I.

THIS is the only Book of the Iliad which is a continued Description of a Battel, without any Digression or Episode, that serves for an Inter­val to refresh the Reader. The heav'nly Ma­chines too are fewer than in any other. Homer seems to have trusted wholly to the Force of his own Genius, as suffici­ent to support him, whatsoever lengths he was carried by it. But that Spirit which animates the Original, is what I am sensible evaporates so much in my Hands; that, tho' I can't think my Author tedious, I should have made him seem so, if I had not translated this Book with all possible Conciseness. I hope there is nothing material omitted, tho' the Version consists but of sixty five Lines more than the Original.

However, one may observe there are more Turns of Fortune, more Defeats, more Rallyings, more Accidents, in this Battel, than in any other; because it was to be the last wherein the Greeks and Trojans were upon equal Terms, before the Return of Achilles: And besides, all this serves to introduce the chief Hero with the greater Pomp and Dignity.

II.

‘VERSE 3. Great Menelaus—]’ The Poet here takes occasi­on to clear Menelaus from the Imputations of Idle and Effe­minate, cast on him in some Parts of the Poem; he sets him in the Front of the Army, exposing himself to Dan­gers in defending the Body of Patroclus, and gives him the Conquest of Euphorbus who had the first Hand in his Death. He is represented as the foremost who appears in his Defence, not only as one of a like Disposition of Mind with Patroclus, a kind and generous Friend; but as being more immediately concern'd in Honour to protect from Injuries the Body of a Hero that fell in his Cause. Eustathius. See the 29 ^th Note on the 3 ^d Book.

III.

‘VERSE 5. Thus round her new fal'n Young, &c.]’ In this Comparison, as Eustathius has very well observed, the Poet ac­comodating himself to the Occasion, means only to describe the Affection Menelaus had for Patroclus, and the Manner in which he presented himself to defend his Body: And this Comparison is so much the more just and agreeable, as Menelaus was a Prince full of Goodness and Mildness. He must have little Sense or Knowledge in Poetry, who thinks that it ought to be suppress'd. It is true, we shou'd not ues it now-a-days, by reason of the low Ideas we have of the Animals from which it is derived; but those not being the Ideas of Homer's Time, they could not hinder him from making a proper Use of such a Comparison. Dacier.

IV.

‘VERSE id. Thus round her new fal'n Young, &c.]’ It seems to me remarkable, that the several Comparisons to illustrate the Concern for Patroclus, are taken from the most tender [Page 47] Sentiments of Nature. Achilles in the Beginning of the 16 ^th Book, considers him as a Child, and himself as his Mother. The Sorrow of Menelaus is here described as that of a Heifer for her young one. Perhaps these are design'd to intimate the excellent Temper and Goodness of Patro­clus, which is express'd in that fine Elogy of him in this Book, ℣. 671. [...]. He knew how to be good-natur'd to all Men. This gave all Mankind these Sentiments for him, and no doubt the same is strongly point­ed at by the uncommon Concern of the whole Army to rescue his Body.

The Dissimilitude of Manners between these two Friends, Achilles and Patroclus, is very observable: Such Friendships are not uncommon, and I have often assign'd this Reason for them, that it is natural for Men to seek the Assistance of those Qualities in others, which they want themselves. That is still better if apply'd to Providence, that associates Men of different and contrary Qualities, in order to make a more perfect System. But, whatever is customary in Na­ture, Homer had a good poetical Reason for it; for it af­fords many Incidents to illustrate the Manners of them both more strongly; and is what they call a Contrast in Painting.

V.

‘VERSE 11. The Son of Panthus.]’ The Conduct of Homer is admirable in bringing Euphorbus and Menelaus together upon this Occasion; for hardly any thing but such a signal Revenge for the Death of his Brother, could have made Euphorbus stand the Encounter. Menelaus putting him in mind of the Death of his Brother, gives occasion (I think) to one of the finest Answers in all Homer; in which the Insolence of Menelaus is retorted in a way to draw Pity from every Reader; and I believe there is hardly one, after such a Speech, that would not wish Euphorbus had the bet­ter of Menelaus: A Writer of Romances would not have fail'd to have giv'n Euphorbus the Victory. But however it was fitter to make Menelaus, who had receiv'd the great­est Injury, do the most revengeful Actions.

VI.

‘VERSE 55. Instarr'd with Gems and Gold.]’ We have here a Trojan who uses Gold and Silver to adorn his Hair; which made Pliny say, that he doubted whether the Women were the first that us'd those Ornaments. Est quidem apud eun­dem [Homerum] virorum crinibus aurum implexum, ideo nescio an prior usus à foeminis coeperit. Lib. 33. Chap. 1. He might likewise have strengthen'd his Doubt by the Custom of the Athenians, who put into their Hair little Grashoppers of Gold. Dacier.

VII.

‘VERSE 57. As the young Olive, &c.]’ This exquisite Si­mile finely illustrates the Beauty and sudden Fall of Euphor­bus, in which the Allusion to that Circumstance of his come­ly Hair is peculiarly happy. Porphyry and Jamblicus ac­quaints us of the particular Affection Pythagoras had for these Verses, which he set to the Harp, and us'd to repeat at his own Epicedion. Perhaps it was his Fondness of them, which put it into his Head to say, that his Soul transmi­grated to him from this Hero. However it was, this Con­ceit of Pythagoras is famous in Antiquity, and has given occasion to a Dialogue in Lucian entitled The Cock, which is, I think, the finest Piece of that Author.

VIII.

‘VERSE 65. Thus young, thus beautiful Euphorbus lay.]’ This is the only Trojan whose Death the Poet laments, that he might do the more Honour to Patroclus, his Hero's Friend. The Comparison here us'd is very proper, for the Olive al­ways preserves its Beauty. But where the Poet speaks of the Lapithae, a hardy and warlike People, he compares them to Oaks, that stand unmov'd in Storms and Tempests; and where Hector falls by Ajax, he likens him to an Oak struck [Page 49] down by Jove's Thunder. Just after this soft Comparison upon the Beauty of Euphorbus, he passes to another full of Strength and Terror, that of the Lion. Eustathius.

IX.

‘VERSE 110. Did but the Voice of Ajax reach my Ear.]’ How observable is Homer's Art of illustrating the Valour and Glory of his Heroes? Menelaus, who sees Hector and all the Trojans rushing upon him, wou'd not retire if Apollo did not support them; and though Apollo does support them, he wou'd oppose even Apollo, were Ajax but near him. This is glorious for Menelaus, and yet more glorious for Ajax, and very suitable to his Character; for Ajax was the bravest of the Greeks, next to Achilles. Dacier. Eustathius.

X.

‘VERSE 117. So from the Fold th'unwilling Lion.]’ The Beauty of the Retreat of Menelaus is worthy Notice. Ho­mer is a great Observer of natural Imagery, that brings the Thing represented before our View. It is indeed true, that Lions, Tygers, and Beasts of Prey are the only Objects that can properly represent Warriors; and therefore 'tis no won­der they are so often introduc'd: The inanimate Things, as Floods, Fires, and Storms, are the best, and only Images of Battels.

XI.

‘VERSE 137. Already had stern Hector, &c.]’ Homer takes care, so long before-hand, to lessen in his Reader's Mind the Horror he may conceive from the Cruelty that Achilles will exercise upon the Body of Hector. That Cruelty will be only the Punishment of this which Hector here exerci­ses upon the Body of Patroclus; he drags him, he designs to cut off his Head, and to leave his Body upon the Ram­parts, expos'd to Dogs and Birds of Prey. Eustathius.

XII.

‘VERSE 169. You left him there a Prey to Dogs.]’ It was highly dishonourable in Hector to forsake the Body of a Friend and Guest, and against the Laws of Jupiter Xenius, or hospitalis. For Glaucus knew nothing of Sarpedon's be­ing honour'd with Burial by the Gods, and sent embalm'd into Lycia. Eustathius.

XIII.

‘VERSE 193. I shun great Ajax?]’ Hector takes no no­tice of the Affronts that Glaucus had thrown upon him, as knowing he had in some Respects a just Cause to be angry, but he cannot put up what he had said of his fear­ing Ajax, to which Part he only replies: This is very a­greeable to his heroic Character. Eustathius.

XIV.

‘VERSE 209. Hector in proud Achilles Arms shall shine.]’ The Ancients have observed that Homer causes the Arms of Achilles to fall into Hector's Power, to equal in some sort those two Heroes, in the Battel wherein he is going to engage them. Otherwise it might be urg'd, that Achilles cou'd not have kill'd Hector without the Advantage of having his Armous made by the Hand of a God, whereas Hector's was only of the Hand of a Mortal; but since both were clad in Armour made by Vulcan, Achilles's Victory will be compleat, and in its full Lustre. Besides this Reason (which is for Necessity and Probability) there is also another, for Ornament; for Homer here prepares to introduce that beau­tiful Episode of the divine Armour, which Vulcan makes for Achilles. Eustathius.

XV.

‘VERSE 216. The radiant Arms to sacred Ilion bore.]’ A Dif­ficulty may arise here, and the Question may be asked why [Page 51] Hector sent these Arms to Troy? Why did not he take them at first? There are three Answers, which I think are all plausible. The first, that Hector having kill'd Patroclus, and seeing the Day very far advanced, had no mind to take those Arms for a Fight almost at an end. The second, that he was impatient to shew to Priam and Andromache those glorious Spoils. Thirdly, he perhaps at first intended to hang them up in some Temple: Glaucus's Speech makes him change his Resolution, he runs after those Arms to fight against Ajax, and to win Patroclus's Body from him. Dacier.

Homer (says Eustathius) does not suffer the Arms to be carry'd into Troy for these Reasons. That Hector by wear­ing them might the more encourage the Trojans, and be the more formidable to the Greeks: That Achilles may re­cover them again when he kills Hector: And that he may conquer him, even when he is strengthened with that di­vine Armour.

XVI.

‘VERSE 231. Jupiter 's Speech to Hector.]’ The Poet pre­pares us for the Death of Hector, perhaps to please the Greek Readers, who might be troubled to see him shining in their He­roes Arms. Therefore Jupiter expresses his Sorrow at the ap­proaching Fate of this unfortunate Prince, promises to repay his Loss of Life with Glory, and nods to give a certain Con­firmation to his Words. He says, Achilles is the bravest Greek, as Glaucus had said just before; the Poet thus giving him the greatest Commendations, by putting his Praise in the Mouth of a God, and of an Enemy, who were neither of them like to be prejudiced in his Favour. Eustathius.

How beautiful is that Sentiment upon the miserable State of Mankind, introduc'd here so artfully, and so strongly enforc'd, by being put into the Mouth of the supreme Being! And how pathetic the Denunciation of Hector's Death, by that Circumstance of Andromache's Disappointment, when she shall no more receive her Hero glorious from the Bat­tel, in the Armour of his conquer'd Enemy!

XVII.

‘VERSE 247. The stubborn Arms &c.]’ The Words are,

If we give [...] a passive Signification, it will be, the Arms fitted Hector; but if an active (as those take it who would put a greater Difference between Hector and Achilles) then it belongs to Jupiter; and the Sense will be, Jupiter made the Arms fit for him, which were too large before: I have chosen the last as the more poetical Sense.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 260. Unnumber'd Bands of neighb'ring Nations.]’ Eustathius has very well explain'd the Artifice of this Speech of Hector, who indirectly answers all Glaucus's Invectives, and humbles his Vanity. Glaucus had just spoken as if the Lycians were the only Allies of Troy; and Hector here speaks of the numerous Troops of different Nations, which he expresly designs by calling them Borderers upon his King­dom, thereby in some manner to exclude the Lycians, who were of a Country more remote; as if he did not vouch­safe to reckon them. He afterwards confutes what Glau­cus said, ‘"that if the Lycians wou'd take his Advice they wou'd return home";’ for he gives them to understand, that being hired Troops, they are obliged to perform their Bargain, and to fight till the War is at an end. Dacier.

XIX.

‘VERSE 290. Call on our Greeks.]’ Eustathius gives three Reasons why Ajax bids Menelaus call the Greeks to their Assistance; instead of calling them himself. He might be sham'd to do it, lest it should look like Fear and turn to [Page 53] his Dishonour: Or the Chiefs were more likely to obey Menelaus: Or he had too much Business of the War upon his Hands, and wanted Leisure more than the other.

XX.

‘VERSE 302. Oilean Ajax first.]’ Ajax Oileus (says Eusta­thius) is the first that comes, being brought by his Love to the other Ajax, as it is natural for one Friend to fly to the Assistance of another: To which we may add, he might very probably come first, because he was the swiftest of all the Heroes.

XXI.

‘VERSE 318. Jove pouring Darkness]’ Homer, who in all his former Descriptions of Battels is so fond of mentioning the Lustre of the Arms, here shades them in Darkness, perhaps alluding to the Clouds of Dust that were rais'd; or to the Throng of Combatants; or else to denote the Loss of Greece in Patroclus; or lastly, that as the Heav'ns had mourn'd Sarpedon in Showers of Blood, so they might Patroclus in Clouds of Darkness. Eustathius.

XXII.

