THE ILIAD OF HOMER:
Translated by Mr. POPE.
VOL. II.
LONDON: Printed by W. BOWYER, for BERNARD LINTOT between the Temple-Gates. 1716.
AN ESSAY ON HOMER's Battels.
PERHAPS it may be necessary in this Place at the Opening of Homer's Battels, to premise some Observations upon them in general. I shall first endeavour to shew the Conduct of the Poet herein, and next collect some Antiquities, that tend to a more distinct understanding of those Descriptions which make so large a Part of the Poem.
One may very well apply to Homer himself what he says of his Heroes at the end of the fourth Book, that whosoever should be guided thro' their Battels by Minerva, and pointed to every Scene of them, would see nothing through the whole but Subjects of Surprize and Applause. When the Reader reflects that no less than the Compass of twelve Books is taken up in these, he will have Reason to wonder by what Methods our Author could prevent Descriptions of such a length from being tedious. It is not enough to say, that tho' the Subject itself be the same, the Actions are always different; That we have now distinct Combates, now promiscuous Fights, now single Duels, now general Engagements: Or that the Scenes are perpetually vary'd; we are now in the Fields, now at the Fortification of the Greeks, now at the Ships, now at the Gates [Page 2] of Troy, now at the River Scamander: But we must look farther into the Art of the Poet to find the Reasons of this astonishing Variety.
We may first observe that Diversity in the Deaths of his Warriors, which he has supply'd by the vastest Fertility of Invention that ever was. These he distinguishes several ways: Sometimes by the Characters of the Men, their Age, Office, Profession, Nation, Family, &c. One is a blooming Youth, whose Father dissuaded him from the War; one is a Priest whose Piety could not save him; one is a Sportsman whom Diana taught in vain; one is the Native of a far-distant Country who is never to return; one is descended from a Noble Line which ends in his Death; one is made remarkable by his Boasting; another by his Beseeching; and another who is distinguish'd no way else is mark'd by his Habit and the Singularity of his Armor.
Sometimes he varies these Deaths by the several Postures in which his Heroes are represented either fighting or falling. Some of these are so exceedingly exact, that one may guess from the very Position of the Combatant, whereabouts the Wound will light: Others so very peculiar and uncommon, that they could only be the Effect of an Imagination which had search'd thro' all the Ideas of Nature. Such is that Picture of Mydon in the fifth Book, whose Arm being numb'd by a blow on the Elbow, drops the Reins that trail on the Ground; and then being suddenly struck on the Temples falls headlong from the Chariot in a soft and deep Place; where he sinks up to the Shoulders in the Sands, and continues a while fix'd by the Weight of his Armor, with his Legs quivering in the Air, 'till he is trampled down by his Horses.
Another Cause of this Variety is the Difference of the Wounds that are given in the Ilaid: They are by no means like the Wounds described by most other Poets, which are commonly made in the self-same obvious Places: The Heart and Head serve for all those in general who understand no Anatomy, and sometimes for Variety they kill Men by Wounds that are no where mortal but in their Poems. As the whole human Body is the Subject of these, so nothing is more necessary to him who would describe them [Page 3] well, than a thorough Knowledge of its Structure; even tho' the Poet is not professedly to write of them as an Anatomist; in the same manner as an exact Skill in Anatomy is necessary to those Painters that would excel in drawing the Naked, tho' they are not to make every Muscle as visible as in a Book of Chirurgery. It appears from so many Passages in Homer that he was perfectly Master of this Science, that it would be needless to cite any in particular. One may only observe, that if we thoroughly examine all the Wounds he has described, tho' so infinite in Number, and so many ways diversify'd, we shall hardly find one which will contradict this Observation.
I must just add a Remark, that the various Periphrases and Circumlocutions by which Homer expresses the single Act of Dying, have supply'd Virgil and the succeeding Poets with all their manners of phrasing it. Indeed he repeats the same Verse on that Occasion more often than they— [...], &c. But tho' it must be owned he had more frequent Occasions for a Line of this Kind than any Poet, as no other has describ'd half so many Deaths, yet one cannot ascribe this to any Sterility of Expression, but to the Genius of his Times, that delighted in those reiterated Verses. We find Repetitions of the same sort affected by the sacred Writers, such as He was gathered to his People; He slept with his Fathers, and the like. And upon the whole they have a certain antiquated Harmony not unlike the Burthen of a Song, which the Ear is willing to suffer, and as it were rests upon.
As the perpetual Horror of Combates, and a Succession of Images of Death, could not but keep the Imagination very much on the stretch; Homer has been careful to contrive such Reliefs and Pauses as might divert the Mind to some other Scene, without losing Sight of his principal Object. His Comparisons are the more frequent on this Account; for a Comparison serves this End the most effectually of any thing, as it is at once correspondent to, and differing from the Subject. Those Criticks who fancy that the Use of Comparisons distracts the Attention, and draws it from the first Image which should most employ it (as that we lose the Idea of the Battel itself, while we are led by a Simile [Page 4] to that of a Deluge or a Storm:) Those, I say, may as well imagine we lose the Thought of the Sun, when we see his Reflection in the Water; where he appears more distinctly, and is contemplated more at ease than if we gaz'd directly at his Beams. For 'tis with the Eye of the Imagination as with our corporeal Eye, it must sometimes be taken off from the Object in order to see in the better. The same Criticks that are displeased to have their Fancy distracted (as they call it) are yet so inconsistent with themselves as to object to Homer that his Similes are too much alike, and are too often derived from the same Animal. But is it not more reasonable (according to their own Notion) to compare the same Man always to the same Animal, than to see him sometimes a Sun, sometimes a Tree, and sometimes a River? Tho' Homer speaks of the same Creature, he so diversifies the Circumstances and Accidents of the Comparisons, that they always appear quite different. And to say Truth, it is not so much the Animal or the Thing, as the Action or Posture of them, that employs our Imagination: Two different Animals in the same Action are more like to each other, than one and the same Animal is to himself, in two different Actions. And those who in reading Homer are shock'd that 'tis always a Lion, may as well be angry that 'tis always a Man.
What may seem more exceptionable is his inserting the same Comparisons in the same Words at length upon different Occasions, by which Management he makes one single Image afford many Ornaments to several Parts of the Poem. But may not one say Homer is in this like a skilful Improver, who places a beautiful Statue in a well-disposed Garden so as to answer several Vistas, and by that Artifice one single Figure seems multiply'd into as many Objects as there are Openings from whence it may be viewed?
What farther relieves and softens these Descriptions of Battels, is the Poet's wonderful Art of introducing many pathetick Circumstances about the Deaths of the Heroes, which raise a different Movement in the Mind from what those Images naturally inspire, I mean Compassion and Pity; when he causes us to look back upon the lost Riches, Possessions, and Hopes of those who die: When he transports us to their Native [Page 5] Countries and Paternal Seats, to see the Griefs of their aged Fathers, the Despair and Tears of their Widows, or the abandon'd Condition of their Orphans. Thus when Protesilaus falls, we are made to reflect on the lofty Palaces he left half finish'd; when the Sons of Phenops are killed, we behold the mortifying Distress of their wealthy Father, who saw his Estate divided before his Eyes, and taken in Trust for Strangers. When Axylus dies, we are taught to compassionate the hard Fate of that generous and hospitable Man, whose House was the House of all Men, and who deserv'd that glorious Elogy of, The Friend of Human-kind.
It is worth taking Notice too, what Use Homer every where makes of each little Accident or Circumstance that can naturally happen in a Battel, thereby to cast a Variety over his Action; as well as of every Turn of Mind or Emotion a Hero can possibly feel, such as Resentment, Revenge, Concern, Confusion, &c. The former of these makes his Work resemble a large History-Piece, where even the less important Figures and Actions have yet some convenient Place or Corner to be shewn in; and the latter gives it all the Advantages of Tragedy in those various Turns of Passion that animate the Speeches of his Heroes, and render his whole Poem the most Dramatick of any Epick whatsoever.
It must also be observ'd that the constant Machines of the Gods conduce very greatly to vary these long Battels, by a continual Change of the Scene from Earth to Heaven. Homer perceiv'd them too necessary for this Purpose to abstain from the Use of them, even after Jupiter had enjoin'd the Deities not to Act on either side. It is remarkable how many Methods he has found to draw them into every Book; where if they dare not assist the Warriors, at least they are very helpful to the Poet.
But there is nothing that more contributes to the Variety, Surprize, and Eclat of Homer's Battels, or is more perfectly admirable in itself, than that artful Manner of taking Measure, or (as one may say) Gaging his Heroes by each other, and thereby elevating the Character of one Person by the Opposition of it to that of some other whom he is made to excell. So that he many times describes one only to image [Page 6] another, and raises one only to raise another. I cannot better exemplify this Remark, than by giving an Instance in the Character of Diomed that lies before me. Let us observe by what a Scale of Oppositions he elevates this Hero, in the fifth Book, first to excell all human Valour, and after to rival the Gods themselves. He distinguishes him first from the Grecian Captains in general, each of whom he represents conquering a single Trojan, while Diomed constantly encounters two at once; and while they are engag'd each in his distinct Post, he only is drawn fighting in every quarter, and slaughtering on every side. Next he opposes him to Pandarus, next to Aeneas, and then to Hector. So of the Gods he shews him first against Venus, then Apollo, then Mars, and lastly in the eighth Book against Jupiter himself in the midst of his Thunders. The same Conduct is observable more or less in regard to every Personage of his Work.
This Subordination of the Heroes is one of the Causes that make each of his Battels rise above the other in Greatness, Terror, and Importance, to the end of the Poem. If Diomed has perform'd all these Wonders in the first Combates, it is but to raise Hector, at whose Appearance he begins to fear. If in the next Battels Hector triumphs not only over Diomed, but over Ajax and Patroclus, sets fire to the Fleet, wins the Armor of Achilles, and singly eclipses all the Heroes; in the midst of all this Glory, Achilles appears, Hector flies, and is slain.
The Manner in which his Gods are made to act, no less advances the Gradation we are speaking of. In the first Battels they are seen only in short and separate Excursions: Venus assists Paris, Minerva Diomed, or Mars Hector. In the next a clear Stage is left for Jupiter, to display his Omnipotence and turn the Fate of Armies alone. In the last, all the Powers of Heaven are let down and banded into regular Parties, Gods encountring Gods, Jove encouraging them with his Thunders, Neptune raising his Tempests, Heaven flaming, Earth trembling, and Pluto himself starting from the Throne of Hell.
[Page 7] I AM now to take Notice of some Customs of Antiquity, relating to the Arms and Art Military of those Times, which are proper to be known in order to form a right Notion of our Author's Descriptions of War.
That Homer copied the Manners and Customs of the Age he writ of, rather than of that he lived in, has been observed in some Instances. As that he no where represents Cavalry or Trumpets to have been used in the Trojan Wars, tho' they apparently were in his own Time. It is not therefore impossible but there may be found in his Works some Deficiencies in the Art of War, which are not to be imputed to his Ignorance, but to his Judgment.
Horses had not been brought into Greece long before the Siege of Troy. They were originally Eastern Animals, and if we find at that very Period so great a Number of them reckon'd up in the Wars of the Israelites, it is the less a wonder considering they came from Asia. The Practice of riding them was so little known in Greece a few Years before, that they look'd upon the Centaurs who first used it, as Monsters compounded of Men and Horses. Nestor in the first Iliad says he had seen these Centaurs in his Youth, and Polypaetes in the second is said to have been born on the Day that his Father expelled them from Pelion to the Desarts of Aethica. They had no other Use of Horses than to draw their Chariots in Battel, so that whenever Homer speaks of fighting from an Horse, taming an Horse, or the like, it is constantly to be understood of fighting from a Chariot, or taming Horses to that Service. This (as we have said) was a piece of Decorum in the Poet; for in his own Time they were arrived to such a Perfection in Horsemanship, that in the fifteenth Iliad ℣. 680. we have a Simile taken from an extraordinary Feat of Activity, where one Man manages four Horses at once, and leaps from the Back of one to another at full Speed.
If we consider in what high Esteem among Warriors these noble Animals must have been at their first coming into Greece, we shall the less wonder at the frequent Occasions Homer has taken to describe and celebrate them. It is not so strange to find them set almost upon a level with Men, at [Page 8] the time when a Horse in the Prizes was of equal Value with a Captive.
The Chariots were in all Probability very low. For we frequently find in the Iliad, that a Person who stands erect on a Chariot is killed (and sometimes by a Stroke on the Head) by a Foot-Soldier with a Sword. This may farther appear from the Ease and Readiness with which they alight or mount on every Occasion, to facilitate which, the Chariots were made open behind. That the Wheels were but small, may be guest from a Custom they had of taking them off and setting them on, as they were laid by, or made use of. Hebe in the fifth Book puts on the Wheels of Juno's Chariot when she calls for it in haste. And it seems to be with Allusion to the same Practice that it is said in Exodus Ch. 14. The Lord took off their Chariot Wheels, so that they drove them heavily. The Sides were also low; for whoever is killed in his Chariot throughout the Poem, constantly falls to the Ground as having nothing to support him. That the whole Machine was very small and light, is evident from a Passage in the tenth Iliad, where Diomed having taken a Chariot, debates whether he shall draw it out of the way, or carry it on his Shoulders to a Place of Safety. All these Particulars agree with the Representations of the Chariots on the most ancient Greek Coins; where the Tops of them reach not so high as the Backs of the Horses, the Wheels are yet lower, and the Heroes who stand in them are seen from the Knee upwards. *This may serve to shew those Criticks are under a Mistake, who blame Homer for making his Warriors sometimes retire behind their Chariots, as if it were a Piece of Cowardice: which was as little disgraceful then, as it is now to alight from one's Horse in a Battel on any necessary Emergency.
There were generally two Persons in each Chariot, one of whom was wholly employ'd in guiding the Horses. They used indifferently two, three, or four Horses: From hence it happens, that sometimes when a Horse is killed, the Hero continues the Fight with the two or more that remain; and [Page 9] at other times a Warrior retreats upon the Loss of one; not that he has less Courage than the other, but that he has fewer Horses.
Their Swords were all broad cutting Swords, for we find they never stab but with their Spears. The Spears were used two ways, either to push with, or to cast from them, like the missive Javelins. It seems surprizing that a Man should throw a Dart or Spear with such Force as to pierce thro' both sides of the Armor and the Body (as is often described in Homer.) For if the Strength of the Men was Gigantick, the Armor must have been strong in Proportion. Some Solution might be given for this, if we imagin'd the Armor was generally Brass, and the Weapons pointed with Iron; and if we could fancy that Homer call'd the Spears and Swords Brazen in the same manner that he calls the Reins of a Bridle Ivory, only from the Ornaments about them. But there are Passages where the Point of the Spear is expressly said to be of Brass, as in the Description of that of Hector in Iliad 6. ℣. 320. Pausanias in Laconicis takes it for granted, that the Arms, as well offensive as defensive, were Brass. He says the Spear of Achilles was kept in his Time in the Temple of Minerva, the Top and Point of which were of Brass; and the Sword of Meriones, in that of Aesculapius among the Nicomedians, was entirely of the same Metal. But be it as it will, there are Examples even at this Day of such a prodigious Force in casting Darts, as almost exceeds Credibility. The Turks and Arabs will pierce thro' thick Planks with Darts of harden'd Wood; which can only be attributed to their being bred (as the Ancients were) to that Exercise, and to the Strength and Agility acquir'd by a constant Practice of it.
We may ascribe to the same Cause their Power of casting Stones of a vast Weight, which appears a common Practice in these Battels. Those are in a great Error, who imagine this to be only a fictitious Embellishment of the Poet, which was one of the Exercises of War among the ancient Greeks and Orientals. *St. Jerome tells us, it was an old Custom in [Page 10] Palestine, and in Use in his own Time, to have round Stones of a great Weight kept in the Castles and Villages for the Youth to try their Strength with. And the Custom is yet extant in some Parts of Scotland, where Stones for the same Purpose are laid at the Gates of great Houses, which they call Putting-Stones.
Another Consideration which will account for many things that may seem uncouth in Homer, is the Reflection that before the Use of Fire-Arms there was infinitely more Scope for personal Valor than in the modern Battels. Now whensoever the personal Strength of the Combatants happen'd to be unequal, the declining a single Combate could not be so dishonourable as it is in this Age, when the Arms we make use of put all Men on a level. For a Soldier of far inferior Strength may manage a Rapier or Fire-Arms so expertly as to be an Overmatch to his Adversary. This may appear a sufficient Excuse for what in the modern Construction might seem Cowardice in Homer's Heroes, when they avoid engaging with others whose bodily Strength exceeds their own. The Maxims of Valor in all Times were founded upon Reason, and the Cowardice ought rather in this Case to be imputed to him who braves his Inferior. There was also more Leisure in their Battels before the Knowledge of Fire-Arms; and this in a good Degree accounts for those Harangues his Heroes make to each other in the Time of Combate.
There was another Practice frequently used by these ancient Warriors, which was to spoil an Enemy of his Arms after they had slain him; and this Custom we see them frequently pursuing with such Eagerness as if they look'd on their Victory not complete 'till this Point was gain'd. Some modern Criticks have accused them of Avarice on account of this Practice, which might probably arise from the great Value and Scarceness of Armor in that early Time and Infancy of War. It afterwards became a Point of Honour like gaining a Standard from the Enemy. Moses and David speak of the Pleasure of obtaining many Spoils. They preserv'd them as Monuments of Victory, and even Religion at last became interested herein, when those Spoils were consecrated in the Temples of the Tutelar Deities of the Conqueror.
[Page 11] The Reader may easily see I set down these Heads just as they occur to my Memory, and only as Hints to farther Observations; which any one who is conversant in Homer can not fail to make, if he will but think a little in the same Track.
It is no Part of my Design to enquire what Progress had been made in the Art of War at this early Period: The bare Perusal of the Iliad will best inform us of it. But what I think tends more immediately to the better Comprehension of these Descriptions, is to give a short View of the Scene of War, the Situation of Troy, and those Places which Homer mentions, with the proper Field of each Battel: Putting together for this Purpose those Passages in my Author that give any Light to this Matter.
The ancient City of Troy stood at a greater Distance from the Sea than those Ruins which have since been shewn for it. This may be gather'd from Iliad 5. ℣. (of the Original) 791. where it is said that the Trojans never durst sally out of the Walls of their Town 'till the Retirement of Achilles, but afterwards combated the Grecians at their very Ships, far from the City. For had Troy stood (as Strabo observes) so nigh the Sea-shore, it had been Madness in the Greeks not to have built any Fortification before their Fleet till the tenth Year of the Siege, when the Enemy was so near them: And on the other hand, it had been Cowardice in the Trojans not to have attempted any thing all that time, against an Army that lay unfortify'd and unintrench'd. Besides the intermediate Space had been too small to afford a Field for so many various Adventures and Actions of War. The Places about Troy particularly mentioned by Homer lie in this Order.
- 1. The Scaean Gate: This open'd to the Field of Battel, and was that thro' which the Trojans made their Excursions. Close to this stood the Beech-Tree sacred to Jupiter, which Homer generally mentions with it.
- 2. The Hill of wild Fig-trees. It join'd to the Walls of Troy on one side, and extended to the High-way on the other. The first appears from what Andromache says in Iliad 6. ℣. 432. that the Walls were in danger of being scaled from this Hill; and the last from Il. 22. ℣. 145. &c.
- [Page 12] 3. The two Springs of Scamander. These were a little higher on the same High-way. ( Ibid.)
- 4. Callicolone, the Name of a pleasant Hill, that lay near the River Simois, on the other side of the Town. Il. 20. ℣. 53.
- 5. Bateia, or the Sepulchre of Myrinne, stood a little before the City in the Plain. Il. 2. ℣. 318. of the Catal.
- 6. The Monument of Ilus: Near the middle of the Plain. Il. 11. ℣. 166.
- 7. The Tomb of Aesyetes, commanded the Prospect of the Fleet, and that Part of the Sea-coast. Il. 2. ℣. 301. of the Catalogue.
IT seems, by the 465 th Verse of the second Iliad, that the Grecian Army was drawn up under the several Leaders by the Banks of Scamander on that side toward the Ships: In the mean time that of Troy and the Auxiliaries was rang'd in Order at Myrinne's Sepulchre. Ibid. ℣. 320 of the Catal. The Place of the First Battel where Diomed performs his Exploits, was near the joining of Simois and Scamander; for Juno and Pallas coming to him, alight at the Confluence of those Rivers. Il. 5. ℣. 776. and that the Greeks had not yet past the Stream, but fought on that side next the Fleet, appears from ℣. 791 of the same Book, where Juno says the Trojans now brave them at their very Ships. But in the beginning of the sixth Book, the Place of Battel is specify'd to be between the Rivers of Simois and Scamander; so that the Greeks (tho' Homer does not particularize when, or in what manner) had then cross'd the Stream toward Troy.
The Engagement in the eighth Book is evidently close to the Grecian Fortification on the Shore. That Night Hector lay at Ilus's Tomb in the Field, as Dolon tells us Lib. 10. ℣. 415. And in the eleventh Book the Battel is chiefly about Ilus's Tomb.
In the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth, about the Fortification of the Greeks, and in the fifteenth at the Ships.
In the sixteenth, the Trojans being repulsed by Patroclus, they engage between the Fleet, the River, and the Grecian Wall: See ℣. 396. Patroclus still advancing they fight at the Gates of Troy ℣. 700. In the seventeenth the Fight about the [Page 13] Body of Patroclus is under the Trojan Wall ℣. 403. His Body being carried off, Hector and Aeneas pursue the Greeks to the Fortification ℣. 760. And in the eighteenth, upon Achilles's appearing, they retire and encamp without the Fortification.
In the twentieth, the Fight is still on that side next the Sea; for the Trojans being pursued by Achilles, pass over the Scamander as they run toward Troy: See the beginning of Book 21. The following Battels are either in the River itself, or between that and the City, under whose Walls Hector is kill'd in the twenty second Book, which puts an end to the Battels of the Iliad.
THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE ILIAD.
The ARGUMENT.
The Acts of
Diomed.
DIOMED, assisted by Pallas, performs Wonders in this Day's Battel. Pandarus wounds him with an Arrow, but the Goddess cures him, enables him to discern Gods from Mortals, and prohibits him from contending with any of the former, excepting Venus. Aeneas joins Pandarus to oppose him, Pandarus is killed, and Aeneas in great danger but for the Assistance of Venus; who, as she is removing her Son from the Fight, is wounded on the Hand by Diomed. Apollo seconds her in his Rescue, and at length carries off Aeneas to Troy, where he is heal'd in the Temple of Pergamus. Mars rallies the Trojans, and assists Hector to make a Stand. In the mean time Aeneas is restor'd to the Field, and they overthrow several of the Greeks; among the rest Tlepolemus is slain by Sarpedon. Juno and Minerva descend to resist Mars; the latter incites Diomed to go against that God; he wounds him, and sends him groaning to Heaven.
The first Battel continues thro' this Book. The Scene is the same as in the former.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE Fifth Book.
[Page 71]OBSERVATIONS ON THE FIFTH BOOK.
I.
‘VERSE 1. BUT Pallas now, &c.]’ As in every just History Picture there is one principal Figure, to which all the rest refer and are subservient; so in each Battel of the Iliad there is one principal Person, that may properly be call'd the Hero of that Day or Action. This Conduct preserves the Unity of the Piece, and keeps the Imagination from being distracted and confused with a wild Number of independent Figures, which have no Subordination to each other. To make this probable, Homer supposes these extraordinary Measures of Courage to be the immediate Gift of the Gods; who bestow them sometimes upon one, and sometimes upon another, as they think fit to make them the Instruments of their Designs; an Opinion conformable to true Theology. Whoever reflects upon this, will not blame our Author for representing the same Heroes brave at one time, and dispirited at another; just as the Gods assist, or abandon them on different Occasions.
