which he blames him are expressly characterized and marked by Homer himself as evil and detestable, by previous Expressions or Cautions. Thus in the present Place, before he describes this Barbarity of Achilles, he tells us it was a most unworthy Action.

When Achilles sacrifices the twelve young Trojans in l. 23. he repeats the same Words. When Pandarus broke the [Page 55] Truce in l. 4. he told us it was a mad, unjust Deed,

And so of the rest.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 506. The Face divine, and long-descending Hair.]’ It is impossible to read the Actions of great Men without having our Curiosity rais'd to know the least Circumstance that relates to them: Homer to satisfy it, has taken care in the Process of his Poem to give us the Shape of his Heroes, and the very Colour of their Hair; thus he has told us that Achilles's Locks were yellow, and here the Epithet [...] shews us that those of Hector were of a darker Colour: As to his Person, he told us a little above that it was so hand­some that all the Greeks were surpriz'd to see it. Plutarch recites a remarkable Story of the Beauty of Hector: It was reported in Lacedaemon, that a handsome Youth who very much resembled Hector, was arriv'd there; immediately the whole City run in such Numbers to behold him, that he was trampled to Death by the Crowd. Eustathius.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 543. Sinks my sad Soul with Sorrow to the Grave.]’ It is in the Greek

It is needless to observe to the Reader with what a beautiful Pathos the wretched Father laments his Son Hector: It is im­possible not to join with Priam in his Sorrows. But what I would chiefly point out to my Reader, is the Beauty of this Line, which is particularly tender, and almost Word for Word the same with that of the Patriarch Jacob; who upon a like Occasion breaks out into the same Complaint, and tells [Page 56] his Children, that if they deprive him of his Son Benjamin, they will bring down his grey Hairs with Sorrow to the Grave.

XXXVI.

VERSE 563, &c.] The Grief of Andromache, which is painted in the following Part, is far beyond all the Praises that can be given it; but I must take notice of one Particu­lar which shews the great Art of the Poet. In order to make the Wife of Hector appear yet more afflicted than his Parents, he has taken care to encrease her Affliction by Surprize: It is finely prepar'd by the Circumstances of her being retir'd to her innermost Apartment, of her Employment in weaving a Robe for her Husband (as may be conjectur'd from what she says afterward, ℣. 657.) and of her Maids preparing the Bath for his Return: All which (as the Criticks have ob­serv'd) augment the Surprize, and render this Reverse of For­tune much more dreadful and afflicting.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 600. Her Hair's fair Ornaments.]’ Eustathius re­marks, that in speaking of Andromache and Hecuba, Ho­mer expatiates upon the Ornaments of Dress in Andromache, because she was a beautiful young Princess; but is very con­cise about that of Hecuba, because she was old, and wore a Dress rather suitable to her Age and Gravity, than to her State, Birth, and Condition. I cannot pass over a Matter of such Importance as a young Lady's Dress, with­out endeavouring to explain what sort of Heads were worn above three thousand Years ago.

It is difficult to describe particularly every Ornament mention'd by the Poet, but I shall lay before my female Readers the Bishop's Explanation. The [...] was used, [...], that is, to tye backwards the Hair that grew on the fore-part of the Head: The [...] was a Veil of Network that cover'd the Hair when it was so [Page 57] ty'd: [...] was an Ornament us'd [...], to tye backwards the Hair that grew on the Temples; and the [...] was a Fillet, perhaps embroider'd with Gold, (from the Expression of [...]) that bound the whole, and compleated the Dress.

The Ladies cannot but be pleas'd to see so much Learn­ing and Greek upon this important Subject.

Homer is in nothing more excellent than in that Distinction of Characters which he maintains thro' his whole Poem: What Andromache here says, can be spoken properly by none but Andromache: There is nothing general in her Sorrows, nothing that can be transfer'd to another Character: The Mother laments the Son, and the Wife weeps over the Husband.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 628. The Day that to the Shades, &c.]’ The fol­lowing Verses, which so finely describe the Condition of an Orphan, have been rejected by some ancient Criticks: It is a Proof there were always Criticks of no manner of Taste; it being impossible any where to meet with a more exquisite Passage. I will venture to say, there are not in all Homer any Lines more worthy of him: The Beauty of this tender and Compassionate Image is such, that it even makes amends for the many cruel ones, with which the Iliad is too much stained. These Censurers imagined this Description to be of too ab­ject and mean a Nature for one of the Quality of Astyanax; but had they consider'd (says Eustathius) that these are the Words of a fond Mother who fear'd every thing for her Son, that Women are by Nature timorous and think all Misfortunes will happen, because there is a Possibility that they may; that Andromache is in the very height of her Sor­rows, in the Instant she is speaking; I fancy they would have alter'd their Opinion.

It is undoubtedly an Aggravation to our Misfortunes when they sink us in a Moment from the highest flow of Prospe­rity to the lowest Adversity: The Poet judiciously makes use of this Circumstance, the more to excite our Pity, and intro­duces [Page 58] the Mother with the utmost Tenderness, lamenting this Reverse of Fortune in her Son; chang'd all at once into a Slave, a Beggar, an Orphan! Have we not Examples in our own Times of such unhappy Princes, whose Condition ren­ders this of Astyanax but too probable?

XXXIX.

‘VERSE 647. On Dainties fed.]’ It is in the Greek, ‘"Who upon his Father's Knees us'd to eat Marrow and the Fat of Sheep.’ This would seem gross if it were literally translated, but it is a figurative Expression; and in the Style of the O­rientals, Marrow and Fatness are taken for whatever is best, tenderest, and most delicious. Thus in Job xxi. 24. Viscera ejus plena sunt adipe & medullis ossa ejus [...]rigantur. And xxxvi. 16. Requies autem mensae tuae erit plena pinguedine. In Jer. xxxi. 14. God says, that he will satiate the Soul of the Priests with Fatness. Inebriabo animam Sacerdotum pinguedine. Dacier.

XL.

‘VERSE 657. The martial Scarf and Robe of Triumph wove.]’ This Idea very naturally offers itself to a Woman, who re­presents to herself the Body of her Husband dash'd to pieces, and all his Limbs dragg'd upon the Ground uncover'd; and nothing is more proper to excite Pity. 'Tis well known that it was anciently the Custom among Princesses and great La­dies to have large Quantities of Stuffs and Moveables. This Provision was more necessary in those Times than now, be­cause of the great Consumption made of them on those Occa­sions of Mourning.

I am of Opinion that Homer had a farther View in ex­patiating thus largely upon the Death of Hector. Every Word that Hecuba, Priam, and Andromache speaks, shews us the Importance of Hector: Every Word adds a Weight to the concluding Action of his Poem, and at the same time re­presents the sad Effects of the Anger of Achilles, which is the Subject of it.

I.

THIS, and the following Book, which contain the Description of the Funeral of Patroclus, and other Matters relating to Hector, are undoubtedly superadded to the grand Catastrophe of the Poem; for the Story is compleatly finish'd with the Death of that Hero in the 22 ^d Book. Many judicious Criticks have been of opinion that Homer is blameable for protract­ing it. Virgil closes the whole Scene of Action with the Death of Turnus, and leaves the rest to be imagin'd by the Mind of the Reader: He does not draw the Picture at full Length, but delineates it so far, that we cannot fail of ima­gining the whole Draught. There is however one thing to be said in favour of Homer which may perhaps justify him in his Method, that what he undertook was to paint the An­ger of Achilles: And as that Anger does not die with Hector, but persecutes his very remains, so the Poet still keeps up to his Subject; nay it seems to require that he should carry down the Relation of that Resentment, which is the Foun­dation of his Poem, till it is fully satisfy'd: And as this sur­vives Hector, and gives the Poet an Opportunity of still shewing many sad Effects of Achilles's Anger, the two fol­lowing Books may be thought not to be Excrescencies, but essential to the Poem.

[Page 114] Virgil had been inexcusable had he trod in Homer's Foot­steps; for it is evident that the Fall of Turnus, by giving Aeneas a full Power over Italy, answers the whole Design and Intention of the Poem; had he gone farther he had o­vershot his Mark: And tho' Homer proceeds after Hector's Death, yet the Subject is still the Anger of Achilles.

We are now past the War and Violence of the Ilias, the Scenes of Blood are closed during the rest of the Poem; we may look back with a pleasing kind of Horror upon the Anger of Achilles, and see what dire Effects it has wrought in the compass of nineteen Days: Troy and Greece are both in Mourning for it, Heaven and Earth, Gods and Men, have suffer'd in the Conflict. The Reader seems landed upon the Shore after a violent Storm; and has Leisure to survey the Consequences of the Tempest, and the Wreck oc­casion'd by the former Commotions, Troy weeping for He­ctor, and Greece for Patroclus. Our Passions have been in an Agitation since the opening of the Poem; wherefore the Poet, like some great Master in Musick, softens his Notes, and melts his Readers into Tenderness and Pity.

II.

It is not easy to give a reason why Thetis should be said to excite the Grief of the Myrmidons, and of Achilles; it had seem'd more natural for the Mother to have compos'd the Sor­rows of the Son, and restored his troubled Mind to Tran­quillity.

But such a Procedure would have outrag'd the Character of Achilles, who is all along describ'd to be of such a Violence of Temper, that he is not easy to be pacify'd at any time, much less upon so great an Incident as the Death of his Friend Patroclus. Perhaps the Poet made use of this Ficti­on in honour of Achilles; he makes every Passion of his Hero considerable, his Sorrow as well as Anger is important, and he cannot grieve but a Goddess attends him, and a whole Army weeps.

[Page 115] Some Commentators fancy'd that Homer animates the very Sands of the Seas, and the Arms of the Myrmidons, and makes them sensible of the Loss of Patroclus; the preceding Words seem to strengthen that Opinion, be­cause the Poet introduces a Goddess to raise the Sorrow of the Army. But Eustathius seems not to give into this Conjecture, and I think very judiciously; for what Re­lation is there between the Sands of the Shores, and the Arms of the Myrmidons? It would have been more poetical to have said, the Sands and the Rocks, than the Sands and the Arms; but it is very natural to say, that the Soldiers wept so bitterly, that their Armour and the very Sands were wet with their Tears. I believe this Remark will appear very just by read­ing the Verse, with a Comma after [...], thus,

Then the Construction will be natural and easy, Period will answer Period in the Greek, and the Sense in English will be, the Sands were wet, and the Arms were wet, with the Tears of the Mourners.

But however this be, there is a very remarkable Beauty in the run of the Verse in Homer, every Word has a melan­choly Cadence, and the Poet has not only made the Sands and the Arms, but even his very Verse, to lament with A­chilles.

III.

I could not pass by this Passage without observing to my Rea­der the great Beauty of this Epithet, [...]. An ordinary Poet would have contented himself with saying, he laid his Hand upon the Breast of Patroclus, but Homer knows how to raise the most trivial Circumstance, and by adding this one Word, he laid his deadly Hands, or his murderous Hands on Patroclus Breast, he fills our Minds with great Ideas, and [Page 116] by a single Epithet recalls to our Thoughts all the noble At­chievements of Achilles thro' the Iliad.