‘VERSE 356. Panope renown'd.]’ Panope was a small Town twenty Stadia from Chaeronea on the side of Mount Parnassus, and it is hard to know why Homer gives it the Epithet of re­nown'd, and makes it the Residence of Schedius, King of the Phocians; when it was but nine hundred Paces in Cir­cuit, and had no Palace, nor Gymnasium, nor Theatre, nor Market, nor Fountain,; nothing in short that ought to have been in a Town which is the Residence of a King. Pausanias (in Phocic.) gives the Reason of it; he says, that as Phocis was exposed on that side to the Inroads of the Boeotians, Schedius made use of Panope as a sort of Citadel, or Place of Arms. Dacier.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 375. He seem'd like aged Periphas.]’ The Speech, of Periphas to Aeneas hints at the double Fate, and the Ne­cessity of Means. It is much like that of St. Paul after he was promised that no body should perish; he says, except these abide, ye cannot be saved.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 422. In one thick Darkness, &c.]’ The Darkness spread over the Body of Patroclus is artful upon several Ac­counts. First, a fine Image of Poetry. Next, a Token of Jupiter's Love to a righteous Man; but the chief Design is to portract the Action; which, if the Trojans had seen the Spot, must have been decided one way or other, in a very short time. Besides, the Trojans having the better in the Action, must have seiz'd the Body contrary to the Intention of the Author: There are innumerable Instances of these little Niceties and Particularities of Conduct in Homer.

XXV.

‘VERSE 436. Meanwhile the Sons of Nestor, in the Rear, &c.]’ It is not without Reason Homer in this Place makes parti­cular mention of the Sons of Nestor. It is to prepare us against he sends one of them to Achilles, to tell him the Death of his Friend.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 450. . As when a slaughter'd Bull's yet reeking Hide.]’ Homer gives us a most lively Description of their drawing the Body on all sides, and instructs us in the ancient man­ner of stretching Hides, being first made soft and supple with Oyl. And tho' this Comparison be one of those mean [Page 55] and humble ones which some have objected to, yet it has also its Admirers for being so expressive, and for represent­ing to the Imagination the most strong and exact Idea of the Subject in hand. Eustathius.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 458. Not Pallas self, &c.]’ Homer says in the Original, ‘" Minerva could not have found fault, tho' she were angry."’ Upon which Eustathius ingeniously observes, how common and natural it is for Persons in Anger to turn Cri­ticks, and find Faults where there are none.

XXVIII.

In these Words the Poet artfully hints at Achilles's Death; he makes him not absolutely to flatter himself with the Hopes of ever taking Troy, in his own Person, however he does not say this expresly, but passes it over as an ungrateful Subject. Eustathius.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 471. The rest, in pity to her Son conceal'd.]’ Here, (says the same Author) we have two Rules laid down for common use. One, not to tell our Friends all their Mis­chances at once, it being often necessary to hide part of them, as Thetis does from Achilles: The other, not to push Men of Courage upon all that is possible for them to do. Thus Achilles, tho' he thought Patroclus able to drive the Trojans back to their Gates, yet he does not order him to do so much, but only to save the Ships, and beat them back into the Field.

[Page 56] Homer's admonishing the Reader that Achilles's Mother had conceal'd the Circumstance of the Death of his Friend when she instructed him in his Fate; and that all he knew, was only that Troy could not be taken at that time; this is a great Instance of his Care of the Probability, and of his having the whole Plan of the Poem at once in his Head. For upon the Supposition that Achilles was instructed in his Fate, it was a natural Objection, how came he to hazard his Friend? If he was ignorant on the other hand of the Im­possibility of Troy's being taken at that time, he might for all he knew, be robb'd by his Friend (of whose Valour he had so good an Opinion) of that Glory, which he was unwilling to part with.

XXX.

‘VERSE 485. The pensive Steeds of great Achilles, &c.]’ It adds a great Beauty to a Poem when inanimate Things act like animate. Thus the Heavens tremble at Jupiter's Nod, the Sea parts it self to receive Neptune, the Groves of Ida shake beneath Juno's Feet, &c. As also to find ani­mate or brute Creatures addrest to, as if rational: So Hector encourages his Horses; and one of Achilles's is endued not only with Speech, but with Fore-knowledge of future Events. Here they weep for Patroclus, and stand fix'd and unmove­able with Grief: Thus is this Hero universally mourn'd, and every thing concurs to lament his Loss. Eustathius.

As to the particular Fiction of the Horses weeping, it is countenanc'd both by Naturalists and Historians. Ari­stotle and Pliny write, that these Animals often deplore their Masters lost in Battel, and even shed Tears for them. So Solinus c. 47. Aelian relates the like of Elephants, when they are carry'd from their native Countrey, De Animal. lib. 10. c. 17. Suetonius in the Life of Caesar, tells us, that several Horses which at the Passage of the Rubicon had been consecrated to Mars, and turn'd loose on the Banks, were observed for some Days after, to abstain from feeding, and to weep abundantly. Proximis diebus, equorum greges quos in trajiciendo Rubicone flumine Marti consecrârat, ac [Page 57] sine custode vagos dimiserat, comperit pabulo pertinacissimè abstinere, ubertim (que) flere. Cap. 81.

Virgil could not forbear copying this beautiful Circum­stance, in those fine Lines on the Horse of Pallas.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 484. At distance from the Scene of Blood.]’ If the Horses had not gone aside out of the War, Homer could not have introduc'd so well what he design'd to their Ho­nour. So he makes them weeping in secret (as their Master Achilles us'd to do) and afterwards coming into the Battel, where they are taken notice of and pursued by Hector. Eustathius.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 495. Or fix'd, as stands a marble Courser, &c.]’ Homer alludes to the Custom in those Days of placing Co­lumns upon Tombs, on which Columns there were frequently Chariots with two or four Horses. This furnish'd Homer with this beautiful Image, as if these Horses meant to re­main there, to serve for an immortal Monument to Patro­clus. Dacier.

I believe M. Dacier refines too much in this Note. Homer says,— [...], and seems to turn the Thought only on the Firmness of the Column, and not on the Imag'ry of it: Which would give it an Air a little too modern, like that of Shakespear, She sate like Patience on a Monument Smiling at Grief.—Be it as it will, this Conjecture is in­genious; and the whole Comparison is as beautiful as just. The Horses standing still to mourn for their Master, could not be more finely represented than by the dumb Sorrow of Images standing over a Tomb. Perhaps the very Po­sture in which these Horses are described, their Heads bowed [Page 58] down, and their Manes falling in the Dust, has an Allu­sion to the Attitude in which those Statues on Monuments were usually represented: There are Bas-Reliefs that favour this Conjecture.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 522. The Sun shall see Troy conquer.]’ It is worth observing with what Art and Oeconomy Homer conducts his Fable, to bring on the Catastrophe. Achilles must hear Patroclus's Death; Hector must fall by his Hand: This can not happen if the Armies continue fighting about the Body of Patroclus under the Walls of Troy. Therefore, to change the Face of Affairs, Jupiter is going to raise the Courage of the Trojans, and make them repulse and chase the Greeks again as far as their Fleet; this obliges Achilles to go forth tho' without Arms, and thereby every thing comes to an Issue. Dacier.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 555. Scarce their weak Drivers.]’ There was but one Driver, since Alcimedon was alone upon the Chariot; and Automedon was got down to fight. But in Poetry, as well as in Painting, there is often but one Moment to be taken hold on. Hector sees Alcimedon mount the Chariot, before Automedon was descended from it; and thereupon judging of their Intention, and seeing them both as yet up­on the Chariot, he calls to Aeneas. He terms them both Drivers in Mockery, because he saw them take the Reins one after the other; as if he said, that Chariot had two Drivers, but never a Fighter. 'Tis one single Moment that makes this Image. In reading the Poets one often falls in­to great Perplexities, for want of rightly distinguishing the Point of Time in which they speak. Dacier.

The Art of Homer in this whole Passage concerning Au­tomedon, is very remarkable; in finding out the only pro­per Occasion, for so renowned a Person as the Charioteer of Achilles to signalize his Valour.

XXXV.

These beautiful Anticipations are frequent in the Poets, who affect to speak in the Character of Prophets, and Men in­spired with the Knowledge of Futurity. Thus Virgil to Turnus,

So Tasso, Cant. 12. when Argante had vow'd the De­struction of Tancred.

And Milton makes the like Apostrophe to Eve at her leaving Adam before she met the Serpent.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 642. So burns the vengesul Hornet, &c.]’ It is lite­rally in the Greek, she inspir'd the Hero with the Boldness of a Fly. There is no Impropriety in the Comparison, this Animal being of all others the most persevering in its At­tacks, and the most difficult to be beaten off: The Occa­sion also of the Comparison being the resolute Persistance [Page 60] of Menelaus about the dead Body, renders it still the more just. But our present Idea of the Fly is indeed very low, as taken from the Littleness and Insignificancy of this Creature. However, since there is really no Meanness in it, there ought to be none in expressing it; and I have done my best in the Translation to keep up the Dignity of my Author.

XXXVII.

‘VERSE 651. By Hector lov'd, his Comrade and his Guest.]’ Podes the Favourite and Companion of Hector, being kill'd on this Occasion, seems a parallel Circumstance to the Death of Achilles's Favourite and Companion; and was probably put in here on purpose to engage Hector on a like Occasion with Achilles.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 721. Some Hero too must be dispatch'd, &c.]’ It seems odd that they did not sooner send this Message to Achilles; but there is some Apology for it from the Darkness and Dif­ficulty of finding a proper Person. It was not every body that was proper to send but one who was a particuar Friend to Achilles, who might condole with him. Such was Antilochus who is sent afterwards, and who, besides, had that necessary Qualification of being [...]. Eustathius.

XXXIX.

This Thought has been look'd upon as one of the sublimest in Homer: Longinus represents it in this manner. ‘"The thickest Darkness had on a sudden cover'd the Grecian Army, and hinder'd them from fighting: When Ajax, not knowing what Course to take, cries out, Oh Jove! dis­perse this Darkness which covers the Greeks, and if we [Page 61] must perish, let us perish in the Light! This is a Senti­ment truly worthy of Ajax, he does not pray for Life; that had been unworthy a Hero: But because in that Dark­ness he could not employ his Valour to any glorious Pur­pose, and vex'd to stand idle in the Field of Battel, he only prays that the Day may appear, as being assured of putting an end to it worthy his great Heart, tho' Ju­piter himself should happen to oppose his Efforts."’

M. l' Abbè Terasson (in his Dissertation on the Iliad) en­deavours to prove that Longinus has misrepresented the whole Context and Sense of this Passage of Homer. The Fact (says he) is, that Ajax is in a very different Situation in Homer from that wherein Longinus describes him. He has not the least Intention of fighting, he thinks only of finding out some fit Person to send to Achilles; and this Darkness hindering him from seeing such an one, is the occasion of his Prayer. Accordingly it appears by what follows, that as soon as Ju­piter has dispers'd the Cloud, Ajax never falls upon the Ene­my, but in consequence of his former Thought orders Me­nelaus to look for Antilochus, to dispatch him to Achilles with the News of the Death of his Friend. Longinus (continues this Author) had certainly forgot the Place from whence he took this Thought; and it is not the first Citation from Homer which the Ancients have quoted wrong. Thus Ari­stotle attributes to Calypso, the Words of Ulysses in the twelfth Book of the Odysseis; and confounds together two Passages, one of the second, the other of the fifteenth Book of the Iliad. [ Ethic. ad Nicom. l. 2. c. 9. and l. 3. c. 11.] And thus Cicero ascribed to Agamemnon a long Discourse of Ulysses in the second Iliad; [ De divinatione l. 2.] and cited as Ajax's, the Speech of Hector in the seventh. [See Aul. Gellius l. 15. c. 6.] One has no cause to wonder at this, since the Ancients having Homer almost by heart, were for that very Reason the more subject to mistake in citing him by Memory.

To this I think one may answer, that granting it was partly the Occasion of Ajax's Prayer to obtain Light, in order to send to Achilles (which he afterwards does) yet the Thought which Longinus attributes to him, is very consistent with it; and the last Line expresses nothing else but an [Page 62] heroic Desire rather to die in the Light, than escape with Safety in the Darkness.

But indeed the whole Speech is only meant to paint the Con­cern and Distress of a brave General: The Thought of send­ing a Messenger is only a Result from that Concern and Distress, and so but a small Circumstance; which cannot be said to occasion the Pray'r.

Mons. Boileau has translated this Passage in two Lines.

And Mr. la Motte yet better in one.

But both these (as Dacier very justly observes) are contrary to Homer's Sense. He is far from representing Ajax of such a daring Impiety, as to bid Jupiter combate against him; but only makes him ask for Light, that if it be his Will the Greeks shall perish, they may perish in open Day. [...]—(says he) that is, abandon us, withdraw from us your Assi­stance; for those who are deserted by Jove must perish infalli­bly: This Decorum of Homer ought to have been preserv'd.

XL.

‘VERSE 756. The mildest Manners, and the gentlest Heart.]’ This is a fine Elogium of Patroclus: Homer dwells upon it on purpose, lest Achilles's Character should be mistaken; and shews by the Praises he bestows here upon Goodness, that Achilles's Character is not commendable for Morality. Achil­les's Manners, entirely opposite to those of Patroclus, are not morally good; they are only poetically so, that is to say, they are well mark'd; and discover before-hand what Resolutions [Page 63] that Hero will take: As hath been at large explain'd upon Aristotle's Poeticks. Dacier.

XLI.

‘VERSE 781. The youthful Warrior heard with silent Woe.]’ Homer ever represents an Excess of Grief by a deep Horrour, Silence, Weeping, and not enquiring into the manner of the Friend's Death: Nor could Antilochus have express'd his Sor­row in any manner so moving as Silence. Eustathius.

XLII.