II.
‘VERSE 1. Tydides.]’ That we may enter into the Spirit and Beauty of this Book, it will be proper to settle the true Character of Diomed who is the Hero of it. Achilles is no [Page 72] sooner retired, but Homer raises his other Greeks to supply his Absence; like Stars that shine each in his due Revolution, till the principal Hero rises again, and eclipses all others. As Diomed is the first in this Office, he seems to have more of the Character of Achilles than any besides. He has naturally an Excess of Boldness and too much Fury in his Temper, forward and intrepid like the other, and running after Gods or Men promiscuously as they offer themselves. But what differences his Character is, that he is soon reclaim'd by Advice, hears those that are more experienced, and in a word, obeys Minerva in all things. He is assisted by the Patroness of Wisdom and Arms, as he is eminent both for Prudence and Valor. That which characterizes his Prudence is a quick Sagacity and Presence of Mind in all Emergencies, and an undisturb'd Readiness in the very Article of Danger. And what is particular in his Valor is agreeable to these Qualities; his Actions being always performed with remarkable Dexterity, Activity, and Dispatch. As the gentle and manageable Turn of his Mind seems drawn with an Opposition to the boisterous Temper of Achilles, so his bodily Excellencies seem design'd as in Contraste to those of Ajax, who appears with great Strength, but heavy and unwieldy. As he is forward to act in the Field, so is he ready to speak in the Council: But 'tis observable that his Counsels still incline to War, and are byass'd rather on the side of Bravery than Caution. Thus he advises to reject the Proposals of the Trojans in the seventh Book, and not to accept of Helen her self, tho' Paris should offer her. In the ninth, he opposes Agamemnon's Proposition to return to Greece, in so strong a manner, as to declare he will stay and continue the Siege himself, if the General should depart. And thus he hears without Concern Achilles's Refusal of a Reconciliation, and doubts not to be able to carry on the War without him. As for his private Character, he appears a gallant Lover of Hospitality in his Behaviour to Glaucus in the sixth Book; a Lover of Wisdom in his Assistance of Nestor in the eighth, and his Choice of Ulysses to accompany him in the tenth; upon the whole, an open sincere Friend, and a generous Enemy.
[Page 73] The wonderful Actions he performs in this Battel, seem to be the Effect of a noble Resentment at the Reproach he had receiv'd from Agamemnon in the foregoing Book, to which these Deeds are the Answer. He becomes immediately the second Hero of Greece, and dreaded equally with Achilles by the Trojans. At the first Sight of him his Enemies make a Question, Whether he is a Man or a God? Aeneas and Pandarus go against him, whose Approach terrifies Sthenelus, and the Apprehension of so great a Warrior marvellously exalts the Intrepidity of Diomed. Aeneas himself is not sav'd but by the interposing of a Deity: He pursues and wounds that Deity, and Aeneas again escapes only by the Help of a stronger Power, Apollo. He attempts Apollo too, retreats not till the God threatens him in his own Voice, and even then retreats but a few Steps. When he sees Hector and Mars himself in open Arms against him, he had not retir'd tho' he was wounded, but in Obedience to Minerva, and then retires with his Face toward them. But as soon as she permits him to engage with that God, he conquers, and sends him groaning to Heaven. What Invention and what Conduct appears in this whole Episode? What Boldness in raising a Character to such a Pitch, and what Judgment in raising it by such Degrees? While the most daring Flights of Poetry are employ'd to move our Admiration, and at the same time the justest and closest Allegory, to reconcile those Flights to moral Truth and Probability? It may be farther remark'd, that the high Degree to which Homer elevates this Character, enters into the principal Design of his whole Poem; which is to shew, that the greatest Personal Qualities and Forces are of no Effect when Union is wanting among the chief Rulers, and that nothing can avail till they are reconciled so as to act in Concert.
III.
‘VERSE 5. High on his Helm Celestial Light'nings play.]’ This beautiful Passage gave occasion to Zoilus for an insipid Piece of Raillery, who ask'd how it happen'd that the Hero escap'd burning by these Fires that continually broke from [Page 74] his Armor? Eustathius answers, that there are several Examples in History, of Fires being seen to break forth from human Bodies as Presages of Greatness and Glory. Among the rest, Plutarch in the Life of Alexander describes his Helmet much in this manner. This is enough to warrant the Fiction, and were there no such Example, the same Author says very well that the Imagination of a Poet is not to be confined to strict Physical Truths. But all Objections may easily be removed, if we consider it as done by Minerva, who had determined this Day to raise Diomed above all the Heroes, and caused this Apparition to render him formidable. The Power of a God makes it not only allowable but highly noble, and greatly imagined by Homer; as well as correspondent to a Miracle in holy Scripture, where Moses is described with a Glory shining on his Face at his Descent from Mount Sinai, a Parallel which Spondanus has taken notice of.
Virgil was too sensible of the Beauty of this Passage not to imitate it, and it must be owned he has surpassed his Original.
In Homer's Comparison there is no other Circumstance alluded to but that of a remarkable Brightness: Whereas Virgil's Comparison, beside this, seems to foretel the immense Slaughter his Hero was to make, by comparing him first to a Comet, which is vulgarly imagin'd a Prognostick, if not the real Cause of much Misery to Mankind; and again to the Dog-star, which appearing with the greatest Brightness in the latter end of Summer, is suppos'd the Occasion of all the Distempers of that sickly Season. And methinks the Objection of Macrobius to this Place is not just, who thinks the Simile unseasonably apply'd by Virgil to Aeneas, because he was yet on his Ship, and had not begun the Battel. One may answer, that this miraculous Appearance could never be [Page 75] more proper than at the first Sight of the Hero, to strike Terror into the Enemy, and to prognosticate his approaching Victory.
IV.
‘VERSE 27. Idaeus fled, Left the rich Chariot.]’ It is finely said by M. Dacier, that Homer appears perhaps greater by the Criticisms that have been past upon him, than by the Praises which have been given him. Zoilus had a Cavil at this Place; he thought it ridiculous in Idaeus to descend from his Chariot to fly, which he might have done faster by the help of his Horses. Three things are said in answer to this; first, that Idaeus knowing the Passion which Diomed had for Horses, might hope the Pleasure of seizing these would retard him from pursuing him. Next, that Homer might design to represent in this Action of Idaeus the common Effect of Fear, which disturbs the Understanding to such a degree, as to make Men abandon the surest means to save themselves. And then, that Idaeus might have some Advantage of Diomed in Swiftness, which he had reason to confide in. But I fancy one may add another Solution which will better account for this Passage. Homer's word is [...], which I believe would be better translated non perseveravit, than non sustinuit defendere fratrem interfectum: and then the Sense will be clear, that Idaeus made an Effort to save his Brother's Body, which proving impracticable, he was obliged to fly with the utmost Precipitation. One may add, that his alighting from his Chariot was not that he could run faster on foot, but that he could sooner escape by mixing with the Crowd of common Soldiers. There is a Particular exactly of the same Nature in the Book of Judges, Ch. 4. ℣. 15. where Sisera alights to fly in the same manner.
V.
‘VERSE 40. Who bathe in Blood.]’ It may seem something unnatural, that Pallas at a time when she is endeavouring to work upon Mars under the Appearance of Benevolence and Kindness, should make use of Terms which seem so full of [Page 76] bitter Reproaches; but these will appear very properly applied to this warlike Deity. For Persons of this martial Character, who scorning Equity and Reason, carry all things by Force, are better pleas'd to be celebrated for their Power than their Virtue. Statues are rais'd to the Conquerors, that is, the Destroyers of Nations, who are complemented for excelling in the Arts of Ruine. Demetrius the Son of Antigonus was celebrated by his Flatterers with the Title of Poliorcetes, a Term equivalent to one here made use of.
VI.
‘VERSE 46. The God of Arms and martial Maid retreat.]’ The Retreat of Mars from the Trojans intimates that Courage forsook them: It may be said then, that Minerva's Absence from the Greeks will signify that Wisdom deserted them also. It is true she does desert them, but it is at a time when there was more occasion for gallant Actions than for wise Counsels. Eustathius.
VII.
‘VERSE 48. The Greeks the Trojan Race pursue.]’ Homer always appears very zealous for the Honour of Greece, which alone might be a Proof of his being of that Country, against the Opinion of those who would have him of other Nations.
It is observable thro' the whole Ilaid, that he endeavours every where to represent the Greeks as superior to the Trojans in Valor and the Art of War. In the beginning of the third Book he describes the Trojans rushing on to the Battel in a barbarous and confus'd manner, with loud Shouts and Cries, while the Greeks advance in the most profound Silence and exact Order. And in the latter Part of the fourth Book, where the two Armies march to the Engagement, the Greeks are animated by Pallas, while Mars instigates the Trojans, the Poet attributing by this plain Allegory to the former a well-conducted Valor, to the latter rash Strength and brutal Force: So that the Abilities of each Nation are distinguish'd by the Characters of the Deities who assist them. [Page 77] But in this Place, as Eustathius observes, the Poet being willing to shew how much the Greeks excell'd their Enemies when they engag'd only with their proper Force, and when each side was alike destitute of divine Assistance, takes occasion to remove the Gods out of the Battel, and then each Grecian Chief gives signal Instances of Valor superior to the Trojans.
A modern Critick observes that this constant Superiority of the Greeks in the Art of War, Valor, and Number, is contradictory to the main Design of the Poem, which is to make the Return of Achilles appear necessary for the Preservation of the Greeks; but this Contradiction vanishes when we reflect that the Affront given Achilles was the occasion of Jupiter's interposing in favour of the Trojans. Wherefore the Anger of Achilles was not pernicious to the Greeks purely because it kept him inactive, but because it occasion'd Jupiter to afflict them in such a manner, as made it necessary to appease Achilles in order to render Jupiter propitious.
VIII.
‘VERSE 63. Back from the Car he tumbles.]’ It is in Poetry as in Painting, the Postures and Attitudes of each Figure ought to be different: Homer takes care not to draw two Persons in the same Posture; one is tumbled from his Chariot, another is slain as he ascends it, a third as he endeavours to escape on Foot, a Conduct which is every where observed by the Poet. Eustathius.
IX.
‘VERSE 75. Next artful Phereclus.]’ This Character of Phereclus is finely imagined, and presents a noble Moral in an uncommon manner. There ran a Report, that the Trojans had formerly receiv'd an Oracle, commanding them to follow Husbandry, and not apply themselves to Navigation. Homer from hence takes occasion to feign, that the Shipwright who presumed to build the Fleet of Paris when he took his fatal Voyage to Greece, was overtaken by the divine [Page 78] Vengeance so long after as in this Battel. One may take notice too in this, as in many other Places, of the remarkable Disposition Homer shews to Mechanicks; he never omits an Opportunity either of describing a Piece of Workmanship, or of celebrating an Artist.
X.
Homer in this remarkable Passage commends the fair Theano for breeding up a Bastard of her Husband's with the same Tenderness as her own Children. This Lady was a Woman of the first Quality, and (as it appears in the sixth Iliad) the high Priestess of Minerva: So that one cannot imagine the Education of this Child was imposed upon her by the Authority or Power of Antenor; Homer himself takes care to remove any such derogatory Notion, by particularizing the Motive of this unusual Piece of Humanity to have been to please her Husband, [...]. Nor ought we to lessen this Commendation by thinking the Wives of those Times in general were more complaisant than those of our own. The Stories of Phoenix, Clytemnestra, Medea, and many others, are plain Instances how highly the keeping of Mistresses was resented by the married Ladies. But there was indeed a difference between the Greeks and Asiaticks as to their Notions of Marriage: For it is certain the latter allowed Plurality of Wives; Priam had many lawful ones, and some of them Princesses who brought great Dowries. Theano was an Asiatick, and that is the most we can grant; for the Son she nurs'd so carefully was apparently not by a Wife, but by a Mistress; and her Passions were naturally the same with those of the Grecian Women. As to the Degree of Regard then shewn to the Bastards, they were carefully enough educated, tho' not (like this of Antenor) as the lawful Issue, nor admitted to an equal share of Inheritance. Megapenthes and Nicostratus were excluded from the Inheritance of Sparta, because they were born of Bond-Women, [Page 79] as Pausanias says. But Neoptolemus, a natural Son of Achilles by Deidamia, succeeded in his Father's Kingdom, perhaps with respect to his Mother's Quality who was a Princess. Upon the whole, however that Matter stood, Homer was very favourable to Bastards, and has paid them more Complements than one in his Works. If I am not mistaken Ulysses reckons himself one in the Odysseis. Agamemnon in the eighth Iliad plainly accounts it no Disgrace, when charm'd with the noble Exploits of young Teucer, and praising him in the Rapture of his Heart, he just then takes occasion to mention his Illegitimacy as a kind of Panegyrick upon him. The Reader may consult the Passage, ℣. 284 of the Original and ℣. 333 of the Translation. From all this I should not be averse to believe that Homer himself was a Bastard, as Virgil was, of which I think this Observation a better Proof, than what is said for it in the common Lives of him.
XI.
From the Number of Circumstances put together here, and in many other Passages, of the Parentage, Place of Abode, Profession, and Quality of the Persons our Author mentions; I think it is plain he composed his Poem from some Records or Traditions of the Actions of the Times preceding, and complied with the Truth of History. Otherwise these particular Descriptions of Genealogies and other minute Circumstances would have been an Affectation extremely needless and unreasonable. This Consideration will account for several things that seem odd or tedious, not to add that one may naturally believe he took these Occasions of paying a Complement to many great Men and Families of his Patrons, both in Greece and Asia.
XII.
‘VERSE 108. Down sinks the Priest.]’ Homer makes him die upon the cutting off his Arm, which is an Instance of his Skill; for the great Flux of Blood that must follow such a Wound, would be the immediate Cause of Death.
XIII.
‘VERSE 116. Thus Torrents swift and strong.]’ This whole Passage (says Eustathius) is extremely beautiful. It describes the Hero carry'd by an Enthusiastick Valor into the midst of his Enemies, and so mingled with their Ranks as if himself were a Trojan. And the Simile wonderfully illustrates this Fury proceeding from an uncommon Infusion of Courage from Heaven, in resembling it not to a constant River, but a Torrent rising from an extraordinary Burst of Rain. This Simile is one of those that draws along with it some foreign Circumstances: We must not often expect from Homer those minute Resemblances in every Branch of a Comparison, which are the Pride of modern Similes. If that which one may call the main Action of it, or the principal Point of Likeness, be preserved; he affects, as to the rest, rather to present the Mind with a great Image, than to fix it down to an exact one. He is sure to make a fine Picture in the whole, without drudging on the under Parts; like those free Painters who (one would think) had only made here and there a few very significant Strokes, that give Form and Spirit to all the Piece. For the present Comparison, Virgil in the second Aeneid has inserted an Imitation of it, which I cannot think equal to this, tho' Scaliger prefers Virgil's to all our Author's Similitudes from Rivers put together.
XIV.
‘VERSE 139. The Dart stopt short of Life.]’ Homer says it did not kill him, and I am at a Loss why M. Dacier translates it, The Wound was slight; when just after the Arrow is said to have pierc'd quite thro', and she herself there turns it, Perçoit l'espaule d'outre en outre. Had it been so slight, he would not have needed the immediate Assistance of Minerva to restore his usual Vigor, and enable him to continue the Fight.
XV.
‘VERSE 164. From mortal Mists I purge thy Eyes.]’ This Fiction of Homer (says M. Dacier) is founded upon an important Truth of Religion, not unknown to the Pagans, that God only can open the Eyes of Men, and enable them to see what they cannot discover by their own Capacity. There are frequent Examples of this in the Old Testament. God opens the Eyes of Hagar that she might see the Fountain, in Genes. 21. ℣. 14. So Numbers 22. ℣. 31. The Lord open'd the Eyes of Balaam, and he saw the Angel of the Lord standing in his way, and his Sword drawn in his Hand. A Passage much resembling this of our Author. Venus in Virgil's second Aeneid performs the same Office to Aeneas, and shews him the Gods who were engag'd in the Destruction of Troy.
Milton seems likewise to have imitated this where he makes [Page 82] Michael open Adam's Eyes to see the future Revolutions of the World, and Fortunes of his Posterity, Book 11.
This distinguishing Sight of Diomed was given him only for the present Occasion and Service in which he was employ'd by Pallas. For we find in the sixth Book that upon meeting Glaucus, he is ignorant whether that Hero be a Man or a God.
XVI.
‘VERSE 194. No mystic Dream.]’ This Line in the Original, [...], contains as puzzling a Passage for the Construction as I have met with in Homer. Most Interpreters join the negative Particle [...] with the Verb [...], which may receive three different Meanings: That Eurydamas had not interpreted the Dreams of his Children when they went to the Wars, or that he had foretold them by their Dreams they should never return from the Wars, or that he should now no more have the Satisfaction to interpret their Dreams at their Return. After all, this Construction seems forced, and no way agreeable to the general Idiom of the Greek Language, or to Homer's simple Diction in particular. If we join [...] with [...], I think the most obvious Sense will be this; Diomed attacks the two Sons of Eurydamas an old Interpreter of Dreams; his Children not returning, the Prophet sought by his Dreams to know their Fate; however they fall by the Hands of Diomed. This Interpretation seems natural and poetical, and tends to move Compassion, which is almost constantly the Design of the Poet in his frequent short Digressions concerning the Circumstances and Relations of dying Persons.
XVII.
‘VERSE 202. To Strangers now descends his wealthy Store.]’ [Page 83] This is a Circumstance than which nothing could be imagined more tragical, considering the Character of the Father. Homer says the Trustees of the remote collateral Relations seiz'd the Estate before his Eyes (according to a Custom of those Times) which to a covetous old Man must be the greatest of Miseries.
XVIII.
‘VERSE 212. Divine Aeneas.]’ It is here Aeneas begins to act, and if we take a View of the whole Episode of this Hero in Homer, where he makes but an Under-part, it will appear that Virgil has kept him perfectly in the same Character in his Poem, where he shines as the first Hero. His Piety and his Valor, tho' not drawn at so full a length, are mark'd no less in the Original than in the Copy. It is the manner of Homer to express very strongly the Character of each Person in the first Speech he is made to utter in the Poem. In this of Aeneas, there is a great Air of Piety in those Strokes, Is he some God who punishes Troy for having neglected his Sacrifices? And then that Sentence, The Anger of Heaven is terrible. When he is in Danger afterwards, he is saved by the heavenly Assistance of two Deities at once, and his Wounds cured in the holy Temple of Pergamus by Latona and Diana. As to his Valor, he is second only to Hector, and in personal Bravery as great in the Greek Author as in the Roman. He is made to exert himself on Emergencies of the first Importance and Hazard, rather than on common Occasions: he checks Diomed here in the midst of his Fury; in the thirteenth Book defends his Friend Deiphobus before it was his Turn to fight, being placed in one of the hindmost Ranks (which Homer, to take off all Objection to his Valor, tells us happen'd because Priam had an Animosity to him, tho' he was one of the bravest of the Army.) He is one of those who rescue Hector when he is overthrown by Ajax in the fourteenth Book. And what alone were sufficient to establish him a first-rate Hero, he is the first that dares resist Achilles himself at his Return to the Fight in all his Rage for the Loss of Patroclus. He indeed avoids encountering [Page 84] two at once, in the present Book; and shews upon the whole a sedate and deliberate Courage, which if not so glaring as that of some others, is yet more just. It is worth considering how thoroughly Virgil penetrated into all this, and saw into the very Idea of Homer; so as to extend and call forth the whole Figure in its full Dimensions and Colours from the slightest Hints and Sketches which were but casually touch'd by Homer, and even in some Points too where they were rather left to be understood, than express'd. And this, by the way, ought to be consider'd by those Criticks who object to Virgil's Hero the want of that sort of Courage which strikes us so much in Homer's Achilles. Aeneas was not the Creature of Virgil's Imagination, but one whom the World was already acquainted with, and expected to see continued in the same Character; and one who perhaps was chosen for the Hero of the Latin Poem, not only as he was the Founder of the Roman Empire, but as this more calm and regular Character better agreed with the Temper and Genius of the Poet himself.
XIX.
‘VERSE 242. Skill'd in the Bow, &c.]’ We see thro' this whole Discourse of Pandarus the Character of a vain-glorious passionate Prince, who being skill'd in the Use of the Bow, was highly valued by himself and others for this Excellence; but having been successless in two different Trials of his Skill, he is rais'd into an outragious Passion, which vents itself in vain Threats on his guiltless Bow. Eustathius on this Passage relates a Story of a Paphlagonian famous like him for his Archery, who having miss'd his Aim at repeated Trials, was so transported by Rage, that breaking his Bow and Arrows, he executed a more fatal Vengeance by hanging himself.
XX.
‘VERSE 244. Ten polish'd Chariots.]’ Among the many Pictures Homer gives us of the Simplicity of the Heroic Ages, he mingles from time to time some Hints of an extraordinary [Page 85] Magnificence. We have here a Prince who has all these Chariots for Pleasure at one time, with their particular Sets of Horses to each, and the most sumptuous Coverings in their Stables. But we must remember that he speaks of an Asiatic Prince, those Barbarians living in great Luxury. Dacier.
XXI.
‘VERSE 252. Yet to Thrift inclin'd.]’ 'Tis Eustathius his Remark, that Pandarus did this out of Avarice, to save the Expence of his Horses. I like this Conjecture, because nothing seems more judicious, than to give a Man of a perfidious Character a strong Tincture of Avarice.
XXII.
‘VERSE 261. And undissembled Gore pursu'd the Wound.]’ The Greek is [...]. He says he is sure it was real Blood that follow'd his Arrow; because it was anciently a Custom, particularly among the Spartans, to have Ornaments and Figures of a purple Colour on their Breast-Plates, that the Blood they lost might not be seen by the Soldiers, and tend to their Discouragement. Plutarch in his Instit. Lacon. takes notice of this Point of Antiquity, and I wonder it escap'd Madam Dacier in her Translation.
XXIII.
‘VERSE 273. Nor Phoebus' honour'd Gift disgrace.]’ For Homer tells us in the second Book, ℣. 334 of the Catalogue, that the Bow and Shafts of Pandarus were given him by Apollo.
XXIV.
‘VERSE 284. Haste, seize the Whip, &c.]’ Homer means not here, that one of the Heroes should alight or descend from the Chariot, but only that he should quit the Reins to the Management of the other, and stand on Foot upon the Chariot to fight from thence. As one might use the Expression, [Page 86] to descend from the Ship, to signify to quit the Helm or Oar, in order to take up Arms. This is the Note of Eustathius, by which it appears that most of the Translators are mistaken in the Sense of this Passage, and among the rest Mr. Hobbes.
XXV.
‘VERSE 320. One Chief at least beneath this Arm shall die.]’ It is the manner of our Author to make his Persons have some Intimation from within, either of prosperous or adverse Fortune, before it happens to them. In the present Instance, we have seen Aeneas, astonish'd at the great Exploits of Diomed, proposing to himself the Means of his Escape by the Swiftness of his Horses, before he advances to encounter him. On the other hand, Diomed is so filled with Assurance, that he gives Orders here to Sthenelus to seize those Horses, before they come up to him. The Opposition of these two (as Mad. Dacier has remark'd) is very observable.
XXVI.
‘VERSE 327. The Coursers of Aethereal Breed.]’ We have already observed the great Delight Homer takes in Horses. He makes some Horses, as well as Heroes, of celestial Race: and if he has been thought too fond of the Genealogies of some of his Warriors, in relating them even in a Battel; we find him here as willing to trace that of his Horses in the same Circumstance. These were of that Breed which Jupiter bestow'd upon Tros, and far superior to the common Strain of Trojan Horses. So that (according to Eustathius's Opinion) the Translators are mistaken who turn [...], the Trojan Horses, in ℣. 222 of the Original, where Aeneas extolls their Qualities to Pandarus. The same Author takes notice, that Frauds in the Case of Horses have been thought excusable in all Times, and commends Anchises for this Piece of Theft. Virgil was so well pleas'd with it as to imitate this Passage in the seventh Aeneid.