IV.

‘VERSE 25. All hail Patroclus, &c.]’ There is in this A­postrophe of Achilles to the Ghost of Patroclus, a sort of Sa­vageness, and a mixture of Softness and Atrocity, which are highly conformable to his Character. Dacier.

V.

This is conformable to the Custom of the Orientals: Achilles will not be induc'd to wash, and afterwards retires to the Sea­shore, and sleeps on the Ground. It is just thus that David mourns in the Scriptures; he refuses to wash, or to take any Repast, but retires from Company, and lies upon the Earth.

VI.

‘VERSE 78. The Ghost of Patroclus.]’ Homer has introduc'd into the former parts of the Poem the Personages of Gods and Goddesses from Heaven, and of Furies from Hell: He has em­bellished it with Ornaments from Earth, Sea, and Air; and he here opens a new Scene, and brings to the view a Ghost, the Shade of the departed Friend: By these Methods he diversifies his Poem with new and surprizing Circumstances, and awakens the Attention of the Reader; at the same time he very poe­tically adapts his Language to the Circumstances of this imaginary Patroclus, and teaches us the Opinions that pre­vail'd in his time, concerning the State of separate Souls.

VII.

‘VERSE 92. Forbid to pass th'irremeable Flood.]’ It was the common Opinion of the Ancients, that the Souls of the Departed were not admitted into the Number of the Happy till their Bodies had receiv'd the funeral Rites; they suppos'd those that wanted them wander'd an hundred Years before they were wafted over the infernal River: Virgil perhaps had this Passage of Homer in his view in the sixth Aeneis, at least he coincides with his Sentiments concerning the State of the departed Souls.

It was during this Interval, between their Death and the Rites of Funeral, that they suppos'd the only Time al­low'd for separate Spirits to appear to Men; therefore Patro­clus here tells his Friend,

For the fuller understanding of Homer, it is necessary to be acquainted with his Notion of the State of the Soul after Death: He follow'd the Philosophy of the Aegyptians, who suppos'd Man to be compounded of three Parts, an intel­ligent Mind, a Vehicle for that Mind, and a Body; the Mind they call'd [...], or [...], the Vehicle [...], Image or Soul, and the gross Body [...]. The Soul, in which the Mind was lodg'd, was suppos'd exactly to resemble the Body in Shape, Magnitude, and Features; for this being in the Body as the Statue in its Mold, so soon as it goes forth is pro­perly the Image of that Body in which it was enclos'd: This it was that appear'd to Achilles, with the full Resemblance of his Friend Patroclus. Vid. Dacier on the Life of Pytha­goras, p. 71.

VIII.

‘VERSE 108. May mix our Ashes in one common Grave.]’ There is something very pathetical in this whole Speech of Patroclus; he begins it with kind Reproaches, and blames A­chilles with a friendly Tenderness; he recounts to him the in­separable Affection that had been between them in their Lives, and makes it his last Request, that they may not be parted even in Death, but that their Bones may rest in the same Urn. The Speech itself is of a due Length, it ought not to be very short, because this Apparition is an Incident entirely different from any other in the whole Poem, and consequently the Reader would not have been satisfy'd with a cursory men­tion of it; neither ought it to be long, because this would have been contrary to the Nature of such Apparitions, whose Stay upon Earth has ever been describ'd as very short, and consequently they cannot be suppos'd to use many Words.

The Circumstance of being buried in the same Urn, is entirely conformable to the Eastern Custom: There are innumerable Instances in the Scriptures of great Personages being buried with their Fathers: So Joseph would not suffer his Bones to rest in Aegypt, but commands his Brethren to carry them into Canaan to the Burying-place of his Father Jacob.

IX.

The Words of Homer are

In which there seems to be a great Difficulty; it being not casy to explain how Achilles can say that the Ghost of his Friend had no Understanding, when it had but just made such a rational and moving Speech: Especially when the Poet introduces the Apparition with the very Shape, Air, and Voice of Patroclus.

[Page 119] But this Passage will be clearly understood, by explaining the Notion which the Ancients entertain'd of the Souls of the Departed, according to the fore-cited triple Division of Mind, Image, and Body. They imagin'd that the Soul was, not only separated from the Body at the Hour of Death, but that there was a farther Separation of the [...], or Understand­ing, from its [...], or Vehicle; so that while the [...], or Image of the Body, was in Hell, the [...], or Under­standing, might be in Heaven: And that this is a true Ex­plication is evident from a Passage in the Odysseis, Book 11. ℣. 600.

By this it appears that Homer was of opinion that Hercules was in Heaven, while his [...], or Image, was in Hell: So that when this second Separation is made, the Image or Vehicle becomes a mere thoughtless Form.

We have this whole Doctrine very distinctly deliver'd by Plutarch in these Words. ‘"Man is a compound Subject; but not of two Parts, as is commonly believed, because the Understanding is generally accounted a Part of the Soul; whereas indeed it as far exceeds the Soul, as the Soul is diviner than the Body. Now the Soul, when com­pounded with the Understanding, makes Reason, and when compounded with the Body, Passion: Whereof the one is the Source or Principle of Pleasure or Pain, the other of Vice or Virtue. Man therefore properly dies two Deaths; the first Death makes him two of three, and the second makes him one of two."’ [Plutarch of the Face in the Moon.

X.

The Numbers in the Original of this whole Passage are ad­mirably adapted to the Images the Verses convey to us. E­very Ear must have felt the Propriety of Sound in this Line,

That other in its kind is no less exact,

Dionysius of Halicarnassus has collected many Instances of these sorts of Beauties in Homer. This Description of felling the Forests, so excellent as it is, is comprehended in a few Lines, which has left room for a larger and more particular one in Statius, one of the best (I think) in that Author.

I the rather cite this fine Passage, because I find it copied by two of the greatest Poets of our own Nation, Chaucer and Spencer. The first in the Assembly of Fowls, the second in his Fairy Queen. lib. 1.

XI.

‘VERSE 158. Each in refulgent Arms, &c—]’ 'Tis not to be suppos'd that this was a general Custom used at all Funerals; but Patroclus being a Warrior he is buried like a Soldier, with military Honours. Eustathius.

XII.

‘VERSE 164. O'er all the Corse their scatterd Locks they throw.]’ The Ceremony of cutting off the Hair in honour of the Dead was practis'd not only among the Greeks, but also among other Nations; Thus Statius Thebaid. VI.

This Custom is taken notice of in holy Scripture: Ezekiel describing a great Lamentation, says, They shall make themselves utterly bald for thee, ch. 27. ℣. 31. I believe it was done not only in token of Sorrow, but perhaps had a conceal'd Meaning, that as the Hair was cut from the Head, and was never more to be join'd to it, so was the Dead for ever cut off from the Living, never more to return.

I must just observe that this Ceremony of cutting off the Hair was not always in token of Sorrow; Lycophron in his Cassandra, ℣. 976. describing a general Lamentation, says

[Page 122] And that the Ancients sometimes had their Hair cut off in token of Joy is evident from Juvenal Sat. 12. ℣. 82.

This seeming Contradiction will be solv'd by having respect to the different Practices of different Nations. If it was the general Custom of any Country to wear long Hair, then the cutting it off was a token of Sorrow; but if it was the Cu­stom to wear short Hair, then the letting it grow long and neglecting it, shew'd that such People were Mourners.

XIII.

‘VERSE 166. Supporting with his Hands the Hero's Head.]’ Achilles follows the Corpse as chief Mourner, and sustains the Head of his Friend: This last Circumstance seems to be neral; thus Euripides in the Funeral of Rhesus, ℣. 886.

What God, O King, with his Hands supports the Head of the deceased?

XIV.

‘VERSE 173. And sacred grew to Sperchius honour'd Flood.]’ It was the Custom of the Ancients not only to offer their own Hair, but likewise to consecrate that of their Children to the River-Gods of their Countrey. This is what Pausanias shews in his Attics: Before you pass the Cephisa (says he) you find the Tomb of Theodorus, who was the most excellent Actor of his Time for Tragedy; and on the Banks you see two Statues, one of Mnesimachus, and the other of his Son, who cut off his Hair in honour of the Rivers; for that this was in all Ages [Page 123] the Custom of the Greeks, may be inferr'd from Homer 's Poetry, where Peleus promises by a solemn Vow to consecrate to the River Sperchius the Hair of his Son, if he returns safe from the Trojan War. This Custom was likewise in Aegypt, where Philostratus tells us, that Memnon consecrated his Hair to the Nile. This Practice of Achilles was imitated by Alexander at the Funeral of Hephaestion. Spondanus.

XV.

‘VERES 226. Coelestial Venus, &c.]’ Homer has here introduc'd a Series of Allegories in the Compass of a few Lines: The Body of Hector may be suppos'd to have continued beautiful even after he was slain; and Venus being the President of Beauty, the Poet by a natural Fiction tells us it was pre­serv'd by that Goddess.

Apollo's covering the Body with a Cloud is a very natural Allegory: For the Sun (says Eustathius) has a double Quality which produces contrary Effects; the Heat of it causes a Dryness, but at the same time it exhales the Vapours of the Earth, from whence the Clouds of Heaven are form'd. This Allegory may be founded upon Truth; there might happen to be a cool Season while Hector lay unburied, and Apollo, or the Sun, raising Clouds which intercept the Heat of his Beams, by a very easy Fiction in Poetry may be introduc'd in Person to preserve the Body of Hector.

XVI.

‘VERSE 261. The Allegory of the Winds.]’ A Poet ought to express nothing vulgarly; and sure no Poet ever trespass'd less against this Rule than Homer; the Fruitfulness of his Invention is continually raising Incidents new and surprising. Take this Passage out of its poetical Dress, and it will be no more than this: A strong Gale of Wind blew, and so in­creased the Flame that it soon consum'd the Pile. But Ho­mer introduces the Gods of the Winds in Person: And Iris, or the Rainbow, being (as Eustathius observes) a Sign not only [Page 124] of Showers, but of Winds, he makes them come at her Summons.

Every Circumstance is well adapted: As soon as the Winds see Iris, they rise; that is, when the Rainbow appears, the the Wind rises: She refuses to sit, and immediately returns; that is, the Rainbow is never seen long at one time, but soon appears, and soon vanishes: She returns over the Ocean; that is, the Bow is compos'd of Waters, and it would have been an unnatural Fiction to have describ'd her as passing by Land.

The Winds are all together in the Cave of Zephyrus, which may imply that they were there as at their general Ren­dezvous; or that the Nature of all the Winds is the same; or that the Western Wind is in that Countrey the most constant, and consequently it may be said that at such Sea­sons all the Winds are assembled in one Corner, or rendezvous with Zephyrus.

Iris will not enter the Cave: It is the Nature of the Rain­bow to be stretch'd entirely upon the Surface, and therefore this Fiction is agreeable to Reason.