‘VERSE 785. To brave Laodocus his Arms he flung.]’ An­tilochus leaves his Armour, not only that he might make the more haste, but (as the Ancients conjecture) that he might not be thought to be absent by the Enemies; and that see­ing his Armour on some other Person, they might think him still in the Fight. Eustathius.

XLIII.

This is an ingenious way of making the Valour of Achilles appear the greater; who, tho' without Arms, goes forth, in the next Book, contrary to the Expe­ctation of Ajax and Menelaus. Dacier.

XLIV.

VERSE 825, &c. This Heap of Images which Homer throws together at the End of this Book, makes the same Action appear with a very beautiful Variety. The Description of the burning of a City is short but very lively. That of Ajax alone bringing up the Rear Guard, and shielding those [Page 64] that bore the Body of Patroclus from the whole Trojan Host, gives a prodigious Idea of Ajax; and as Homer has often hint­ed, makes him just second to Achilles. The Image of the Beam paints the great Stature of Patroclus: That of the Hill dividing the Stream is noble and natural.

He compares the Ajaxes to a Boar, for their Fierceness and Boldness; to a long Bank that keeps off the Course of the Waters, for their standing firm and immoveable in the Bat­tel: Those that carry the dead Body, to Mules dragging a vast Beam thro' rugged Paths, for their Laboriousness: The Body carried, to a Beam, for being heavy and inani­mate: The Trojans to Dogs, for their Boldness; and to Wa­ter for their Agility and moving backwards and forwards: The Greeks to a Flight of Starlings and Jays, for their Ti­morousness, and Swiftness. Eustathius.

I.

‘VERSE 1. Thus like the Rage of Fire, &c.]’ This Phrase is usual in our Author, to signify a sharp Battel fought with Heat and Fury on both parts; such an Engagement like a Flame, preying upon all sides, and dying the sooner, the fiercer it burns. Eu­stathius.

II.

‘VERSE 6. On hoisted Yards.]’ The Epithet [...] in this Place has a more than ordinary Sgnification. It implies that the Sail-yards were hoisted up, and Achilles's Ships on the point to set sail. This shews that it was purely in Compliance to his Friend that he permitted him to succour the Greeks; he meant to leave 'em as soon as Patroclus return'd; he still remember'd what he told the Embassadors in the ninth Book; ℣. 360. To morrow you shall see my Fleet set sail. Accordingly this is the Day appointed, and he is fix'd to his Resolution: This Circumstance wonder­fully strengthens his implacable Character.

III.

‘VERSE 7. Pensive he sate.]’ Homer in this artful man­ner prepares Achilles for the fatal Message, and gives him these Forebodings of his Misfortunes, that they might be no less than he expected.

His Expressions are suitable to his Concern, and deliver'd confusedly. ‘"I bad him (says he) after he had sav'd the Ships, and repuls'd the Trojans, to return back, and not en­gage himself too far."’ Here he breaks off, when he should have added; ‘"But he was so unfortunate as to forget my Advice."’ As he is reasoning with himself, Antilochus comes in, which makes him leave the Sense imperfect. Eustathius.

IV.

It may be objected, that Achilles seems to contradict what had been said in the foregoing Book, that Thetis conceal'd from her Son the Death of Patroclus in her Prediction. Whereas here he says, that she had foretold he should lose the bravest of the Thessalians. There is nothing in this but what is natural and common among Mankind: And it is still more agreeable to the hasty and inconsiderate Temper of Achilles, not to have made that Reflection till it was too late. Prophecies are only Marks of divine Pre­science, not Warnings to prevent human Misfortunes; for if they were, they must hinder their own Accomplishment.

V.

‘VERSE 21. Sad Tydings, Son of Peleus!]’ This Speech of Antilochus ought to serve as a Model for the Brevity with which so dreadful a piece of News ought to be deliver'd; for in two Verses it comprehends [Page 105] the whole Affair, the Death of Patroclus, the Person that kill'd him, the Contest for his Body, and his Arms in the Possession of the Enemy. Besides, it shou'd be observ'd that Grief has so crowded his Words, that in these two Verses he leaves the Verb [...], they fight, without its No­minative, the Greeks or Trojans. Homer observes this Bre­vity upon all the like Occasions. The Greek Tragic Poets have not always imitated this Discretion. In great Distresses there is nothing more ridiculous than a Messenger who be­gins a long Story with pathetic Descriptions; he speaks with­out being heard; for the Person to whom he addresses him­self has no time to attend him: The first Word, which dis­covers to him his Misfortune, has made him deaf to all the rest. Eustathius.

VI.

‘VERSE 25. A sudden Horrour, &c.]’ A modern French Writer has drawn a Parallel of the Conduct of Homer and Virgil, in relation to the Deaths of Patroclus and of Pallas. The latter is kill'd by Turnus, as the former by Hector; Turnus triumphs in the Spoils of the one, as Hector is clad in the Arms of the other; Aeneas revenges the Death of Pallas by that of Turnus, as Achilles the Death of Patro­clus by that of Hector. The Grief of Achilles in Homer on the score of Patroclus, is much greater than that of Aeneas in Virgil, for the sake of Pallas. Achilles gives himself up to Despair with a Weakness which Plato could not pardon in him, and which can only be excus'd on ac­count of the long and close Friendship between 'em: That of Aeneas is more discreet, and seems more worthy of a Hero. It was not possible that Aeneas could be so deeply interested for any Man, as Achilles was interested for Pa­troclus: For Virgil had no Colour to kill Ascanius, who was little more than a Child; besides, that his Hero's In­terest in the War of Italy was great enough of itself, not to need to be animated by so touching a Concern as the fear of losing his Son. On the other hand, Achil­les having but very little personal Concern in the War of [Page 106] Troy (as he had told Agamemnon in the beginning of the Poem) and knowing, besides, that he was to perish there, required some very pressing Motive to engage him to per­sist in it, after such Disgusts and Insults as he had received. It was this which made it necessary for these two great Poets to treat a Subject so much in their own Nature alike, in a manner so different. But as Virgil found it admirable in Homer, he was willing to approach it, as near as the Oeco­nomy of his Work would permit.

VII.

‘VERSE 27. Cast on the Ground, &c.]’ This is a fine Pi­cture of the Grief of Achilles: We see on the one hand, the Posture in which the Hero receives the News of his Friend's Death; he falls upon the Ground, he rends his Hair, he snatches the Ashes and casts them on his Head, according to the manner of those Times; (but what much enlivens it in this place, is his sprinkling Embers instead of Ashes in the Violence of his Passion.) On the other side, the Cap­tives are running from their Tents, ranging themselves about him, and answering to his Groans: Beside him stands An­tilochus, fetching deep Sighs, and hanging on the Arms of the Hero, for fear his Despair and Rage should cause some desperate Attempt upon his own Life: There is no Paint­er but will be touch'd with this Image.

VIII.

‘VERSE 33. The Virgin Captives.]’ The captive Maids la­mented either in Pity for their Lord, or in Gratitude to the Memory of Patroclus, who was remarkable for his Good­ness and Affability; or under these Pretences mourn'd for their own Misfortunes and Slavery. Eustathius.

IX.

‘VERSE 75. Like some fair Plant, beneath my careful Hand.]’ This Passage, where the Mother compares her Son to a ten­der Plant, rais'd and preserv'd with Care; has a most remar­kable Resemblance to that in the Psalms, Thy Children like Branches of Olive Trees round thy Table. Psal. 127.

X.

‘VERSE 100, 125. The two Speeches of Achilles to Thetis.]’ It is not possible to imagine more lively and beautiful Strokes of Nature and Passion, than those which our Author ascribes to Achilles throughout these admirable Speeches. They contain all, that the truest Friend, the most tender Son, and the most generous Hero, could think or express in this delicate and affecting Circumstance. He shews his Ex­cess of Love to his Mother, by wishing he had never been born or known to the World, rather than she should have endur'd so many Sufferings on his account: He shews no less Love for his Friend, in resolving to revenge his Death upon Hector, tho' his own would immediately follow. We see him here ready to meet his Fate for the sake of his Friend, and in the Odysseis we find him wishing to live again only to maintain his Father's Honour against his Enemies: Thus he values neither Life nor Death, but as they conduce to the Good of his Friend and Parents, or the Encrease of his Glory.

After having calmly consider'd the present State of his Life, he deliberately embraces his approaching Fate; and comforts himself under it, by a Reflection on those great Men, whom neither their illustrious Actions, nor their Af­finity to Heaven, could save from the general Doom. A Thought very natural to him, whose Business it was in Peace to sing their Praises, and in War to imitate their Acti­ons. Achilles, like a Man passionate of Glory, takes none but the finest Models; he thinks of Hercules, who was the [Page 108] Son of Jupiter, and who had fill'd the Universe with the Noise of his immortal Actions: These are the Sentiments of a real Hero. Eustathius.

XI.

‘VERSE 137. Let me—But oh ye gracious Powers &c.]’ Achilles's Words are these; ‘"Now since I am never to re­turn home, and since I lie here an useless Person, losing my best Friend, and exposing the Greeks to so many Dan­gers by my own Folly; I who am superior to them all in Battel’—Here he breaks off, and says—May Contention pe­rish everlastingly, &c. Achilles leaves the Sentence thus sus­pended, either because in his Heat he had forgot what he was speaking of, or because he did not know how to end it; for he should have said,— ‘"Since I have done all this, I'll perish to revenge him:"’ Nothing can be finer than this sud­den Execration against Discord and Revenge, which breaks from the Hero in the deep Sense of the Miseries those Passi­ons had occasion'd him.

Achilles could not be ignorant that he was superior to others in Battel; and it was therefore no Fault in him to say so. But he is so ingenuous as to give himself no far­ther Commendation than what he undoubtedly merited; con­fessing at the same time, that many exceeded him in Speak­ing: Unless one may take this as said in contempt of Ora­tory, not unlike that of Virgil,

XII.

‘VERSE 153. Let me this instant.]’ I shall have time enough for inglorious Rest when I am in the Grave, but now I must act like a living Hero: I shall indeed lie down in Death, but at the same time rise higher in Glory. Eustathius.

XIII.

‘VERSE 162. That all shall know, Achilles.]’ There is a great Stress on [...] and [...]. They shall soon find that their Victories have been owing to the long Absence of a Hero, and that Hero Achilles. Upon which the Ancients have observ'd, that since Achilles's Anger there past in reality but a few Days: To which it may be reply'd, that so short a Time as this might well seem long to Achilles, who thought all unactive Hours tedious and insupportable; and if the Poet himself had said that Achilles was long absent, he had not said it because a great many Days had past, but because so great a Variety of Incidents had happen'd in that Time. Eustathius.

XIV.

VERSE 217.—This Promise of Thetis to present her Son with a new Suit of Armour, was the most artful Method of hindering him from putting immediately in practice his Re­solutions of fighting, which according to his violent Man­ners, he must have done: Therefore the Interposition of Thetis here was absolutely necessary; it was Dignus vindice nodus.

XV.

‘VERSE 219. Who sends thee Goddess, &c.]’ Achilles is ama­zed, that a Moment after the Goddess his Mother had for­bid him fighting, he shou'd receive a contrary Order from the Gods: Therefore he asks what God sent her? Dacier.

XVI.

‘VERSE 226. Arms I have none.]’ It is here objected against Homer, that since Patroclus took Achilles' Armour, Achilles could not want Arms while he had those of Patroclus; but [Page 110] (besides that Patroclus might have given his Armour to his Squire Automedon, the better to deceive the Trojans by making them take Automedon for Patroclus, as they took Patroclus for A­chilles) this Objection may be very solidly answer'd by say­ing that Homer has prevented it, since he made Achilles's Armour fit Patroclus's Body not without a Miracle, which the Gods wrought in his Favour. Furthermore, it does not follow that because the Armour of a large Man fits one that is smaller, the Armour of a little Man shou'd fit one that is larger. Eustathius.

XVII.

‘VERSE 230. Except the mighty Telamonian Shield.]’ A­chilles seems not to have been of so large a Stature as Ajax: Yet his Shield 'tis likely might be fit enough for him, because his great Strength was sufficient to wield it. This Passage, I think, might have been made use of by the Defenders of the Shield of Achilles against the Criticks, to shew that Homer intended the Buckler of his Hero for a very large one: And one would think he put it into this place, just a little before the Description of that Shield, on purpose to obviate that Objection.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 236. But as thou art, unarm'd]’ A Hero so violent and so outragious as Achilles, and who had just lost the Man he lov'd best in the World, is not likely to refuse shewing himself to the Enemy, for the single Rea­son of having no Armour. Grief and Despair in a great Soul are not so prudent and reserv'd; but then on the other side, he is not to throw himself in the midst of so many Enemies arm'd and flush'd with Victory. Homer gets out of this nice Circumstance with great Dexterity, and gives to Achilles's Character every thing he ought to give it, with­out offending either against Reason or Probability. He judici­ously feigns, that Juno sent this Order to Achilles, for Juno is [Page 111] the Goddess of Royalty, who has the Care of Princes and Kings; and who inspires them with the Sense of what they owe to their Dignity and Character. Dacier.

XIX.