XXVII.
‘VERSE 353. Full in his Face it enter'd.]’ It has been ask'd, how Diomed being on Foot, could naturally be suppos'd to give such a Wound as is describ'd here. Were it never so improbable, the express mention that Minerva conducted the Javelin to that Part, would render this Passage unexceptionable. But without having recourse to a Miracle, such a Wound might be receiv'd by Pandarus either if he stoop'd; or if his Enemy took the Advantage of a rising Ground, by which means he might not impossibly stand higher, tho' the other were in a Chariot. This is the Solution given by the ancient Scholia, which is confirm'd by the Lowness of the Chariots, observed in the Essay on Homer's Battels.
XXVIII.
‘VERSE 361. To guard his slaughter'd Friend Aeneas flies.]’ This protecting of the dead Body was not only an Office of Piety agreeable to the Character of Aeneas in particular, but look'd upon as a Matter of great Importance in those Times. It was believ'd that the very Soul of the deceas'd suffer'd by the Body's remaining destitute of the Rites of Sepulture, as not being else admitted to pass the Waters of Styx.
[Page 88] Whoever considers this, will not be surprized at those long and obstinate Combates for the Bodies of the Heroes, so frequent in the Iliad. Homer thought it of such Weight, that he has put this Circumstance of want of Burial into the Proposition at the beginning of his Poem, as one of the chief Misfortunes that befel the Greeks.
XXIX.
‘VERSE 371. Not two strong Men.]’ This Opinion of a Degeneracy of human Size and Strength in the Process of Ages, has been very general. Lucretius, Lib. 2.
The active Life and Temperance of the first Men, before their native Powers were prejudiced by Luxury, may be supposed to have given them this Advantage. Celsus in his first Book observes, that Homer mentions no sort of Diseases in the old Heroic Times but what were immediately inflicted by Heaven, as if their Temperance and Exercise preserved them from all besides. Virgil imitates this Passage, with a farther Allowance of the Decay in Proportion to the Distance of his Time from that of Homer. For he says it was an Attempt that exceeded the Strength of twelve Men, instead of two.
Juvenal has made an agreeable Use of this Thought in his fourteenth Satyr.
XXX.
‘VERSE 391. Hid from the Foe behind her shining Veil.]’ Homer says, she spread her Veil that it might be a Defence against the Darts. How comes it then afterwards to be pierc'd thro', when Venus is wounded? It is manifest the Veil was not impenetrable, and is said here to be a Defence only as it render'd Aeneas invisible, by being interposed. This is the Observation of Eustathius, and was thought too material to be neglected in the Translation.
XXXI.
‘VERSE 403. To bold Deipylus —Whom most he lov'd.]’ Sthenelus (says M. Dacier) loved Deipylus, parce qu'il avoit la mesme humeur que luy, la mesme sagesse. The Words in the Original are [...]. Because his Mind was equal and consentaneous to his own; which I should rather translate, with regard to the Character of Sthenelus, that he had the same Bravery, than the same Wisdom. For that Sthenelus was not remarkable for Wisdom appears from many Passages, and particularly from his Speech to Agamemnon in the fourth Book, upon which see Plutarch's Remark, Note 28.
XXXII.
‘VERSE 408. The Chief in chace of Venus flies.]’ We have seen with what Ease Venus takes Paris out of the Battel in the third Book, when his Life was in danger from Menelaus; but here when she has a Charge of more Importance and nearer Concern, she is not able to preserve her self or her Son from the Fury of Diomed. The difference of Success in two Attempts so like each other, is occasion'd by that Penetration of Sight with which Pallas had endu'd her Favorite. For the Gods in their Intercourse with Men are not ordinarily seen but when they please to render themselves visible; wherefore Venus might think her self and her Son secure from the Insolence of this daring Mortal; but was in this deceiv'd, [Page 90] being ignorant of that Faculty, wherewith the Hero was enabled to distinguish Gods as well as Men.
XXXIII.
‘VERSE 419. Her snowie Hand the razing Steel profan'd.]’ Plutarch in his Symposiacks l. 9. tells us, that Maximus the Rhetorician propos'd this far-fetch'd Question at a Banquet, On which of her Hands Venus was wounded? and that Zopyrion answer'd it by asking, On which of his Legs Philip was lame? But Maximus reply'd it was a different Case: For Demosthenes left no Foundation to guess at the one, whereas Homer gives a Solution of the other, in saying that Diomed throwing his Spear across, wounded her Wrist: so that it was her right Hand he hurt, her left being opposite to his right. He adds another humorous Reason from Pallas's reproaching her afterwards, as having got this Wound while she was stroking and solliciting some Grecian Lady, and unbuckling her Zone; An Action (says this Philosopher) in which no one would make use of the left Hand.
XXXIV.
‘VERSE 422. Such Stream as issues from a wounded God.]’ This is one of those Passages in Homer which have given occasion to that famous Censure of Tully and Longinus, That he makes Gods of his Heroes, and Mortals of his Gods. These, taken in a general Sense, appear'd the highest Impiety to Plato and Pythagoras; one of whom has banish'd Homer from his Commonwealth, and the other said he was tortured in Hell, for Fictions of this Nature. But if a due Distinction be made of a difference among Beings superior to Mankind, which both the Pagans and Christians have allowed, these Fables may be easily accounted for. Wounds inflicted on the Dragon, Bruising of the Serpent's Head, and other such metaphorical Images are consecrated in holy Writ, and apply'd to Angelical and incorporeal Natures. But in our Author's Days they had a Notion of Gods that were corporeal, to whom they ascribed Bodies, tho' of a more subtil Kind than [Page 91] those of Mortals. So in this very Place he supposes them to have Blood, but Blood of a finer and superior Nature. Notwithstanding the foregoing Censures, Milton has not scrupled to imitate and apply this to Angels in the Christian System, when Satan is wounded by Michael in his sixth Book.
Aristotle, Cap. 26. Art. Poet. excuses Homer for following Fame and common Opinion in his Account of the Gods, tho' no way agreeable to Truth. The Religion of those Times taught no other Notions of the Deity, than that the Gods were Beings of human Forms and Passions; so that any but a real Anthropomorphite would probably have past among the ancient Greeks for an impious Heretick: They thought their Religion, which worshipped the Gods in Images of human Shape, was much more refin'd and rational than that of Aegypt and other Nations, who ador'd them in animal or monstrous Forms. And certainly Gods of human Shape cannot justly be esteemed or described otherwise, than as a celestial Race, superior only to mortal Men by greater Abilities, and a more extensive Degree of Wisdom and Strength, subject however to the necessary Inconveniencies consequent to corporeal Beings. Cicero in his Book de Nat. Deor. urges this Consequence strongly against the Epicureans, who tho' they depos'd the Gods from any Power in creating or governing the World, yet maintain'd their Existence in human Forms. ‘ Non enim sentitis quam multa vobis suscipienda sunt si impetraveritis ut concedamus eandem esse hominum & deorum [Page 92] figuram; omnis cultus & curatio corporis erit eadem adhibenda Deo quae adhibetur homini, ingressus, cursus, accubatio, inclinatio, sessio, comprehensio, ad extremum etiam sermo & oratio. Nam quod & mares Deos & faeminas esse dicitis, quid sequatur videtis.’
This Particular of the wounding of Venus seems to be a Fiction of Homer's own Brain, naturally deducible from the Doctrine of corporeal Gods above-mentioned; and considered as Poetry, no way shocking. Yet our Author as if he had foreseen some Objection, has very artfully inserted a Justification of this bold Stroke, in the Speech Dione soon after makes to Venus. For as it was natural to comfort her Daughter, by putting her in mind that many other Deities had receiv'd as ill Treatment from Mortals by the Permission of Jupiter; so it was of great Use to the Poet, to enumerate those ancient Fables to the same Purpose, which being then generally assented to might obtain Credit for his own. This fine Remark belongs to Eustathius.
XXXV.
‘VERSE 424. Unlike our gross, diseas'd, terrestrial Blood, &c.]’ The Opinion of the Incorruptibility of Celestial Matter seems to have been receiv'd in the Time of Homer. For he makes the Immortality of the Gods to depend upon the incorruptible Nature of the Nutriment by which they are sustained: As the Mortality of Men to proceed from the corruptible Materials of which they are made, and by which they are nourished. We have several Instances in him from whence this may be inferred, as when Diomed questions Glaucus if he be a God or a Mortal, he adds, One who is sustained by the Fruits of the Earth. Lib. 6. ℣. 142.
XXXVI.
‘VERSE 449. Low at his Knee she begg'd.]’ All the former English Translators make it, she fell on her Knees, an Oversight occasion'd by the want of a competent Knowledge in Antiquities (without which no Man can tolerably understand this Author.) For the Custom of praying on the Knees was [Page 93] unknown to the Greeks, and in use only among the Hebrews.
XXXVII.
‘VERSE 472. And share those Griefs inferior Pow'rs must share.]’ The word Inferior is added by the Translator, to open the Distinction Homer makes between the Divinity itself, which he represents impassible, and the subordinate celestial Beings or Spirits.
XXXVIII.
‘VERSE 475. The mighty Mars, &c.]’ Homer in these Fables, as upon many other Occasions, makes a great Show of his Theological Learning, which was the manner of all the Greeks who had travell'd into Aegypt. Those who would see these Allegories explained at large, may consult Eustathius on this Place. Virgil speaks much in the same Figure when he describes the happy Peace with which Augustus had blest the World,
XXXIX.
‘VERSE 479. Perhaps had perish'd.]’ Some of Homer's Censurers have inferr'd from this Passage, that the Poet represents his Gods subject to Death, when nothing but great Misery is here described. It is a common way of Speech to use Perdition and Destruction for Misfortune. The Language of Scripture calls eternal Punishment perishing everlastingly. There is a remarkable Passage to this Purpose in Tacitus, An. 6. which very lively represents the miserable State of a distracted Tyrant: It is the beginning of a Letter from Tiberius to the Senate, ‘ Quid scribam vobis, P. C. aut quomodo scribam, aut quid omnino non scribam hoc tempore, Dii me deaeque pejus perdant quam perire quotidie sentio, si scio.’
XL.
‘VERSE 498. No Infant on his Knees shall call him Sire.]’ This is Homer's manner of foretelling that he shall perish unfortunately in Battel, which is infinitely a more artful way of conveying that Thought than by a direct Expression. He does not simply say, he shall never return from the War, but intimates as much by describing the Loss of the most sensible and affecting Pleasure that a Warrior can receive at his Return. Of the like Nature is the Prophecy at the end of this Speech of the Hero's Death, by representing it in a Dream of his Wife's. There are many fine Strokes of this kind in the Prophetical Parts of the Old Testament. Nothing is more natural than Dione's forming these Images of Revenge upon Diomed, the Hope of which Vengeance was so proper a Topick of Consolation to Venus.
XLI.
‘VERSE 500. To stretch thee pale, &c.]’ Virgil has taken notice of this threatning Denunciation of Vengeance, tho' fulfill'd in a different manner, where Diomed in his Answer to the Embassador of K. Latinus enumerates his Misfortunes, and imputes the Cause of them to this impious Attempt upon Venus. Aeneid, Lib. 11.
XLII.
‘VERSE 501. Thy distant Wife.]’ The Poet seems here to complement the Fair Sex at the Expence of Truth, by concealing the Character of Aegiale, whom he has describ'd with the Disposition of a faithful Wife; tho' the History of those Times represents her as an abandon'd Prostitute, who gave up her own Person and her Husband's Crown to her Lover. So that Diomed at his Return from Troy, when he expected to be receiv'd with all the Tenderness of a loving Spouse, found his Bed and Throne possess'd by an Adulterer, was forc'd to fly his Country, and seek Refuge and Subsistence in foreign Lands. Thus the offended Goddess executed her Vengeance by the proper Effects of her own Power, by involving the Hero in a Series of Misfortunes proceeding from the Incontinence of his Wife.
XLIII.
‘VERSE 517. The Sire of Gods and Men superior smil'd.]’ One may observe the Decorum and Decency our Author constantly preserves on this Occasion: Jupiter only smiles, the other Gods laugh out. That Homer was no Enemy to Mirth may appear from several Places of his Poem; which so serious as it is, is interspers'd with many Gayeties, indeed more than he has been follow'd in by the succeeding Epic Poets. Milton, who was perhaps fonder of him than the rest, has given most into the ludicrous; of which his Paradise of Fools in the third Book, and his Jesting Angels in the sixth, are extraordinary Instances. Upon the Confusion of Babel, he says there was great Laughter in Heaven: as Homer calls the Laughter of the Gods in the first Book [...], an inextinguishable Laugh: But the Scripture might perhaps embolden the English Poet, which says, The Lord shall laugh them to Scorn, and the like. Plato is very angry at Homer for making the Deities laugh, as a high Indecency and Offence to Gravity. He says the Gods in our Author represent Magistrates and Persons in Authority, and are designed [Page 96] as Examples to such: On this Supposition, he blames him for proposing immoderate Laughter as a thing decent in great Men. I forgot to take notice in its proper Place, that the Epither inextinguishable is not to be taken literally for dissolute or ceasless Mirth, but was only a Phrase of that time to signify Chearfulness and seasonable Gayety; in the same manner as we may now say, to die with Laughter, without being understood to be in danger of dying with it. The Place, Time, and Occasion were all agreeable to Mirth: It was at a Banquet; and Plato himself relates several things that past at the Banquet of Agathon, which had not been either decent or rational at any other Season. The same may be said of the present Passage: Raillery could never be more natural than when two of the Female Sex had an Opportunity of triumphing over another whom they hated. Homer makes Wisdom her self not able, even in the Presence of Jupiter, to resist the Temptation. She breaks into a ludicrous Speech, and the supreme Being himself vouchsafes a Smile at it. But this (as Eustathius remarks) is not introduduced without Judgment and Precaution. For we see he makes Minerva first beg Jupiter's Permission for this Piece of Freedom, Permit thy Daughter, gracious Jove; in which he asks the Reader's leave to enliven his Narration with this Piece of Gayety.
XLIV.
‘VERSE 540. He dreads his Fury, and some Steps retires.]’ Diomed still maintains his intrepid Character; he retires but a Step or two even from Apollo. The Conduct of Homer is remarkably just and rational here. He gives Diomed no sort of Advantage over Apollo, because he would not feign what was entirely incredible, and what no Allegory could justify. He wounds Venus and Mars, as it is morally possible to overcome the irregular Passions which are represented by those Deities. But it is impossible to vanquish Apollo, in whatsoever Capacity he is considered, either as the Sun, or as Destiny: One may shoot at the Sun but not hurt him, and one may strive against Destiny but not surmount it. Eustathius.
XLV.
‘VERSE 546. A Phantome rais'd.]’ The Fiction of a God's placing a Phantome instead of the Hero, to delude the Enemy and continue the Engagement, means no more than that the Enemy thought he was in the Battel. This is the Language of Poetry, which prefers a marvellous Fiction to a plain and simple Truth, the Recital whereof would be cold and unaffecting. Thus Minerva's guiding a Javelin, signifies only that it was thrown with Art and Dexterity; Mars taking upon him the Shape of Acamas, that the Courage of Acamas incited him to do so, and in like manner of the rest. The present Passage is copied by Virgil in the tenth Aeneid, where the Spectre of Aeneas is raised by Juno or the Air, as it is here by Apollo or the Sun; both equally proper to be employ'd in forming an Apparition. Whoever will compare the two Authors on this Subject, will observe with what admirable Art, and what exquisite Ornaments, the latter has improved and beautify'd his Original. Scaliger in comparing these Places, has absurdly censured the Phantome of Homer for its Inactivity; whereas it was only form'd to represent the Hero lying on the Ground, without any Appearance of Life or Motion. Spencer in the eighth Canto of the third Book seems to have improved this Imagination, in the Creation of his false Florimel, who performs all the Functions of Life, and gives occasion for many Adventures.
XLVI.
‘VERSE 575. The Speech of Sarpedon to Hector.]’ It will be hard to find a Speech more warm and spirited than this of Sarpedon, or which comprehends so much in so few Words. Nothing could be more artfully thought upon to pique Hector, who was so jealous of his Country's Glory, than to tell him he had formerly conceiv'd too great a Notion of the Trojan Valor; and to exalt the Auxiliaries above his Countrymen. The Description Sarpedon gives of the little Concern or Interest himself had in the War, in Opposition to the [Page 98] Necessity and imminent Danger of the Trojans, greatly strengthens this Preference, and lays the Charge very home upon their Honour. In the latter Part, which prescribes Hector his Duty, there is a particular Reprimand in telling him how much it behoves him to animate and encourage the Auxiliaries; for this is to say in other Words, You should exhort them, and they are forc'd on the contrary to exhort you.
XLVII.
‘VERSE 611. Ceres' sacred Floor.]’ Homer calls the Threshing Floor sacred (says Eustathius) not only as it was consecrated to Ceres, but in regard of its great Use and Advantage to human Kind; in which Sense also he frequently gives the same Epithet to Cities, &c. This Simile is of an exquisite Beauty.
XLVIII.
‘VERSE 641. So when th' embattel'd Clouds.]’ This Simile contains as proper a Comparison, and as fine a Picture of Nature as any in Homer: Yet however it is to be fear'd the Beauty and Propriety of it will not be very obvious to many Readers, because it is the Description of a natural Appearance which they have not had an Opportunity to remark, and which can be observed only in a mountainous Country. It happens frequently in very calm Weather, that the Atmosphere is charg'd with thick Vapors, whose Gravity is such, that they neither rise nor fall, but remain poiz'd in the Air at a certain Height, where they continue frequently for several Days together. In a plain Country this occasions no other visible Appearance, but of an uniform clouded Sky; but in a Hilly Region these Vapors are to be seen covering the Tops and stretch'd along the Sides of the Mountains, the clouded Parts above being terminated and distinguish'd from the clear Parts below by a strait Line running parallel to the Horizon, as far as the Mountains extend. The whole Compass of Nature cannot afford a nobler and more exact Representation of a numerous Army, drawn up in Line of Battel, and expecting the Charge. The long-extended even front, the [Page 99] Closeness of the Ranks; the Firmness, Order, and Silence of the whole, are all drawn with great Resemblance in this one Comparison. The Poet adds, that this Appearance is while Boreas and the other boisterous Winds which disperse and break the Clouds, are laid asleep. This is as exact as it is Poetical; for when the Winds arise, this regular Order is soon dissolv'd. This Circumstance is added to the Description, as an ominous Anticipation of the Flight and Dissipation of the Greeks, which soon ensued when Mars and Hector broke in upon them.
XLIX.
‘VERSE 651. Ye Greeks be Men, &c.]’ If Homer in the longer Speeches of the Iliad, says all that could be said by Eloquence, in the shorter he says all that can be said with Judgment. Whatever some few modern Criticks have thought, it will be found upon due Reflection, that the Length or Brevity of his Speeches is determined as the Occasions either allow Leisure or demand Haste. This concise Oration of Agamemnon is a Masterpiece in the Laconic way. The Exigence required he should say something very powerful, and no Time was to be lost. He therefore warms the Brave and the Timorous by one and the same Exhortation, which at once moves by the Love of Glory, and the Fear of Death. It is short and full, like that of the brave Scotch General under Gustavus, who upon Sight of the Enemy, said only this; See ye those Lads? Either fell them or they'll fell you.
L.
‘VERSE 652. Your brave Associates and your selves revere.]’ This noble Exhortation of Agamemnon is correspondent to the wise Scheme of Nestor in the second Book: where he advised to rank the Soldiers of the same Nation together, that being known to each other, all might be incited either by a generous Emulation or a decent Shame. Spondanus.
LI.
‘VERSE 691. Mars urg'd him on.]’ This is another Instance of what has been in general observ'd in the Discourse on the Battels of Homer, his artful manner of making us measure one Hero by another. We have here an exact Scale of the Valor of Aeneas and of Menelaus; how much the former outweighs the latter, appears by what is said of Mars in these Lines, and by the Necessity of Antilochus's assisting Menelaus: as afterwards what Over-balance that Assistance gave him, by Aeneas's retreating from them both. How very nicely are these Degrees mark'd on either Hand? This Knowledge of the Difference which Nature itself sets between one Man and another, makes our Author neither blame these two Heroes for going against one, who was superior to each of them in Strength; nor that one for retiring from both, when their Conjunction made them an Overmatch to him. There is great Judgment in all this.
LII.
‘VERSE 696. And all his Country's glorious Labours vain.]’ For (as Agamemnon said in the fourth Book upon Menelaus's being wounded) if he were slain, the War would be at an end, and the Greeks think only of returning to their Country. Spondanus.
LIII.
‘VERSE 726. Mars, stern Destroyer, &c.]’ There is a great Nobleness in this Passage. With what Pomp is Hector introduced into the Battel, where Mars and Bellona are his Attendants? The Retreat of Diomed is no less beautiful; Minerva had remov'd the Mist from his Eyes, and he immediately discovers Mars assisting Hector. His Surprize on this Occasion is finely imag'd by that of the Traveller on the sudden Sight of the River.
LIV.
‘VERSE 784. What brings this Lycian Counsellor so far?]’ There is a particular Sarcasm in Tlepolemus's calling Sarpedon in this Place [...], Lycian Counsellor, one better skill'd in Oratory than War; as he was the Governor of a People who had long been in Peace, and probably (if we may guess from his Character in Homer) remarkable for his Speeches. This is rightly observed by Spondanus, tho' not taken notice of by M. Dacier.
LV.
‘VERSE 792. Troy felt his Arm.]’ He alludes to the History of the first Destruction of Troy by Hercules, occasion'd by Laomedon's refusing that Hero the Horses, which were the Reward promis'd him for the Delivery of his Daughter Hesione.
LVI.
‘VERSE 809. With base Reproaches and unmanly Pride.]’ Methinks these Words [...] include the chief Sting of Sarpedon's Answer to Tlepolemus, which no Commentator that I remember has remark'd. He tells him Laomedon deserv'd his Misfortune, not only for his Perfidy, but for injuring a brave Man with unmanly and scandalous Reproaches; alluding to those which Tlepolemus had just before cast upon him.
LVII.
‘VERSE 848. Nor Hector to the Chief replies.]’ Homer is in nothing more admirable than in the excellent Use he makes of the Silence of the Persons he introduces. It would be endless to collect all the Instances of this Truth throughout his Poem; yet I cannot but put together those that have already occurr'd in the Course of this Work, and leave to the Reader the Pleasure of observing it in what remains. The Silence of [Page 102] the two Heralds when they were to take Briseis from Achilles in Lib. 1. of which see Note 39. In the third Book, when Iris tells Helen the two Rivals were to fight in her Quarrel, and that all Troy were standing Spectators; that guilty Princess makes no Answer, but casts a Veil over her Face and drops a Tear; and when she comes just after into the Presence of Priam, she speaks not, till after he has in a particular manner encourag'd and commanded her. Paris and Menelaus being just upon the Point to encounter, the latter declares his Wishes and Hopes of Conquest to Heaven, the former being engag'd in an unjust Cause, says not a word. In the fourth Book, when Jupiter has express'd his Desire to favour Troy, Juno declaims against him, but the Goddess of Wisdom, tho' much concern'd, holds her Peace. When Agamemnon too rashly reproves Diomed, that Hero remains silent, and in the true Character of a rough Warrior, leaves it to his Actions to speak for him. In the present Book when Sarpedon has reproach'd Hector in an open and generous manner, Hector preserving the same warlike Character, returns no Answer, but immediately hastens to the Business of the Field; as he also does in this Place, where he instantly brings off Sarpedon, without so much as telling him he will endeavour his Rescue. Chapman was not sensible of the Beauty of this, when he imagined Hector's Silence here proceeded from the Pique he had conceiv'd at Sarpedon for his late Reproof of him. That Translator has not scrupled to insert this Opinion of his in a groundless Interpolation altogether foreign to the Author. But indeed it is a Liberty he frequently takes, to draw any Passage to some new, far-fetch'd Conceit of his Invention; insomuch, that very often before he translates any Speech, to the Sense or Design of which he gives some fanciful Turn of his own; he prepares it by several additional Lines purposely to prepossess the Reader of that Meaning. Those who will take the Trouble may see Examples of this in what he sets before the Speeches of Hector, Paris, and Helena in the sixth Book, and innumerable other Places.