When Iris says that the Gods are partaking Hecatombs in Aethiopia, it is to be remember'd that the Gods are repre­sented there in the first Book, before the Scenes of War were open'd, and now they are closed, they return thither. Eustathius—Thus Homer makes the Anger of his Hero so important, that it rouz'd Heaven to Arms, and now when it is almost appeas'd, Achilles as it were gives Peace to the Gods.

XVII.

‘VERSE 306. Hereafter Greece a nobler Pyle shall raise.]’ We see how Achilles consults his own Glory; the desire of it prevails over his Tenderness for Patroclus, and he will not permit any Man, not even his belov'd Patroclus, to share an equality of Honour with himself, even in the Grave. Eustathius.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 320. The Games for Patroclus.]’ The Conduct of Homer in enlarging upon the Games at the Funeral of Pa­troclus is very judicious: There had undoubtedly been such Honours paid to several Heroes during this War, as appears from a Passage in the ninth Book, where Agamemnon to en­hance the Value of the Horses which he offers Achilles, says, that any Person would be rich that had Treasures equal to the Value of the Prizes they had won; which Races must have been run during the Seige: for had they been before it, the Horses would now have been too old to be of any Value, this being the tenth Year of the War. But he Poet passes all those Games over in Silence, and reserves them for this Season; not only in honour of Patroclus, but also of his Hero Achilles; who exhibits Games to a whole Army; great Ge­nerals are Candidates for the Prizes, and he himself sits the Judge and Arbitrator: Thus in Peace as well as War the Poet maintains the Superiority of the Character of Achilles.

But there is another Reason why the Poet deferr'd to relate any Games that were exhibited at any preceding Funerals: The Death of Patroclus was the most eminent Period; and consequently the most proper Time for such Games.

'Tis farther observable, that he chuses this peculiar Time with great Judgment. When the Fury of the War rag'd, the Army could not well have found Leisure for the Games, and they might have met with Interruption from the Enemy: But Hector being dead, all Troy is in Confusion: They are in too great a Consternation to make any Attempts, and therefore the Poet could not possibly have chosen a more happy Opportunity. Eustathius.

XIX.

‘VERSE 347. Lost is Patroclus now, &c.]’ I am not ignorant that Homer has frequently been blamed for such little Digressions as these; in this Passage he gives us the [Page 126] Genealogy of his Horses, which he has frequently told us in the preceding part of the Poem. But Eustathius justifies his Conduct, and says that it was very proper to commend the Virtue of these Horses upon this Occasion, when Horses were to contend for Victory: At the same time he takes an Op­portunity to make an honourable Mention of his Friend Pa­troclus, in whose Honour these Games were exhibited.

It may be added as a farther Justification of Homer, that this last Circumstance is very natural: Achilles while he com­mends his Horses remembers how careful Patroclus had been of them: His Love for his Friend is so great, that the mi­nutest Circumstance recalls him to his Mind; and such little Digressions, such Avocations of Thought as these, very na­turally proceed from the Overflows of Love and Sorrow.

XX.

‘VERSE 363. Whom rich Echepolus, &c.]’ One wou'd think that Agamemnon might be accus'd of Avarice, in dis­pensing a Man from going to the War for the sake of a Horse; but Aristotle very well observes, that this Prince is praise­worthy for having preferr'd a Horse to a Person so cowardly, and so uncapable of Service. It may also be conjectur'd from this Passage, that even in those elder Times it was the Cu­stom, that those who were willing to be excus'd from the War, should give either a Horse or a Man and often both. Thus Scipio going to Africa order'd the Sicilians either to attend him, or to give him Horses or Men: And Agesilaus being at Ephesus and wanting Cavalry, made a Proclama­tion, that the rich Men who wou'd not serve in the War should be dispens'd with, provided they furnish'd a Man and a Horse in their stead: In which, says Plutarch, he wisely follow'd the Example of King Agamemnon, who excus'd a very rich Coward from serving in Person, for a Present of a good Mare. Eustathius. Dacier.

XXI.

‘VERSE 369. Experienc'd Nestor, &c.]’ The Poet omits no Opportunity of paying Honour to his old favourite Nestor, and I think he is no where more particularly complemented than in this Book. His Age had disabled him from bearing any share in the Games; and yet he artfully introduces him not as a mere Spectator, but as an Actor in the Sports. Thus he as it were wins the Prize for Antilochus, Antilochus wins not by the Swiftness of his Horses, but by the Wisdom of Nestor.

This fatherly Tenderness is wonderfully natural: We see him in all imaginable Inquietude and Concern for his Son; He comes to the Barrier, stands beside the Chariot, animates his Son by his Praises, and directs him by his Lessons: You think the old Man's Soul mounts on the Chariot with his Antilochus, to partake the same Dangers, and run the same Career.

Nothing can be better adapted to the Character than this Speech; he expatiates upon the Advantages of Wisdom over Strength, which is a tacit Complement to himself: And had there been a Prize for Wisdom, undoubtedly the old Man would have claim'd it as his Right. Eustathius.

XXII.

‘VERSE 426. The Lots their place dispose.]’ According to these Lots the Charioteers took their Places; but to know whether they stood all in an equal Front, or one behind the other, is a Difficulty: Eustathius says the Ancients were of Opinion that they did not stand in one Front; because it is evident that he who had the first Lot had a great Advantage of the other Charioteers: If he had not, why should Achilles cast Lots? Madam Dacier is of Opinion that they all stood a-breast at the Barrier, and that the first would still have a sufficient Advantage, as he was nearer the Bound, and stood [Page 128] within the rest, whereas the others must take a larger Circle, and consequently were forc'd to run a greater Compass of Ground. Phoenix was plac'd as an Inspector of the Race, that is, says Eustathius, he was to make report whether they had observ'd the Laws of the Race in their several Turnings.

Sophocles observes the same Method with Homer in rela­tion to the Lots and Inspectors, in his Electra.

The Ancients say that the Charioteers started at the Sigaeum, where the Ships of Achilles lay, and ran towards the Rhaeteum, from the Ships towards the Shores. But Aristarchus affirm'd that they run in the Compass of Ground of five Stadia, which lay between the Wall and the Tents toward the Shore. Eustathius.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 457. And seem just mounting on his Car behind.]’ A more natural Image than this could not be thought of. The Poet makes us Spectators of the Race, we see Diomed pressing upon Eumelus so closely, that his Chariot seems to climb the Chariot of Eumelus.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 464. Rage fills his Eye with Anguish to survey, &c.]’ We have seen Diomed surrounded with innumerable Dangers, acting in the most perilous Scenes of Blood and Death, yet never shed one Tear: And now he weeps on a small occa­sion, for a mere Trifle: This must be ascrib'd to the Nature of Mankind, who are often transported with Trifles; and there are certain unguarded Moments in every Man's Life; so that he who could meet the greatest Dangers with Intre­pidity, may thro' Anger be betray'd into an Indecency. Eustathius.

[Page 129] The reason why Apollo is angry at Diomed, according to Eustathius, is because he was interested for Eumelus, whose Mares he had fed, when he serv'd Admetus; but I fancy he is under a Mistake: This indeed is a Reason why he should favour Eumelus, but not why he should be angry at Diomed. I rather think that the Quarrel of Apollo with Diomed was personal; because he offer'd him a Violence in the first Book, and Apollo still resents it.

The Fiction of Minerva's assisting Diomed is grounded upon his being so wise as to take a couple of Whips to prevent any Mischance: So that Wisdom, or Pallas, may be said to lend him one. Eustathius.

XXV.

‘VERSE 486. The Speech of Antilochus to his Horses.]’ I fear Antilochus his Speech to his Horses is blameable; Eustathius himself seems to think it a Fault that he should speak so much in the very Heat of the Race. He commands and sooths, counsels and threatens his Horses, as if they were reasonable Creatures. The subsequent Speech of Menelaus is more ex­cusable as it is more short, but both of them are spoken in a Passion, and Anger we know makes us speak to every thing, and we discharge it upon the most senseless Objects.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 563. The Dispute between Idomeneus and Ajax.]’ Nothing could be more naturally imagin'd than this Conten­tion at a Horse-Race: The Leaders were divided into Par­ties, and each was interested for his Friend: The Poet had a two-fold Design, not only to embellish and diversity his Poem by such natural Circumstances, but also to shew us, as Eu­stathius observes, from the Conduct of Ajax, that passionate Men betray themselves into Follies, and are themselves guilty of the Faults of which they accuse others.

It is with a particular Decency that Homer makes Achilles the Arbitrator between Idomeneus and Ajax: Agamemnon was [Page 130] his Superior in the Army, but as Achilles exhibited the Shows he was the proper Judge of any Difference that should arise about them; had the Contest been between Ajax and Ido­meneus, consider'd as Soldiers, the Cause must have been brought before Agamemnon; but as they are to be consider'd as Spectators of the Games, they ought to be determin'd by Achilles.

It may not be unnecessary just to observe to the Reader the Judiciousness of Homer's Conduct in making Achilles ex­hibit the Games, and not Agamemnon: Achilles is the Hero of the Poem, and consequently must be the chief Actor in all the great Scenes of it: He had remain'd inactive during a great Part of the Poem, yet the Poet makes his very Inactivity contribute to the carrying on the Design of his Ilias: And to supply his Absence from many of the busy Scenes of the preceding Parts of it, he now in the Con­clusion makes him almost the sole Agent: By these means he leaves a noble Idea of his Hero upon the Mind of his Reader, and as he rais'd our Expectations when he brought him upon the Stage of Action, so he makes him go off with the utmost Pomp and Applause.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 580. High o'er his Head the circling Lash he wields.]’ I am persuaded that the common Translation of the Word [...], in the Original of this Verse, is faulty: It is ren­der'd, he lash'd the Horses continually over the Shoulders; whereas I fancy it should be translated thus, assiduè (Equos) agitabat scuticâ ab humero ductâ. This naturally expresses the very Action, and whirl of the Whip over the Driver's Shoulder, in the Act of lashing the Horses, and agrees with the Use of the same Word in the 431 ^st Line of this Book, where [...] must be translated Jactus Disci ab humero vibrati.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 613. Fortune denies, but Justice, &c.]’ Achilles here intends to shew, that it is not just Fortune should rule over Virtue, but that a brave Man who had perform'd his Duty, and who did not bring upon himself his Misfor­tune, ought to have the Recompence he has deserv'd: And this Principle is just, provided we do not reward him at the Expence of another's Right: Eumelus is a Thessalian, and it is probable Achilles has a Partiality to his Countryman. Dacier.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 632. But this, my Prize, I never shall forego—’ There is an Air of Bravery in this Discourse of Antilochus: He speaks with the Generosity of a gallant Soldier, and pre­fers his Honour to his Interest; he tells Achilles if he pleases he may make Eumelus a richer Present than his Prize; he is not concern'd for the Value of it, but as it was the Reward of Victory, he would not resign it, because that would be an Acknowledgment that Eumelus deserv'd it.

The Character of Antilochus is admirably sustain'd thro' this whole Episode; he is a very sensible Man, but transported with youthful Heat, and ambitious of Glory: His Rash­ness in driving so furiously against Menelaus must be imputed to this; but his Passions being gratify'd by the Conquest in the Race, his Reason again returns, he owns his Error, and is full of Resignation to Menelaus.