‘VERSE 237. Let but Achilles o'er yon' Trench appear.]’ There cannot be a greater Instance, how constantly Homer carry'd his whole Design in his Head, as well as with what admirable Art he raises one great Idea upon another, to the highest Sublime, than this Passage of Achilles's Appearance to the Army, and the Preparations by which we are led to it. In the thirteenth Book, when the Trojans have the Vi­ctory, they check their Pursuit of it, in the mere Thought that Achilles sees them: In the sixteenth, they are put into the utmost Consternation at the sight of his Armour and Chariot: In the seventeenth, Menelaus and Ajax are in De­spair, on the Consideration that Achilles cannot succour them for want of Armour: In the present Book, beyond all Ex­pectation he does but shew him unarm'd, and the very Sight of him gives the Victory to Greece: How extremely noble is this Gradation!

XX.

‘VERSE 245. The Smokes high-curling.]’ For Fires in the Day appear nothing but Smoak, and in the Night Flames are visible because of the Darkness. And thus it is said in Exodus, That God led his People in the Day with a Pil­lar of Smoak, and in the Night with a Pillar of Fire. Per Diem in Columna nubis, & per Noctem in Columna ignis. Dacier.

XXI.

‘VERSE 247. Seen from some Island.]’ Homer makes choice of a Town placed in an Island, because such a Place being besieg'd has no other Means of making its Distress [Page 112] known than by Signals of Fire; whereas a Town upon the Continent has other Means to make known to its Neigh­bours the Necessity it is in. Dacier.

XXII.

‘VERSE 259. As the loud Trumpets, &c.]’ I have already observ'd, that when the Poet speaks as from himself, he may be allow'd to take his Comparisons from things which were not known before his Time. Here he borrows a Com­parison from the Trumpet, as he has elsewhere done from Saddle-Horses, tho' neither one nor the other were us'd in Greece at the time of the Trojan War. Virgil was less exact in this respect, for he describes the Trumpet as used in the sacking of Troy,

And celebrates Misenus as the Trumpeter of Aeneas. But as Virgil wrote at a time more remote from those heroic Ages, perhaps this Liberty may be excused. But a Poet had better confine himself to Customs and Manners, like a Painter; and it is equally a Fault in either of them to ascribe to Times and Nations any thing with which they were unacquainted.

One may add an Oservation to this Note of M. Dacier, that the Trumpet's not being in use at that time, makes very much for Homer's Purpose in this Place. The Terror rais'd by the Voice of his Hero, is much the more strong­ly imag'd by a Sound that was unusual, and capable of striking more from its very Novelty.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 315. If but the Morrow's Sun, &c.]’ Polydamas says in the Original, ‘"If Achilles comes to morrow in his Armour.’ There seems to lye an Objection against this Pas­sage, [Page 113] for Polydamas knew that Achilles's Armour was won by Hector, he must also know that no other Man's Armour would fit him; how then could he know that new Arms were made for him that very Night? Those who are re­solv'd to defend Homer, may answer, it was by his Skill in Prophecy; but to me, this seems to be a Slip of our Au­thor's Memory, and one of those little Nods which Horace speaks of.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 333. The Speech of Hector.]’ Hector in this severe Answer to Polydamas, takes up several of his Words and turns them another way.

Polydamas had said [...], ‘"To Morrow by break of Day let us put on our Arms, and defend the Castles and City-Walls,"’ to which Hector replies, [...], ‘"To Morrow by break of Day let us put on our Arms, not to defend our selves at home, but to fight the Greeks before their own Ships.’

Polydamas, speaking of Achilles, had said [...], &c. ‘"if he comes after we are within the Walls of our City, 'twill be the worse for him, for he may drive round the City long enough before he can hurt us."’ To which, Hector answers; ‘"If Achilles should come [...], &c. 'Twill be "the worse for him, as you say, because I'll fight him: [...], says Hector, in reply to Polydamas's Saying, [...].’ But Hector is not so far gone in Passion or Pride, as to forget himself; and accordingly in the next Lines he modestly puts it in doubt, which of them shall conquer. Eustathius.

XXV.

‘VERSE 340. Sunk were her Treasures, and her Stores decay'd.]’ As well by reason of the Convoys, which were necessarily to be sent for with ready Money; as by reason of the great [Page 114] Allowances which were to be given to the auxiliary Troops, who came from Phrygia and Maeonia. Hector's Meaning is, that since all the Riches of Troy are exhausted, it is no longer necessary to spare themselves, or shut themselves up within their Walls. Dacier.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 349. If there be one, &c,]’ This noble and ge­nerous Proposal is worthy of Hector, and at the same time very artful to ingratiate himself with the Soldiers. Eustathius farther observes that it is said with an Eye to Polydamas, as accusing him of being rich, and of not opening the Ad­vice he had given, for any other End than to preserve his great Wealth; for Riches commonly make Men Cowards, and the Desire of saving them has often occasion'd Men to give Advice very contrary to the publick Welfare.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 379. In what vain Promise.]’ The Lamentation of Achilles over the Body of Patroclus is exquisitely touch'd: It is Sorrow in the extreme, but the Sorrow of Achilles. It is nobly usher'd in by that Simile of the Grief of the Lion: An Idea which is fully answer'd in the savage and bloody Conclusion of this Speech. One would think by the Beginning of it, that Achilles did not know his Fate, till after his Departure from Opuntium; and yet how does that agree with what is said of his Choice of the short and active Life, rather than the long and inglorious one? Or did not he flatter himself sometimes, that his Fate might be changed? This may be conjectur'd from several other Pas­sages, and is indeed the most natural Solution.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 404. Cleanse the pale Corse, &c.]’ This Custom of washing the Dead, is continu'd amongst the Greeks to this Day; and 'tis a pious Duty perform'd by the dearest Friend [Page 115] or Relation, to see it wash'd and anointed with a Perfume, af­ter which they cover it with Linen exactly in the manner here related.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 417. Jupiter and Juno.]’ Virgil has coppy'd the Speech of Juno to Jupiter. Ast ego quae divûm incedo Regina, &c. But it is exceeding remarkable, that Homer should upon eve­ry Occasion make Marriage and Discord inseperable: 'Tis an unalterable Rule with him, to introduce the Husband and Wife in a Quarrel.

XXX.

‘VERSE 440. Full twenty Tripods.]’ Tripods were Vessels supported on three Feet, with Handles on the Sides; they were of several Kinds, and for several Uses; some were consecrated to Sacrifices, some used as Tables, some as Seats, others hung up as Ornaments on Walls of Houses or Tem­ples; these of Vulcan have an Addition of Wheels, which was not usual, which intimates them to be made with Clock­work. Mons. Dacier has commented very well on this Pas­sage. If Vulcan (says he) had made ordinary Tripods, they had not answer'd the Greatness, Power, and Skill of a God. It was therefore necessary that his Work should be above that of Men: To effect this, the Tripods were animated, and in this Homer doth not deviate from the Probability; for every one is fully persuaded, that a God can do things more difficult than these, and that all Matter will obey him. What has not been said of the Statues of Daedalus? Plato writes, that they walked alone, and if they had not taken care to tie them, they would have got loose, and run from their Master. If a Writer in Prose can speak hyperbollically of a Man, may not Homer do it much more of a God? Nay, this Circumstance with which Homer has embellish'd his Poem, would have had nothing too surprizing tho' these Tripods had been made by a Man; for what may not be done in Clock-work by an exact Management of Springs? [Page 116] This Criticism is then ill grounded, and Homer does not deserve the Ridicule they would cast on him.

The same Author applies to this Passage of Homer that Rule of Aristotle, Poetic. Chap. 26. which deserves to be al­ledged at large on this Occasion.

‘"When a Poet is accus'd of saying any thing that is im­possible; we must examine that Impossibility, either with respect to Poetry, with respect to that which is best, or with respect to common Fame. First, with regard to Poe­try, The Probable Impossible ought to be preferr'd to the Possible, which bath no Verisimilitude, and which would not be believ'd; and 'tis thus that Zeuxis painted his Pieces. Secondly, with respect to that which is best, We see that a thing is most excellent and more wonderful this way, and that the Originals ought always to surpass. Lastly, in respect to Fame, It is prov'd that the Poet need on­ly follow common Opinion. All that appears absurd may be also justify'd by one of these three ways; or else by the Maxim we have already laid down, that it is probable, that a great many things may happen against Proba­bility."’

A late Critick has taken notice of the Conformity of this Passage of Homer with that in the first Chapter of Ezekiel, The Spirit of the living Creatures was in the Wheels; when those went, these went, and when those stood, these stood; and when those were listed up, the Wheels were lifted up over against them; for the Spirit of the living Creature was in the Wheels.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 450. A Footstool at her Feet.]’ It is at this Day the usual Honour paid amongst the Greeks, to a Visiter of supe­perior Quality, to set them higher than the rest of the Com­pany, and put a Footstool under their Feet. See Note 25. on Book 14. This, with innumerable other Customs, are still preserv'd in the Eastern Nations.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 460. Vulcan draw near, 'tis Thetis asks your Aid.]’ The Story the Ancients tell, of Plato's Application of this Verse is worth observing. That great Philosopher had in his Youth a strong Inclination to Poetry, and not being satisfy'd to compose little Pieces of Gallantry and Amour, he tried his Forces in Tragedy and Epic Poetry; but the Suc­cess was not answerable to his Hopes: He compared his Per­formance with that of Homer, and was very sensible of the Difference. He therefore abandon'd a sort of Writing where­in at best he could only be the second, and turn'd his Views to an other, wherein he despaired not to become the first. His Anger transported him so far, as to cast all his Verses into the Fire. But while he was burning them, he could not help citing a Verse of the very Poet who had caus'd his Chagrin. It was the present Line, which Homer has put into the Mouth of Charis, when Thetis demands Arms for Achilles.

Plato only inserted his own Name instead of that of Thetis.

If we credit the Ancients, it was the Discontentment his own Poetry gave him, that rais'd in him all the Indignation he afterwards express'd against the Art itself. In which (say they) he behaved like those Lovers, who speak ill of the Beauties whom they cannot prevail upon. Fraguier, Parall. de Hom. & de Platon.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 461. Thetis (reply'd the God) our Pow'rs may claim, &c.’ Vulcan throws by his Work to perform Thetis's Request, who had laid former Obligations upon him; the Poet in this [Page 118] Example giving us an excellent Precept, that Gratitude should take place of all other Concerns.

The Motives which should engage a God in a new Tra­vel in the Night-time upon a Suit of Armour for a Mor­tal, ought to be strong; and therefore artfully enough put upon the foot of Gratitude: Besides, they afford at the same time a noble Occasion for Homer to retail his Theology, which he is always very fond of.

The Allegory of Vulcan, or Fire (according to Heraclides) is this. His Father is Jupiter, or the Aether, his Mother Juno, or the Air, from whence he fell to us, whether by Lightning, or otherwise. He is said to be lame, that is, to want Support, because he cannot subsist without the continual Subsistance of Fuel. The Aetherial Fire, Homer calls Sol or Jupiter, the inferior Vulcan; the one wants nothing of Perfection, the other is subject to Decay, and is restor'd by Accession of Materials. Vulcan is said to fall from Heaven, because at first, when the Opportunity of obtaining Fire was not so frequent, Men prepared Instruments of Brass, by which they collected the Beams of the Sun; or else they gain'd it from accidental Lightning, that set fire to some combustible Matter. Vulcan had perish'd when he fell from Heaven unless Thetis and Eurynome had received him; that is, unless he had been preserv'd by falling into some convenient Re­ceptacle, or subterranean Place; and so was afterwards distri­buted for the common Necessities of Mankind. To under­stand these strange Explications, it must be known, that Thetis is deriv'd from [...] to lay up, and Eurynome from [...] and [...], a wide Distribution. They are call'd Daughters of the Ocean, because the Vapours and Exhalations of the Sea forming themselves into Clouds, find Nourishment for Light­nings.

XXXIV.

It is very probable, that Homer took the Idea of these from the Statues of Daedalus, which might be extant in his Time. [Page 119] The Ancients tell us, they were made to imitate Life, in rolling their Eyes, and in all other Motions. From whence indeed it should seem, that the Excellency of Daedalus con­sisted in what we call Clock-work, or the Management of moving Figures by Springs, rather than in Sculpture or Image­ry: And accordingly, the Fable of his fitting Wings to himself and his Son, is form'd entirely upon the Founda­tion of the former.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 518. Robb'd of the Prize, &c.]’ Thetis to compass her Design, recounts every thing to the Advantage of her Son; she therefore suppresses the Episode of the Embassy, the Prayers that had been made use of to move him, and all that the Greeks had suffer'd after the Return of the Am­bassadors; and artfully puts together two very distant things, as if they had follow'd each other in the same Moment. He declin'd, says she, to succour the Greeks, but he sent Patroclus. Now between his refusing to help the Greeks, and his sending Patroclus, terrible things had fallen out; but she suppresses them, for fear of offending Vulcan with the recital of Achilles's inflexible Obduracy, and thereby create in that God an Aversion to her Son. Eustathius.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 526. Then slain by Phoebus (Hector had the Name)’ It is a Passage worth taking notice of, that Brutus is said to have consulted the Sortes Homericae, and to have drawn one of these Lines, wherein the Death of Patroclus is ascribed to Apollo: After which, unthinkingly, he gave the Name of that God for the Word of Battel. This is remarked as an unfortunate Omen by some of the Ancients, tho' I forget where I met with it.

XXXVII.