LVIII.
‘VERSE 858. But Boreas rising fresh.]’ Sarpedon's fainting at the Extraction of the Dart, and reviving by the free Air, shews the great Judgment of our Author in these Matters. But how Poetically has he told this Truth in raising the God Boreas to his Hero's Assistance, and making a little Machine of but one Line? This manner of representing common Things in Figure and Person, was perhaps the Effect of Homer's Aegyptian Education.
LIX.
‘VERSE 860. The gen'rous Greeks, &c.]’ This slow and orderly Retreat of the Greeks with their Front constantly turn'd to the Enemy, is a fine Encomium both of their Courage and Discipline. This manner of Retreat was in use among the ancient Lacedaemonians, as were many other martial Customs describ'd by Homer. This Practice took its Rise among that brave People from the Apprehensions of being slain with a Wound receiv'd in their Back. Such a Misfortune was not only attended with the highest Infamy, but they had found a way to punish them who suffer'd thus even after their Death, by denying them (as Eustathius informs us) the Rites of Burial.
LX.
This manner of breaking out into an Interrogation, amidst the Description of a Battel, is what serves very much to awaken the Reader. It is here an Invocation to the Muse that prepares us for something uncommon; and the Muse is suppos'd immediately to answer, Teuthras the great, &c. Virgil, I think, has improved the Strength of this Figure by addressing the Apostrophe to the Person whose Exploits he is celebrating, as to Camilla in the eleventh Book.
LXI.
‘VERSE 885. And now Heav'ns Empress calls her blazing Car, &c.]’ Homer seems never more delighted than when he has some Occasion of displaying his Skill in Mechanicks. The Detail he gives us of this Chariot is a beautiful Example of it, where he takes occasion to describe every different Part with a Happiness rarely to be found in Descriptions of this Nature.
LXII.
‘VERSE 904. Pallas disrobes.]’ This Fiction of Pallas arraying herself with the Arms of Jupiter, finely intimates (says Eustathius) that she is nothing else but the Wisdom of the Almighty. The same Author tells us, that the Ancients mark'd this Place with a Star, to distinguish it as one of those that were perfectly admirable. Indeed there is a Greatness and Sublimity in the whole Passage, which is astonishing and superior to any Imagination but that of Homer, nor is there any that might better give occasion for that celebrated Saying, That he was the only Man who had seen the Forms of the Gods, or the only Man who had shewn them. With what Nobleness he describes the Chariot of Juno, the Armor of Minerva, the Aegis of Jupiter, fill'd with the Figures of Horror, Affright, Discord, and all the Terrors of War, the Effects of his Wrath against Men; and that Spear with which his Power and Wisdom overturns whole Armies, and humbles the Pride of the Kings who offend him? But we shall not wonder at the unusual Majesty of all these Ideas, if we consider that they have a near Resemblance to some Descriptions of the same Kind in the sacred Writings, where the Almighty is represented arm'd with Terror, and descending in Majesty to be aveng'd on his Enemies: The Chariot, the Bow, and the Shield of God are Expressions frequent in the Psalms.
LXIII.
‘VERSE 913. A Fringe of Serpents.]’ Our Author does not particularly describe this Fringe of the Aegis, as consisting of Serpents; but that it did so, may be learn'd from Herodotus in his fourth Book. ‘"The Greeks (says he) borrowed the Vest and Shield of Minerva from the Lybians, only with this Difference, that the Lybian Shield was fringed with Thongs of Leather, the Grecian with Serpents."’ And Virgil's Description of the same Aegis agrees with this, Aen. 8. ℣. 435.
This Note is taken from Spondanus, as is also Ogilby's on this Place, but he has translated the Passage of Herodotus wrong, and made the Lybian Shield have the Serpents which were peculiar to the Grecian. By the way I must observe, that Ogilby's Notes are for the most part a Transcription of Spondanus's.
LXIV.
‘VERSE 920. So vast, the wide Circumference contains A hundred Armies.]’ The Words in the Original are [...], which are capable of two Meanings; either that this Helmet of Jupiter was sufficient to have covered the Armies of an hundred Cities, or that the Armies of an hundred Cities were engraved upon it. It is here translated in such a manner that it may be taken either way, tho' the Learned are most inclined to the former Sense, as that Idea is greater and more extraordinary, indeed more agreeable to Homer's bold manner; and not extravagant if we call in the Allegory to our Assistance, and imagine it (with M. Dacier) an Allusion to the Providence of God that extends over all the Universe.
LXV.
‘VERSE 928. Heav'n Gates spontaneous open'd.]’ This marvellous Circumstance of the Gates of Heaven opening themselves of their own accord to the Divinities that past thro' them, is copied by Milton, Lib. 5.
And again in the seventh Book,
As the Fiction that the Hours are the Guards of those Gates, gave him the Hint of that beautiful Passage in the beginning of his sixth,
This Expression of the Gates of Heaven is in the Eastern manner, where they said the Gates of Heaven, or of Earth, for the Entrance or Extremities of Heaven or Earth; a Phrase usual in the Scriptures, as is observ'd by Dacier.
LXVI.
‘VERSE 929. Heav'ns golden Gates, kept by the winged Hours.]’ By the Hours here are meant the Seasons; and so Hobbes translates it, but spoils the Sense by what he adds,
[Page 107] Which is utterly unintelligible, and nothing like Homer's Thought. Natalis Comes explains it thus, Lib. 4. c. 5. ‘ Homerus libro quinto Iliadis non solum has, Portas coeli servare, sed etiam nubes inducere & serenum facere, cum libuerit; quippe cum apertum coelum, serenum nominent Poetae, at clausum, tectum nubibus.’
LXVII.
‘VERSE 954. To tame the Monster-God Minerva knows.]’ For it is only Wisdom that can master Strength. It is worth while here to observe the Conduct of Homer. He makes Minerva, and not Juno, to fight with Mars; because a Combate between Mars and Juno could not be supported by any Allegory to have authorized the Fable: whereas the Allegory of a Battel between Mars and Minerva is very open and intelligible. Eustathius.
LXVIII.
‘VERSE 960. Far as a Shepherd, &c.]’ Longinus citing these Verses as a noble Instance of the Sublime, speaks to this Effect. ‘"In what a wonderful manner does Homer exalt his Deities; measuring the Leaps of their very Horses by the whole Breadth of the Horizon? Who is there that considering the Magnificence of this Hyperbole, would not cry out with Reason, that if these heavenly Steeds were to make a second Leap, the World would want room for a third?"’ This puts me in mind of that Passage in Hesiod's Theogony, where he describes the Height of the Heavens, by saying a Smith's Anvil would be nine Days in falling from thence to Earth.
LXIX.
‘VERSE 971. Smooth as the gliding Doves.]’ This Simile is intended to express the Lightness and Smoothness of the Motion of these Goddesses. The Doves to which Homer compares them, are said by the ancient Scholiast to leave no [Page 108] Impression of their Steps. The Word [...] in the Original may be render'd ascenderunt as well as incesserunt; so may imply (as M. Dacier translates it) moving without touching the Earth, which Milton finely calls smooth-gliding without Step. Virgil describes the gliding of one of these Birds by an Image parallel to that in this Verse.
This kind of Movement was appropriated to the Gods by the Egyptians, as we see in Heliodorus, Lib. 3. Homer might possibly have taken this Notion from them. And Virgil in that Passage where Aeneas discovers Venus by her Gate, Et vera incessu patuit Dea, seems to allude to some manner of moving that distinguish'd Divinities from Mortals. This Opinion is likewise hinted at by him in the fifth Aeneid, where he so beautifully and briefly enumerates the distinguishing Marks of a Deity,
This Passage likewise strengthens what is said in the thirtieth Note on the first Book.
LXX.
‘VERSE 978. Stentor the strong, endu'd with Brazen Lungs.]’ There was a Necessity for Cryers whose Voices were stronger than ordinary, in those ancient Times, before the Use of Trumpets was known in their Armies. And that they were in Esteem afterwards may be seen from Herodotus, where he takes notice that Darius had in his Train an Egyptian, whose Voice was louder and stronger than any Man's of his Age. There is a farther Propriety in Homer's attributing this Voice to Juno; because Juno is no other than the Air, and because the Air is the Cause of Sound. Eustathius. Spondanus.
LXXI.
‘VERSE 998. Degen'rate Prince, &c.]’ This Speech of Minerva to Diomed derives its whole Force and Efficacy from the offensive Comparison she makes between Tydeus and his Son. Tydeus when he was single in the City of his Enemy, fought and overcame the Thebans even tho' Minerva forbade him; Diomed in the midst of his Army, and with Enemies inferior in Number, declines the Fight, tho' Minerva commands him. Tydeus disobeys her, to engage in the Battel; Diomed disobeys her to avoid engaging; and that too after he had upon many Occasions experienced the Assistance of the Goddess. Madam Dacier should have acknowledged this Remark to belong to Eustathius.
LXXII.
‘VERSE 1024. Rash, furious, blind, from these to those he flies.]’ Minerva in this Place very well paints the Manners of Mars, whose Business was always to fortify the weaker side, in order to keep up the Broil. I think the Passage includes a fine Allegory of the Nature of War. Mars is called inconstant, and a Breaker of his Promises, because the Chance of War is wavering, and uncertain Victory is perpetually changing sides. This latent Meaning of the Epithet [...] is taken notice of by Eustathius.
LXXIII.
‘VERSE 1033. So great a God.]’ The Translation has ventured to call a Goddess so; in Imitation of the Greek, which uses the word [...] promiscuously for either Gender. Some of the Latin Poets have not scrupled to do the same. Statius, Thebaid 4. (speaking of Diana)
And Virgil, Aeneid 2. where Aeneas is conducted by Venus thro' the Dangers of the Fire and the Enemy.
LXXIV.
‘VERSE 1037. Black Orcus' Helmet.]’ As every thing that goes into the dark Empire of Pluto, or Orcus, disappears and is seen no more; the Greeks from thence borrow'd this figurative Expression, to put on Pluto 's Helmet, that is to say, to become invisible. Plato uses this Proverb in the tenth Book of his Republick, and Aristophanes in Acharnens. Eustathius.
LXXV.
‘VERSE 1054. Loud as the Roar encountring Armies yield.]’ This Hyperbole to express the roaring of Mars, so strong as it is, yet is not extravagant. It wants not a qualifying Circumstance or two; the Voice is not Human, but that of a Deity, and the Comparison being taken from an Army, renders it more natural with respect to the God of War. It is less daring to say that a God could send forth a Voice as loud as the Shout of two Armies, than that Camilla, a Latian Nymph, could run so swiftly over the Corn as not to bend an Ear of it. Or, to alledge a nearer Instance, that Polyphemus a meer Mortal, shook all the Island of Sicily, and made the deepest Caverns of Aetna roar with his Cries. Yet Virgil generally escapes the Censure of those Moderns who are shock'd with the bold Flights of Homer. It is usual with those who are Slaves to common Opinion to overlook or praise the same Things in one, that they blame in another. They think to depreciate Homer in extolling the Judgment of Virgil, who never shew'd it more than when he followed him in these Boldnesses. And indeed they who would take Boldness from Poetry, must leave Dulness in the room of it.
LXXVI.
‘VERSE 1058. As Vapors blown, &c.]’ Mars after a sharp [Page 111] Engagement amidst the Rout of the Trojans, wrapt in a Whirlwind of Dust which was rais'd by so many thousand Combatants, flies toward Olympus. Homer compares him in this Estate, to those black Clouds, which during a scorching Southern Wind in the Dog-days, are sometimes born towards Heaven; for the Wind at that time gathering the Dust together, forms a dark Cloud of it. The Heat of the Fight, the Precipitation of the Trojans, together with the Clouds of Dust that flew above the Army and took Mars from the Sight of his Enemy, supply'd Homer with this noble Image. Dacier.
LXXVII.
‘VERSE 1074. Thou gav'st that Fury to the Realms of Light, Pernicious, wild, &c.]’ It is very artful in Homer, to make Mars accuse Minerva of all those Faults and Enormities he was himself so eminently guilty of. Those People who are the most unjust and violent accuse others, even the best, of the same Crimes: Every irrational Man is a distorted Rule, tries every thing by that wrong Measure, and forms his Judgment accordingly. Eustathius.
LXXVIII.
‘VERSE 1091. Condemn'd to Pain, tho' fated not to die.]’ Those are mistaken who imagine our Author represents his Gods as mortal. He only represents the inferior or corporeal Deities as capable of Pains and Punishments, during the Will of Jupiter, which is not inconsistent with true Theology. If Mars is said in Dione's Speech to Venus to have been near perishing by Otus and Ephialtes, it means no more than lasting Misery, such as Jupiter threatens him with when he speaks of precipitating him into Tartarus. Homer takes care to tell us both of this God and of Pluto when Paeon cured them, that they were not mortal.
LXXIX.
‘VERSE 1096. Of all the Gods—Thou most unjust, most odious, &c.]’ Jupiter's Reprimand of Mars is worthy the Justice and Goodness of the great Governor of the World, and seems to be no more than was necessary in this Place. Homer hereby admirably distinguishes between Minerva and Mars, that is to say, between Wisdom and ungovern'd Fury; the former is produced from Jupiter without a Mother, to show that it proceeds from God alone; (and Homer's alluding to that Fable in the preceding Speech shows that he was not unacquainted with this Opinion.) The latter is born of Jupiter and Juno, because, as Plato explains it, whatever is created by the Ministry of second Causes, and the Concurrence of Matter, partakes of that Original Spirit of Division which reigned in the Chaos, and is of a corrupt and rebellious Nature. The Reader will find this Allegory pursued with great Beauty in these two Speeches; especially where Jupiter concludes with saying he will not destroy Mars, because he comes from himself; God will not annihilate Passion, which he created to be of use to Reason: ‘"Wisdom (says Eustathius upon this Place) has occasion for Passion, in the same manner as Princes have need of Guards. Therefore Reason and Wisdom correct and keep Passion in Subjection, but do not entirely destroy and ruin it.’
LXXX.
‘VERSE 1101. And all thy Mother in thy Soul rebels, &c.]’ Jupiter says of Juno, that she has a Temper which is insupportable, and knows not how to submit, tho' he is perpetually chastising her with his Reproofs. Homer says no more than this, but M. Dacier adds, Si je ne la retenois par la severitè des mes loix, il n'est rien qu'elle ne bouleversast dans l'Olympe & sous l'Olympe. Upon which she makes a Remark to this effect, ‘"that if it were not for the Laws of Providence, the whole World would be nothing but Confusion."’ This Practice of refining and adding to Homer's Thought in the [Page 113] Text, and then applauding the Author for it in the Notes, is pretty usual with the more florid modern Translators. In the third Iliad in Helen's Speech to Priam, ℣. 175. she wishes she had rather dy'd than follow'd Paris to Troy. To this is added in the French, Mais je n'eus ni assez de Courage ni assez de vertu, for which there is not the least Hint in Homer. I mention this particular Instance in pure Justice, because in the Treatise de la Corruption du Gout Exam. de Liv. 3. She triumphs over M. de la Motte as if he had omitted the Sense and Moral of Homer in that Place, when in Truth he only left out her own Interpolation.
LXXXI.
‘VERSE 1113. As when the Fig's prest Juice, &c.]’ The sudden Operation of the Remedy administer'd by Paeon, is well express'd by this Similitude. It is necessary just to take notice, that they anciently made use of the Juice or Sap of a green Fig for Runnet, to cause their Milk to coagulate. It may not be amiss to observe, that Homer is not very delicate in the Choice of his Allusions. He often borrowed his Similes from low Life, and provided they illustrated his Thoughts in a just and lively manner, it was all he had regard to.
THE Allegory of this whole Book lies so open, is carry'd on with such Closeness, and wound up with so much Fulness and Strength, that it is a wonder how it could enter into the Imagination of any Critick, that these Actions of Diomed were only a daring and extravagant Fiction in Homer, as if he affected the Marvellous at any rate. The great Moral of it is, that a brave Man should not contend against Heaven, but resist only Venus and Mars, Incontinence and ungovern'd Fury. Diomed is propos'd as an Example of a great and enterprizing Nature, which would perpetually be venturing too far, and committing Extravagancies or Impieties, did it not suffer itself to be check'd and guided by Minerva or Prudence: For it is this Wisdom (as we are told in the very first Lines of the Book) that raises a Hero above all others. Nothing is more observable than the particular Care Homer has taken to shew [Page 114] he designed this Moral. He never omits any Occasion throughout the Book, to put it in express Terms into the Mouths of the Gods or Persons of the greatest Weight. Minerva, at the beginning of the Battel, is made to give this Precept to Diomed; Fight not against the Gods, but give way to them, and resist only Venus. The same Goddess opens his Eyes, and enlightens him so far as to perceive when it is Heaven that acts immediately against him, or when it is Man only that opposes him. The Hero himself, as soon as he has perform'd her Dictates in driving away Venus, cries out, not as to the Goddess, but as to the Passion, Thou hast no Business with Warriors, is it not enough that thou deceiv'st weak Women? Even the Mother of Venus while she comforts her Daughter, bears Testimony to the Moral: That Man (says she) is not long-liv'd who contends with the Gods. And when Diomed, transported by his Nature, proceeds but a Step too far, Apollo discovers himself in the most solemn manner, and declares this Truth in his own Voice, as it were by direct Revelation: Mortal, forbear! consider, and know the vast difference there is between the Gods and Thee. They are immortal and divine, but Man a miserable Reptile of the Dust.
THE SIXTH BOOK OF THE ILIAD.
The ARGUMENT.
The Episodes of
Glaucus and
Diomed, and of
Hector and
Andromache.
THE Gods having left the Field, the Grecians prevail. Helenus, the chief Augur of Troy, commands Hector to return to the City in order to appoint a solemn Procession of the Queen and the Trojan Matrons to the Temple of Minerva, to entreat her to remove Diomed from the Fight. The Battel relaxing during the Absence of Hector, Glaucus and Diomed have an Interview between the two Armies; where coming to the Knowledge of the Friendship and Hospitality past between their Ancestors, they make exchange of their Arms. Hector having performed the Orders of Helenus, prevail'd upon Paris to return to the Battel, and taken a tender Leave of his Wife Andromache, hastens again to the Field.
The Scene is first in the Field of Battel, between the Rivers Simois and Scamander, and then changes to Troy.
THE SIXTH BOOK OF THE ILIAD.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE Sixth Book.
[Page 151]OBSERVATIONS ON THE SIXTH BOOK.
I.
‘VERSE 7. FIRST Ajax.]’ Ajax performs his Exploits immediately upon the Departure of the Gods from the Battel. It is observ'd that this Hero is never assisted by the Deities, as most of the rest are: See his Character in the Notes on the seventh Book. The Expression of the Greek is, that he brought Light to his Troops, which M. Dacier takes to be metaphorical: I do not see but it may be literal; he broke the thick Squadrons of the Enemy, and open'd a Passage for the Light.
II.
‘VERSE 9. The Thracian Acamas.]’ This Thracian Prince is the same in whose Likeness Mars appears in the preceding Book, rallying the Trojans and forcing the Greeks to retire. In the present Description of his Strength and Size, we see with what Propriety this Personage was selected by the Poet as fit to be assumed by the God of War.
III.
‘VERSE 16. Axylus, Hospitable.]’ This beautiful Character of Axylus has not been able to escape the Misunderstanding of [Page 152] some of the Commentators, who thought Homer design'd it as a Reproof of an undistinguish'd Generosity. It is evidently a Panegyrick on that Virtue, and not improbably on the Memory of some excellent, but unfortunate Man in that Country, whom the Poet honours with the noble Title of A Friend to Mankind. It is indeed a severe Reproof of the Ingratitude of Men, and a kind of Satyr on human Race, while he represents this Lover of his Species miserably perishing without Assistance from any of those Numbers he had obliged. This Death is very moving, and the Circumstance of a faithful Servant's dying by his side, well imagined, and natural to such a Character. His manner of keeping House near a frequented Highway, and relieving all Travellers, is agreeable to that ancient Hospitality which we now only read of. There is Abundance of this Spirit every where in the Odysseis. The Patriarchs in the Old Testament sit at their Gates to see those who pass by, and entreat them to enter into their Houses: This cordial manner of Invitation is particularly described in the 18 th and 19 th Chapters of Genesis. The Eastern Nations seem to have had a peculiar Disposition to these Exercises of Humanity, which continues in a great measure to this Day. It is yet a Piece of Charity frequent with the Turks, to erect Caravanserahs, or Inns for the Reception of Travellers. Since I am upon this Head, I must mention one or two extraordinary Examples of ancient Hospitality. Diodorus Siculus writes of Gallias of Agrigentum, that having built severall Inns for the Relief of Strangers, he appointed Persons at the Gates to invite all who travell'd to make use of them; and that this Example was followed by many others who were inclined after the ancient manner to live in a human and beneficent Correspondence with Mankind. That this Gallias entertain'd and cloathed at one time no less than five hundred Horsemen; and that there were in his Cellars three hundred Vessels, each of which contain'd an hundred Hogsheads of Wine. The same Author tells us of another Agrigentine, that at the Marriage of his Daughter feasted all the People of his City, who at that time were above twenty thousand.
Herodotus in his seventh Book has a Story of this kind, which is prodigious, being of a private Man so immensely [Page 153] rich as to entertain Xerxes and his whole Army. I shall transcribe the Passage as I find it translated to my Hands.
" Pythius the Son of Atys, a Lydian, then residing in Celaene, entertain'd the King and all his Army with great Magnificence, and offer'd him his Treasures towards the Expence of the War: which Liberality Xerxes communicating to the Persians about him, and asking who this Pythius was, and what Riches he might have to enable him to make such an Offer? Receiv'd this Answer; Pythius, said they, is the Person who presented your Father Darius with a Plane-Tree and Vine of Gold: and after you, is the richest Man we know in the World. Xerxes surpriz'd with these last Words, ask'd him to what Sum his Treasures might amount. I shall conceal nothing from you, said Pythius; nor pretend to be ignorant of my own Wealth; but being perfectly inform'd of the State of my Accompts, shall tell you the Truth with Sincerity. When I heard you was ready to begin the March towards the Grecian Sea, I resolv'd to present you with a Sum of Money towards the Charge of the War; and to that end having taken an Account of my Riches, I found by Computation that I had two thousand Talents of Silver, and three Millions nine hundred ninety three thousand Pieces of Gold, bearing the Stamp of Darius. These Treasures I freely give you, because I shall be sufficiently furnish'd with whatever is necessary to Life by the Labour of my Servants and Husbandmen.
" Xerxes heard these Words with Pleasure, and in answer to Pythius, said; My Lydian Host, since I parted from Susa I have not found a Man besides your self, who has offer'd to entertain my Army, or voluntarily to contribute his Treasures to promote the present Expedition. You alone have treated my Army magnificently, and readily offer'd me immense Riches: Therefore, in Return of your Kindness, I make you my Host; and that you may be Master of the intire Sum of four Millions in Gold, I will give you seven thousand Darian Pieces out of my own Treasure. Keep then all the Riches you now possess; and [Page 154] if you know how to continue always in the same good Disposition, you shall never have reason to repent of your Affection to me, either now or in future time.