XXX.

‘VERSE 662. And touch the Steeds, and swear—]’ 'Tis evident, says Eustathius, from hence, that all Fraud was for­bid in the Chariot-Race; but it is not very plain what un­lawful Deceit Antilochus used against Menelaus; perhaps An­tilochus in his Haste had declin'd from the Race-Ground, [Page 132] and avoided some of the uneven Places of it, and conse­quently took an unfair Advantage of his Adversary; or per­haps his driving so furiously against Menelaus as to endanger both their Chariots and their Lives, might be reckon'd foul play; and therefore Antilochus refuses to take the Oath.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 678. Joy swells his Soul, as when the vernal Grain, &c.]’ Eustathius is very large in the Explication of this Similitude, which at the first view seems obscure: His Words are these

As the Dew raises the Blades of Corn, that are for want of it weak and depressed, and by pervading the Pores of the Corn animates and makes it flourish, so did the Behaviour of Antilochus raise the dejected Mind of Menelaus, exalt his Spirits, and restore him to a full Satisfaction.

I have given the Reader his Interpretation, and transla­ted it with the Liberty of Poetry: It is very much in the Language of Scripture, and in the Spirit of the Orientals.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 706. Accept thou this, O sacred Sire!]’ The Poet in my Opinion preserves a great deal of Decency towards this old Hero, and venerable Counsellour: He gives him an honorary Reward for his superior Wisdom, and therefore Achilles calls it [...], and not [...], a Prize, and not a Pre­sent. The Moral of Homer is, that Princes ought no less to honour and recompense those who excel in Wisdom and Counsel, than those who are capable of actual Service.

Achilles, perhaps, had a double view in paying him this Respect, not only out of Deference to his Age, and Wisdom, but also because he had, in a manner, won the Prize by the Advice he gave his Son: So that Nestor may be said to have conquer'd in the Person of Antilochus. Eustathius.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 718. Nestor 's Speech to Achilles.]’ This Speech is admirably well adapted to the Character of Nestor: He aggrandizes, with an Infirmity peculiar to Age, his own Ex­ploits; and one would think Horace had him in his Eye,

Neither is it any Blemish to the Character of Nestor thus to be a little talkative about his own Atchievements: To have describ'd him otherwise would have been an Outrage to human Nature, in as much as the wisest Man living is not free from the Infirmities of Man: and as every Stage of Life has some Imperfection peculiar to it self.

The Reader may observe that the old Man takes abundance of pains to give Reasons how his Rivals came to be Victors in the Chariot-Race: He is very solicitous to make it appear that it was not thro' any want of Skill or Power in himself: And in my Opinion Nestor is never more vainglorious than in this recital of his own Disappointment.

It is for the same reason he repeats the Words I have cited above: He obtrudes (by that Repetition) the Dis­advantages under which he labour'd, upon the Observation of the Reader, for fear he should impute the Loss of the Vi­ctory to his want of Skill.

Nestor says that these Moliones overpower'd him by their Number. The Criticks, as Eustathius remarks, have labour'd hard to explain this Difficulty; they tell us a formal Story, that when Nestor was ready to enter the Lists against these Bro­thers, he objected against them as unfair Adversaries, (for it must be remember'd that they were Monsters that grew together, and consequently had four Hands to Nestor's two) [Page 134] but the Judges would not allow his plea, but determin'd, that as they grew together so they ought to be consider'd as one Man.

Others tell us, that they brought several Chariots into the Lists, whose Charioteers combin'd together in favour of Eurytus and Cteatus, these brother-Monsters.

Others say, that the Multitude of the Spectators conspir'd to disappoint Nestor.

I thought it necessary to give my Reader these several Con­jectures; that he might understand why Nestor says he was o­verpower'd by [...], or Numbers; and also, because it con­firms my former Observation, that Nestor is very careful to draw his own Picture in the strongest Colours, and to shew it in the fairest Light.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 820. A female Captive valu'd but at four.]’ I can­not in Civility neglect a Remark made upon this Passage by Madam Dacier, who highly resents the Affront put upon her Sex by the Ancients, who set (it seems) thrice the Value upon a Tripod as upon a beautiful female Slave: Nay, she is afraid the Value of Women is not rais'd even in our Days; for she says there are curious Persons now living who had ra­ther have a true antique Kettle, than the finest Woman alive: I confess I entirely agree with the Lady, and must impute such Opinions of the fair Sex to want of Taste in both An­cients and Moderns: The Reader may remember that these Tripods were of no use, but made entirely for Show, and consequently the most satyrical Critick could only say, the Woman and Tripod ought to have born an equal Value.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 827. Like two strong Rafters, &c.]’ I will give the Reader the Words of Eustathius upon this Similitude, which very happily represents the Wrestlers in the Posture of Wrestling. Their Heads lean'd one against the other, [Page 135] like the Rafters that support the Roof of a House; at the Foot they are disjoin'd, and stand at a greater Distance, which naturally paints the Attitude of Body in these two Wrestlers, while they contend for Victory.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 850. He barely stirr'd him, but he could not raise.]’ The Poet by this Circumstance excellently maintains the Character of Ajax, who has all along been describ'd as a strong, unweildy Warrior: He is so heavy that Ulysses can scarce lift him. The Words that follow will bear a diffe­rent Meaning, either that Ajax lock'd his Leg within that of Ulysses, or that Ulysses did it. Eustathius observes, that if Ajax gave Ulysses this Shock, then he may be allow'd to have some appearance of an Equality in the Contest, but if Ulysses gave it, then Ajax must be acknowledg'd to have been foil'd: But (continues he) it appear'd to be otherwise to Achilles, who was the Judge of the Field, and therefore he gives them an equal Prize, because they were equal in the Contest.

Madam Dacier misrepresents Eustathius on this Place, in saying he thinks it was Ulysses who gave this second Stroke to Ajax, whereas it appears by the foregoing Note that he rather determines otherwise in consent with the Judgment given by Achilles.

XXXVII.

‘VERSE 902. Assist O Goddess! (thus in Thought he pray'd)]’ Nothing could be better adapted to the present Circumstance of Ulysses than this Prayer: It is short, and ought to be so, because the Time would not allow him to make a longer; nay he prefers this Petition mentally, [...]; all his Faculties are so bent upon the Race, that he does not call off his Attention from it, even to speak so short a Petition as seven Words, which comprehend the whole of it: Such [Page 136] Passages as these are Instances of great Judgment in the Poet.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 926. And takes it with a Jest.]’ Antilochus comes off very well, and wittily prevents Raillery; by attributing the Victory of his Rivals to the Protection which the Gods gave to Age. By this he insinuates, that he has something to comfort himself with; (for Youth is better than the Prize) and that he may pretend hereafter to the same Protection, since 'tis a Privilege of Seniority. Dacier.

XXXIX.

‘VERSE 935. For who can match Achilles?]’ There is great Art in these transient Complements to Achilles: That Hero could not possibly shew his own Superiority in these Games by contending for any of the Prizes, because he was the Ex­hibiter of the Sports: But Homer has found out a way to give him the Victory in two of them. In the Chariot-Race Achilles is represented as being able to conquer every Oppo­nent, and tho' he speaks it himself, the Poet brings it in so happily, that he speaks it without any Indecency: And in this place Antilochus with a very good grace tells Achilles, that in the Foot-Race no one can dispute the Prize with him. Thus tho' Diomed and Ulysses conquer in the Chariot and Foot-Race, it is only because Achilles is not their Antagonist.

XL.

‘VERSE 951. Who first the jointed Armour shall explore.]’ Some of the Ancients have been shock'd at this Combat, thinking it a Barbarity that Men in Sport should thus con­tend for their Lives; and therefore Aristophanes the Gram­marian made this Alteration in the Verses.

[Page 137] But it is evident that they entirely mistook the Meaning and Intention of Achilles; for he that gave the first Wound was to be accounted the Victor. How could Achilles promise to entertain them both in his Tent after the Combat, if he in­tended that one of them should fall in it? This Duel there­fore was only a Tryal of Skill, and as such single Combats were frequent in the Wars of those Ages against Adversa­ries, so this was proposed only to shew the Dexterity of the Combatants in that Exercise. Eustathius.

XLI.

‘VERSE 973. Yet still the Victor's Due Tydides gains.]’ Achilles In this place acts the part of a very just Arbitrator: Tho' the Combat did not proceed to a full issue, yet Diomed had evidently the Advantage, and consequently ought to be rewarded as Victor, because he would have been victorious, had not the Greeks interpos'd.

I could have wish'd that the Poet had given Ajax the Prize in some of these Contests. He undoubtedly was a very gallant Soldier, and has been describ'd as repulsing a whole Army; yet in all these Sports he is foil'd. But perhaps the Poet had a double View in this Representation, not only to shew, that Strength without Conduct is usually unsuccessful, but also his Design might be to complement the Greeks his Countreymen; by shewing that this Ajax, who had repell'd a whole Army of Trojans was not able to conquer any one of the Grecian Worthies: For we find him overpower'd in three of these Exercises.

XLII.

‘VERSE 987. If he be one, enrich'd, &c.]’ The Poet in this place speaks in the Simplicity of ancient Times: The prodigious Weight and Size of the Quoit is describ'd with a noble Plainness, peculiar to the oriental way, and agreea­ble to the Manners of those heroick Ages. He does not [Page 138] set down the Quantity of this enormous piece of Iron, neither as to its Bigness nor Weight, but as to the Use it will be of to him who shall gain it. We see from hence, that the Ancients in the Prizes they propos'd, had in view not only the Honourable, but the Useful; a Captive for Work, a Bull for Tillage, a Quoit for the Provision of Iron. Besides it must be remember'd, that in those Times Iron was very scarce; and a sure sign of this Scarcity, is, that their Arms were Brass. Eustath. Dacier.

XLIII.

‘VERSE 1032. He takes the Bow.]’ There having been many Editions of Homer, that of Marseilles represents these two Rivals in Archery as using two Bows in the Con­test; and reads the Verses thus,

Our common Editions follow the better Alteration of Anti­machus, with this only Difference, that he reads it

And they,

It is evident that these Archers had but one Bow, as they that threw the Quoit had but one Quoit; by these means the one had no Advantage over the other, because both of them shot with the same Bow. So that the common Read­ing is undoubtedly the best, where the Lines stand thus,

This Teucer is the most eminent Man for Archery of any thro' the whole Iliad, yet he is here excell'd by Meriones: And the Poet ascribes his Miscarriage to the neglect of in­voking Apollo, the God of Archery; whereas Meriones, who invokes him, is crown'd with Success. There is an excellent Moral in this Passage, and the Poet would teach us, that without addressing to Heaven we cannot succeed: Meriones [Page 139] does not conquer because he is the better Archer, but be­cause he is the better Man.

XLIV.