‘VERSE 537. The Father of the Fires, &c.]’ The Ancients (says Eustathius) have largely celebrated the philosophical My­steries [Page 120] which they imagined to be shadowed under these Descri­ptions, especially Damo (suppos'd the Daughter of Pythagoras) whose Explication is as follows. Thetis, who receives the Arms, means the apt Order and Disposition of all things in the Crea­tion. By the Fire and the Wind rais'd by the Bellows, are meant Air and Fire the most active of all the Elements. The Emanations of the Fire are those golden Maids, that wait­ed on Vulcan. The circular Shield is the World, being of a sphaerical Figure. The Gold, the Brass, the Silver, and the Tin are the Elements: Gold is Fire, the firm Brass is Earth, the Silver is Air, and the soft Tin, Water. And thus far (say they) Homer speaks a little obscurely, but afterwards he names 'em expressly, [...], to which, for the fourth Element, you must add Vulcan, who makes the Shield. The extreme Circle that run round the Shield which he calls splendid and threefold, is the Zodiack; three­fold for its Breadth, within which all the Planets move; splendid, because the Sun passes always thro' the midst of it. The silver Handle by which the Shield is fastened at both Extremities, is the Axis of the World, imagin'd to pass thro it, and upon which it turns. The five folds are those pa­rallel Circles that divide the World, the Polar, the Tro­picks, and the Aequator.

Heraclides Ponticus thus pursues the Allegory. Homer (says he) makes the working of his Shield, that is the World, to be begun by Night, as indeed all Matter lay undistinguish'd in an original and universal Night; which is called Chaos by the Poets.

To bring the matter of the Shield to Separation and Form, Vulcan presides over the Work, or as we may say, an essential Warmth: All things, says Heraclitus, being made by the Operation of Fire.

And because the Architect is at this time to give a Form and Ornament to the World he is making, it is not rashly that he is said to be married to one of the Graces.

[Page 121] Thus in the Beginning of the World, he first lays the Earth as the Foundation of a Building, whose Vacancies are fill'd up with the Flowings of the Sea. Then he spreads out the Sky for a kind of divine Roof over it, and lights the Elements, now separated from their former Confusion, with the Sun, the Moon,

Where, by the Word crown, which gives the Idea of Round­ness, he again hints at the Figure of the World; and tho' he cou'd not particularly name the Stars like Aratus (who pro­fess'd to write upon them) yet he has not omitted to men­tion the principal. From hence he passes to represent two Allegorical Cities, one of Peace, the other of War; Empe­docles seems to have taken from Homer his Assertion, that all Things had their Original from Strife and Friendship.

All these Refinements (not to call 'em absolute Whimsies) I leave just as I found 'em, to the Reader's Judgment or Mercy.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 566. Nor bends his blazing Forehead to the Main.]’ The Criticks have made use of this Passage, to prove that Homer was ignorant of Astronomy; since he believ'd, that the Bear was the only Constellation which never bathed itself in the Ocean, that is to say that did not set, and was al­ways visible; for say they, this is common to other Con­stellations of the Artick Circle, as the lesser Bear, the Dra­gon, the greatest part of Cepheus, &c. To salve Homer, Ari­stotle answers, That he calls it the only one, to shew that 'tis the only one of those Constellations he had spoken of, or that he has put the only, for the principal or the most known. Strabo justifies this after another manner, in the Beginning of his first Book, ‘"Under the Name of the Bear and the Chariot, Homer comprehends all the Artick Circle; for there being several other Stars in that Circle which never set, he could not say, that the Bear was the only [Page 122] one which did not bath itself in the Ocean; wherefore those are deceived, who accuse the Poet of Ignorance, as if he knew one Bear only when there are two; for the lesser was not found out in his Time. The Phoeni­cians were the first who observ'd it and made use of it in their Navigation; and the Figure of that Sign passed from them to the Greeks: The same thing happen'd in regard to the Constellation of Berenice's Hair, and that of Ca­nopus, which receiv'd those Names very lately; and as Aratus says well, there are several other Stars which have no Names. Crates was then in the wrong to endeavour to correct this Passage, in putting [...] for [...], for he tries to avoid that which there is no occasion to avoid. He­raclitus did better, who put the Bear for the Artick Circle as Homer has done. The Bear (says he) is the Limit of the rising and setting of the Stars."’ Now it is the Artic Circle, and not the Bear which is that Limit. ‘"'Tis therefore evident, that by the Word Bear, which he calls the Wag­gon, and which he says observes Orion, he understands the Artick Circle; that by the Ocean he means the Horizon where the Stars rise and set; and by those Words, which turns in the same place, and doth not bath itself in the Ocean, he shews that the Artick Circle is the most Northern Part of the Horizon, &c.’ Dacier on Arist.

Mons. Terasson combates this Passage with great Warmth. But it will be a sufficient Vindication of our Author to say, that some other Constellations, which are likewise perpetually above the Horizon in the Latitude where Homer writ, were not at that time discovered; and that whether Homer knew that the Bear's not setting was occasion'd by the Latitude, and that in a smaller Latitude it would set, is of no con­sequence; for if he had known it, it was still more poeti­cal not to take notice of it.

XXXIX.

‘VERSE 467. Two Cities, &c.]’ In one of these Cities are represented all the Advantages of Peace: And it was im­possible [Page 123] to have chosen two better Emblems of Peace, than Marriages and Justice. 'Tis said this City was Athens, for Marriages were first instituted there by Cecrops; and Judgment upon Murder was first founded there. The ancient State of Attica seems represented in the neighbouring Fields, where the Ploughers and Reapers are at work, and a King is overlooking them; for Triptolemus who reigned there, was the first who sowed Corn: This was the Imagination of Agallias Cercyreus, as we find him cited by Eustathius.

XL.

‘VERSE 579. The Fine discharg'd.]’ Murder was not al­ways punish'd with Death, or so much as Banishment; but when some Fine was paid, the Criminal was suffer'd to remain in the City. So Iliad 9.

XLI.

‘VERSE 590. The Prize of him who best adjudg'd the Right.]’ Eustathius informs us, that it was anciently the Custom to have a Reward given to that Judge who pronounced the best Sentence. M. Dacier opposes this Authority, and will have it, that this Reward was given to the Person who upon the Decision of the Suit appear'd to have the justest Cause. The Difference between these two Customs, in the Reason of the thing, is very great: For the one must have been an En­couragement to Justice, the other a Provocation to Dissen­sion. [Page 124] It were to be wanting in a due Reverence to the Wis­dom of the Ancients, and of Homer in particular, not to chuse the former Sense: And I have the Honour to be con­firmed in this Opinion, by the ablest Judge, as well as the best Practiser, of Equity, my Lord Harcourt, at whose Seat I translated this Book.

XLII.

‘VERSE 591. Another Part (a Prospect diff'rent far, &c.]’ The same Agallias, cited above, would have this City in War to be meant of Eleusina, but upon very slight Reasons. What is wonderful is, that all the Accidents and Events of War are set before our Eyes in this short Compass. The several Scenes are excellently dispos'd to represent the whole Affair. Here is in the space of thirty Lines a Siege, a Sally, an Am­bush, the Surprize of a Convoy, and a Battel; with scarce a single Circumstance proper to any of these, omitted.

XLIII.

‘VERSE 627. A Field deep-furrow'd, &c.]’ Here begin the Descriptions of rural Life, in which Homer appears as great a Master as in the great and terrible Parts of Poetry. One wou'd think, he did this on purpose to rival his Con­temporary Hesiod, on those very Subjects to which his Ge­nius was particularly bent. Upon this Occasion, I must take notice of that Greek Poem, which is commonly ascri­bed to Hesiod under the Title of [...]. Some of the Ancients mention such a Work as Hesiod's, but that amounts to no Proof that this is the same: Which indeed is not an express Poem upon the Shield of Hercules, but Fragment of the Story of that Hero. What regards the Shield is a manifest Copy from this of Achilles; and con­sequently it is not of Hesiod. For if he was not more Ancient, he was at least Contemporary with Homer: And neither of them could be supposed to borrow so shamelesly from the other, not only the Plan of entire Descriptions, (as [Page 125] those of the Marriage, the Harvest, the Vineyard, the Ocean round the Margin, &c.) but also whole Verses together: Those of the Parca in the Battel, are repeated Word for Word,

And indeed half the Poem is but a sort of Cento compos'd out of Homer's Verses. The Reader needs only cast an Eye on these two Descriptions, to see the vast Difference of the Original and the Copy; and I dare say he will rea­dily agree with the Sentiment of Monsieur Dacier, in ap­plying to them that famous Verse of Sannazarius,

XLIV.

VERSE id.] I ought not to forget the many apparent Allusions to the Descriptions on this Shield, which are to be found in those Pictures of Peace and War, the City and Countrey, in the eleventh Book of Milton: Who was doubt­less fond of any Occasion to shew, how much he was charm'd with the Beauty of all these lively Images. He makes his Angel paint those Objects which he shews to Adam, in the Colours, and almost the very Strokes of Homer. Such is that Passage of the Harvest-field,

That of the Marriages,

[Page 126] But more particularly, the following Lines are in a manner a Translation of our Author.

XLV.

‘VERSE 645. The rustic Monarch of the Field.]’ Dacier takes this to be a piece of Ground given to a Hero in reward of his Services. It was in no respect unworthy such a Person, in those Days, to see his Harvest got in, and to overlook his Reapers: It is very conformable to the Manners of the ancient Patriarchs, such as they are de­scrib'd to us in the Holy Scriptures.

XLVI.

‘VERLE 662. The Fate of Linus.]’ There are two Interpre­tations of this Verse in the Original: That which I have chosen is confirm'd by the Testimony of Herodotus lib. 2. and [Page 127] Pausanias, Boeoticis. Linus was the most ancient Name in Poetry, the first upon Record who invented Verse and Mea­sure among the Grecians: He past for the Son of Apollo or Mercury, and was Praeceptor to Hercules, Thamyris, and Or­pheus. There was a solemn Custom among the Greeks of bewailing annually the Death of their first Poet: Pau­sanias informs us, that before the yearly Sacrifice to the Muses on Mount Helicon, the Obsequies of Linus were per­form'd, who had a Statue and Altar erected to him, in that Place. Homer alludes to that Custom in this Passage, and was doubtless fond of paying this Respect to the old Father of Poetry. Virgil has done the same in that Fine Celebra­tion of him, Eclog. 6.

And again in the fourth Eclog.

XLVII.

‘VERSE 681. A figur'd Dance.]’ There were two sorts of Dances, the Pyrrhick, and the common Dance: Homer has joyn'd both in this Description. We see the Pyrrhick, or Military, is perform'd by the Youths who have Swords on, the other by the Virgins crown'd with Garlands.

Here the ancient Scholiasts say, that whereas before it was the Custom for Men and Women to dance separately, the contrary Practice was afterwards brought in, by seven Youths, and as many Virgins, who were sav'd by Theseus from the Labyrinth; and that this Dance was taught them by Daedalus: [Page 128] To which Homer here alludes. See Dion. Halic. Hist. l. 7. c. 68.

It is worth observing that the Grecian Dance is still perform'd in this manner in the Oriental Nations: The Youths and Maids dance in a Ring, beginning slowly; by Degrees the Mu­sick plays a quicker time, till at last they dance with the ut­most Swiftness: And towards the Conclusion, they sing (as it is said here) in a general Chorus.

I.

‘VERSE 13. BEhold what Arms, &c.]’ 'Tis not Poetry only which has had this Idea, of giving divine Ams to a Hero; we have a very remarkable Example of it in our holy Books. In the second of Maccabees, chap. 16. Judas sees in a Dream the Prophet Jeremiah bringing to him a Sword as from God: Tho' this was only a Dream, or a Vision, yet still it is the same Idea. This Example is like­wise so much the more worthy of Observation, as it is much later than the Age of Homer; and as thereby it is seen, that the same way of Thinking continued a long time amongst the Oriental Nations. Dacier.

II.

‘VERSE 30. Shall Flies and Worms obscene pollute the Dead?]’ The Care which Achilles takes in this place to drive away the Flies from the dead Body of Patroclus, seems to us a mean Employment, and a Care unworthy of a Hero. But that Office was regarded by Homer, and by all the Greeks of his time, as a pious Duty consecrated by Custom and Religion; which obliged the Kindred and Friends of the [Page 180] Deceas'd to watch his Corps, and prevent any Corruption before the solemn Day of his Funerals. It is plain this De­voir was thought an indispensable one, since Achilles could not discharge himself of it but by imposing it upon his Mo­ther. It is also clear, that in those times the Preservation of a dead Body was accounted a very important Matter, since the Goddesses themselves, nay the most delicate of the God­desses, made it the Subject of their utmost Attention. As Thetis preserves the Body of Patroclus, and chases from it those In­sects that breed in the Wounds and cause Putrefaction, so Venus is employ'd Day and Night about that of Hector, in driving away the Dogs to which Achilles had expos'd it. Apollo, on his part, covers it with a thick Cloud, and pre­serves its Freshness amidst the greatest Heats of the Sun: And this Care of the Deities over the Dead was look'd upon by Men as a Fruit of their Piety.

There is an excellent Remark upon this Passage in Bossu's admirable Treatise of the Epic Poem, lib. 3. c. 10. ‘"To speak (says this Author) of the Arts and Sciences as a Poet ought, we should veil them under Names and Actions of Persons fictitious and allegorical. Homer will not plainly say that Salt has the Virtue to preserve dead Bodies, and prevent the Flies from engendering Worms in them; he will not say, that the Sea presented Achilles a Remedy to pre­serve Patroclus from Putrefaction; but he will make the Sea a Goddess, and tell us, that Thetis to comfort Achil­les, engaged to perfume the Body with an Ambrosia which shou'd keep it a whole Year from Corruption: It is thus Homer teaches the Poets to speak of Arts and Scien­ces. This Example shews the Nature of the things, that Flies cause Putrefaction, that Salt preserves Bodies from it; but all this is told us poetically, the whole is reduced into Action, the Sea is made a Person who speaks and acts, and this Prosopopoeia is accompanied with Passion, Tenderness and Affection; in a word, there is nothing which is not (according to Aristotle's Precept) endued with Manners.’