The Sum here offer'd by Pythius amounts by Brerewood's Computation to three Millions three hundred seventy five thousand Pounds Sterling, according to the lesser Valuation of Talents. I make no Apology for inserting so remarkable a Passage at length, but shall only add, that it was at last the Fate of this Pythius (like our Axylus) to experience the Ingratitude of Man; his eldest Son being afterwards cut in Pieces by the same Xerxes.
IV.
‘VERSE 57. Oh spare my Youth, &c.]’ This Passage, where Agamemnon takes away that Trojan's Life whom Menelaus had pardoned, and is not blamed by Homer for so doing, must be ascribed to the uncivilized Manners of those Times, when Mankind was not united by the Bonds of a rational Society, and is not therefore to be imputed to the Poet, who followed Nature as it was in his Days. The Historical Books of the Old Testament abound in Instances of the like Cruelty to conquer'd Enemies.
Virgil had this Part of Homer in his View when he described the Death of Magus in the tenth Aeneid. Those Lines of his Prayer where he offers a Ransome are translated from this of Adrastus, but both the Prayer and the Answer Aeneas makes when he refuses him Mercy, are very much heighten'd and improved. They also receive a great Addition of Beauty and Propriety from the Occasion on which he inserts them: Young Pallas is just kill'd, and Aeneas seeking to be reveng'd upon Turnus, meets this Magus. Nothing can be a more artful Piece of Address than the first Lines of that Supplication, if we consider the Character of Aeneas to whom it is made.
[Page 155] And what can exceed the Closeness and Fullness of that Reply to it?
This removes the Imputation of Cruelty from Aeneas, which had less agreed with his Character than it does with Agamemnon's; whose Reproof to Menelaus in this Place is not unlike that of Samuel to Saul for not killing Agag.
V.
‘VERSE 74. Her Infants at the Breast shall fall.]’ Or, her Infants yet in the Womb, for it will bear either Sense. But I think Madam Dacier in the right, in her Affirmation that the Greeks were not arrived to that Pitch of Cruelty to rip up the Wombs of Women with Child. Homer (says she) to remove all equivocal Meaning from this Phrase, adds the Words [...], juvenem puerulum existentem, which would be ridiculous were it said of a Child yet unborn. Besides, he would never have represented one of his first Heroes capable of so barbarous a Crime, or at least would not have commended him (as he does just after) for such a wicked Exhortation.
VI.
‘VERSE 88. First gain the Conquest, then divide the Spoil.]’ This important Maxim of War is very naturally introduced, upon Nestor's having seen Menelaus ready to spare an Enemy for the sake of a Ransome. It was for such Lessons as these (says M. Dacier) that Alexander so much esteem'd Homer and study'd his Poem. He made his Use of this Precept in the Battel of Arbela, when Parmenio being in danger of weakening the main Body to defend the Baggage, he sent this Message to him. Leave the Baggage there, for if we carry the Victory, we shall not only recover what is our [Page 156] own, but be Masters of all that is the Enemy's. Histories ancient and modern are fill'd with Examples of Enterprizes that have miscarry'd, and Battels that have been lost, by the Greediness of Soldiers for Pillage.
VII.
‘VERSE 98. Wise to consult, and active to defend.]’ This is a twofold Branch of Praise, expressing the Excellence of these Princes both in Council and in Battel. I think Madam Dacier's Translation does not come up to the Sense of the Original. Les plus hardis & les plus experimentez des nos Capitains.
VIII.
‘VERSE 107. Thou Hector to the Town.]’ It has been a modern Objection to Homer's Conduct, that Hector upon whom the whole Fate of the Day depended, is made to retire from the Battel, only to carry a Message to Troy concerning a Sacrifice, which might have been done as well by any other. They think it absurd in Helenus to advise this, and in Hector to comply with it. What occasion'd this false Criticism was that they imagin'd it to be a Piece of Advice, and not a Command. Helenus was a Priest and Augur of the highest Rank, he enjoins it as a Point of Religion, and Hector obeys him as one inspired from Heaven. The Trojan Army was in the utmost Distress, occasion'd by the prodigious Slaughter made by Diomed: There was therefore more Reason and Necessity to propitiate Minerva who assisted that Hero; which Helenus might know, tho' Hector would have chosen to have stay'd and trusted to the Arm of Flesh. Here is nothing but what may agree with each of their Characters. Hector goes as he was obliged in Religion, but not before he has animated the Troops, re-established the Combate, repulsed the Greeks to some distance, received a Promise from Helenus that they would make a stand at the Gates, and given one himself to the Army that he would soon return to the Fight: All which Homer has been careful to specify, to save the Honour and preserve the Character of this Hero. As to Helenus his [Page 157] Part, he saw the Straits his Countrymen were reduced to, he knew his Authority as a Priest, and design'd to revive the Courage of the Troops by a Promise of divine Assistance. Nothing adds more Courage to the Minds of Men than Superstition, and perhaps it was the only Expedient then left; much like a modern Practice in the Army, to enjoin a Fast when they wanted Provision. Helenus could no way have made his Promise more credible, than by sending away Hector; which look'd like an Assurance that nothing could prejudice them during his Absence on such a religious Account. No Leader of less Authority than Hector could so properly have enjoin'd this solemn Act of Religion; and lastly, no other whose Valour was less known than his, could have left the Army in this Juncture without a Taint upon his Honour. Homer makes this Piety succeed; Paris is brought back to the Fight, the Trojans afterwards prevail, and Jupiter appears openly in their favour, l. 8. Tho' after all, I cannot dissemble my Opinion, that the Poet's chief Intention in this, was to introduce that fine Episode of the Parting of Hector and Andromache. This Change of the Scene to Troy furnishes him with a great Number of Beauties. By this means (says Eustathius) his Poem is for a time divested of the Fierceness and Violence of Battels, and being as it were wash'd from Slaughter and Blood, becomes calm and smiling by the Beauty of these various Episodes.
IX.
‘VERSE 117. If so the Pow'r atton'd.]’ The Poet here plainly supposes Helenus, by his Skill in Augury or some other divine Inspiration, well inform'd that the Might of Diomed which wrought such great Destruction among the Trojans, was the Gift of Pallas incens'd against them. The Prophet therefore directs Prayers, Offerings, and Sacrifices to be made to appease the Anger of this offended Goddess; not to invoke the Mercy of any propitious Deity. This is conformable to the whole System of Pagan Superstition, the Worship whereof being grounded not on Love but Fear, seems directed rather to avert the Malice and Anger of a wrathful and [Page 158] mischievous Daemon, than to implore the Assistance and Protection of a benevolent Being. In this Strain of Religion this same Prophet is introduced by Virgil in the third Aeneid, giving particular Direction to Aeneas to appease the Indignation of Juno, as the only means which could bring his Labours to a prosperous End.
X.
‘VERSE 147. The Interview of Glaucus and Diomed.]’ No Passage in our Author has been the Subject of more severe and groundless Criticisms than this, where these two Heroes enter into a long Conversation (as they will have it) in the Heat of a Battel. Monsieur Dacier's Answer in Defence of Homer is so full, that I cannot do better than to translate it from his Remarks on the 26 th Chapter of Aristotle's Poetic. There can be nothing more unjust than the Criticisms past upon things that are the Effect of Custom. It was usual in ancient Times for Soldiers to talk together before they encounter'd. Homer is full of Examples of this sort, and he very well deserves we should be so just as to believe, he had never done it so often, but that it was agreeable to the Manners of his Age. But this is not only a thing of Custom, but founded in Reason itself. The Ties of Hospitality in those Times were held more sacred than those of Blood; and it is on that Account Diomed gives so long an Audience to Glaucus, whom he acknowledges to be his Guest, with whom it was not lawful to engage in Combate. Homer makes an admirable Use of this Conjuncture, to introduce an entertaining History after so many Battels as he has been describing, and to unbend the Mind of his Reader by a Recital of so much Variety as the Story of the Family of Sisyphus. It may be farther observ'd, with what [Page 159] Address and Management he places this long Conversation; it is not during the Heat of an obstinate Battel, which had been too unseasonable to be excused by any Custom whatever; but he brings it in after he has made Hector retire into Troy, when the Absence of so powerful an Enemy had given Diomed that Leisure which he could not have had otherwise. One need only read the judicious Remark of Eustathius upon this Place. The Poet (says he) after having caus'd Hector to go out of the Fight, interrupts the Violence of Wars, and gives some Relaxation to the Reader, in causing him to pass from the Confusion and Disorder of the Action to the Tranquillity and Security of an Historical Narration. For by means of the happy Episode of Glaucus, he casts a thousand pleasing Wonders into his Poem; as Fables, that include beautiful Allegories, Histories, Genealogies, Sentences, ancient Customs, and several other Graces that tend to the diversifying of his Work, and which by breaking (as one may say) the Monotomy of it, agreeably instruct the Reader. Let us observe, in how fine a manner Homer has hereby praised both Diomed and Hector. For he makes us know, that as long as Hector is in the Field, the Greeks have not the least Leisure to take breath; and that as soon as he quits it, all the Trojans, however they had regain'd all their Advantages, were not able to employ Diomed so far as to prevent his entertaining himself with Glaucus without any danger to his Party. Some may think after all, that tho' we may justify Homer, we cannot excuse the Manners of his Time; it not being natural for Men with Swords in their Hands to dialogue together in cold Blood just before they engage. But not to alledge, that these very Manners yet remain in those Countries, which have not been corrupted by the Commerce of other Nations, (which is a great Sign of their being natural) what Reason can be offer'd that it is more natural to fall on at first Sight with Rage and Fierceness, than to speak to an Enemy before the Encounter? Thus far Monsieur Dacier, and St. Evremont asks humourously, if it might not be as proper in that Country for Men to harangue before they fought, as it is in England to make Speeches before they are hanged.
[Page 160] That Homer is not in general apt to make unseasonable Harangues (as these Censurers would represent) may appear from that remarkable Care he has shewn in many Places to avoid them: As when in the fifth Book Aeneas being cured on a sudden in the middle of the Fight, is seen with Surprize by his Soldiers; he specifies with particular Caution, that they asked him no Questions how he became cured, in a time of so much Business and Action. Again, when there is a Necessity in the same Book that Minerva should have a Conference with Diomed, in order to engage him against Mars (after her Prohibition to him to fight with the Gods) Homer chuses a time for that Speech, just when the Hero is retir'd behind his Chariot to take Breath, which was the only Moment that could be spared during the Hurry of that whole Engagement. One might produce many Instances of the same kind.
The Discourse of Glaucus to Diomed is severely censured, not only on Account of the Circumstance of Time and Place, but likewise on the Score of the Subject, which is taxed as improper, and foreign to the End and Design of the Poem. But the Criticks who have made this Objection, seem neither to comprehend the Design of the Poet in general, nor the particular Aim of this Discourse. Many Passages in the best ancient Poets appear unaffecting at present, which probably gave the greatest Delight to their first Readers, because they were nearly interested in what was there related. It is very plain that Homer designed this Poem as a Monument to the Honour of the Greeks, who, tho' consisting of several independent Societies, were yet very national in Point of Glory, being strongly affected with every thing that seem'd to advance the Honour of their common Country, and resentful of any Indignity offer'd to it. This Disposition was the Ground of that grand Alliance which is the Subject of this Poem. To Men so fond of their Country's Glory, what could be more agreeable than to read a History fill'd with Wonders of a noble Family transplanted from Greece into Asia? They might here learn with Pleasure that the Grecian Virtues did not degenerate by removing into distant Climes: but especially they must be affected with uncommon Delight to find that [Page 161] Sarpedon and Glaucus, the bravest of the Trojan Auxiliaries, were originally Greeks.
Tasso in this manner has introduced an agreeable Episode, which shews Clorinda the Offspring of Christian Parents, tho' engag'd in the Service of the Infidels, Cant. 12.
XI.
‘VERSE 149. Between both Armies met, &c.]’ It is usual with Homer before he introduces a Hero, to make as it were a Halt, to render him the more remarkable. Nothing could more prepare the Attention and Expectation of the Reader, than this Circumstance at the first meeting of Diomed and Glaucus. Just at the Time when the Mind begins to be weary with the Battel, it is diverted with the Prospect of a single Combate, which of a sudden turns to an Interview of Friendship and an unexpected Scene of sociable Virtue. The whole Air of the Conversation between these two Heroes has something heroically solemn in it.
XII.
‘VERSE 159. But if from Heav'n, &c.]’ A quick change of Mind from the greatest Impiety to as great Superstition, is frequently observable in Men who having been guilty of the most heinous Crimes without any Remorse, on the sudden are fill'd with Doubts and Scruples about the most lawful or indifferent Actions. This seems the present Case of Diomed, who having knowingly wounded and insulted the Deities, is now afraid to engage the first Man he meets, lest perhaps a God might be conceal'd in that Shape. This Disposition of Diomed produces the Question he puts to Glaucus, which without this Consideration will appear impertinent, and so naturally occasions that agreeable Episode of Bellerophon which Glaucus relates in answer to Diomed.
XIII.
‘VERSE 161. Not long Lycurgus, &c.]’ What Diomed [Page 162] here says is the Effect of Remorse, as if he had exceeded the Commission of Pallas in encountring with the Gods, and dreaded the Consequences of proceeding too far. At least he had no such Commission now, and besides, was no longer capable of distinguishing them from Men (a Faculty she had given him in the foregoing Book:) He therefore mentions this Story of Lycurgus as an Example that sufficed to terrify him from so rash an Undertaking. The Ground of the Fable they say is this, Lycurgus caused most of the Vines of his Country to be rooted up, so that his Subjects were obliged to mix it with Water when it was less plentiful: Hence it was feign'd that Thetis receiv'd Bacchus into her Bosom.
XIV.
‘VERSE 170. Immortals blest with endless Ease.]’ Tho' Dacier's and most of the Versions take no Notice of the Epithet used in this Place, [...], Dii facilè seu beatè viventes; the Translator thought it a Beauty which he could not but endeavour to preserve.
XV.
‘VERSE 178. Approach, and enter the dark Gates of Death.]’ This haughty Air which Homer gives his Heroes was doubtless a Copy of the Manners and hyperbolical Speeches of those Times. Thus Goliah to David, Sam. 1. Ch. 17. Approach, and I will give thy Flesh to the Fowls of the Air and the Beasts of the Field. The Orientals speak the same Language to this Day.
XVI.
‘VERSE 181. Like Leaves on Trees.]’ There is a noble Gravity in the beginning of this Speech of Glaucus, according to the true Style of Antiquity, Few and evil are our Days. This beautiful Thought of our Author whereby the Race of Men are compared to the Leaves of Trees, is celebrated by [Page 163] Simonides in a fine Fragment extant in Stobaeus. The same Thought may be found in Ecclesiasticus, Ch. 14. ℣. 18. almost in the same Words; As of the green Leaves on a thick Tree, some fall, and some grow; so is the Generation of Flesh and Blood, one cometh to an end, and another is born.
The Reader who has seen so many Passages imitated from Homer by succeeding Poets, will no doubt be pleased to see one of an ancient Poet which Homer has here imitated; this is a Fragment of Musaeus preserv'd by Clemens Alexandrinus in his Stromata, Lib. 6.
Tho' this Comparison be justly admir'd for its Beauty in this obvious Application to the Mortality and Succession of human Life, it seems however design'd by the Poet in this Place as a proper Emblem of the transitory State not of Men but of Families, which being by their Misfortunes or Follies fallen and decay'd, do again in a happier Season revive and flourish in the Fame and Virtues of their Posterity: In this Sense it is a direct Answer to what Diomed had ask'd, as well as a proper Preface to what Glaucus relates of his own Family, which having been extinct in Corinth, had recover'd new Life in Lycia.
XVII.
‘VERSE 193. Then call'd Ephyre.]’ It was the same which was afterwards called Corinth, and had that Name in Homer's Time, as appears from this Catalogue, ℣. 77.
XVIII.
‘VERSE 196. Lov'd for that Valour which preserves Mankind.]’ This Distinction of true Valour which has the Good of Mankind for its End, in Opposition to the Valour of Tyrants or Oppressors, is beautifully hinted by Homer in the Epithet [Page 164] [...], amiable Valour. Such as was that of Bellerophon who freed the Land from Monsters, and Creatures destructive to his Species. It is apply'd to this young Hero with particular Judgment and Propriety, if we consider the Innocence and Gentleness of his Manners appearing from the following Story, which every one will observe has a great Resemblance with that of Joseph in the Scriptures.
XIX.
‘VERSE 216. The faithful Youth his Monarch's Mandate show'd.]’ Plutarch much commends the Virtue of Bellerophon, who faithfully carry'd those Letters he might so justly suspect of ill Consequence to him: The Passage is in his Discourse of Curiosity, and worth transcribing. ‘"A Man of Curiosity is void of all Faith, and it is better to trust Letters or any important Secrets to Servants, than to Friends and Familiars of an inquisitive Temper. Bellerophon when he carry'd Letters that order'd his own Destruction, did not unseal them, but forbore touching the King's Dispatches with the same Continence, as he had refrain'd from injuring his Bed: For Curiosity is an Incontinence as well as Adultery.’
XX.
‘VERSE 219. First dire Chimaera.]’ Chimaera was feign'd to have the Head of a Lion breathing Flames, the Body of a Goat, and the Tail of a Dragon; because the Mountain of that Name in Lycia had a Vulcano on its top, and nourish'd Lions, the middle Part afforded Pasture for Goats, and the bottom was infested with Serpents. Bellerophon destroying these, and rendring the Mountain habitable, was said to have conquer'd Chimaera. He calls this Monster [...], in the manner of the Hebrews, who gave to any thing vast or extraordinary the Appellative of Divine. So the Psalmist says, The Mountains of God, &c.
XXI.
‘VERSE 227. The Solymaean Crew.]’ These Solymi were an ancient Nation inhabiting the mountainous Parts of Asia Minor between Lycia and Pisidia. Pliny mentions them as an Instance of a People so entirely destroy'd, that no Footsteps of them remain'd in his Time. Some Authors both ancient and modern, from a Resemblance in sound to the Latin Name of Jerusalem, have confounded them with the Jews. Tacitus; speaking of the various Opinions concerning the Origin of the Jewish Nation, has these Words, Clara alii tradunt Judaeorum initia, Solymos carminibus Homeri celebratum gentem, conditae urbi Hierosolymam nomen è suo fecisse. Hist. Lib. 6.
XXII.
‘VERSE 239. The Lycians grant a chosen Space of Ground.]’ It was usual in the ancient Times, upon any signal Piece of Service perform'd by the Kings or great Men, to have a Portion of Land decreed by the Publick as a Reward to them. Thus when Sarpedon in the twelfth Book incites Glaucus to behave himself valiantly, he puts him in mind of these Possessions granted by his Countrymen.
In the same manner in the ninth Book of Virgil, Nisus is promised by Ascanius the Fields which were possess'd by Latinus, as a Reward for the Service he undertook.
Chapman has an Interpolation in this Place, to tell us that this Field was afterwards called by the Lycians, The Field of Wandrings, from the Wandrings and Distraction of Bellerophon in the latter Part of his Life. But they were not [Page 166] these Fields that were call'd [...], but those upon which he fell from the Horse Pegasus, when he endeavour'd (as the Fable has it) to mount to Heaven.
XXIII.
‘VERSE 245. But when at last, &c.]’ The same Criticks who have taxed Homer for being too tedious in this Story of Bellerophon, have censured him for omitting to relate the particular Offence which had rais'd the Anger of the Gods against a Man formerly so highly favour'd by them: But this Relation coming from the Mouth of his Grandson, it is with great Decorum and Propriety he passes over in Silence those Crimes of his Ancestor, which had provok'd the divine Vengeance against him. Milton has interwoven this Story with what Homer here relates of Bellerophon.
Tully in his third Book of Tusculane Questions, having observ'd that Persons oppress'd with Woe naturally seek Solitude, instances this Example of Bellerophon, and gives us his Translation of two of these Lines.
XXIV.
‘VERSE 267. Our Grandsires have been Guests of old.]’ The Laws of Hospitality were anciently held in great Veneration. The Friendship contracted hereby was so sacred, that they prefer'd it to all the Bands of Consanguinity and Alliance, and accounted it obligatory even to the third and fourth Generation. We have seen in the foregoing Story of [Page 167] Bellerophon, that Proetus, a Prince under the Supposition of being injur'd in the highest degree, is yet afraid to revenge himself upon the Criminal on this Account: He is forced to send him into Lycia rather than be guilty of a Breach of this Law in his own Country. And the King of Lycia having entertain'd the Stranger before he unseal'd the Letters, puts him upon Expeditions abroad, in which he might be destroy'd, rather than at his Court. We here see Diomed and Glaucus agreeing not to be Enemies during the whole Course of a War, only because their Grandfathers had been mutual Guests. And we afterwards find Tea [...]er engaged with the Greeks on this Account against the Trojans, tho' he was himself of Trojan Extraction, the Nephew of Priam by the Mother's side, and Cousin German of Hector, whose Life he pursues with the utmost Violence. They preserved in their Families the Presents which had been made on these Occasions, as obliged to transmit to their Children the Memorials of this Right of Hospitality. Eustathius.
XXV.
‘VERSE 291. Jove warm'd his Bosom and enlarg'd his Mind.]’ The Words in the Original are [...], which may equally be interpreted, he took away his Sense, or he elevated his Mind. The former being a Reflection upon Glaucus's Prudence, for making so unequal an Exchange, the latter a Praise of the Magnanimity and Generosity which induced him to it. Porphyry contends for its being understood in this last way, and Eustathius, Monsieur and Madam Dacier are of the same Opinion. Notwithstanding it is certain that Homer uses the same Words in the contrary Sense in the seventeenth Iliad, ℣. 470. and in the nineteenth, ℣. 137. And it is an obvious Remark, that the Interpretation of Porphyry as much dishonours Diomed who proposed this Exchange, as it does Honour to Glaucus for consenting to it. However I have followed it, if not as the juster, as the most heroic Sense, and as it has the nobler Air in Poetry.
XXVI.
‘VERSE 295. A hundred Beeves.]’ I wonder the Curious have not remark'd from this Place, that the Proportion of the Value of Gold to Brass in the Time of the Trojan War, was but as an hundred to nine; allowing these Armours of equal Weight; which as they belong'd to Men of equal Strength, is a reasonable Supposition. As to this manner of computing the Value of the Armour by Beeves or Oxen, it might be either because the Money was anciently stamp'd with those Figures, or (which is most probable in this Place) because in those Times they generally purchased by Exchange of Commodities, as we see by a Passage near the end of the seventh Book.
XXVII.
‘VERSE 329. Far hence be Bacchus' Gifts—Enflaming Wine.]’ This Maxim of Hector's concerning Wine, has a great deal of Truth in it. It is a vulgar Mistake to imagine the Use of Wine either raises the Spirits, or encreases Strength. The best Physicians agree with Homer in the Point; whatever our modern Soldiers may object to this old heroic Regimen. One may take notice that Sampson as well as Hector was a Water-drinker; for he was a Nazarite by Vow, and as such was forbid the Use of Wine. To which Milton alludes in his Sampson Agonistes.
XXVIII.
‘VERSE 335. Ill fits it me, with human Gore distain'd, &c.]’ [Page 169] The Custom which prohibits Persons polluted with Blood to perform any Offices of divine Worship before they were purified, is so ancient and universal, that it may in some sort be esteem'd a Precept of natural Religion, tending to inspire an uncommon Dread and religious Horror of Bloodshed. There is a fine Passage in Euripides where Iphigenia argues how impossible it is that human Sacrifices should be acceptable to the Gods, since they do not permit any defil'd with Blood, or even polluted with the Touch of a dead Body, to come near their Altars. Iphig. in Tauris. ℣. 380. Virgil makes his Aeneas say the same thing Hector does here.