‘VERSE 1053. Nor here disdain'd the King of Men to rise.]’ There is an admirable Conduct in this Passage; Agamemnon never contended for any of the former Prizes, tho' of much greater Value; so that he is a Candidate for this, only to honour Patroclus and Achilles. The decency which the Poet uses both in the choice of the Game, in which Aga­memnon is about to contend, and the giving him the Prize without a Contest, is very remarkable: The Game was a warlike Exercise, fit for the General of an Army; the giving him the Prize without a Contest is a Decency judiciously ob­served, because no one ought to be suppos'd to excel the General in any military Art: Agamemnon does Justice to his own Character, for whereas he had been represented by A­chilles in the opening of the Poem as a covetous Person, he now puts in for the Prize that is of the least Value, and ge­nerously gives even that to Talthybius. Eustathius.

As to this last Particular, of Agamemnon's presenting the Charger to Talthybius, I can't but be of a different Opinion. It had been an Affront to Achilles not to have accepted of his Present on this Occasion, and I believe the Words of Homer,

mean no more, than that he put it into the Hands of this Herald to carry it to his Ships; Talthybius being by his Office an Attendant upon Agamemnon.

XLV.

It will be expected I should here say something tending to a Comparison between the Games of Homer and those of Virgil. [Page 140] If I may own my private Opinion, there is in general more Variety of natural Incidents, and a more lively Picture of natural Passions, in the Games and Persons of Homer. On the other hand, there seems to me more Art, Contrivance, Gradation, and a greater Pomp of Verse in those of Virgil. The Chariot-Race is that which Homer has most labour'd, of which Virgil being sensible, he judiciously avoided the Imi­tation of what he could not improve, and substituted in its place the Naval-Course, or Ship-Race. It is in this the Ro­man Poet has employ'd all his Force, as if on set purpose to rival his great Master; but it is extremely observable how constantly he keeps Homer in his Eye, and is afraid to depart from his very Track, even when he had vary'd the Subject itself. Accordingly the Accidents of the Naval-Course have a strange Resemblance with those of Homer's Chariot-Race. He could not forbear at the very Beginning to draw a part of that Description into a Simile. Do not we see he has Homer's Chariots in his Head, by these Lines

What is the Encounter of Cloanthus and Gyas in the Strait between the Rocks, but the same with that of Menelaus and Antilochus in the hollow Way? Had the Galley of Ser­gestus been broken, if the Chariot of Eumelus had not been demolish'd? Or Mnestheus been cast from the Helm, had not the other been thrown from his Seat? Does not Mnestheus exhort his Rowers in the very Words Antilochus had us'd to his Horses?

Upon the whole, the Description of the Sea-Race I think has the more Poetry and Majesty, that of the Chariots more Nature, and lively Incidents. There is nothing in Virgil so picturesque, so animated, or which so much marks the Characters, as the Episodes of Antilochus and Menelaus, Ajax and Idomeneus, with that beautiful Interposition of old Nestor, (so naturally introduc'd into an Affair where one so little expects him.) On the other side, in Virgil the Descri­ption itself is much nobler; it has something more osten­tatiously grand, and seems a Spectacle more worthy the Pre­sence of Princes and great Persons.

In three other Games we find the Roman Poet contend­ing openly with the Grecian. That of the Caestus is in great part a verbal Translation: But it must be own'd in favour of Virgil, that he has vary'd from Homer in the E­vent of the Combate with admirable Judgment and with an Improvement of the Moral. Epaeus and Dares are describ'd by both Poets as vain Boasters; but Virgil with more poetical Justice punishes Dares for his Arrogance, whereas the Pre­sumption and Pride of Epaeus is rewarded by Homer.

On the contrary, in the Foot-Race, I am of opinion that Homer has shewn more Judgment and Morality than Virgil. Nisus in the latter is unjust to his Adversary in favour of his Friend Euryalus; so that Euryalus wins the Race by pal­pable Fraud, and yet the Poet gives him the first Prize; whereas Homer makes Ulysses victorious, purely thro' the Mis­chance of Ajax, and his own Piety in invoking Minerva.

The shooting is also a direct Copy, but with the Addi­tion of two Circumstances which make a beautiful Gradation. In Homer the first Archer cuts the String that held the Bird, and the other shoots him as he is mounting. In Virgil the [Page 142] first only hits the Mast which the Bird was fix'd upon, the second cuts the String, the third shoots him, and the fourth to vaunt the Strength of his Arm directs his Arrow up to Heaven, where it kindles into a Flame, and makes a Pro­digy. This last is certainly superior to Homer in what they call the Wonderful: but what is the Intent or Effect of this Prodigy, or whether a Reader is not at least as much sur­prized at it, as at the most unreasonable Parts in Homer, I leave to those Criticks who are more inclin'd to find Faults than I am: Nor shall I observe upon the many literal Imi­tations in the Roman Poet, to object against which were to derogate from the Merit of those fine Passages, which Virgil was so very sensible of, that he was resolv'd to take them, at any rate, to himself.

There remain in Homer three Games untouch'd by Virgil; the Wrestling, the single Combate, and the Discus. In Virgil there is only the Lusus Trojae added, which is purely his own, and must be confest to be inimitable: I don't know whether I may be allow'd to say, it is worth all those three of Homer?

I could not forgive my self if I omitted to mention in this place the Funeral Games in the sixth Thebaïd of Statius; it is by much the most beautiful Book of that Poem. It's very remarkable, that he has follow'd Homer thro' the whole Course of his Games: There is the Chariot-Race, the Foot-Race, the Discus, the Caestus, the Wrestling, the single Combate (which is put off in the same manner as in Homer) and the Shooting; which last ends (as in Virgil) with a Prodigy: Yet in the particular Descriptions of each of these Games this Poet has not borrow'd from either of his Prede­cessors, and his Poem is so much the worse for it.

I.

‘VERSE 14. What Seas they measur'd, &c.]’ There is something very noble in these Sentiments of Achilles: He does not recollect any soft Moments, any Tendernesses that had pass'd between him and Patroclus, but he revolves the many Difficulties, the Toils by Land, and the Dangers by Sea, in which they had been Companions: Thus the Poet on all Occasions admirably sustains the Character of Achilles; when he play'd upon the Harp in the ninth Book, he sung the Atchievements of Kings; and in this place there is an air of Greatness in his very Sorrows: Achilles is as much a Hero when he weeps, as when he fights.

This Passage in Homer has not escap'd the Censure of Plato, who thought it a Diminution to his Character to be [Page 196] thus transported with Grief; but the Objection will vanish if we remember that all the Passions of Achilles are in the ex­treme; his Nature is violent, and it would have been an Out­rage to his general Character to have represented him as mourning moderately for his Friend. Plato spoke more like a Philosopher than a Critick when he blamed the Behaviour of Achilles as unmanly: These Tears would have ill-become Plato, but they are graceful in Achilles.

Besides there is something very instructive in this whole Representation, it shews us the Power of a sincere Friend­ship, and softens and recommends the Character of Achil­les; the Violence he us'd towards his Enemy is alleviated by the Sincerity he expresses towards his Friend; he is a ter­rible Enemy, but an amiable Friend.

II.

‘VERSE 30. For Phoebus watch'd it, &c.]’ Eustathius says, that by this Shield of Apollo are meant the Clouds that are drawn up by the Beams of the Sun, which cooling and qua­lifying the Sultriness of the Air, preserved the Body from Decay: But perhaps the Poet had something farther in his Eye when he introduc'd Apollo upon this Occasion: Apollo is a Physician and the God of Medicaments; if therefore Achilles used any Arts to preserve Hector from Decay that he might be able the longer to insult his Remains, Apollo may properly be said to protect it with his Aegis.

III.

‘VERSE 36. But Neptune this, and Pallas this denies.]’ It is with excellent Art that the Poet carries on this part of his Poem, he shews that he could have contriv'd another way to recover the Body of Hector, but as a God is never to [Page 197] be introduc'd but when human Means fail, he rejects the In­terposition of Mercury, makes use of ordinary Methods, and Priam redeems his Son: This gives an Air of Probability to the Relation, at the same time that it advances the Glory of Achilles; for the greatest of his Enemies labours to pur­chase his Favour, the Gods hold a Consultation, and a King becomes his Suppliant. Eustathius.

Those seven Lines, from [...] to [...], have been thought spurious by some of the Ancients: They judg'd it an Indecency that the Goddess of Wisdom and Achilles should be equally inexorable; and that it was below the Majesty of the Gods to be said at all to steal. Besides, say they, had Homer been acquainted with the Judgment of Paris, he would undoubtedly have mention'd it before this time in his Poem, and consequently that Story was of a later Invention: And Aristarchus affirms that [...] is a more modern Word, and never known before the Time of Hesiod, who uses it when he speaks of the Daughters of Praetus; and adds, that it is appropriated to signify the Incontinence of Women, and cannot be at all apply'd to Men: Therefore others read the last Verse,

These Objections are entirely gather'd from Eustathius; to which we may add, that Macrobius seems to have been one of those who rejected these Verses, since he affirms that our Author never mentions the Judgment of Paris. It may be answer'd, that the Silence of Homer in the foregoing part of the Poem, as to the Judgment of Paris, is no Argument that he was ignorant of that Story: Perhaps he might think it most proper to unfold the Cause of the Destruction of Troy in the Conclusion of the Ilias; that the Reader seeing the Wrong done, and the Punishment of that Wrong immedi­ately following, might acknowledge the Justice of it.

The same Reason will be an answer to the Objection re­lating to the Anger of Pallas: Wisdom cannot be satisfy'd without Justice, and consequently Pallas ought not to cease from Resentment, till Troy has suffer'd the Deserts of her Crimes.

[Page 198] I cannot think that the Objection about the Word [...] is of any Weight; the Date of Words is utterly uncertain, and as no one has been able to determine the Ages of Homer, and Hesiod, so neither can any Person be assured that such Words were not in use in Homer's Days.

IV.

‘VERSE 52. A Lion, not a Man, &c.]’ This is a very for­mal Condemnation of the Morals of Achilles, which Homer puts into the Mouth of a God. One may see from this alone that he was far from designing his Hero a virtuous Chara­cter, yet the Poet artfully introduces Apollo in the midst of his Reproaches, intermingling the Hero's Praises with his Blemishes: Brave tho' he be, &c. Thus what is the real Merit of Achilles is distinguish'd from what is blameable in his Character, and we see Apollo, or the God of Wisdom, is no less impartial than just in his Representation of Achilles.

V.

‘VERSE 114. And wept her god like Son's approaching Doom.]’ These words are very artfully inserted by the Poet. The Poem could not proceed to the Death of Achilles without breaking the Action; and therefore to satisfy the Curiosity of the Reader concerning the Fate of this great Man, he takes care to inform us that his Life draws to a Period, and as it were celebrates his Funeral before his Death.

Such Circumstances as these greatly raise the Character of Achilles; he is so truly valiant, that tho' he knows he must fall before Troy, yet he does not abstain from the War, but couragiously meets his Death: And here I think it proper to insert an Observation that ought to have been made be­fore, which is, that Achilles did not know that Hector was to fall by his Hand; if he had known it, where would have been the mighty Courage in engaging him in a single Com­bat, in which he was sure to conquer? The contrary [Page 199] of this is evident from the Words of Achilles to Hector just before the Combat,

I will make no Compacts with thee, says Achilles, but one of us shall fall.