III.

Achilles wishes Briseis had died before she had occasion'd so great Calamities to his Countreymen: I will not say, to ex­cuse him, that his Virtue here overpowers his Love, but that the Wish is not so very barbarous as it may seem by the Phrase to a modern Reader. It is not, that Diana had actually kill'd her, as by a particular Stroke or Judgment from Heaven; it means no more than a natural Death, as appears from this Passage in Odyss. 15.

And he does not wish her Death now, after she had been his Mi­stress, but only that she had died, before he knew, or lov'd her.

IV.

‘VERSE 93. She, Jove 's dread daughter.]’ This Speech of Agamemnon, consisting of little else than the long Story of Jupiter's casting Discord out of Heaven, seems odd enough at first sight; and does not indeed answer what I believe eve­ry Reader expects, at the Conference of these two Princes. Without excusing it from the Justness, and proper Application of the Allegory in the present Case, I think it a piece of Ar­tifice, very agreeable to the Character of Agamemnon, which is a Mixture of Haughtiness and Cunning! He cannot prevail with himself any way to lessen the Dignity of the royal Cha­racter, of which he every where appears jealous: Something he is oblig'd to say in publick, and not brooking directly to own himself in the wrong, he slurs it over with this Tale. With what Stateliness is it that he yields? ‘"I was misled [Page 182] (says he) but I was misled like Jupiter. We invest you with our Powers, take our Troops and our Treasures: Our royal Promise shall be fulfill'd, but be you pacified."’

V.

It appears from hence, that the Ancients own'd a Daemon, created by God himself, and totally taken up in doing Mischief.

This Fiction is very remarkable, in as much as it proves that the Pagans knew that a Daemon of Discord and Male­diction was in Heaven, and afterwards precipitated to Earth, which perfectly agrees with holy History. St. Justin will have it, that Homer attain'd to the Knowledge thereof in Egypt, and that he had ev'n read what Isaiah writes, chap. 14. How art thou fal'n from Heaven, O Lucifer, Son of the Morning, how art thou cut down to the Ground which didst weaken the Nations? But our Poet could not have seen the Prophecy of Isaiah, because he liv'd 100, or 150 Years before that Pro­phet; and this Anteriority of Time makes this Passage the more observable. Homer therein bears authentick Witness to the Truth of the Story, of an Angel thrown from Hea­ven, and gives this Testimony above an 100 Years before one of the greatest Prophets spoke of it Dacier.

VI.

‘VERSE 145. To keep or send the Presents, be thy Care.]’ Achilles neither refuses nor demands Agamemnon's Presents: The first would be too contemptuous, and the other would look too selfish. It wou'd seem as if Achilles fought only for Pay like a Mercenary, which wou'd be utterly unbecoming a Hero, and dishonourable to that Character: Homer is won­derful as to the Manners. Spond. Dac.

VII.

‘VERSE 197. The stern Aeacides replies.]’ The Greek Verse is

Which is repeated very frequently throughout the Iliad. It is a very just Remark of a French Critick, that what makes it so much taken notice of, is the rumbling Sound and Length of the Word [...]: This is so true, that if in a Poem or Romance of the same Length as the Iliad, we should re­peat The Hero answer'd, full as often, we should never be sen­sible of that Repetition. And if we are not shock'd at the like Frequency of those Expressions in the Aeneid, sic ore re­fert, talia voce resert, talia dicta dabat, vix ea fatus erat, &c. it is only because the Sound of the Latin Words does not fill the Ear like that of the Greek [...].

The Discourse of the same Critick upon these sort of Re­petitions in general, deserves to be transcribed. That useless Nicety (says he) of avoiding every Repetition which the Delicacy of later Times has introduced, was not known to the first Ages of Antiquity: The Books of Moses abound with them. Far from condemning their frequent Use in the most ancient of all the Poets, we should look upon them as the certain Character of the Age in which he liv'd: They spoke so in his Time, and to have spoken otherwise had been a Fault. And indeed nothing is in itself so contrary to the true Sublime, as that painful and frivolous Exactness, with which we avoid to make use of a proper Word because it was us'd before. It is certain that the Romans were less scrupulous as to this point: You have often in a single Page of Tully, the same Word five or six times over. If it were really a Fault, it is not to be conceiv'd how an Author who so little wanted Variety of Expressions as Homer, could be so very negligent herein? On the contrary, he seems to have affected to repeat the same Things in the same Words, on many Occasions.

[Page 184] It was from two Principles equally true, that among seve­ral People, and in several Ages, two Practices entirely diffe­rent took their Rise. Moses, Homer, and the Writers of the first Times, had found that Repetitions of the same Words recall'd the Ideas of Things, imprinted them much more strongly, and render'd the Discourse more intelligible. Upon this Principle, the Custom of repeating Words, Phrases, and even entire Speeches, insensibly establish'd itself both in Prose and in Poetry, especially in Narrations.

The Writers who succeeded them observ'd, even from Ho­mer himself, that the greatest Beauty of Style consisted in Variety. This they made their Principle: They therefore avoided Repetitions of Words, and still more of whole Sen­tences; they endeavour'd to vary their Transitions; and found out new Turns and Manners of expressing the same Things.

Either of these Practices is good, but the Excess of either vicious: We should neither on the one hand, thro' a Love of Simplicity and Clearness, continually repeat the same Words, Phrases, or Discourses; nor on the other, for the Pleasure of Variety, fall into a childish Affectation of expressing every thing twenty different Ways, tho' it be never so natu­ral and common.

Nothing so much cools the Warmth of a Piece or puts out the Fire of Poetry, as that perpetual Care to vary in­cessantly even in the smallest Circumstances. In this, as in many other Points, Homer has despis'd the ungrateful Labour of too scrupulous a Nicety. He has done like a great Painter, who does not think himself oblig'd to vary all his Pieces to that degree, as not one of 'em shall have the least Resemblance to another: If the principal Figures are entirely different, we easily excuse a Resemblance in the Landscapes, the Skies, or the Draperies. Suppose a Gallery full of Pictures, each of which represents a particular Subject: In one I see Achilles in Fury, menacing Agamemnon; in another the same Hero with regret delivers up Briseis to the Heralds; in a third 'tis still Achilles, but Achilles overcome with Grief, and lament­ing to his Mother. If the Air, the Gesture, the Counte­nance, the Character of Achilles, are the same in each of [Page 185] these three Pieces; if the Ground of one of these be the same with that of the others in the Composition and general De­sign, whether it be Landscape, or Architecture; then indeed one should have reason to blame the Painter for the Uni­formity of his Figures and Grounds. But if there be no Same­ness but in the Folds of a few Draperies, in the Structure of some part of a Building, or in the Figure of some Tree, Mountain, or Cloud, it is what no one would regard as a Fault. The Application is obvious: Homer repeats, but they are not the great Strokes which he repeats, not those which strike and fix our Attention: They are only the little Parts, the Transitions, the general Circumstances, or familiar Images, which recur naturally, and upon which the Reader but casts his Eye carelesly: Such as the Descriptions of Sacrifices, Re­pasts, or Embarquements; such in short, as are in their own Nature much the same, which it is sufficient just to shew, and which are in a manner incapable of different Orna­ments.

VIII.

‘VERSE 159. Strength is deriv'd from Spirits, &c.]’ This Advice of Ulysses that the Troops shou'd refresh themselves with Eating and Drinking, was extremely necessary, after a Battel of so long Continuance as that of the Day before: And Achilles's Desire that they shou'd charge the Enemy im­mediately, without any Reflection on the Necessity of that Re­freshment, was also highly natural to his violent Character. This forces Ulysses to repeat that Advice, and insist upon it so much: Which these Criticks did not see into, who thro' a false De­licacy are shock'd at his insisting so warmly on Eating and Drinking. Indeed to a common Reader who is more fond of heroick and romantick, than of just and natural Images, this at first sight may have an Air of Ridicule; but I'll venture to say there is nothing ridiculous in the Thing itself, nor mean and low in Homer's manner of expressing it: And I believe the same of this Translation, tho' I have not soften'd or abated of the Idea they are so offended with.

IX.

‘VERSE 209. Pale lies my Friend, &c.]’ It is in the Greek, lies extended in my Tent with his Face turned towards the Door, [...], that is to say, as the Scholiast has explain'd it, having his Feet turned towards the Door. For it was thus the Greeks placed their Dead in the Porches of their Houses, as likewise in Italy,

Thus we are told by Suetonius, of the Body of Augustus—Equester ordo suscepit, urbique intulit, atque in Vestibulo do­mus collocavit.

X.

‘VERSE 221. Tho' vast the Heaps, &c.]’ Ulysses's Expression in the Original is very remarkable; he calls [...], Straw or Chaff, such as are kill'd in the Battel; and he calls [...], the Crop, such as make their Escape. This is very con­formable to the Language of Holy Scripture, wherein those who perish are called Chaff, and those who are saved are call'd Corn. Dacier.

XI.

This is very artful; Ulysses, to prevail upon Achilles to let the Troops take Repast, and yet in some sort to second his impatience, gives with the same Breath Orders for Battel, by commanding the Troops to march, and expect no farther Orders. Thus tho' the Troops go to take Repast, it looks as if they do not lose a moment's time, but are going to put themselves in Array of Battel. Dacier.

XII.

‘VERSE 280. Rolls the Victim into the Main.]’ For it was not lawful to eat the Flesh of the Victims, that were sacri­ficed in Confirmation of Oaths; such were Victims of Ma­lediction. Eustathius.

XIII.

‘VERSE 281. Hear ye Greeks, &c.]’ Achilles, to let them see that he is entirely appeas'd, justifies Agamemnon himself, and enters into the Reasons with which that Prince had co­lour'd his Fault. But in that Justification he perfectly well preserves his Character, and illustrates the Advantage he has over that King who offended him. Dacier.

XIV.

‘VERSE 303, &c. The Lamentation of Briseis over Patroclus.]’ This Speech (says Dionysius of Halicarnassus) is not without its Artifice: While Briseis seems only to be deploring Pa­troclus, she represents to Achilles who stands by, the Breach of the Promises he had made her, and upbraids him with the Neglect he had been guilty of in resigning her up to Agamemnon. He adds, that Achilles hereupon acknowledges the Justice of her Complaint, and makes answer that his Promises should be performed: It was a slip in that great Critick's Memory, for the Verse he cites is not in this Part of the Author, [ [...], Part 2.]

XV.

‘VERSE 315. Achilles Care you promis'd, &c.]’ In these Days when our Manners are so different from those of the Ancients, and we see none of those dismal Catastrophes which laid whole Kingdoms waste and subjected Princesses [Page 188] and Queens to the Power of the Conqueror; it will perhaps seem astonishing, that a Princess of Briseis's Birth, the very Day that her Father, Brothers, and Husband were kill'd by Achilles, should suffer her self to be comforted and even flatter'd with the Hopes of becoming the Spouse of their Mur­derer. But such were the Manners of those Times, as an­cient History testifies: And a Poet represents them as they were; But if there was a Necessary for justifying them, it might be said that Slavery was at that time so terrible, that in truth a Princess like Briseis was pardonable, to chuse rather to be­come Achilles's Wife than his Slave. Dacier.

XVI.

‘VERSE 322. Nor mourn'd Patroclus Fortunes but their own.]’ Homer adds this Touch, to heighten the Character of Briseis, and to shew the Difference there was between her and the other Captives. Briseis, as a well-born Princess, really be­wail'd Patroclus out of Gratitude; but the others, by pretend­ing to bewail him, wept only out of Interest. Dacier.

XVII.

‘VERSE 335. Thou too Patroclus, &c.]’ This Lamentation is finely introduced: While the Generals are persuading him to take some Refreshment, it naturally awakens in his Mind the Remembrance of Patroclus, who had so often brought him Food every Morning before they went to Battel: This is very natural, and admirably well conceals the Art of draw­ing the Subject of his Discourse from the things that pre­sent themselves. Spondanus.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 351. I hop'd, Patroclus might survive, &c.]’ Patroclu was young, and Achilles who had but a short time to lives [Page 189] hoped that after his Death his dear Friend wou'd be as a Fa­ther to his Son, and put him into the Possession of his King­dom: Neoptolemus wou'd in Patroclus find Peleus and Achil­les; whereas when Patroclus was dead, he must be an Orphan indeed. Homer is particularly admirable for the Sentiments, and always follows Nature. Dacier.

XIX.

It is probable the Reader may think the Words, shining, splendid, and others deriv'd from the Lustre of Arms, too frequent in these Books. My Author is to answer for it, but it may be alledg'd in his Excuse, that when it was the Custom for every Soldier to serve in Armour, and when those Arms were of Brass before the Use of Iron became common, these Image of Lustre were less avoidable, and more necessarily fre­quent in Descriptions of this nature.

XX.

‘VERSE 398. Achilles arming himself, &c.]’ There is a won­derful Pomp in this Description of Achilles's arming himself; every Reader without being pointed to it, will see the extreme Grandeur of all these Images; But what is particular, is, in what a noble Scale they rise one above another, and how the Hero is set still in a stronger Point of Light than before; till he is at last in a manner cover'd over with Glories: He is at first likened to the Moonlight, then to the Flames of a Beacon, then to a Comet, and lastly to the Sun it self.