XXIX.
‘VERSE 361. Sidonian Maids.]’ Dictys Cretensis, lib. 1. acquaints us that Paris return'd not directly to Troy after the Rape of Helen, but fetch'd a Compass, probably to avoid Pursuit. He touch'd at Sidon, where he surprized the King of Phoenicia by Night, and carry'd off many of his Treasures and Captives, among which probably were these Sidonian Women. The Author of the ancient Poem of the Cypriacks says, he sailed from Sparta to Troy in the Space of three Days: from which Passage Herodotus concludes that Poem was not Homer's. We find in the Scriptures, that Tyre and Sidon were famous for Works in Gold, Embroidery, &c. and for whatever regarded Magnificence and Luxury.
XXX.
‘VERSE 374. With Hands uplifted.]’ The only Gesture describ'd by Homer as used by the Ancients in the Invocation of the Gods, is the lifting up their Hands to Heaven. Virgil frequently alludes to this Practice; particularly in the second Book there is a Passage, the Beauty of which is much rais'd by this Consideration.
XXXI.
‘VERSE 378. Oh awful Goddess, &c.]’ This Procession of the Trojan Matrons to the Temple of Minerva, with their Offering, and the Ceremonies; tho' it be a Passage some Moderns have criticis'd upon, seems to have particularly pleas'd Virgil. For he has not only introduced it among the Figures in the Picture at Carthage,
But he has again copied it in the eleventh Book, where the Latian Dames make the same Procession upon the Approach of Aeneas to their City. The Prayer to the Goddess is translated almost word for word:
This Prayer in the Latin Poet seems introduced with less Propriety, since Pallas appears no where interested in the Conduct of Affairs thro' the whole Aeneid. The first Line of the Greek here is translated more literally than the former Versions; [...]. I take the first Epithet to allude to Minerva's being the particular Protectress of Troy by means of the Palladium, and not (as Mr. Hobbes understands it) the Protectress of all Cities in general.
XXXII.
‘VERSE 387. But they vow'd in vain.]’ For Helenus only ordered that Prayers should be made to Minerva to drive Diomed from before the Walls. But Theano prays that Diomed may perish, and perish flying, which is included in his falling forward. Madam Dacier is so free as to observe here, that Women are seldom moderate in the Prayers they make against their Enemies, and therefore are seldom heard.
XXXIII.
‘VERSE 390. Himself the Mansion rais'd.]’ I must own my self not so great an Enemy to Paris as some of the Commentators. His blind Passion is the unfortunate Occasion of the Ruine of his Country, and he has the ill Fate to have all his fine Qualities swallowed up in that. And indeed I cannot say he endeavours much to be a better Man than his Nature made him. But as to his Parts and Turn of Mind, I see nothing that is either weak, or wicked, the general Manners of those Times considered. On the contrary, a gentle Soul, patient of good Advice, tho' indolent enough to forget it; and liable only to that Frailty of Love which methinks might in his Case as well as Helen's be charged upon the Stars, and the Gods. So very amorous a Constitution, and so incomparable a Beauty to provoke it, might be Temptation enough even to a wise Man, and in some degree make him deserve Compassion, if not Pardon. It is remarkable, that Homer does not paint him and Helen (as some other Poets would have done) like Monsters, odious to Gods and Men, but allows their Characters such esteemable Qualifications as could consist, and in Truth generally do, with tender Frailties. He gives Paris several polite Accomplishments, and in particular a Turn to those Sciences that are the Result of a fine Imagination. He makes him have a Taste and Addiction to curious Works of all sorts, which caus'd him to transport Sidonian Artists to Troy, and employ himself at home in adorning and finishing his Armour: And now we [Page 172] are told that he assembled the most skilful Builders from all Parts of the Country, to render his Palace a compleat Piece of Architecture. This, together with what Homer has said elsewhere of his Skill in the Harp, which in those Days included both Musick and Poetry, may I think establish him a Bel-Esprit and a fine Genius.
XXXIV.
‘VERSE 406. Thy Hate to Troy, &c.]’ All the Commentators observe this Speech of Hector to be a Piece of Artifice; he seems to imagine that the Retirement of Paris proceeds only from his Resentment against the Trojans, and not from his Indolence, Luxury, or any other Cause. Plutarch thus discourses upon it. ‘"As a discreet Physician rather chuses to cure his Patient by Diet or Rest, than by Castoreum or Scammony, so a good Friend, a good Master, or a good Father, are always better pleased to make use of Commendation than Reproof, for the Reformation of Manners: For nothing so much assists a Man who reprehends with Frankness and Liberty, nothing renders him less offensive, or better promotes his good Design, than to reprove with Calmness, Affection, and Temper. He ought not therefore to urge them too severely if they deny the Fact, nor forestall their Justification of themselves, but rather try to help them out, and furnish them artificially with honest and colourable Pretences to excuse them; and tho' he sees that their Fault proceeded from a more shameful Cause, he should yet impute it to something less criminal. Thus Hector deals with Paris, when he tells him, This is not the time to manifest your Anger against the Trojans: As if his Retreat from the Battel had not been absolutely a Flight, but merely the Effect of Resentment and Indignation.’ Plut. Of knowing a Flatterer from a Friend, juxta fin.
XXXV.
‘VERSE 418. Brother, 'tis just, &c.]’ Paris readily lays hold of the Pretext Hector had furnish'd him with, and confesses [Page 173] he has partly touch'd upon the true Reason of his Retreat, but that it was also partly occasion'd by the Concern he felt at the Victory of his Rival. Next he professes his Readiness for the Fight; but nothing can be a finer Trait (if we consider his Character) than what Homer puts into his Mouth just in this Place, that he is now exhorted to it by Helen: which shews that not the Danger of his Country and Parents, neither private Shame, nor publick Hatred, could so much prevail upon him, as the Commands of his Mistress, to go and recover his Honour.
XXXVI.
‘VERSE 432. Helen 's Speech.]’ The Repentance of Helena (which we have before observed Homer never loses an Opportunity of manifesting) is finely touch'd again here. Upon the whole we see the Gods are always concern'd in what befalls an unfortunate Beauty: Her Stars foredoom'd all the Mischief, and Heaven was to blame in suffering her to live: Then she fairly gets quit of the Infamy of her Lover, and shews she has higher Sentiments of Honour than he. How very natural is all this in the like Characters to this Day?
XXXVII.
‘VERSE 462. The Episode of Hector and Andromache.]’ Homer undoubtedly shines most upon the great Subjects, in raising our Admiration or Terror: Pity, and the softer Passions, are not so much of the Nature of his Poem, which is formed upon Anger and the Violence of Ambition. But we have cause to think his Genius was no less capable of touching the Heart with Tenderness, than of firing it with Glory, from the few Sketches he has left us of his Excellency that way too. In the present Episode of the Parting of Hector and Andromache, he assembled all that Love, Grief, and Compassion could inspire. The greatest Censurers of Homer have acknowledg'd themselves charm'd with this Part, even Monsieur Perault translated it into French Verse as a kind of [Page 174] Penitential Sacrifice for the Sacrileges he had committed against this Author.
This Episode tends very much to raise the Character of Hector and endear him to every Reader. This Hero, tho' doubtful if he should ever see Troy again, yet goes not to his Wife and Child, till after he has taken care for the Sacrifice, exhorted Paris to the Fight, and discharg'd every Duty to the Gods, and to his Country; his Love of which, as we formerly remark'd, makes his chief Character. What a beautiful Contraste has Homer made between the Manners of Paris and those of Hector, as he here shews them one after the other in this domestic Light, and in their Regards to the Fair Sex? What a Difference between the Characters and Behaviour of Helen and of Andromache? And what an amiable Picture of conjugal Love, oppos'd to that of unlawful Passion?
I must not forget, that Mr. Dryden has formerly translated this admirable Episode, and with so much Success, as to leave me at least no hopes of improving or equalling it. The utmost I can pretend is to have avoided a few modern Phrases and Deviations from the Original, which have escaped that great Man. I am unwilling to remark upon an Author to whom every English Poet owes so much; and shall therefore only take notice of a Criticism of his which I must be obliged to answer in its Place, as it is an Accusation of Homer himself.
XXXVIII.
‘VERSE 468. Pensive she stood on Ilion 's Tow'ry Height.]’ It is a fine Imagination to represent the Tenderness of Andromache for Hector, by her standing upon the Tower of Troy, and watching all his Motions in the Field; even the religious Office of the Procession to Minerva's Temple could not draw her from this Place, at a time when she thought her Husband in danger.
XXXIX.
‘VERSE 473. Whose Virtue charm'd him, &c.]’ Homer in [Page 175] this Verse particularizes the Virtue of Andromache in the Epithet [...], blameless, or without a Fault. I have used it literally in another Part of this Episode.
XL.
‘VERSE 487. Hector, this heard, return'd.]’ Hector does not stay to seek his Wife on the Tower of Ilion, but hastens where the Business of the Field calls him. Homer is never wanting in Point of Honour and Decency, and while he constantly obeys the strictest Rules, finds a way to make them contribute to the Beauty of his Poem. Here for instance he has managed it so, that this Observance of Hector's is the Cause of a very pleasing Surprize to the Reader; for at first he is not a little disappointed to find that Hector does not meet Andromache, and is no less pleased afterwards to see them encounter by chance, which gives him a Satisfaction he thought he had lost. Dacier.
XLI.
‘VERSE 501. Scamandrius, from Scamander 's honour'd Stream, &c.]’ This manner of giving proper Names to Children derived from any Place, Accident, or Quality belonging to them or their Parents, is very ancient, and was customary among the Hebrews. The Trojans call'd the Son of Hector, Astyanax, because (as it is said here and at the end of the twenty second Book) his Father defended the City. There are many Instances of the same kind in the thirtieth Chapter of Genesis, where the Names given to Jacob's Children, and the Reasons of those Names, are enumerated.
XLII.
‘VERSE 524. The fierce Achilles, &c.]’ Mr. Dryden in the Preface to the third Volume of Miscellany Poems has past a Judgment upon Part of this Speech which is altogether unworthy of him. ‘" Andromache (says he) in the midst of her Concernment and Fright for Hector, runs off her Biass, to tell him a Story [Page 176] of her Pedigree, and of the lamentable Death of her Father, her Mother, and her seven Brothers. The Devil was in Hector, if he knew not all this Matter, as well as she who told it him; for she had been his Bedfellow for many Years together: and if he knew it, then it must be confess'd, that Homer in this long Digression, has rather given us his own Character, than that of the fair Lady whom he paints. His dear Friends the Commentators, who never fail him at a Pinch, will needs excuse him, by making the present Sorrow of Andromache, to occasion the Remembrance of all the past: But others think that she had enough to do with that Grief which now oppress'd her, without running for Assistance to her Family."’ But may not it be answer'd, that nothing was more natural in Andromache, than to recollect her past Calamities in order to represent her present Distress to Hector in a stronger Light, and shew her utter Desertion if he should perish. What could more effectually work upon a generous and tender Mind like that of Hector? What could therefore be more proper to each of their Characters? If Hector be induced to refrain from the Field, it proceeds from Compassion to Andromache: If Andromache endeavour to persuade him, it proceeds from her Fear for the Life of Hector. Homer had yet a farther View in this Recapitulation; it tends to raise his chief Hero Achilles, and acquaints us with those great Atchievements of his which preceded the Opening of the Poem. Since there was a Necessity that this Hero should be absent from the Action during a great Part of the Iliad, the Poet has shewn his Art in nothing more, than the Methods he takes from time to time to keep up our great Idea of him, and to awaken our Expectation of what he is to perform in the Progress of the Work. His greatest Enemies cannot upbraid or complain of him, but at the same time they confess his Glory and describe his Victories. When Apollo encourages the Trojans to fight, it is by telling them Achilles fights no more. When Juno animates the Greeks, it is by putting them in mind that they have to do with Enemies who durst not appear out of their Walls while Achilles engaged. When Andromache trembles for Hector, it is with Remembrance of the resistless Force [Page 177] of Achilles. And when Agamemnon would bribe him to a Reconciliation, it is partly with those very Treasures and Spoils which had been won by Achilles himself.
XLIII.
‘VERSE 528. His Arms preserv'd from hostile Spoil.]’ This Circumstance of Aetion's being burned with his Arms will not appear trivial in this Relation, when we reflect with what eager Passion these ancient Heroes fought to spoil and carry off the Armour of a vanquish'd Enemy; and therefore this Action of Achilles is mention'd as an Instance of uncommon Favour and Generosity. Thus Aeneas in Virgil having slain Lausus, and being mov'd with Compassion for this unhappy Youth, gives him a Promise of the like Favour.
XLIV.
‘VERSE 532. Joves 's Sylvan Daughters bade their Elms bestow A barren Shade, &c.]’ It was the Custom to plant about Tombs only such Trees as Elms, Alders, &c. that bear no Fruit, as being most suitable to the Dead. This Passage alludes to that Piece of Antiquity.
XLV.
‘VERSE 543. A Victim to Diana 's Bow.]’ The Greeks ascribed all sudden Deaths of Women to Diana. So Ulysses in Odyss. 11. asks Antyclia among the Shades if she died by the Darts of Diana? And in the present Book Laodame the Daughter of Bellerophon, is said to have perish'd young by the Arrows of this Goddess. Or perhaps it may allude to some Disease fatal to Women, such as Macrobius speaks of Sat. 1. 17. ‘ Foeminas certis afflictas morbis [...] vocant.’
XLVI.
‘VERSE 550. That Quarter most—Where yon' wild Figtrees.]’ The Artifice Andromache here uses to detain Hector in Troy is very beautifully imagined. She takes occasion from the three Attacks that had been made by the Enemy upon this Place, to give him an honourable Pretence for staying at that Rampart to defend it. If we consider that those Attempts must have been known to all in the City, we shall not think she talks like a Soldier, but like a Woman, who naturally enough makes use of any Incident that offers, to persuade her Lover to what she desires. The Ignorance too which she expresses, of the Reasons that mov'd the Greeks to attack this particular Place, was what I doubt not Homer intended, to reconcile it the more to a Female Character.
XLVII.
‘VERSE 583. Hyperia 's Spring.]’ Drawing Water was the Office of the meanest Slaves. This appears by the holy Scripture, where the Gibeonites who had deceiv'd Josuah are made Slaves and subjected to draw Water. Josuah pronounces the Curse against them in these Words: ‘ Now therefore ye are cursed, and there shall none of you be freed from being Bondmen, and Hewers of Wood, and Drawers of Water.’ Josh. Ch. 9. V. 23. Dacier.
XLVIII.
‘VERSE 595. Stretch'd his fond Arms.]’ There never was a finer Piece of Painting than this. Hector extends his Arms to embrace his Child; the Child affrighted at the glittering of his Helmet and the shaking of the Plume, shrinks backward to the Breast of his Nurse; Hector unbraces his Helmet, lays it on the Ground, takes the Infant in his Arms, lifts him towards Heaven, and offers a Prayer for him to the Gods: then returns him to the Mother Andromache, who receives him with a Smile of Pleasure, but at the same [Page 179] instant the Fears for her Husband make her burst into Tears. All these are but small Circumstances, but so artfully chosen, that every Reader immediately feels the force of them, and represents the whole in the utmost Liveliness to his Imagination. This alone might be a Confutation of that false Criticism some have fallen into, who affirm that a Poet ought only to collect the great and noble Particulars in his Paintings. But it is in the Images of Things as in the Characters of Persons; where a small Action, or even a small Circumstance of an Action, lets us more into the Knowledge and Comprehension of them, than the material and principal Parts themselves. As we find this in a History, so we do in a Picture, where sometimes a small Motion or Turning of a Finger will express the Character and Action of the Figure more than all the other Parts of the Design. Longinus indeed blames an Author's insisting too much on trivial Circumstances; but in the same Place extols Homer as ‘"the Poet who best knew how to make use of important and beautiful Circumstances, and to avoid the mean and superfluous ones."’ There is a vast difference betwixt a small Circumstance and a trivial one, and the smallest become important if they are well chosen, and not confused.
XLIX.
‘VERSE 604. Hector 's Prayer for his Son.]’ It may be asked how Hector's Prayer, that his Son might protect the Trojans, could be consistent with what he had said just before, that he certainly knew Troy and his Parents would perish. We ought to reflect that this is only a Prayer: Hector in the Excess of a tender Emotion for his Son, entreats the Gods to preserve Troy, and permit Astyanax to rule there. It is at all times allowable to beseech Heaven to appease its Anger, and change its Decrees; and we are taught that Prayers can alter Destiny. Dacier. Besides it cannot be infer'd from hence, that Hector had any divine Foreknowledge of his own Fate and the approaching Ruine of his Country; since in many following Passages we find him possess'd with strong Hopes and firm Assurances to raise the Siege by the Flight or Destruction [Page 180] of the Greeks. So that these Forebodings of his Fate were only the Apprehensions and Misgivings of a Soul dejected with Sorrow and Compassion, by considering the great Dangers to which he saw all that was dear to him expos'd.
L.
‘VERSE 612. Transcends his Father's Fame.]’ The Commendation Hector here gives himself, is not only agreeable to the Openness of a brave Man, but very becoming on such a solemn Occasion; and a natural Effect from the Testimony of his own Heart to his Honour; at this time especially, when he knew not but he was speaking his last Words. Virgil has not scrupled it, in what he makes Aeneas say to Ascanius at his Parting for the Battel.
I believe he had this of Homer in his Eye, tho' the pathetical mention of Fortune in the last Line seems an Imitation of that Prayer of Sophocles, copied also from hence, where Ajax wishes his Son may be like him in all things but in his Misfortunes.
LI.
‘VERSE 615. His Mother's conscious Heart.]’ Tho' the chief Beauty of this Prayer consists in the paternal Piety shewn by Hector, yet it wants not a fine Stroake at the end, to continue him in the Character of a tender Lover of his Wife, when he makes one of the Motives of his Wish, to be the Joy she shall receive on hearing her Son applauded.
LII.
‘VERSE 628. Fix'd is the Term.]’ The Reason which Hector here urges to allay the Affliction of his Wife, is grounded on [Page 181] a very ancient and common Opinion, that the fatal Period of Life is appointed to all Men at the time of their Birth; which as no Precaution can avoid, so no Danger can hasten. This Sentiment is as proper to give Comfort to the distress'd, as to inspire Courage to the desponding; since nothing is so fit to quiet and strengthen our Minds in Times of Difficulty, as a firm Assurance that our Lives are expos'd to no real Hazards, in the greatest Appearances of Danger.
LIII.
‘VERSE 649. Forth issues Paris.]’ Paris stung by the Reproaches of Hector, goes to the Battel. 'Tis a just Remark of Eustathius, that all the Reproofs and Remonstrances made in Homer have constantly their Effect. The Poet by this shews the great Use of Reprehensions when properly apply'd, and finely intimates that every worthy Mind will be the better for them.
LIV.
‘VERSE 652. The wanton Courser thus, &c.]’ This beautiful Comparison being translated by Virgil in the eleventh Aeneid; I shall transcribe the Originals that the Reader may have the Pleasure of comparing them.
[Page 182] Tho' nothing can be translated better than this is by Virgil, yet in Homer the Simile seems more perfect, and the Place more proper. Paris had been indulging his Ease within the Walls of his Palace, as the Horse in his Stable, which was not the Case of Turnus. The Beauty and Wantonness of the Steed agrees more exactly with the Character of Paris than with the other: And the Insinuation of his Love of the Mares has yet a nearer Resemblance. The languishing Flow of that Verse,
finely corresponds with the Ease and Luxuriancy of the pamper'd Courser bathing in the Flood; a Beauty which Scaliger did not consider, when he criticis'd particularly upon that Line. Tasso has also imitated this Simile, Cant. 9.
LV.
‘VERSE 665. Paris excus'd his Stay.]’ Here, in the Original, is a short Speech of Paris containing only these Words; Brother, I have detained you too long, and should have come sooner as you desired me. This and some few others of the same Nature in the Iliad, the Translator has ventured to omit, expressing only the Sense of them. A living Author (whom future Times will quote, and therefore I shall not scruple to do it) says that these short Speeches, tho' they may be natural in other Languages, can't appear so well in ours, which is much more stubborn and unpliant, and therefore are but as [Page 183] so many Rubs in the Story that are still turning the Narration out of its proper Course.
LVI.
‘VERSE 669. Known is thy Courage, &c.]’ Hector here confesses the natural Valour of Paris, but observes it to be overcome by the Indolence of his Temper and the Love of Pleasure. An ingenious French Writer very well remarks, that the true Character of this Hero has a great Resemblance with that of Marc Anthony. See the 4 th and 11 th Notes on the third Book.
LVII.
‘VERSE 677. We crown the Bowl to Heav'n and Liberty.]’ The Greek is, [...], the free Bowl, in which they made Libations to Jupiter after the Recovery of their Liberty. The Expression is observed by M. Dacier to resemble those of the Hebrews; The Cup of Salvation, the Cup of Sorrow, the Cup of Benediction, &c. Athenaeus mentions those Cups which the Greeks call'd [...], and were consecrated to the Gods in Memory of some Success. He gives us the Inscription of one of this sort, which was, [...].
THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE ILIAD.
The ARGUMENT.
The single Combate of
Hector and
Ajax.
THE Battel renewing with double Ardour upon the Return of Hector, Minerva is under Apprehensions for the Greeks. Apollo seeing her descend from Olympus, joins her near the Scaean Gate. They agree to put off the general Engagement for that Day, and incite Hector to challenge the Greeks to a single Combate. Nine of the Princes accepting the Challenge, the Lot is cast, and falls upon Ajax. These Heroes, after several Attacks, are parted by the Night. The Trojans calling a Council, Antenor proposes the Delivery of Helen to the Greeks, to which Paris will not consent, but offers to restore them her Riches. Priam sends a Herald to make this Offer, and to demand a Truce for burning the Dead, the last of which only is agreed to by Agamemnon. When the Funerals are performed, the Greeks, pursuant to the Advice of Nestor, erect a Fortification to protect their Fleet and Camp, flank'd with Towers, and defended by a Ditch and Palisades. Neptune testifies his Jealousy at this Work, but is pacified by a Promise from Jupiter. Both Armies pass the Night in Feasting, but Jupiter disheartens the Trojans with Thunder and other Signs of his Wrath.
The three and twentieth Day ends with the Duel of Hector and Ajax: The next Day the Truce is agreed: Another is taken up in the Funeral Rites of the Slain; and one more in building the Fortification before the Ships: So that somewhat above three Days is employed in this Book. The Scene lies wholly in the Field.
THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE ILIAD.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE Seventh Book.
[Page 217]OBSERVATIONS ON THE SEVENTH BOOK.
I.
‘VERSE 2. THRO' the Scaean Gate.]’ This Gate is not here particularized by Homer, but it appears by the 393d Verse of the sixth Book that it could be no other. Eustathius takes notice of the Difference of the Words [...] and [...], the one apply'd to Hector, the other to Paris: by which the Motion of the former is described as an impetuous sallying forth, agreeable to the Violence of a Warrior; and that of the latter as a calmer Movement, correspondent to the gentler Character of a Lover. But perhaps this Remark is too refined, since Homer plainly gives Paris a Character of Bravery in what immediately precedes and follows this Verse.
II.
‘VERSE 5. As when to Sailors, &c.]’ This Simile makes it plain that the Battel had relax'd during the Absence of Hector in Troy; and consequently that the Conversation of Diomed and Glaucus in the former Book, was not (as Homer's Censurers would have it) in the Heat of the Engagement.
III.