VI.

‘VERSE 141. Nine Days are past since all the Court above, &c.]’ It may be thought that so many Interpositions of the Gods, such Messages from Heaven to Earth, and down to the Seas, are needless Machines; and it may be imagin'd that it is an Offence against Probability that so many Deities should be employ'd to pacify Achilles: But I am of Opinion that the Poet conducts this whole Affair with admirable Judgment. The Poem is now almost at the Conclusion, and Achilles is to pass from a State of an almost inexorable Resentment to a State of perfect Tranquillity; such a Change could not be brought about by human Means; Achilles is too stubborn to obey any thing less than a God: This is evident from his reject­ing the Persuasion of the whole Grecian Army to return to the Battle: So that it appears that this Machinery was ne­cessary, and consequently a Beauty to the Poem.

It may be farther added, that these several Incidents pro­ceed from Jupiter: It is by his Appointment that so many Gods are employ'd to attend Achilles. By these means Ju­piter fulfills the Promise mention'd in the first Book, of ho­nouring the Son of Thetis, and the Poet excellently sustains his Character by representing the inexorable Achilles as not parting with the Body of his mortal Enemy, but by the immediate Command of Jupiter.

If the Poet had conducted these Incidents merely by human Means, or suppos'd Achilles to restore the Body of Hector en­tirely out of Compassion, the Draught had been unnatural, because unlike Achilles: Such a Violence of Temper was not to be pacify'd by ordinary Methods. Besides, the Poet has [Page 200] made use of the properest Personages to carry on the Affair; for who could be suppos'd to have so great an Influence upon Achilles as his own Mother, who is a Goddess?

VII.

‘VERSE 164. And thy Heart waste with life-consuming Woe.]’ This Expression in the Original is very particular. Were it to be translated literally it must be render'd, how long wilt thou eat, or prey upon thy own Heart by these Sorrows? And it seems that it was a common way of expressing a deep Sor­row; and Pythagoras uses it in this Sense, [...], that is, grieve not excessively, let not sorrow make too great an Impression upon thy Heart. Eustathius.

VIII.

‘VERSE 168. —Indulge the am'rous Hour!]’ The Anci­ents (says Eustathius) rejected these Verses because of the in­decent Idea they convey: The Goddess in plain Terms ad­vises Achilles to go to Bed to his Mistress, and tells him a Woman will be a Comfort. The good Bishop is of Opinion, that they ought to be rejected, but the Reason he gives is as extraordinary as that of Thetis: Soldiers, says he, have more occasion for something to strengthen themselves with, than for Women: And this is the Reason, continues he, why Wrestlers are forbid all Commerce with that Sex during the whole Time of their Exercise.

Dionysius of Halicarnassus endeavours to justify Homer by observing, that this Advice of Thetis was not given him to induce him to any Wantonness, but was intended to indulge a nobler Passion, his Desire of Glory: She advises him to go to that Captive who was restor'd to him in a pub­lick manner, to satisfy his Honour: To that Captive, the Detention of whom had been so great a Punishment to the whole Grecian Army: And therefore Thetis uses a very pro­per Motive to comfort her Son, by advising him to gratify at once both his Love and his Glory.

[Page 201] Plutarch has likewise labour'd in Homer's Justification; he observes that the Poet has set the Picture of Achilles in this place in a very fair and strong point of Light: Tho' Achilles had so lately receiv'd his belov'd Briseïs from the Hands of Agamemnon; tho' he knew that his own Life drew to a sud­den Period, yet the Hero prevails over the Lover, and he does not haste to indulge his Love: He does not lament Pa­troclus like a common Man by neglecting the Duties of Life, but he abstains from all Pleasures by an Excess of Sorrow, and the Love of his Mistress is lost in that of his Friend.

This Observation excellently justifies Achilles, in not in­dulging himself with the Company of his Mistress: The Hero prevails so much over the Lover, that Thetis thinks her self oblig'd to recall Briseïs to his Memory. Yet still the Inde­cency remains. All that can be said in favour of Thetis is, that she was Mother to Achilles, and consequently might take the greater Freedom with her Son.

Madam Dacier disapproves of both the former Observati­ons: She has recourse to the Lawfulness of such a Practice between Achilles and Briseïs; and because such Commerces in those times were reputed honest, therefore she thinks the Ad­vice was decent: The married Ladies are oblig'd to her for this Observation, and I hope all tender Mothers, when their Sons are afflicted, will advise them to comfort themselves in this manner.

In short, I am of Opinion that this Passage outrages De­cency; and 'tis a sign of some Weakness to have so much occasion of Justification. Indeed the whole Passage is capa­ble of a serious Construction, and of such a Sense as a Mo­ther might express to a Son with Decency: And then it will run thus; ‘"Why art thou, my Son, thus afflicted? Why thus re­sign'd to Sorrow? Can neither Sleep nor Love divert you? Short is thy Date of Life, spend it not all in weeping, but allow some part of it to Love and Pleasure!"’ But still the In­decency lies in the manner of the Expression, which must be allow'd to be almost obscene, (for such is the Word [...] misceri) all that can be said in Defence of it is, that as we are not competent Judges of what Ideas Words might carry in Homer's Time, so we ought not entirely to condemn [Page 202] him, because it is possible the Expression might not sound so indecently in ancient as in modern Ears.

IX.

‘VERSE 189. Him Hermes to Achilles shall convey.]’ The Intervention of Mercury was very necessary at this Time, and by it the Poet not only gives an Air of Probability to the Re­lation, but also pays a Complement to his Countreymen the Grecians: They kept so strict a Guard that nothing but a God could pass unobserv'd, and this highly recommends their military Discipline; and Priam not being able to carry the Ransom without a Chariot, it would have been an Offence against Probability, to have suppos'd him able to have pass'd all the Guards of the Army in his Chariot, without the Assistance of some Deity: Horace had this Passage in his view, Ode the 10 ^th of the first Book. ‘Iniqua Trojae castra fefellit.’

X.

It is observable that every Word here is a Negative, [...], [...], [...]; Achilles is still so angry that Jupiter cannot say he is wise, judicious, and merciful; he only commends him negatively, and barely says he is not a Madman, nor perversely wicked.

It is the Observation of the Ancients, says Eustathius, that all the Causes of the Sins of Man are included in those three Words: Man offends either out of Ignorance, and then he is [...], or thro' Inadvertency, then he is [...], or wilfully and maliciously, and then he is [...]. So that this Descri­ption agrees very well with the present Disposition of Achilles; he is not [...], because his Resentment begins to abate; he is not [...], because his Mother has given him Instructions, nor [...], because he will not offend against the Injunctions of Jupiter.

XI.

‘VERSE 195. The winged Iris flies, &c.]’ Mons. Rapin has been very free upon this Passage, where so many Machines are made use of to cause Priam to obtain the Body of Hector from Achilles. ‘"This Father (says he) who has so much Tenderness for his Son, who is so superstitious in observing the funeral Ceremonies, and saving those precious Re­mains from the Dogs and Vultures; ought not he to have thought of doing this himself, without being thus expressly commanded by the Gods? Was there need of a Machine to make him remember that he was a Father?"’ But this Critick entirely forgets what render'd such a Conduct of ab­solute Necessity; namely, the extreme Danger and (in all Probability) imminent Ruin both of the King and State, upon Priam's putting himself into the Power of his most inveterate Enemy. There was no other Method of recovering Hector, and of discharging his funeral Rites (which were look'd upon by the Ancients of so high Importance) and therefore the Message from Jupiter to encourage Priam, with the Assistance of Mercury to conduct him, and to prepare Achilles to receive him with Favour, was far from impertinent: It was Dignus vindice nodus, as Horace expresses it.

XII.

‘VERSE 200. His Face his wrapt Attire conceal'd from Sight.]’ The Poet has observ'd a great Decency in this place, he was not able to express the Grief of this royal Mourner, and so covers what he could not represent. From this Passage Se­manthes the Sicyonian Painter borrow'd his Design in the Sa­crifice of Iphigenia, and represents his Agamemnon, as Homer does his Priam: Aeschylus has likewise imitated this Place, and draws his Niobe exactly after the manner of Homer. Eustathius.

XIII.

This whole Discourse of Hecuba is exceedingly natural, she aggravates the Features of Achilles, and softens those of Hector: Her Anger blinds her so much that she can see nothing great in Achilles, and her Fondness so much, that she can discern no Defects in Hector: Thus she draws Achil­les in the fiercest Colours, like a Barbarian, and calls him [...]: But at the same time forgets that Hector ever fled from Achilles, and in the Original directly tells us that he knew not how to fear, or how to fly. Eustathius.

XIV.

‘VERSE 291. Lo, the sad Father, &c.]’ This Behaviour of Priam is very natural to a Person in his Circumstances: The Loss of his favourite Son makes so deep an Impression upon his Spirits, that he is incapable of Consolation; he is displeased with every body; he is angry he knows not why; the Disorder and Hurry of his Spirits make him break out into passionate Expressions, and those Expressions are contain'd in short Periods, very natural to Men in Anger, who give not themselves Leisure to express their Sentiments at full length: It is from the same Passion that Priam, in the second Speech, treats all his Sons with the utmost Indignity, calls 'em Gluttons, Dancers, and Flatterers. Eustathius very justly remarks, that he had Paris particularly in his Eye; but his Anger makes him transfer that Character to the rest of his Children, not being calm enough to make a Distinction be­tween the Innocent and Guilty.

That Passage where he runs out into the Praises of Hector, is particularly natural: His Concern and Fondness makes him as extravagant in the Commendation of him, as in the Disparagement of his other Sons: They are less than Mor­tals, he more than Man. Rapin has censur'd this Anger of [Page 205] Priam as a Breach of the Manners, and says he might have shewn himself a Father, otherwise than by this Usage of his Children. But whoever considers his Circumstances will judge after another manner. Priam, after having been the most wealthy, most powerful and formidable Monarch of Asia, becomes all at once the most miserable of Men; He loses in less than eight Days the best of his Army, and a great Number of virtuous Sons; he loses the bravest of 'em all, his Glory and his Defence, the gallant Hector. This last Blow sinks him quite, and changes him so much, that he is no longer the same: He becomes impatient, frantick, unreasonable! The terrible Effect of ill Fortune! Whoever has the least Insight into Nature, must admire so fine a Picture of the Force of Adversity on an unhappy old Man.

XV.

‘VERSE 313. Deiphobus and Dius.]’ It has been a Dispute whether [...] or [...], in ℣. 251. was a proper Name, but Pherecydes (says Eustathius) determines it, and assures us that Dios was a spurious Son of Priam.

XVI.

‘VERSE 342. The sad Attendants load the groaning Wain.]’ It is necessary to observe to the Reader, to avoid Confusion, that two Cars are here prepared; the one drawn by Mules, to carry the Presents, and to bring back the Body of Hector; the other drawn by Horses, in which the Herald and Priam rode. Eustathius.