XXI.

It is remark'd, in excuse of this extravagant Fiction of a Horse [Page 190] speaking, that Homer was authorized herein by Fable, Tra­dition, and History. Livy makes mention of two Oxen that spoke on different occasions, and recites the Speech of one, which was, Roma cave tibi. Pliny tells us, these Animals were particularly gifted this way, l. 8. c. 45. Est frequens in prodigiis priscorum, bovem locutum. Besides Homer had pre­par'd us for expecting something miraculous from these Horses of Achilles, by representing them to be immortal. We have seen 'em already sensible, and weeping at the Death of Pa­troclus: And we must add to all this, that a Goddess is con­cern'd in working this Wonder: It is Juno that does it. Op­pian alludes to this in a beautiful Passage of his first Book: Not having the Original by me, I shall quote (what I be­lieve is no less beautiful) Mr. Fenton's Translation of it.

Spondanus and Dacier fail not to bring up Balaam's Ass on this Occasion. But methinks the Commentators are at too much pains to discharge the Poet from the Imputa­tion of extravagant Fiction, by accounting for Wonders of this kind: I am afraid, that next to the Extravagance of in­venting them, is that of endeavouring to reconcile such Ficti­ons to Probability. Would not one general Answer do bet­ter, to say once for all, that the abovecited Authors liv'd in the Age of Wonders: The Taste of the World has been ge­nerally turn'd to the Miraculous; Wonders were what the People would have, and what not only the Poets, but the Priests, gave 'em.

XXII.

The Poet had offended against Probability if he had made Juno take away the Voice, for Juno (which signifies the Air) is the cause of the Voice. Besides, the Poet was wil­ling to intimate that the Privation of the Voice is a thing so dismal and melancholy, that none but the Furies can take upon them so cruel an Employment. Eustathius.

I.

‘VERSE 5. Then Jove to Themis gives Command, &c.]’ The Poet is now to bring his Hero again into Action, and he introduces him with the utmost Pomp and Grandeur: The Gods are assembled only upon this account, and Jupiter permits several Deities to join with the Trojans, and hinder Achilles from over-ruling Destiny itself.

The Circumstance of sending Themis to assemble the Gods is very beautiful; she is the Goddess of Justice; the Trojans by the Rape of Helen, and by repeated Perjuries having bro­ken her Laws, she is the properest Messenger to summon a Synod to bring them to punishment. Eustathius.

Proclus has given a farther Explanation of this. Themis or Justice (says he) is made to assemble the Gods round Ju­piter, because it is from him that all the Powers of Nature take their Virtue, and receive their Orders; and Jupiter sends them to the Relief of both Parties, to shew that no­thing [Page 226] falls out but by his Permission, and that neither An­gels, nor Men, nor the Elements, act but according to the Pow­er which is given them.

II.

‘VERSE 15. All but old Ocean.]’ Eustathius gives two Reasons why Oceanus was absent from this Assembly: The one is be­cause he is fabled to be the Original of all the Gods, and it would have been a peice of Indecency for him to see the Deities, who were all his Descendents, war upon one another by join­ing adverse Parties: The other Reason he draws from the Allegory of Oceanus, which signifies the Element of Water, and consequently the whole Element could not ascend into the Aether; But whereas Neptune, the Rivers, and the Fountains are said to have been present, this is no way im­possible, if we consider it in an allegorical Sense, which im­plies, that the Rivers, Seas, and Fountains supply the Air with Vapours, and by that means ascend into the Aether.

III.

Eustathius informs us, that the Ancients were very much divided upon this Passage of Homer. Some have criticised it, and others have answer'd their Criticism; but he reports nothing more than the Objection, without transmitting the Answer to us. Those who condemned Homer, said Jupiter was for the Trojans; he saw the Greeks were the strongest, so permitted the Gods to declare themselves and go to the Battel. But therein that God is deceived, and does not gain his Point; for the Gods who favour the Greeks being stronger than those who favour the Trojans, the Greeks will still have the same Advantage. I do not know what Answer the Par­tisans of Homer made, but for my part, I think this Obje­ction is more ingenious than solid. Jupiter does not pre­tend [Page 227] that the Trojans shou'd be stronger than the Greeks, he has only a mind that the Decree of Destiny should be exe­cuted. Destiny had refused to Achilles the Glory of taking Troy, but if Achilles fights singly against the Trojans, he is capable of forcing Destiny; as Homer has already elsewhere said, that there had been brave Men who had done so. Whereas if the Gods took part, tho those who followed the Grecians were stronger than those who were for the Trojans, the latter wou'd however be strong enough to sup­port Destiny, and to hinder Achilles from making himself Master of Troy: This was Jupiter's sole View. Thus is this Passage far from being blameable, it is on the contrary very beautiful, and infinitely glorious for Achilles. Dacier.

IV.

Mons. de la Motte criticizes on this Passage, as thinking it absurd and contradictory to Homer's own System, to imagine, that what Fate had ordained should not come to pass. Ju­piter here seems to fear that Troy will be taken this very Day in spite of Destiny, [...]. M. Boivin answers, that the Explication hereof depends wholly upon the Principles of the ancient Pagan Theology and their Doctrine concern­ing Fate. It is certain, according to Homer and Virgil, that which Destiny had decreed did not constantly happen in the precise Time mark'd by Destiny, the fatal Moment was not to be retarded, but might be hastened: For example, that of the Death of Dido was advanced by the Blow she gave herself; her Hour was not then come.

Every violent Death was accounted [...], that is, before the fated Time, or (which is the same thing) against the natural Order, turbato mortalitatis ordine, as the Romans ex­press'd [Page 228] it. And the same might be said of any Misfortunes which Men drew upon themselves by their own ill Conduct. (See the 37 ^th Note on lib. 16.) In a word, it must be al­lowed that it was not easy, in the Pagan Religion, to form the juses Ideas upon a Doctrine so difficult to be clear'd; and upon which it is no great wonder if a Poet should not always be perfectly consistent with himself, when it has puzzel'd such a Number of Divines and Philosophers.

V.

Eusahius has a very curious Remark upon this Division of the Gods in Homer, which M. Dacier has entirely bor­rowed (as indeed no Commentator ever borrowed more, or acknowledg'd less, than she has every where done from Eu­stathius.) This Division, says he, is not made at random, but founded upon very solid Reasons, drawn from the Nature of those two Nations. He places on the Side of the Greeks all the Gods who preside over Arts and Sciences, to signify how much in that Respect the Greeks excell'd all other Nations. Juno, Pallas, Neptune, Mercury and Vulcan are for the Greeks; Juno, not only as the Goddess who presides over Marriage, and who is concern'd to revenge an Injury done to the nuptial Bed, but likewise as the Goddess who represents Monarchical Government, which was better esta­blish'd in Greece than any where else; Pallas, because being the Goddess of War and Wisdom, she ought to assist those who are wrong'd; besides the Greeks understood the Art of War better than the Barbarians; Neptune, because he was an Enemy to the Trojans upon account of Laomedon's Persi­diousness, and because most of the Greeks being come from the Islands or Peninsula's they were in some sort his Subjects; Mercury, because he is a God who presides over Stratagems of War, and because Troy was taken by that of the wooden Horse; and lastly Vulcan, as the declared Enemy of Mars and of all Adulterers, and as the Father of Arts.

VI.

‘VERSE 52. Mars, fiery-helm'd, the Laughter loving Dame.]’ The Reasons why Mars and Venus engage for the Trojans are very obvious; the Point in hand was to favour Ravish­ers and Debauchees. But the same Reason, you will say, does not serve for Apollo, Diana and Latona. It is urg'd that Apollo is for the Trojans, because of the Darts and Ar­rows which were the principal Strength of the Barbarians; and Diana, because she presided over Dancing, and those Barbarians were great Dancers; and Latona, as influenc'd by her Children. Xanthus being a Trojan River is interest­ed for his Countrey. Eustathius.

VII.

‘VERSE 75. Above the Sire of Gods, &c.]’ ‘"The Images (says Longinus) which Homer gives of the Combate of the Gods, have in 'em something prodigiously great and magnificent. We see in these Verses, the Earth open'd to its very Center, Hell ready to disclose itself, the whole Machine of the World upon the Point to be destroyed and overturn'd: To shew that in such a Conflict, Hea­ven and Hell, all Things mortal and immortal, the whole Creation in short was engag'd in this Battel, and all the Extent of Nature in Danger."’

Madam Dacier rightly observes that this Copy is inferior to the Original on this account, that Virgil has made a Com­parison of that which Homer made an Action. This occa­sions an infinite Difference, which is easy to be perceiv'd.

[Page 230] One may compare with this noble Passage of Homer, the Battel of the Gods and Giants in Hesiod's Theogony, which is one of the sublimest Parts of that Author; and Milton's Battel of the Angels in the sixth Book: The Elevation, and Enthusiasm of our great Countryman seems owing to this Original.

VIII.

‘VERSE 91. First silver shafted Phoebus took the Plain, &c.]’ With what Art does the Poet engage the Gods in this Con­flict! Neptune opposes Apollo, which implies that Things moist and dry are in continual Discord: Pallas fights with Mars, which signifies that Rashness and Wisdom always dis­agree: Juno is against Diana, that is, nothing more differs from a Marriage State, than Celibacy: Vulcan engages Xan­thus, that is, Fire and Water are in perpetual Variance. Thus we have a fine Allegory conceal'd under the Veil of excellent Poetry, and the Reader receives a double Satis­faction at the same time from beautiful Verses, and an in­structive Moral. Eustathius.

IX.

‘VERSE 119. Already have I met, &c.]’ Eustathius remarks that the Poet lets no Opportunity pass of inserting into his Poem the Actions that preceded the tenth Year of the War, especially the Actions of Achilles the Hero of it. In this place he brings in Aeneas extolling the Bravery of his Ene­my and confessing himself to have formerly been vanquish'd by him: At the same time he preserves a piece of ancient History by inserting into the Poem the Hero's Conquest of Pedasus and Lyrnessus.

X.

It is remarkable that Aeneas owed his Safety to his Flight from Achilles, but it may seem strange that Achilles who was [Page 231] so fam'd for his Swiftness, should not be able to overtake him, even with Minerva for his Guide. Eustathius answers, that this might proceed from the better Knowledge Aeneas might have of the Ways and Defiles: Achilles being a Stranger, and Aeneas having long kept his Father's Flocks in those Parts.

He farther observes, that the Word [...] discovers that it was in the Night that Achilles pursu'd Aeneas.

XI.

‘VERSE 174. Advanc'd upon the Field there stood a Mound, &c.]’ It may not be unnecessary to explain this Passage to make it un­derstood by the Reader: The Poet is very short in the De­scription, as supposing the Fact already known, and hastens to the Combat between Achilles and Aeneas. This is very judicious in Homer not to dwell on a piece of History that had no relation to his Action, when he has rais'd the Rea­der's Expectation by so pompous an Introduction, and made the Gods themselves his Spectators.

The Story is as follows. Laomedon having defrauded Neptune of the Reward he promis'd him for the building the Walls of Troy, Neptune sent a monstrous Whale, to which Laomedon exposed his Daughter Hesione: But Hercules having undertaken to destroy the Monster, the Trojans rais'd an Intrenchment to defend Hercules from his Pursuit: This being a remarkable piece of Conduct in the Trojans, it gave occasion to the Poet to adorn a plain Narration with Ficti­on by ascribing the Work to Pallas the Goddess of Wisdom. Eustathius.

XII.

‘VERSE 180. Here Neptune, and the Gods, &c.]’ I wonder why Eustathius and all other Commentators should be silent upon this Recess of the Gods: It seems strange at the first view, that so many Deities, after having enter'd the Scene of Action, shou'd perform so short a Part, and immediately be­come [Page 232] themselves Spectators? I conceive the reason of this Conduct in the Poet to be, that Achilles has been inactive during the greatest part of the Poem; and as he is the Hero of it, ought to be the chief Character in it: The Poet there­fore withdraws the Gods from the Field that Achilles may have the whole Honour of the Day, and not act in subor­dination to the Deities: Besides, the Poem now draws to a Conclusion, and it is necessary for Homer to enlarge upon the Exploits of Achilles, that he may leave a noble Idea of his Valour upon the Mind of the Reader.

XIII.

‘VERSE 214, &c. The Conversation of Achilles and Aeneas.]’ I shall lay before the Reader the Words of Eustathius in de­fence of this Passage, which I confess seems to me to be faulty in the Poet. The Reader (says he) would naturally expect some great and terrible Atchievements should ensue from Achilles upon his first entrance upon Action. The Poet seems to prepare us for it, by his magnificent Introduction of him into the Field: But instead of a Storm, we have a Calm; he follows the same Method in this Book as he did in the third, where when both Armies were ready to en­gage in a general Conflict, he ends the Day in a single Com­bate between two Heroes: Thus he always agreeably sur­prizes his Readers. Besides the Admirers of Homer reap a farther Advantage from this Conversation of the Heroes: There is a Chain of ancient History as well as a Series of poetical Beauties.