‘VERSE 23. When now Minerva, &c.]’ This Machine of the two Deities meeting to part the Armies is very noble. Eustathius tells us it is an allegorical Minerva and Apollo: Minerva represents the prudent Valour of the Greeks, and Apollo who stood for the Trojans, the Power of Destiny: So that the Meaning of the Allegory may be, that the Valour and Wisdom of the Greeks had now conquer'd Troy, had not Destiny withstood. Minerva therefore complies with Apollo, an Intimation that Wisdom can never oppose Fate. But if you take them in the literal Sense as a real God and Goddess, it may be ask'd what Necessity there was for the Introduction of two such Deities? To this Eustathius answers, that the last Book was the only one in which both Armies were destitute of the Aid of the Gods: In Consequence of which there is no gallant Action atchiev'd, nothing extraordinary done, especially after the Retreat of Hector; but here the Gods are again introduced to usher in a new Scene of great Actions. The same Author offers this other Solution: Hector finding the Trojan Army overpower'd, considers how to stop the Fury of rhe present Battel; this he thinks may best be done by the Proposal of a single Combate: Thus Minerva by a very easy and natural Fiction may signify that Wisdom or Courage (she being the Goddess of both) which suggests the Necessity of diverting the War; and Apollo, that seasonable Stratagem by which he effected it.
IV.
‘VERSE 37. Vengesul Goddesses.]’ [...] in this Place must signify Minerva and Juno, the Word being of the feminine Gender. Eustathius.
V.
‘VERSE 48. Sage Helenus their sacred Counsels knew.]’ Helenus was the Priest of Apollo, and might therefore be suppos'd [Page 219] to be informed of this by his God, or taught by an Oracle that such was his Will. Or else being an Augur, he might learn it from the Flight of those Birds, into which the Deities are here feigned to transform themselves, (perhaps for that Reason, as it would be a very Poetical manner of expressing it.) The Fiction of these Divinities sitting on the Beech-Tree in the Shape of Vulturs, is imitated by Milton in the fourth Book of Paradise Lost, where Satan leaping over the Boundaries of Eden sits in the Form of a Cormorant upon the Tree of Life.
VI.
‘VERSE 57. For not this Day shall end thy glorious Date.]’ Eustathius justly observes that Homer here takes from the Greatness of Hector's Intrepidity, by making him foreknow that he should not fall in this Combate; whereas Ajax encounters him without any such Encouragement. It may perhaps be difficult to give a Reason for this Management of the Poet, unless we ascribe it to that commendable Prejudice, and honourable Partiality he bears his Countrymen, which makes him give a Superiority of Courage to the Heroes of his own Nation.
VII.
‘VERSE 60. Then with his Spear restrain'd the Youth of Troy, Held by the midst athwart.—]’ The Remark of Eustathius here is observable: He tells us that the Warriors of those Times (having no Trumpets, and because the Voice of the loudest Herald would be drown'd in the Noise of a Battel) address'd themselves to the Eyes, and that grasping the middle of the Spear denoted a Request that the Fight might a while be suspended; the holding the Spear in that Position not being the Posture of a Warrior; and thus Agamemnon understands it without any farther Explication. But however it be, we have a lively Picture of a General who stretches his Spear across, and presses back the most advanced Soldiers of his Army.
VIII.
‘VERSE 71. As when a gen'ral Darkness, &c.]’ The thick Ranks of the Troops composing themselves, in order to sit and hear what Hector was about to propose, are compared to the Waves of the Sea that are just stirr'd by the West Wind; the Simile partly consisting in the Darkness and Stillness. This is plainly different from those Images of the Sea, given us on other Occasions, where the Armies in their Engagement and Confusion are compared to the Waves in their Agitation and Tumult: And that the contrary is the Drift of this Simile appears particularly from Homer's using the Word [...], sedebant, twice in the Application of it. All the other Versions seem to be mistaken here: What caused the Difficulty was the Expression [...], which may signify the West Wind blowing on a sudden, as well as first rising. But the Design of Homer was to convey an Image both of the gentle Motion that arose over the Field from the Helmets and Spears before their Armies were quite settled; and of the Repose and Awe which ensued, when Hector began to speak.
IX.
‘VERSE 79. Hear all ye Trojan, all ye Grecian Bands.]’ The Appearance of Hector, his formal Challenge, and the Affright of the Greeks upon it, have a near Resemblance to the Description of the Challenge of Goliah in the first Book of Samuel, Ch. 17. ‘ And he stood and cried to the Armies of Israel —Chuse you a Man for you, and let him come down to me. If he be able to fight with me, and to kill me, then will we be your Servants: but if I prevail against him, and kill him, then shall ye be our Servants.—When Saul and all Israel heard the Words of the Philistinc, they were dismayed, and greatly afraid, &c.’
There is a fine Air of Gallantry and Bravery in this Challenge of Hector. If he seems to speak too vainly, we should consider him under the Character of a Challenger, whose Business it is to defy the Enemy. Yet at the same time we [Page 221] find a decent Modesty in his manner of expressing the Conditions of the Combate: He says simply, If my Enemy kills me; but of himself, If Apollo grant me Victory. It was an Imagination equally agreeable to a Man of Generosity and a Lover of Glory, to mention the Monument to be erected over his vanquish'd Enemy; tho' we see he considers it not so much an Honour paid to the Conquer'd as a Trophie to the Conqueror. It was natural too to dwell most upon the Thought that pleas'd him best, for he takes no notice of any Monument that should be raised over himself if he should fall unfortunately. He no sooner allows himself to expatiate, but the Prospect of Glory carries him away thus far beyond his first Intention, which was only to allow the Enemy liberty to inter their Champion with Decency.
X.
‘VERSE 96. On Phoebus' Temple I'll his Arms bestow.]’ It was the Manner of the Ancients to dedicate Trophies of this kind to the Temples of the Gods. The particular Reason for consecrating the Arms in this Place to Apollo, is not only as he was the constant Protector of Troy, but as this Thought of the Challenge was inspired by him.
XI.
‘VERSE 98. Greece on the Shore shall raise a Monument.]’ Homer took the Hint of this from several Tombs of the ancient Heroes who had fought at Troy, remaining in his time upon the Shore of the Hellespont. He gives that Sea the Epithet broad, to distinguish the particular Place of those Tombs, which was on the Rhoetean or Sigaean Coast, where the Hellespont (which in other Parts is narrow) opens itself to the Aegean Sea. Strabo gives an Account of the Monument of Ajax near Rhoeteum, and of Achilles at the Promontory of Sigaeum. This is one among a thousand Proofs of our Author's exact Knowledge in Geography and Antiquities. Time (says Eustathius) has destroy'd those Tombs which were to have preserv'd Hector's Glory, but Homer's Poetry more [Page 222] lasting than Monuments and Proof against Ages, will for ever support and convey it to the latest Posterity.
XII.
‘VERSE 105. All Greece astonish'd heard.]’ It seems natural to enquire, why the Greeks, before they accepted Hector's Challenge, did not demand Reparation for the former Treachery of Pandarus, and insist upon delivering up the Author of it; which had been the shortest way for the Trojans to have wip'd off that Stain: It was very reasonable for the Greeks to reply to this Challenge, that they could not venture a second single Combate for fear of such another insidious Attempt upon their Champion. And indeed I wonder that Nestor did not think of this Excuse for his Countrymen, when they were so backward to engage. One may make some sort of answer to this, if we consider the Clearness of Hector's Character, and his Words at the beginning of the foregoing Speech, where he first complains of the Revival of the War as a Misfortune common to them both (which is at once very artful and decent) and lays the blame of it upon Jupiter. Tho', by the way, his charging the Trojans Breach of Faith upon the Deity looks a little like the reasoning of some modern Saints in the Doctrine of absolute Reprobation, making God the Author of Sin, and may serve for some Instance of the Antiquity of that false Tenet.
XIII.
‘VERSE 109. Women of Greece! &c.]’ There is a great deal of Fire in this Speech of Menelaus, which very well agrees with his Character and Circumstances. Methinks while he speaks one sees him in a Posture of Emotion, pointing with Contempt at the Commanders about him. He upbraids their Cowardice, and wishes they may become (according to the literal Words) Earth and Water: that is, be resolved into those Principles they sprung from, or die. Thus Eustathius explains it very exactly from a Verse he cites of Zenophanes.
XIV.
‘VERSE 131. Ev'n fierce Achilles learn'd his Force to fear.]’ The Poet every where takes occasion to set the brotherly Love of Agamemnon toward Menelaus in the most agreeable Light: When Menelaus is wounded, Agamemnon is more concern'd than He; and here dissuades him from a Danger, which he offers immediately after to undertake himself. He makes use of Hector's superior Courage to bring him to a Compliance; and tells him that even Achilles dares not engage with Hector. This (says Eustathius) is not true, but only the Affection for his Brother thus breaks out into a kind Extravagance. Agamemnon likewise consults the Honour of Menelaus, for it will be no Disgrace to him to decline encountering a Man whom Achilles himself is afraid of. Thus he artfully provides for his Safety and Honour at the same time.
XV.
‘VERSE 135. The mightiest Warrior, &c.]’ It cannot with Certainty be concluded from the Words of Homer, who is the Person to whom Agamemnon applies the last Lines of this Speech; the Interpreters leave it as undetermin'd in their Translations as it is in the Original. Some would have it understood of Hector, that the Greeks would send such an Antagonist against him, from whose Hands Hector might be glad to escape. But this Interpretation seems contrary to the plain Design of Agamemnon's Discourse, which only aims to deter his Brother from so rash an Undertaking as engaging with Hector. So that instead of dropping any Expression which might depreciate the Power or Courage of this Hero, he endeavours rather to represent him as the most formidable of Men, and dreadful even to Achilles. This Passage therefore will be most consistent with Agamemnon's Design, if it be consider'd as an Argument offer'd to Menelaus, at once [Page 224] to dissuade him from the Engagement, and to comfort him under the Appearance of so great a Disgrace as refusing the Challenge; by telling him that any Warrior, how bold and intrepid soever, might be content to sit still and rejoice that he is not expos'd to so hazardous an Engagement. The Words [...], signify not to escape out of the Combate (as the Translators take it) but to avoid entring into it.
The Phrase of [...], which is literally to bend the Knee, means (according to Eustathius) to rest, to sit down, [...], and is used so by Aeschylus in Prometheo. Those Interpreters were greatly mistaken who imagin'd it signify'd to kneel down, to thank the Gods for escaping from such a Combate; whereas the Custom of kneeling in Prayer (as we before observ'd) was not in use among these Nations.
XVI.
‘VERSE 145. The Speech of Nestor.]’ This Speech, if we consider the Occasion of it, could be made by no Person but Nestor. No young Warrior could with Decency exhort others to undertake a Combate which himself declin'd. Nothing could be more in his Character than to represent to the Greeks how much they would suffer in the Opinion of another old Man like himself. In naming Peleus he sets before their Eyes the Expectations of all their Fathers, and the Shame that must afflict them in their old Age if their Sons behaved themselves unworthily. The Account he gives of the Conversations he had formerly held with that King, and his Jealousy for the Glory of Greece, is a very natural Picture of the warm Dialogues of two old Warriors upon the Commencement of a new War. Upon the whole, Nestor never more displays his Oratory than in this Place: You see him rising with a Sigh, expressing a pathetick Sorrow, and wishing again for his Youth that he might wipe away this Disgrace from his Country. The Humour of Story-telling, so natural to old Men, is almost always mark'd by Homer in the Speeches of Nestor. The Apprehension that their Age makes them contemptible, puts them upon repeating the brave Deeds of their [Page 225] Youth. Plutarch justifies the Praises Nestor here gives himself, and the Vaunts of his Valour, which on this Occasion were only Exhortations to those he address'd them to: By these he restores Courage to the Greeks who were astonish'd at the bold Challenge of Hector, and causes nine of the Princes to rise and accept it. If any Man had a right to commend himself, it was this venerable Prince, who in relating his own Actions did no more than propose Examples of Virtue to the Young. Virgil, without any such softening Qualification, makes his Hero say of himself,
And comfort a dying Warrior with these Words,
The same Author also imitates the Wish of Nestor for a Return of his Youth, where Evander cries out,
As for the Narration of the Arcadian War introduced here, it is a Part of the true History of those Times, as we are inform'd by Pausanias.
XVII.
‘VERSE 177. Those Arms which Mars before Had giv'n.]’ Homer has the peculiar Happiness of being able to raise the obscurest Circumstance into the strongest Point of Light. Areithous had taken these Arms in Battel, and this gives occasion to our Author to say they were the Present of Mars. Eustathius.
XVIII.
‘VERSE 188. Prone fell the Giant o'er a Length of Ground.]’ Nestor's insisting upon this Circumstance of the Fall of Ereuthalion, which paints his vast Body lying extended on the Earth, has a particular Beauty in it, and recalls into the old Man's Mind the Joy he felt on the Sight of his Enemy after he was slain. These are the fine and natural Strokes that give Life to the Descriptions of Poetry.
XIX.
‘VERSE 195. And nine, the noblest, &c.]’ In this Catalogue of the nine Warriors, who offer themselves as Champions for Greece, one may take notice of the first and the last who rises up. Agamemnon advanced foremost, as it best became the General, and Ulysses with his usual Caution took time to deliberate till seven more had offer'd themselves. Homer gives a great Encomium of the Eloquence of Nestor in making it produce so sudden an Effect; especially when Agamemnon, who did not proffer himself before, even to save his Brother, is now the first that steps forth: One would fancy this particular Circumstance was contrived to shew, that Eloquence has a greater Power than even Nature itself.
XX.
‘VERSE 207. Let the Lots decide.]’ This was a very prudent Piece of Conduct in Nestor: he does not chuse any of these nine himself, but leaves the Determination entirely to Chance. Had he named the Hero, the rest might have been griev'd to have seen another prefer'd before them; and he well knew that the Lot could not fall upon a wrong Person, where all were valiant. Eustathius.
XXI.
The Original of this Passage is somewhat confused; the Interpreters [Page 227] render it thus: Cast the Lots, and he who shall be chosen, if he escapes from this dangerous Combate, will do an eminent Service to the Greeks, and also have cause to be greatly satisfied himself. But the Sense will appear more distinct and rational if the Words [...] and [...] be not understood of the same Person: and the Meaning of Nestor will then be, he who is chosen for the Engagement by the Lot, will do his Country great Service, and he likewise who is not, will have reason to rejoice for escaping so dangerous a Combate. The Expression [...], is the same Homer uses in ℣. 118, 119. of this Book, which we explain'd in the same Sense in Note 15.
XXII.
‘VERSE 212. The People pray.]’ Homer who supposes every thing on Earth to proceed from the immediate Disposition of Heaven, allows not even the Lots to come up by Chance, but places them in the Hands of God. The People pray to him for the Disposal of them, and beg that Ajax, Diomed, or Agamemnon may be the Person. In which the Poet seems to make the Army give his own Sentiments, concerning the Preference of Valour in his Heroes, to avoid an odious Comparison in downright Terms, which might have been inconsistent with his Design of complementing the Grecian Families. They afterwards offer up their Prayers again, just as the Combate is beginning, that if Ajax does not conquer, at least he may divide the Glory with Hector; in which the Commentators observe Homer prepares the Readers for what is to happen in the Sequel.
XXIII.
‘VERSE 224. Surveys th' Inscription.]’ There is no Necessity to suppose that they put any Letters upon these Lots, at least not their Names, because the Herald could not tell to whom the Lot of Ajax belong'd, till he claim'd it himself. It is more probable that they made some private Mark or Signet each upon his own Lot. The Lot was only a Piece of Wood, a Shell, or any thing that lay at hand. Eustathius.
XXIV.
‘VERSE 226. Warriors! I claim the Lot.]’ This is the first Speech of Ajax in the Iliad. He is no Orator, but always expresses himself in short, generally bragging, or threatning, and very positive. The Appellation of [...], the Bulwark of the Greeks, which Homer almost constantly gives him, is extremely proper to the Bulk, Strength, and Immobility of this heavy Hero, who on all Occasions is made to stand to the Business, and support the Brunt. These Qualifications are given him, that he may last out, when the rest of the chief Heroes are wounded. This makes him of excellent Use in Iliad 13, &c. He there puts a Stop to the whole Force of the Enemy, and a long time prevents the firing of the Ships. It is particularly observable that he is never assisted by any Deity as the others are. Yet one would think Mars had been no improper Patron for him, there being some Resemblance in the boisterous Character of that God and this Hero. However it be, this Consideration may partly account for a Particular which else might very well raise a Question: Why Ajax, who is in this Book superior in Strength to Hector, should afterward in the Iliad shun to meet him, and appear his Inferior? We see the Gods make this difference: Hector is not only assisted by them in his own Person, but his Men second him, whereas those of Ajax are dispirited by Heaven: To which one may add another which is a natural Reason, Hector in this Book expresly tells Ajax he will now make use of no Skill or Art in Fighting with him. The Greek in bare brutal Strength prov'd too hard for Hector, and therefore he might be suppos'd afterwards to have exerted his Dexterity against him.
XXV.
‘VERSE 250. He moves to Combate, &c.]’ This Description is full of the sublime Imagery so peculiar to our Author. The Grecian Champion is drawn in all that terrible Glory with which he equals his Heroes to the Gods: He is no less dreadful [Page 229] than Mars moving to Battel to execute the Decrees of Jove upon Mankind, and determine the Fate of Nations. His March, his Posture, his Countenance, his Bulk, his Tow'r-like Shield, in a word, his whole Figure strikes our Eyes in all the strongest Colours of Poetry. We look upon him as a Deity, and are not astonish'd at those Emotions which Hector feels at the Sight of him.
XXVI.
‘VERSE 269. The Work of Tychius.]’ I shall ask leave to transcribe here the Story of this Tychius, as we have it in the ancient Life of Homer attributed to Herodotus. ‘" Homer falling into Poverty, determined to go to Cuma, and as he past thro' the Plain of Hermus, came to a Place called The New Wall, which was a Colony of the Cumaeans. Here ( after he had recited five Verses in Celebration of Cuma) he was received by a Leather-dresser, whose Name was Tychius, into his House, where he shew'd to his Host and his Company, a Poem on the Expedition of Amphiaraus, and his Hymns. The Admiration he there obtain'd procur'd him a present Subsistance. They shew to this Day with great Veneration the Place where he sate when he recited his Verses, and a Poplar which they affirm to have grown there in his Time."’ If there be any thing in this Story, we have reason to be pleas'd with the grateful Temper of our Poet, who took this Occasion of immortalizing the Name of an ordinary Tradesman, who had obliged him. The same Account of his Life takes notice of several other Instances of his Gratitude in the same kind.
XXVII.
‘VERSE 270. In Arts of Armoury.]’ I have called Tychius an Armourer rather than a Leather-dresser or Currier; his making the Shield of Ajax authorizes one Expression as well as the other; and tho' that which Homer uses had no Lowness or Vulgarity in the Greek, it was not to be admitted into English heroic Verse.
XXVIII.
‘VERSE 273. Hector, approach my Arm, &c.]’ I think it needless to observe how exactly this Speech of Ajax corresponds with his blunt and Soldier-like Character. The same Propriety, in regard to this Hero, is maintained throughout the Iliad. The Business he is about is all that employs his Head, and he speaks of nothing but Fighting. The last Line is an Image of his Mind at all times,
XXIX.
‘VERSE 285. Me, as a Boy or Woman, would'st thou fright?]’ This Reply of Hector seems rather to allude to some Action Ajax had used in his Approach to him, as shaking his Spear, or the like, than to any thing he had said in his Speech. For what he had told him amounts to no more than that there were several in the Grecian Army who had courted the Honour of this Combate as well as himself. I think one must observe many things of this kind in Homer, that allude to the particular Attitude or Action in which the Author supposes the Person to be in at that time.
XXX.
‘VERSE 290. Turn, charge, and answer ev'ry Call of War.]’ The Greek is, To move my Feet to the Sound of Mars, which seems to shew that those military Dances were in Use even in Homer's Time, which were afterwards practised in Greece.
XXXI.
‘VERSE 305. From their bor'd Shields the Chiefs their Javelins drew.]’ Homer in this Combate makes his Heroes perform all their Exercises with all sorts of Weapons; first darting Lances at distance, then advancing closer, and pushing with Spears, [Page 231] then casting Stones, and lastly attacking with Swords; in every one of which the Poet gives the Superiority to his Countryman. It is farther observable (as Eustathius remarks) that Ajax allows Hector an Advantage in throwing the first Spear.
XXXII.
‘VERSE 328. Apollo 's Might.]’ In the beginning of this Book we left Apollo perch'd upon a Tree, in the Shape of a Vultur, to behold the Combate: He comes now very opportunely to save his Favourite Hector. Eustathius says that Apollo is the same with Destiny, so that when Homer says Apollo sav'd him, he means no more than that it was not his Fate yet to die, as Helenus had foretold him.
XXXIII.
‘VERSE 332. Heralds, the sacred Ministers, &c.]’ The Heralds of old were sacred Persons, accounted the Delegates of Mercury, and inviolable by the Law of Nations. The ancient Histories have many Examples of the Severity exercised against those who committed any Outrage upon them. Their Office was to assist in the Sacrifices and Councils, to proclaim War or Peace, to command Silence at Ceremonies or single Combates, to part the Combatants, and to declare the Conqueror, &c.
XXXIV.
‘VERSE 334. Divine Talthybius, &c.]’ This Interposition of the two Heralds to part the Combatants, on the Approach of the Night, is apply'd by Tasso to the single Combate of Tancred and Argantes in the sixth Book of his Jerusalem. The Herald's Speech, and particularly that remarkable Injunction to Obey the Night, are translated literally by that Author. The Combatants there also part not without a Promise of meeting again in Battel, on some more favourable Opportunity.
XXXV.
‘VERSE 337. And first Idaeus.]’ Homer observes a just Decorum in making Idaeus the Trojan Herald speak first, to end the Combate wherein Hector had the Disadvantage. Ajax is very sensible of this Difference, when in his Reply he requires that Hector should first ask for a Cessation, as he was the Challenger. Eustathius.
XXXVI.
‘VERSE 350. O first of Greeks, &c.]’ Hector, how hardly soever he is prest by his present Circumstance, says nothing to obtain a Truce that is not strictly consistent with his Honour. When he praises Ajax, it lessens his own Disadvantage, and he is careful to extol him only above the Greeks, without acknowledging him more valiant than himself or the Trojans: Hector is always jealous of the Honour of his Country. In what follows we see he keeps himself on a level with his Adversary; Hereafter we shall meet.—Go thou, and give the same Joy to thy Grecians for thy Escape, as I shall to my Trojans. The Point of Honour in all this is very nicely preserved.
XXXVII.
‘VERSE 362. Who wearies Heav'n with Vows for Hector 's Life.]’ Eustathius gives many Solutions of the Difficulty in these Words, [...]: They mean either that the Trojan Ladies will pray to the Gods for him ( [...], or certatim) with the utmost Zeal and Transport; or that they will go in Procession to the Temples for him ( [...], coetum Deorum;) or that they will pray to him as to a God, [...].
XXXVIII.
‘VERSE 364. Exchange some Gift.]’ There is nothing that gives us a greater Pleasure in reading an heroic Poem, than [Page 233] the Generosity, which one brave Enemy shews to another. The Proposal made here by Hector, and so readily embraced by Ajax, makes the Parting of these two Heroes more glorious to them than the Continuance of the Combate had been. A French Critick is shock'd at Hector's making Proposals to Ajax with an Air of Equality; he says a Man that is vanquish'd, instead of talking of Presents, ought to retire with Shame from his Conqueror. But that Hector was vanquish'd is by no means to be allowed; Homer had told us that his Strength was restored by Apollo, and that the two Combatants were engaging again upon equal Terms with their Swords. So that this Criticism falls to nothing. For the rest, 'tis said that this Exchange of Presents between Hector and Ajax gave Birth to a Proverb, that the Presents of Enemies are generally fatal. For Ajax with this Sword afterwards killed himself, and Hector was dragg'd by this Belt at the Chariot of Achilles.