XVII.

‘VERSE 377. Oh first, and greatest! &c.]’ Eustathius ob­serves, that there is not one Instance in the whole Ilias of any Prayer that was justly prefer'd, that fail'd of Success. This Procedure of Homer's is very judicious, and answers exactly [Page 206] to the true end of Poetry, which is to please and instruct. Thus Priam prays that Achilles may cease his Wrath, and compassionate his Miseries; and Jupiter grants his Request: The unfortunate King obtains Compassion, and in his most inveterate Enemy finds a Friend.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 416. The Description of Mercury.]’ A Man must have no Taste for Poetry that does not admire this sublime Description: Virgil has translated it almost verbatim in the 4th Book of the Aeneis, ℣. 240.

It is hard to determine which is more excellent, the Copy, or the Original: Mercury appears in both Pictures with e­qual Majesty; and the Roman Dress becomes him, as well as the Grecian. Virgil has added the latter part of the fifth, and the whole sixth Line to Homer, which makes it still more full and majestical.

Give me leave to produce a Passage out of Milton, of near Affinity with the Lines above, which is not inferior to Homer or Virgil: It is the Description of the Descent of an Angel,

XIX.

‘VERSE 427. Now Twilight veil'd the glaring Face of Day.]’ The Poet by such Intimations as these recalls to our Minds the exact Time which Priam takes up in this Journey to A­chilles: He set out in the Evening; and by the time that he reach'd the Tomb of Ilus, it was grown somewhat dark, which shews that this Tomb stood at some distance from the City: Here Mercury meets him, and when it was quite dark, guides him into the Presence of Achilles. By these Methods we may discover how exactly the Poet preserves the Unities of Time and Place, that he allots Space sufficient for the Acti­ons which he describes, and yet does not crowd more Inci­dents into any Interval of Time than may be executed in as much as he allows: Thus it being improbable that so stubborn a Man as Achilles should relent in a few Moments, the Poet allows a whole Night for this Affair, so that Priam has Lei­sure enough to go and return, and Time enough remaining to persuade Achilles.

XX.

‘VERSE 447, &c. The Speech of Mercury to Priam.]’ I shall not trouble the Reader with the Dreams of Eustathius, who tells us that this Fiction of Mercury is partly true, and partly false: 'Tis true that his Father is old, rich, and has seven Children; for Jupiter is King of the whole Universe, was from Eternity, and created both Men and Gods: In like man­ner, when Mercury says he is the seventh Child of his Father, Eustathius affirms that he meant that there were six Planets besides Mercury. Sure it requires great Pains and Thought to be so learnedly absurd: The Supposition which he makes afterwards is far more natural; Priam, says he, might by chance meet with one of the Myrmidons, who might conduct him unobserv'd thro' the Camp into the Presence of Achilles, and as the Execution of any wise Design is ascrib'd to Pallas, so may this clandestine Enterprize be said to be manag'd by the Guidance of Mercury.

[Page 208] But perhaps this whole Passage may be better explain'd by having recourse to the Pagan Theology: It was an Opinion that obtain'd in those early Days, that Jupiter frequently sent some friendly Messengers to protect the Innocent, so that Homer might intend to give his Readers a Lecture of Mora­lity, by telling us that this unhappy King was under the Protection of the Gods.

Madam Dacier carries it farther. Homer (says she) instructed by Tradition, knew that God sends his Angels to the Succour of the afflicted. The Scripture is full of Examples of this Truth. The Story of Tobit has a won­derful Relation with this of Homer: Tobit sent his Son to Rages, a City of Media, to receive a considerable Sum; Tobias did not know the Way; he found at his Door a young Man cloath'd with a majestick Glory, which attracted Ad­miration: It was an Angel under the Form of a Man. This Angel being ask'd who he was, answer'd (as Mercury does here) by a Fiction: He said that he was of the Children of Israel, that his Name was Azarias, and that he was Son of Ananias. This Angel conducted Tobias in Safety; he gave him Instru­ctions; and when he was to receive the Recompence which the Father and Son offer'd him, he declar'd that he was the Angel of the Lord, took his Flight towards heaven, and dis­appear'd. Here is a great Conformity in the Ideas and in the Style; and the Example of our Author so long before Tobit, proves, that this Opinion of God's sending his Angels to the Aid of Man was very common, and much spread a­mongst the Pagans in those former Times. Dacier.

XXI.

‘VERSE 519. Blest is the Man, &c.]’ Homer now begins after a beautiful and long Fable, to give the Moral of it, and display his poetical Justice in Rewards and Punishments: Thus Hector fought in a bad Cause, and therefore suffers in the Defence of it; but because he was a good Man, and obedient to the Gods in other Respects, his very Remains become the Care of Heaven.

[Page 209] I think it necessary to take notice to the Reader, that no­thing is more admirable than the Conduct of Homer through­out his whole Poem, in respect to Morality. He justifies the Character of Horace,

If the Reader does not observe the Morality of the Ilias, he loses half, and the nobler part of its Beauty: He reads it as a common Romance, and mistakes the chief Aim of it, which is to instruct.

XXII.

‘VERSE 531. But can I, absent, &c.]’ In the Original of this Place (which I have paraphras'd a little) the Word [...] is remarkable. Priam offers Mercury (whom he looks upon as a Soldier of Achilles) a Present, which he refuses, because his Prince is ignorant of it: This Present he calls a direct Theft or Robbery; which may shew us how strict the Notions of Justice were in the Days of Homer, when if a Prince's Servant receiv'd any Present without the Knowledge of his Master, he was esteem'd a Thief and a Robber. Eu­stathius.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 553. Of Fir the Roof was rais'd.]’ I have in the course of these Observations describ'd the Method of encamp­ing used by the Grecians: The Reader has here a full and exact Description of the Tent of Achilles: This royal Pavi­lion was built with long Palisadoes made of Firr; the Top of it cover'd with Reeds, and the Inside was divided into se­veral Apartments: Thus Achilles had his [...], or large Hall, and behind it were lodging Rooms. So in the ninth Book Phoenix has a Bed prepared for him in one Apartment, Patroclus has another for himself and his Captive Iphis, and Achilles has a third for himself and his Mistress Diomeda.

[Page 210] But we must not imagine that the other Myrmidons had Tents of the like Dimensions: they were, as Eustathius observes, inferior to this royal one of Achilles: Which in­deed is no better than an Hovel, yet agrees very well with the Duties of a Soldier, and the Simplicity of those early Times.

I am of Opinion that such fixed Tents were not used by the Grecians in their common Marches, but only during the time of Sieges, when their long stay in one Place made it necessary to build such Tents as are here describ'd; at o­ther times they lay like Diomed in the tenth Book, in the open Air, their Spears standing upright, to be ready upon any Alarm; and with the Hides of Beasts spread on the Ground instead of a Bed.

It is worthy Observation that Homer even upon so trivial an Occasion as the describing the Tent of Achilles, takes an Opportunity to shew the superior Strength of his Hero; and tells us that three Men could scarce open the Door of his Pavilion, but Achilles could open it alone.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 569. Nor stand confest to frail Mortality.]’ Eusta­thius thinks it was from this Maxim, that the Princes of the East assum'd that Air of Majesty which separates them from the Sight of their Subjects; but I should rather believe that Homer copied this after the Originals from some Kings of his Time: it not being unlikely that this Policy is very an­cient. Dacier.

XXV.

‘VERSE 571. Adjure him by his Father, &c.]’ Eustathius observes that Priam does not entirely follow the Instructions of Mercury, but only calls to his remembrance his aged Fa­ther Peleus: And this was judiciously done by Priam: For what Motive to Compassion could arise from the mention of Thetis, who was a Goddess, and incapable of Misfortune? Or [Page 211] how could Neoptolemus be any Inducement to make Achilles pity Priam, when at the same time he flourish'd in the greatest Prosperity? And therefore Priam only mentions his Father Peleus, who like him, stood upon the very Brink of the Grave, and was liable to the same Misfortunes he then suffer'd. These are the Remarks of Eustathius, but how then shall we justify Mercury, the God of Eloquence, who gave him such improper Instructions with relation to Thetis? All that can be said in defence of the Poet is, that Thetis, tho' a Goddess, has thro' the whole Course of the Ilias been describ'd as a Partner in all the Afflictions of Achilles, and consequently might be made use of as an Inducement to raise the Compassion of Achilles. Priam might have said, I con­jure thee by the Love thou bearest to thy Mother, take pity on me! For if she who is a Goddess would grieve for the Loss of her beloved Son, how greatly must the Loss of Hector afflict the unfortunate Hecuba and Priam?

XXVII.

‘VERSE 586. Sudden, (a venerable Sight!) appears.]’ I fancy this Interview between Priam and Achilles would fur­nish an admirable Subject for a Painter, in the Surprize of Achilles, and the other Spectators, the Attitude of Priam, and the Sorrows in the Countenance of this unfortunate King.

That Circumstance of Priam's kissing the Hands of Achil­les is inimitably fine; he kiss'd, says Homer, the Hands of Achilles, those terrible, murderous Hands that had robb'd him of so many Sons: By these two Words the Poet recalls to our Mind all the noble Actions perform'd by Achilles in the whole Ilias; and at the same time strikes us with the ut­most Compassion for this unhappy King, who is reduc'd so low as to be oblig'd to kiss those Hands that had slain his Subjects, and ruin'd his Kingdom and Family.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 598. The Speech of Priam to Achilles.]’ The Cu­riosity of the Reader must needs be awaken'd to know how Achilles would behave to this unfortunate King; it requires all the Art of the Poet to sustain the violent Character of Achilles, and yet at the same time to soften him into Compassion. To this end the Poet uses no Preamble, but breaks directly into that Circumstance which is most likely to mollify him, and the two first Words he utters are, [...], see thy Father, O Achilles, in me! Nothing could be more happily imagin'd than this Entrance into his Speech; Achilles has e­very where been describ'd as bearing a great Affection to his Father, and by two Words the Poet recalls all the Tender­ness that Love and Duty can suggest to an affectionate Son.

Priam tells Achilles that Hector fell in the Defence of his Country: I am far from thinking that this was inserted acci­dentally; it could not fail of having a very good Effect up­on Achilles, not only as one brave Man naturally loves ano­ther, but as it implies that Hector had no particular Enmity against Achilles, but that tho' he fought against him it was in Defence of his Country.

The Reader will observe that Priam repeats the Begin­ning of his Speech, and recalls his Father to his Memory in the Conclusion of it. This is done with great Judgment; the Poet takes care to enforce his Petition with the strongest Motive, and leaves it fresh upon his Memory; and possibly Priam might perceive that the mention of his Father had made a deeper Impression upon Achilles than any other part of his Petition, therefore while the Mind of Achilles dwells upon it, he again sets him before his Imagination by this Re­petition, and softens him into Compassion.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 634. These Words soft Pity, &c.]’ We are now come almost to the end of the Poem, and consequently to [Page 213] the end of the Anger of Achilles: And Homer has describ'd the Abatement of it with excellent Judgment. We may here observe how necessary the Conduct of Homer was, in send­ing Thetis to prepare her Son to use Priam with Civility: It would have ill suited with the violent Temper of Achilles to have used Priam with Tenderness without such Pre-admoni­tion; nay, the unexpected Sight of his Enemy might pro­bably have carry'd him into Violence and Rage: But Homer has avoided these Absurdities; for Achilles being already pre­pared for a Reconciliation, the Misery of this venerable Prince naturally melts him into Compassion.