Madam Dacier's Excuse is very little better: And to shew that this is really a Fault in the Poet, I believe I may appeal to the Taste of every Reader who certainly finds himself dis­appointed: Our Expectation is rais'd to see Gods and Heroes engage, when suddenly it all sinks into such a Combat in which neither Party receive a Wound; and (what is more ex­traordinary) the Gods are made the Spectators of so small an Action! What occasion was there for Thunder, Earthquakes, and descending Deities, to introduce a Matter of so little Im­portance? [Page 233] Neither is it any Excuse to say he has given us a peice of ancient History; We expected to read a Poet, not an Historian. In short, after the greatest Preparation for Action imaginable, he suspends the whole Narration, and from the Heat of a Poet, cools at once into the Simplicity of an Historian.

XIV.

Plato and Strabo understand this Passage as favouring the Opi­nion that the Mountainous Parts of the World were first in­habited, after the universal Deluge; and that Mankind by de­grees descended to dwell in the lower parts of the Hills (which they would have the Word [...] signify) and only in greater process of Time ventur'd into the Valleys: Virgil however seems to have taken this Word in a Sense something different where he alludes to this Passage. Aen. 3. 109.

XV.

‘VERSE 262. Three thousand Mares, &c.]’ The Number of the Horses and Mares of Ericthonius may seem incredible, were we not assured by Herodotus that there were in the Stud of Cyrus at one time (besides those for the Service of War) eight hundred Horses and six thousand six hundred Mares. Eustathius.

XVI.

‘VERSE 264. Boreas, enamour'd, &c.]’ Homer has the Hap­piness of making the least Circumstance considerable; the Subject grows under his Hands, and the plainest Matter shines in his Dress of Poetry: Another Poet would have said these Horses were as swift as the Wind, but Homer tells you that they sprung from Boreas the God of Wind; and thence drew their Swiftness.

XVII.

‘VERSE 270. These lightly skimming, as they swept the Plain.]’ The Poet illustrates the Swiftness of these Horses by descri­bing them as running over the standing Corn, and Surface of Waters, without making any Impression. Virgil has imi­tated these Lines, and adapts what Homer says of these Hor­ses to the Swiftness of Camilla. Aen. 7. 809

The Reader will easily perceive that Virgil's is almost a li­teral Translation: He has imitated the very run of the Verses, which flow nimbly away in Dactyls, and as swift as the Wind they describe.

I cannot but observe one thing in favour of Homer, that there can no greater Commendation be given to him, than by considering the Conduct of Virgil: who, tho' undoubt­edly the greatest Poet after him, seldom ventures to vary much from his Original in the Passages he takes from him, as in a Despair of improving, and contented if he can but equal them.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 280. To bear the Cup of Jove.]’ To be a Cup-bearer has in all Ages and Nations been reckon'd an honourable Employment: Sappho mentions it in honour of her Brother Larichus, that he was Cup-bearer to the Nobles of Mitylene: The Son of Menelaus executed the same Office, Hebe and Mercury serv'd the Gods in the same Station.

It was the Custom in the Pagan Worship to employ noble Youths to pour the Wine upon the Sacrifice: In this Office Ganymede might probably attend upon the Altar of Jupiter, and from thence was fabled to be his Cup-bearer. Eustath.

XIX.

‘VERSE 339. But Ocean's God, &c.]’ The Conduct of the Poet in making Aeneas owe his Safety to Neptune in this place is remarkable: Neptune is an Enemy to the Trojans, yet he dares not suffer so pious a Man to fall, lest Jupiter should be offended: This shews, says Eustathius, that Piety is always under the Protection of God; and that Favours are sometimes conferred not out of Kindness, but to prevent a greater Detriment; thus Neptune preserves Aeneas, lest Ju­piter should revenge his Death upon the Grecians.

XX.

‘VERSE 345. And can ye see this righteous Chief, &c.]’ Tho' Aeneas is represented a Man of great Courage, yet his Piety is his most shining Character: This is the reason why he is always the Care of the Gods, and they favour him constant­ly thro' the whole Poem with their immediate Protection.

'Tis in this Light that Virgil has presented him to the View of the Reader: His Valour bears but the second Place in the Aeneis. In the Ilias indeed he is drawn in Miniature, and in the Aeneis in full Length; but there are the same Features in the Copy, which are in the Original, and he is the same Aeneas in Rome as he was in Troy.

XXI.

The Story of Aeneas his founding the Roman Empire gave Virgil the finest Occasion of paying a Complement to Au­gustus, and his Countrymen, who were fond of being thought the Descendants of Troy. He has translated these two Lines literally, and put them in the nature of a Prophecy; as the Favourers of the Opinion of Aeneas's sailing into Italy, ima­gine Homer's to be.

There has been a very ancient Alteration made (as Strabo observes) in these two Lines by substituting [...] in the room of [...]. It is not improbable but Virgil might give occasion for it, by his cunctis dominabitur oris.

Eustathius does not entirely discountenance this Story: If it be understood, says he, as a Prophecy, the Poet might take it from the Sibylline Oracles. He farther remarks that the Poet artfully interweaves into his Poem not only the things which happen'd before the Commencement, and in the Pro­secution of the Trojan War; but other Matters of Importance which happen'd even after that War was brought to a Con­clusion. Thus for instance, we have here a peice of Histo­ry not extant in any other Author, by which we are in­form'd that the House of Aeneas succeeded to the Crown of Troas, and to the Kingdom of Priam. Eustathius.

This Passage is very considerable, for it ruins the famous Chimaera of the Roman Empire, and of the Family of the Caesars, who both pretended to deduce their Original from Venus by Aeneas, alledging that after the taking of Troy, Aeneas came into Italy, and this Pretension is hereby actu­ally [Page 237] destroy'd. This Testimony of Homer ought to be look'd upon as an authentick Act, the Fidelity and Verity whereof cannot be questioned. Neptune, as much an Enemy as he is to the Trojans, declares that Aeneas, and after him his Posterity, shall reign over the Trojans. Wou'd Homer have put this Prophecy in Neptune's Mouth, if he had not known that Aeneas did not leave Troy, that he reigned therein, and if he had not seen in his Time the Descendants of that Prince reign there likewise? That Poet wrote 260 Years, or there­abouts, after the taking of Troy, and what is very remar­kable he wrote in some of the Towns of Ionia, that is to say, in the Neighbourhood of Phrygia, so that the Time and Place give such a Weight to his Deposition that nothing can invalidate it. All that the Historians have written concern­ing Aeneas's Voyage into Italy, ought to be consider'd as a Romance, made on purpose to destroy all historical Truth, for the most ancient is posterior to Homer by many Ages. Before Dionysius of Halicarnassus, some Writers being sen­sible of the Strength of this Passage of Homer, undertook to explain it so as to reconcile it with this Fable, and they said that Aeneas, after having been in Italy, return'd to Troy, and left his Son Ascanius there. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, little satisfy'd with this Solution, which did not seem to him to be probable, has taken another Method: He would have it that by these Words, ‘"He shall reign over the Trojans,’ Homer meant, he shall reign over the Trojans whom he shall carry with him into Italy. ‘"Is it not possible, says he, that Aeneas should reign over the Trojans, whom he had taken with him, though settled elsewhere?’

That Historian, who wrote in Rome itself, and in the very Reign of Augustus, was willing to make his Court to that Prince, by explaining this Passage of Homer so as to favour the Chimaera he was possess'd with. And this is a Reproach that may with some Justice be cast on him; for Poets may by their Fictions flatter Princes and welcome: Tis their Trade. But for Historians to corrupt the Gravity and Se­verity of History, to substitute Fable in the place of Truth, is what ought not to be pardon'd. Strabo was much more religious, for though he wrote his Books of Geography to­wards [Page 238] the Beginning of Tiberius's Reign, yet he had the Cou­rage to give a right Explication to this Passage of Homer, and to aver, that this Poet said, and meant, that Aeneas re­main'd at Troy, that he reign'd therein, Priam's whole Race being extinguish'd, and that he left the Kingdom to his Chil­dren after him. lib. 13. You may see this whole Matter discuss'd in a Letter from the famous M. Bochart to M. de Se­grais, who has prefix'd it to his Remarks upon the Transla­tion of Virgil.

XXII.

‘VERSE 378. Where the slow Caucons close the Rear.]’ The Caucones (says Eustathius) were of Paphlagonian Extract: And this Perhaps was the Reason why they are not distinctly men­tion'd in the Catalogue, they being included under the ge­neral Name of Paphlagonians: Tho' two Lines are quoted which are said to have been left out by some Transcriber, and immediately followed this,

Which Verses are these,

Or as others read it, [...].

Or according to others,

But I believe these are not Homer's Lines, but the Addition of some Transcriber, and tis evident by consulting the Pas­sage from which they are said to have been curtail'd, that they would be absurd in that place; for the second Line is actually there already, and as these Caucons are said to live upon the Banks of the Parthenius, so are the Paphlagoni­ans in the above-mention'd Passage. It is therefore more probable that the Caucons are included in the Paphlagonians.

XXIII.

In Helice, a Town of Achaia, three quarters of a League from the Gulph of Corinth, Neptune had a magnificent Tem­ple where the Ionians offer'd every Year to him a Sacrifice of a Bull; and it was with these People an auspicious Sign, and a certain Mark, that the Sacrifice would be accepted, if the Bull bellow'd as it was led to the Altar. After the Ionic Migration, which happen'd about 140 Years after the taking of Troy, the Ionians of Asia assembled in the Fields of Priene to celebrate the same Festival in honour of Heli­conian Neptune; and as those of Priene valued themselves upon being originally of Helice, they chose for the King of the Sacrifice a young Prienian. It is needless to dispute from whence the Poet has taken his Comparison; for as he liv'd a 100, or 120 Years after the Ionic Migration, it cannot be doubted but he took it in the Asian Ionia, and at Priene itself; where he had doubtless often assisted at that Sacrifice, and been Witness of the Ceremonies therein observed. This Poet always appears strongly addicted to the Customs of the Ionians, which makes some conjecture that he was an Ionian himself. Eustathius. Dacier.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 471. Then fell on Polydore his vengeful Rage.]’ Euripides in his Hecuba has follow'd another Tradition when he makes Polydorus the Son of Priam, and of Hecuba, and makes him slain by Polymnestor King of Thrace, after the ta­king of Troy; for according to Homer, he is not the Son of Hecuba, but of Laothoe, as he says in the following Book, and is slain by Achilles: Virgil too has rather chosen to fol­low Euripides than Homer.

XXV.

‘VERSE 489. Full in Achilles dreadful Front he came.]’ The great Judgment of the Poet in keeping the Character of his Hero is in this place very evident: When Achilles was to en­gage Aeneas he holds a long Conference with him, and with Patience bears the Reply of Aeneas: Had he pursu'd the same Method with Hector, he had departed from his Character. Anger is the prevailing Passion in Achilles: He left the Field in a Rage against Agamemnon, and enter'd it again to be re­veng'd of Hector: The Poet therefore judiciously makes him take Fire at the sight of his Enemy: He describes him as impatient to kill him, he gives him a haughty Challenge, and that Challenge is comprehended in a single Line: His Impatience to be reveng'd, would not suffer him to delay it by a Length of Words.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 513. But present to his Aid Apollo.]’ It is a com­mon Observation that a God should never be introduced in­to a Poem but where his Presence is necessary. And it may be ask'd why the Life of Hector is of such Importance that Apollo should rescue him from the Hand of Achilles here, and yet suffer him to fall so soon after? Eustathius answers, that the Poet had not yet sufficiently exalted the Valour of Achil­les, he takes time to enlarge upon his Atchievements, and rises by degrees in his Character, till he completes both his Courage and Resentment at one Blow in the Death of Hector. And the Poet, adds he, pays a great Complement to his favourite Countryman, by shewing that nothing but the In­tervention of a God could have sav'd Aeneas and Hector from the Hand of Achilles.

XXVII.

I confess it is a Satisfaction to me, to observe with what Art the Poet pur­sues [Page 241] his Subject: The opening of the Poem professes to treat of the Anger of Achilles; that Anger draws on all the great Events of the Story: And Homer at every Opportunity awa­kens the Reader to an Attention to it, by mentioning the Effects of it: So that when we see in this place the Hero deaf to Youth, and Compassion, it is what we expect: Mercy in him would offend, because it is contrary to his Character. Homer proposes him not as a Pattern for Imitation; but the Moral of the Poem which he design'd the Reader should draw from it, is, that we should avoid Anger, since it is ever pernicious in the Event.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 580. The trampling Steers beat out the unnumber'd Grain.]’ In Greece, instead of threshing the Corn as we do, they caus'd it to be trod out by Oxen; this was likewise practis'd in Judaea, as is seen by the Law of God, who for­bad the Jews to muzzle the Ox who trod out the Corn, Non ligabis os bovis terentis in areâ fruges tuas. Deuteron. 25. Dacier.

The self same Practice is still preserved among the Turks and modern Greeks.

XXX.

‘ The Similes at the End.]’ It is usual with our Author to heap his Similes very thick together at the Conclusion of a Book. He has done the same in the seventeenth: 'Tis the na­tural Discharge of a vast Imagination, heated in its Progress, and giving itself vent in this Crowd of Images.

I cannot close the Notes upon this Book, without obser­ving the dreadful Idea of Archilles, which the Poet leaves up­on the Mind of the Reader. He drives his Chariot over Shields and mangled Heaps of Slain: The Wheels, the Axle-tree, and the Horses are stain'd with Blood, the Hero's Eyes burn with Fury, and his Hands are red with Slaughter. A Painter might form from this Passage the Picture of Mars in the Fulness of his Terrors, as well as Phidias is said to have drawn from another, that of Jupiter in all his Majesty.