XXX.

‘VERSE 653. Achilles 's Speech to Priam.]’ There is not a more beautiful Passage in the whole Ilias than this before us: Homer to shew that Achilles was not a mere Soldier, here draws him as a Person of excellent Sense and sound reason: Plato him­self (who condemns this Passage) could not speak more like a true Philosopher: And it was a piece of great Judgment thus to describe him; for the Reader would have retain'd but a very indifferent Opinion of the Hero of a Poem, that had no Qualification but mere Strength: It also shews the Art of the Poet thus to defer this part of his Character till the very Conclusion of the Poem: By these means he fixes an Idea of his Greatness upon our Minds, and makes his Hero go off the Stage with Applause.

Neither does he here ascribe more Wisdom to Achilles than he might really be Master of; for as Eustathius observes, he had Chiron and Phoenix for his Tutors, and a Goddess for his Mother.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 663. Two Urns by Jove 's high Throne, &c.’ This is an admirable Allegory, and very beautifully imagin'd by the Poet. Plato has accus'd it as an Impiety to say that God gives Evil: But it seems borrow'd from the Eastern way of [Page 214] speaking, and bears a great Resemblance to several Expressi­ons in Scripture: Thus in the Psalms, In the Hand of the Lord there is a Cup, and he poureth out of the same; as for the Dregs thereof, all the Ungodly of the Earth shall drink them.

It was the Custom of the Jews to give condemn'd Persons just before Execution, [...], Wine mix'd with Myrrh; to make them less sensible of Pain: Thus Pro­verbs xxxi. 6. Give strong Drink to him that is ready to perish. This Custom was so frequent among the Jews, that the Cup which was given before Execution, came to denote Death itself, as in that Passage, Father let this Cup pass from me.

Some have suppos'd that there were three Urns, one of Good, and two of Evil; thus Pindar,

But, as Eustathius observes, the Word [...] shews that there were but two, for that Word is never used when more than two are intended.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 685. Extended Phrygia, &c.]’ Homer here gives us a piece of Geography, and shews the full Extent of Priam's Kingdom. Lesbos bounded it on the South, Phrygia on the East, and the Hellespont on the North. This King­dom, according to Strabo in the 13th Book, was divided into nine Dynasties, who all depended upon Priam as their King: So that what Homer here relates of Priam's Power is literally true, and confirm'd by History. Eustathius.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 706. While kindling Anger sparkled in his Eyes.]’ I believe every Reader must be surpriz'd, as I confess I was, to see Achilles fly out into so sudden a Passion, without any ap­parent [Page 215] Reason for it. It can scarce be imagin'd that the Name of Hector (as Eustathius thinks, could throw him into so much Violence, when he had heard it mention'd with Patience and Calmness by Priam in this very Conference: Especially if we remember that Achilles had actually determin'd to restore the Body of Hector to Priam. I was therefore very well pleas'd to find that the Words in the Original would bear another Interpre­tation, and such a one as naturally solves the Difficulty. The Meaning of the Passage I fancy may be this: Priam perceiving that his address had mollify'd the Heart of Achilles, takes this Opportunity to persuade him to give over the War, and re­turn home; especially since his Anger was sufficiently satisfy'd by the Fall of Hector. Immediately Achilles takes fire at this Proposal, and answers, ‘"Is it not enough that I have de­termin'd to restore thy Son? Ask no more, lest I retract that Resolution."’ In this View we see a natural Reason for the sudden Passion of Achilles.

What may perhaps strengthen this Conjecture is the Word [...]; and then the Sense will run thus; Since I have found so much Favour in thy Sight, as first to permit me to live, O wouldst thou still enlarge my Happiness, and return home to thy own Country! &c.

This Opinion may be farther establish'd from what follows in the latter end of this Interview, where Achilles asks Priam how many Days he would request for the Interment of Hector? Achilles had refus'd to give over the war, but yet consents to intermit it a few Days; and then the Sense will be this, ‘"I will not consent to return home, but ask a time for a Cessation, and it shall be granted."’ And what most strongly speaks for this Interpretation is the Answer of Priam, I ask, says he, eleven Days to bury my Son, and then let the War commence again, since it must be so, [...]; since you necessitate me to it; or since you will not be persuaded to leave these Shores.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 706. While kindling Anger sparkled in his Eyes.]’ The Reader may be pleas'd to observe that this is the last [Page 216] Sally of the Resentment of Achilles; and the Poet judiciously describes him moderating it by his own Reflection: So that his Reason now prevails over his Anger, and the Design of the Poem is fully executed.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 708, 709. For know from Jove my Goddess Mother came.]’ The Injustice of La Motte's Criticism (who blames Homer for representing Achilles so mercenary, as to enquire into the Price offer'd for Hector's Body before he would restore it) will appear plainly from this Passage, where he makes Achilles expressly say, it is not for any other Reason that he delivers the Body, but that Heaven had directly commanded it. The Words are very full,

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 757. Not thus did Niobe, &c.]’ Achilles, to com­fort Priam, tells him a known History; which was very pro­per to work this Effect. Niobe had lost all her Children, Priam had some remaining. Niobe's Children had been nine Days extended on the Earth, drown'd in their Blood, in the Sight of their People, without any one presenting himself to interr them: Hector has likewise been twelve Days, but in the midst of his Enemies; therefore 'tis no wonder that no one has paid him the last Duties. The Gods at last interr'd Niobe's Children, and the Gods likewise are concern'd to pro­cure honourable Funerals for Hector. Eustathius.

XXXVII.

‘VERSE 799. The royal Guest the Hero eyes, &c.]’ The Poet omits no Opportunity of praising his Hero Achilles, and it is observable that he now commends him for his more amiable Qualities: He softens the terrible Idea we have con­ceiv'd of him, as a Warrior, with several Virtues of Huma­nity; and the angry, vindictive Soldier is become calm and compassionate. In this place he makes his very Enemy ad­mire his Personage, and be astonish'd at his manly Beauty. So that tho' Courage be his most distinguishing Character, yet Achilles is admirable both for the Endowments of Mind and Body.

[...]. The Sense of this Word differs in this place from that it usually bears: It does not imply [...], any reproachful Asperity of Language, but [...], the raising of a false Fear in the old Man, that he might not be concern'd at his being lodg'd in the outermost part of the Tent; and by this method he gives Priam an Opportu­nity of going away in the Morning without Observation. Eustathius.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 819. To ask our Counsel, or our Orders take.]’ The Poet here shews the Importance of Achilles in the Army; tho' Agamemnon be the General, yet all the chief Command­ers apply to him for Advice; and thus he promises Priam a Cessation of Arms for several Days, purely by his own Au­thority. The Method that Achilles took to confirm the Truth of the Cessation, agrees with the Custom which we use at this Day, he gave him his Hand upon it.

XXXIX.

‘VERSE 900. A melancholy Choir, &c.’ This was a Custom generally receiv'd, and which passed from the Hebrews to the Greeks, Romans, and Asiaticks. There were Weepers by Profession, of both Sexes, who sung doleful Tunes round the Dead. Ecclesiasticus cap. 12. ℣. 5. When a Man shall go into the House of his Eternity, there shall encompass him Weep­ers. It appears from St. Matthew xi. 17. that Children were likewise employed in this Office. Dacier.

XL.

‘VERSE 906, &c. The Lamentations over Hector.]’ The Poet judiciously makes Priam to be silent in this general La­mentation; he has already born a sufficient Share in these Sorrows, in the Tent of Achilles, and said what Grief can dictate to a Father and a King upon such a melancholy Sub­ject. But he introduces three Women as chief Mourners, and speaks only in general of the Lamentation of the Men of Troy, an Excess of Sorrow being unmanly: Whereas these Women might with Decency indulge themselves in all the Lamentation that Fondness and Grief could suggest. The Wife, the Mother of Hector, and Helen, are the three Per­sons introduced; and tho' they all mourn upon the same Oc­casion, yet their Lamentations are so different, that not a Sentence that is spoken by the one, could be made use of by the other: Andromache speaks like a tender Wife, Hecuba like a fond Mother, and Helen mourns with a Sorrow rising from Self-accusation: Andromache commends his Bravery, Hecuba his manly Beauty, and Helen his Gentleness and Humanity.

Homer is very concise in describing the Funeral of Hector, which was but a necessary piece of Conduct, after he had been so full in that of Patroclus.

XLI.

I have taken these two Lines from Mr. Congreve, whose Translation of this Part was one of his first Essays in Poetry. He has very justly render'd the Sense of [...], dictum prudens, which is meant of the Words of a dying Man, or one in some dangerous Exigence; at which times what is spoken is usually something of the utmost Importance, and deliver'd with the utmost Care: Which is the true Signifi­cation of the Epithet [...] in this place.

XLII.

We have now past thro' the Iliad, and seen the Anger of Achilles, and the terrible Effects of it, at an end: As that only was the Subject of the Poem, and the Nature of Epic Poetry would not permit our Author to proceed to the Event of the War, it may perhaps be acceptable to the common Reader to give a short Account of what happen'd to Troy and the chief Actors in this Poem, after the Conclusion of it.

I need not mention that Troy was taken soon after the Death of Hector, by the Stratagem of the wooden Horse, the Par­ticulars of which are describ'd by Virgil in the second Book of the Aeneis.

Achilles fell before Troy, by the Hand of Paris, by the Shot of an Arrow in his Heel, as Hector had prophesied at his Death, Lib. 22.

The unfortunate Priam was kill'd by Pyrrhus the Son of Achilles.

Ajax after the Death of Achilles had a Contest with Ulysses for the Armour of Vulcan, but being defeated in his Aim, he slew himself thro' Indignation.

Helen, after the Death of Paris, married Deïphobus his Brother, and at the taking of Troy betray'd him, in order [Page 220] to reconcile herself to Menelaus her first Husband, who re­ceiv'd her again into Favour.

Agamemnon at his return was barbarously murther'd by Aegysthus at the Instigation of Clytaemnestra his Wife, who in his Absence had dishonour'd his Bed with Aegysthus.

Diomed after the Fall of Troy was expell'd his own Coun­trey, and scarce escap'd with Life from his adulterous Wife Aegiale; but at last was receiv'd by Daunus in Apulia, and shar'd his Kingdom: 'Tis uncertain how he died.

Nestor liv'd in Peace, with his Children, in Pylos his na­tive Countrey.

Ulysses also after innumerable Troubles by Sea and Land, at last return'd in Safety to Ithaca, which is the Subject of Homer's Odysses.