XXXIX.
‘VERSE 387. Before great Ajax plac'd the mighty Chine.]’ This is one of those Passages that will naturally fall under the Ridicule of a true modern Critick. But what Agamemnon here bestows on Ajax was in former Times a great Mark of Respect and Honour: Not only as it was customary to distinguish the Quality of their Guests by the Largeness of the Portions assigned them at their Tables, but as this Part of the Victim peculiarly belong'd to the King himself. It is worth remarking on this Occasion, that the Simplicity of those Times allowed the eating of no other Flesh but Beef, Mutton, or Kid. This is the Food of the Heroes of Homer, and the Patriarchs and Warriors of the Old Testament. Fishing and Fowling were the Arts of more luxurious Nations, and came much later into Greece and Israel.
One cannot read this Passage without being pleased with the wonderful Simplicity of the old heroic Ages. We have here a gallant Warrior returning victorious (for that he thought himself so, appears from those Words [...]) from a single Combate with the bravest of his Enemies; and he is [Page 234] no otherwise rewarded than with a larger Portion of the Sacrifice at Supper. Thus an upper Seat or a more capacious Bowl was a Recompence for the greatest Actions; and thus the only Reward in the Olympic Games was a Pine-Branch, or a Chaplet of Parsley or wild Olive. The latter Part of this Note belongs to Eustathius.
XL.
‘VERSE 399. While we to Flames, &c.]’ There is a great deal of Artifice in this Counsel of Nestor of burning the Dead and raising a Fortification; for tho' Piety was the specious Pretext, their Security was the real Aim of the Truce, which they made use of to finish their Works. Their doing this at the same time they erected the Funeral Piles, made the Imposition easy upon the Enemy, who might naturally mistake one Work for the other. And this also obviates a plain Objection, viz. Why the Trojans did not interrupt them in this Work? The Truce determined no exact Time, but as much as was needful for discharging the Rites of the Dead.
I fancy it may not be unwelcome to the Reader to enlarge a little upon the way of disposing the Dead among the Ancients. It may be proved from innumerable Instances that the Hebrews interred their Dead; thus Abraham's Burying-place is frequently mentioned in Scripture: And that the Aegyptians did the same is plain from their embalming them. Some have been of Opinion that the Usage of Burning the Dead was originally to prevent any Outrage to the Bodies from their Enemies; which Imagination is render'd not improbable by that Passage in the first Book of Samuel, where the Israelites burn the Bodies of Saul and his Sons after they had been misused by the Philistines, even tho' their common Custom was to bury their Dead. And so Sylla among the Romans was the first of his Family who order'd his Body to be burnt, for fear the Barbarities he had exercised on that of Marius might be retaliated upon his own. Tully de legibus, lib. 2. ‘ Proculdubio cremandi ritus a Graecis venit, nam sepultum legimus Numam ad Anienis fontem; totique genti Corneliae [Page 235] solenne fuisse sepulcrum, usque ad Syllam, qui primus ex ea gente crematus est.’ The Greeks used both ways of interring and burning; Patroclus was burned, and Ajax lay'd in the Ground, as appears from Sophocles's Ajax, lin. 1185.
‘ Hasten (says the Chorus) to prepare a hollow Hole, a Grave for this Man.’
Thucidydes in his second Book mentions [...]: Coffins or Chests made of Cypress Wood, in which the Athenians kept the Bones of their Friends that dy'd in the Wars.
The Romans derived from the Greeks both these Customs of burning and burying: In Urbe neve SEPELITO neve URITO, says the Law of the Twelve Tables. The Place where they burn'd the Dead was set apart for this religious Use, and called Glebe; from which Practice the Name is yet apply'd to all the Grounds belonging to the Church.
Plutarch observes that Homer is the first who mentions one general Tomb for a Number of dead Persons. Here is a Tumulus built round the Pyre, not to bury their Bodies, for they were to be burn'd; nor to receive the Bones, for those were to be carry'd to Greece; but perhaps to inter their Ashes, (which Custom may be gather'd from a Passage in Iliad 23. ℣. 255.) or it might be only a Cenotaph in Remembrance of the Dead.
XLI.
‘VERSE 415. The Trojan Peers in nightly Council sate.]’ There is a great Beauty in the two Epithets Homer gives to this Council, [...], [...], timida, turbulenta. The unjust side is always fearful and discordant. I think M. Dacier has not entirely done Justice to this Thought in her Translation. Horace seems to have accounted this an useful and necessary Part, that contain'd the great Moral of the Iliad, as may be seen from his selecting it in particular from the rest, in his Epistle to Lollius.
XLII.
‘VERSE 441. The rev'rend Priam rose.]’ Priam rejects the wholsome Advice of Antenor, and complies with his Son. This is indeed extremely natural to the indulgent Character and easy Nature of the old King, of which the whole Trojan War is a Proof; but I could wish Homer had not just in this Place celebrated his Wisdom in calling him [...]. Spondanus refers this Blindness of Priam to the Power of Fate, the Time now approaching when Troy was to be punish'd for its Injustice. Something like this weak Fondness of a Father is described in the Scripture in the Story of David and Absalom.
XLIII.
‘VERSE 450. Next let a Truce be ask'd.]’ The Conduct of Homer in this Place is remarkable: He makes Priam propose in Council to send to the Greeks to ask a Truce to bury the Dead. This the Greeks themselves had before determined to propose: But it being more honourable to his Country, the Poet makes the Trojan Herald prevent any Proposition that could be made by the Greeks. Thus they are requested to do what they themselves were about to request, and have the Honour to comply with a Proposal which they themselves would otherwise have taken as a Favour. Eustathius.
XLIV.
‘VERSE 455. Each at his Post in Arms.]’ We have here the manner of the Trojans taking their Repast: Not promiscuously, [Page 237] but each at his Post. Homer was sensible that military Men ought not to remit their Guard, even while they refresh themselves, but in every Action display the Soldier. Eustathius.
XLV.
‘VERSE 460. The Speech of Idaeus.]’ The Proposition of restoring the Treasures, and not Helen, is sent as from Paris only; in which his Father seems to permit him to treat by himself as a Sovereign Prince, and the sole Author of the War. But the Herald seems to exceed his Commission in what he tells the Greeks. Paris only offer'd to restore the Treasures he took from Greece, not including those he brought from Sidon and other Coasts, where he touch'd in his Voyage: But Idaeus here proffers all that he brought to Troy. He adds, as from himself, a Wish that Paris had perish'd in that Voyage. Some ancient Expositors suppose those Words to be spoken aside, or in a low Voice, as it is usual in Dramatic Poetry. But without that Salvo, a generous Love for the Welfare of his Country might transport Idaeus into some warm Expressions against the Author of its Woes. He lays aside the Herald to act the Patriot, and speaks with a noble Indignation against Paris, that he may Influence the Grecian Captains to give a favourable Answer. Eustathius.
XLVI.
‘VERSE 474. The Greeks gave ear, but none the Silence broke.]’ This Silence of the Greeks might naturally proceed from their Opinion that however desirous they were to put an end to this long War, Menelaus would never consent to relinquish Helen, which was the thing insisted upon by Paris. Eustathius accounts for it in another manner, and it is from him M. Dacier has taken her Remark. The Princes (says he) were silent, because it was the Part of Agamemnon to determine in Matters of this Nature; and Agamemnon is silent, being willing to hear the Inclinations of the Princes. By this means he avoided the Imputation of exposing the Greeks [Page 238] to Dangers for his Advantage and Glory; since he only gives the Answer which is put into his Mouth by the Princes, with the general Applause of the Army.
XLVII.
‘VERSE 476. Oh take not, Greeks! &c.]’ There is a peculiar Decorum in making Diomed the Author of this Advice, to reject even Helen herself if she were offer'd; this had not agreed with an amorous Husband like Menelaus, nor with a cunning Politician like Ulysses, nor with a wise old Man like Nestor. But it is proper to Diomed, not only as a young fearless Warrior, but as he is in particular an Enemy to the Interests of Venus.
XLVIII.
‘VERSE 507. And lay'd along the Cars.]’ These probably were not Chariots, but Carriages; for Homer makes Nestor say in ℣. 332. that this was to be done with Mules and Oxen, which were not commonly join'd to Chariots, and the word [...] there, may be apply'd to any Vehicle that runs on Wheels. [...] signifies indifferently Plaustrum or Currus; and our English word Car implies either. But if they did use Chariots in bearing their Dead, it is at least evident, that those Chariots were drawn by Mules and Oxen at Funeral Solemnities. Homer's using the word [...] and not [...], confirms this Opinion.
XLIX.
‘VERSE 520. Then, to secure the Camp, &c.]’ Homer has been accus'd of an Offence against Probability, in causing this Fortification to be made so late as in the last Year of the War. Mad. Dacier answers to this Objection, that the Greeks had no Occasion for it till the Departure of Achilles: He alone was a greater Defence to them; and Homer had told the Reader in a preceding Book, that the Trojans never durst venture out of the Walls of Troy while Achilles fought: These Intrenchments [Page 239] therefore serve to raise the Glory of his principal Hero, since they become necessary as soon as he withdraws his Aid. She might have added, that Achilles himself says all this, and makes Homer's Apology in the ninth Book, ℣. 349. The same Author, speaking of this Fortification, seems to doubt whether the Use of intrenching Camps was known in the Trojan War, and is rather inclined to think Homer borrowed it from what was practised in his own Time. But I believe if we consider the Caution with which he has been observed, in some Instances already given, to preserve the Manners of the Age he writes of, in Contradistinction to what was practised in his own; we may reasonably conclude the Art of Fortification was in use even so long before him, and in the Degree of Perfection that he here describes it. If it was not, and if Homer was fond of describing an Improvement in this Art made in his own Days, nothing could be better contrived than his feigning Nestor to be the Author of it, whose Wisdom and Experience in War render'd it probable that he might carry his Projects farther than the rest of his Contemporaries. We have here a Fortification as perfect as any in the modern Times. A strong Wall is thrown up, Towers are built upon it from Space to Space, Gates are made to issue out at, and a Ditch sunk, deep, wide and long: to all which Palisades are added to compleat it.
L.
‘VERSE 526. Meanwhile the Gods.]’ The Fiction of this Wall raised by the Greeks, has given no little Advantage to Homer's Poem, in furnishing him with an Opportunity of changing the Scene, and in a great degree the Subject and Accidents of his Battels; so that the following Descriptions of War are totally different from all the foregoing. He takes care at the first mention of it to fix in us a great Idea of this Work, by making the Gods immediately concern'd about it. We see Neptune jealous lest the Glory of his own Work, the Walls of Troy, should be effaced by it; and Jupiter comforting him with a Prophecy that it shall be totally destroy'd in a short time. Homer was sensible that as this was a Building [Page 240] of his Imagination only, and not founded (like many other of his Descriptions) upon some Antiquities or Traditions of the Country, so Posterity might convict him of a Falsity when no Remains of any such Wall should be seen on the Coast. Therefore (as Aristotle observes) he has found this way to elude the Censure of an improbable Fiction: The Word of Jove was fulfilled, the Hands of the Gods, the Force of the Rivers, and the Waves of the Sea demolish'd it. In the twelfth Book he digresses from the Subject of his Poem to describe the Execution of this Prophecy. The Verses there are very noble, and have given the Hint to Milton for those in which he accounts, after the same Poetical manner, for the Vanishing of the Terrestrial Paradise.
LI.
‘VERSE 560. And now the Fleet, &c.]’ The Verses from hence to the end of the Book afford us the Knowledge of some Points of History and Antiquity. As that Jason had a Son by Hypsipyle, who succeeded his Mother in the Kingdom of Lemnos. That the Isle of Lemnos was anciently famous for its Wines, and drove a Traffick in them; and that coined Money was not in use in the Time of the Trojan War, but the Trade of Countries carry'd on by Exchange in gross, Brass, Oxen, Slaves, &c. I must not forget the particular Term used here for Slave, [...], which is literally the same with our modern word Footman.
LII.
‘VERSE 572. But Jove averse, &c.]’ The Signs by which Jupiter here shews his Wrath against the Grecians, are a Prelude to those more open Declarations of his Anger which follow in the next Book, and prepare the Mind of the Reader for that Machine, which might otherwise seem too bold and violent.
THE EIGHTH BOOK OF THE ILIAD.
The ARGUMENT.
The second Battel, and the Distress of the
Greeks.
JUPITER assembles a Council of the Deities, and threatens them with the Pains of Tartarus if they assist either side: Minerva only obtains of him that she may direct the Greeks by her Counsels. The Armies join Battel; Jupiter on Mount Ida weighs in his Balances the Fates of both, and affrights the Greeks with his Thunders and Lightnings. Nestor alone continues in the Field in great Danger; Diomed relieves him; whose Exploits, and those of Hector, are excellently described. Juno endeavours to animate Neptune to the Assistance of the Greeks, but in vain. The Acts of Teucer, who is at length wounded by Hector and carry'd off. Juno and Minerva prepare to aid the Grecians, but are restrained by Iris, sent from Jupiter. The Night puts an end to the Battel. Hector keeps the Field (the Greeks being driven to their Fortification before the Ships) and gives Orders to keep the Watch all Night in the Camp, to prevent the Enemy from reimbarking and escaping by Flight. They kindle Fires through all the Field, and pass the Night under Arms.
The Time of seven and twenty Days is employed from the Opening of the Poem to the End of this Book. The Scene here (except of the Celestial Machines) lies in the Field toward the Sea Shore.
THE EIGHTH BOOK OF THE ILIAD.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE Eighth Book.
[Page 281]OBSERVATIONS ON THE EIGHTH BOOK.
I.
HOMER, like most of the Greeks, is thought to have travell'd into Aegypt, and brought from the Priests there not only their Learning, but their manner of conveying it in Fables and Hieroglyphicks. This is necessary to be consider'd by those who would thoroughly penetrate into the Beauty and Design of many Parts of this Author. For whoever reflects that this was the Mode of Learning in those Times, will make no doubt but there are several Mysteries both of Natural and Moral Philosophy involv'd in his Fictions, which otherwise in the literal Meaning appear too trivial or irrational; and it is but just, when these are not plain or immediately intelligible, to imagine that something of this kind may be hid under them. Nevertheless, as Homer travell'd not with a direct View of writing Philosophy or Theology, so he might often use these Hieroglyphical Fables and Traditions as Embellishments of his Poetry only, without taking the Pains to open their mystical Meaning to his Readers, and perhaps without diving very deeply into it himself.
II.
‘VERSE 25. Let down our golden everlasting Chain.]’ The various Opinions of the Ancients concerning this Passage are [Page 282] collected by Eustathius. Jupiter says, If he holds this Chain of Gold, the Force of all the Gods is unable to draw him down, but that he can draw up them, the Seas, and the Earth, and cause the whole Universe to hang unactive. Some think that Jupiter signifies the Aether, the golden Chain the Sun: If the Aether did not temper the Rays of the Sun as they pass thro' it, his Beams would not only drink up and exhale the Ocean in Vapours, but also exhale the Moisture from the Veins of the Earth, which is the Cement that holds it together; by which means the whole Creation would become unactive, and all its Powers be suspended.
Others affirm, that by this golden Chain may be meant the Days of the World's Duration, [...], which are as it were painted by the Lustre of the Sun, and follow one another in a successive Chain till they arrive at their final Period: While Jupiter or the Aether (which the Ancients call'd the Soul of all Things) still remains unchanged.
Plato in his Theaetetus says that by this golden Chain is meant the Sun, whose Rays enliven all Nature and cement the Parts of the Universe.
The Stoicks will have it that by Jupiter is implied Destiny, which over-rules every thing both upon, and above the Earth.
Others (delighted with their own Conceits) imagine that Homer intended to represent the Excellence of Monarchy; that the Sceptre ought to be sway'd by one Hand, and that all the Wheels of Government should be put in Motion by one Person.
But I fancy a much better Interpretation may be found for this, if we allow (as there is great Reason to believe) that the Aegyptians understood the true System of the World, and that Pythagoras first learn'd it from them. They held that the Planets were kept in their Orbits by Gravitation upon the Sun, which was therefore called Jovis carcer; and sometimes by the Sun (as Macrobius informs us) is meant Jupiter himself: We see too that the most prevailing Opinion of Antiquity fixes it to the Sun; so that I think it will be no strained Interpretation to say, that by the Inability of the Gods to pull Jupiter out of his Place with this Catena, may be understood [Page 283] the superior attractive Force of the Sun, whereby he continues unmoved, and draws all the rest of the Planets toward him.
III.
‘VERSE 16. Low in the dark Tartarean Gulf, &c.]’ This Opinion of Tartarus, the Place of Torture for the Impious after Death, might also be taken from the Aegyptians: for it seems not improbable, as some Writers have observed, that some Tradition might then be spread in the Eastern Parts of the World, of the Fall of the Angels, the Punishment of the Damned, and other sacred Truths which were afterwards more fully explain'd and taught by the Prophets and Apostles. These Homer seems to allude to in this and other Passages; as where Vulcan is said to be precipitated from Heaven in the first Book, where Jupiter threatens Mars with Tartarus in the fifth, and where the Daemon of Discord is cast out of Heaven in the nineteenth. Virgil has translated a part of these Lines into the sixth Aeneid.
And Milton in his first Book,
It may not be unpleasing just to observe the Gradation in these three great Poets, as if they had vied with each other, in extending this Idea of the Depth of Hell. Homer says as far, Virgil twice as far, Milton thrice.
IV.
‘VERSE 35. Th' Almighty spoke.]’ Homer in this whole Passage plainly shews his Belief of one supreme, omnipotent [Page 284] God, whom he introduces with a Majesty and Superiority worthy the great Ruler of the Universe. Accordingly Justin Martyr cites it as a Proof of our Author's attributing the Power and Government of all things to one First God, whose Divinity is so far superior to all other Deities, that if compared to him they may be rank'd among Mortals. Admon. ad Gentes. Upon this Account, and with the Authority of that learned Father, I have ventur'd to apply to Jupiter in this Place such Appellatives as are suitable to the supreme Deity: a Practice I would be cautious of using in many others where the Notions and Descriptions of our Author must be own'd to be unworthy of the Divinity.
V.
‘VERSE 39. O first and greatest! &c.]’ Homer is not only to be admir'd for keeping up the Characters of his Heroes, but for adapting his Speeches to the Characters of his Gods. Had Juno here given the Reply, she would have begun with some Mark of Resentment, but Pallas is all Submission; Juno would probably have contradicted him, but Pallas only begs leave to be sorry for those whom she must not assist; Juno would have spoken with the Prerogative of a Wife, but Pallas makes her Address with the Obsequiousness of a prudent Daughter. Eustathius.
VI.
‘VERSE 70. For on this dreadful Day The Fate of Fathers, Wives, and Infants lay.]’ It may be necessary to explain why the Trojans thought themselves obliged to fight in order to defend their Wives and Children. One would think they might have kept within their Walls, the Grecians made no Attempt to batter them, neither were they invested; and the Country was open on all sides except towards the Sea, to give them Provisions. The most natural thought is, that they and their Auxiliaries being very numerous, could not subsist but from a large Country about them; and perhaps not [Page 285] without the Sea, and the Rivers, where the Greeks encamp'd: That in time the Greeks would have surrounded them, and block'd up every Avenue to their Town: That they thought themselves obliged to defend the Country with all the Inhabitants of it; and that indeed at first this was rather a War between two Nations, and became not properly a Siege till afterwards.
VII.
‘VERSE 71. The Gates unfolding, &c.]’ There is a wonderful Sublimity in these Lines; one sees in the Description the Gates of a warlike City thrown open, and an Army pouring forth; and one hears the Trampling of Men and Horses rushing to the Battel.
These Verses are, as Eustathius observes, only a Repetition of a former Passage, which shews that the Poet was particularly pleas'd with them, and that he was not ashamed of a Repetition when he could not express the same Image more happily than he had already done.
VIII.
‘VERSE 84. The sacred Light.]’ Homer describing the Advance of the Day from Morning till Noon, calls it [...], or sacred, says Eustathius, who gives this Reason for it, because that Part of the Day was allotted to Sacrifice and religious Worship.
IX.
‘VERSE 88. The Sire of Gods his golden Scales suspends.]’ This Figure representing God as weighing the Destinies of Men in his Balances, was first made use of in holy Writ. In the Book of Job, which is acknowledg'd to be one of the most ancient of all the Scriptures, he prays to be weighed in an even Balance, that God may know his Integrity. Daniel declares from God to Belshazzar, thou art weighed in the Balances, and sound light. And Proverbs, Ch. 16. ℣. 11. A just [Page 286] Weight and Balance are the Lord's. Our Author has it again in the twenty second Iliad, and it appear'd so beautiful to succeeding Poets, that Aeschylus (as we are told by Plutarch de aud. Poetis) writ a whole Tragedy upon this Foundation, which he called Psychostasia, or the weighing of Souls. In this he introduced Thetis and Aurora standing on either side of Jupiter's Scales, and praying each for her Son while the Heroes fought.
It has been copied by Virgil in the last Aeneid.
I cannot agree with Madam Dacier that these Verses are inferior to Homer's; but Macrobius observes with some Colour, that the Application of them is not so just as in our Author; for Virgil had made Juno say before, that Turnus would certainly perish.
So that there was less reason for weighing his Fate with that of Aeneas after that Declaration. Scaliger trifles miserably when he says Juno might have learn'd this from the Fates, tho' Jupiter did not know it, before he consulted them by weighing the Scales. But Macrobius's Excuse in behalf of Virgil is much better worth regard: I shall transcribe it entire, as it is perhaps the finest Period in all that Author. ‘ Haec & alia ignoscenda Virgilio, qui studii circa Homerum nimietate excedit modum. Et revera non poterat non in aliquibus minor videri, qui per omnem poësim suam hoc uno est praecipue usus Archetypo. Acriter enim in Homerum oculos intendit, ut aemularetur [Page 287] ejus non modo magnitudinem sed & simplicitatem, & praesentiam orationis, & tacitam majestatem. Hinc diversarum inter Heroas suos personarum varia magnificatio, hinc Deorum interpositio, hinc autoritas fabulosa, hinc affectuum naturalium expressio, hinc monumentorum persecutio, hinc parabolarum exaggeratio, hinc torrentis orationis sonitus, hinc rerum singularum cum splendore fastigium.’ Sat. l. 5. c. 13.
As to the Ascent or Descent of the Scales, Eustathius explains it in this manner. The Descent of the Scale toward Earth signifies Unhappiness and Death, the Earth being the Place of Misfortune and Mortality; the Mounting of it signifies Prosperity and Life, the superior Regions being the Seats of Felicity and Immortality.
Milton has admirably improved upon this fine Fiction, and with an Alteration agreeable to a Christian Poet. He feigns that the Almighty weighed Satan in such Scales, but judiciously makes this difference, that the Mounting of his Scale denoted ill Success; whereas the same Circumstance in Homer points the Victory. His Reason was, because Satan was immortal, and therefore the sinking of his Scale could not signify Death, but the mounting of it did his Lightness, conformable to the Expression we just now cited from Daniel.
I believe upon the whole this may with Justice be preferr'd both to Homer's and Virgil's, on account of the beautiful Allusion to the Sign of Libra in the Heavens, and that noble Imagination of the Maker's weighing the whole World at the Creation, and all the Events of it since; so correspondent at once to Philosophy, and to the Style of the Scriptures.
X.
‘VERSE 93. Then Jove from Ida 's Top, &c.]’ This Distress of the Greeks being suppos'd, Jupiter's Presence was absolutely necessary to bring them into it: for the inferior Gods that were friendly to Greece were rather more in Number and superior in Force to those that favour'd Troy; and the Poet had shew'd before, when both Armies were left to themselves, that the Greeks could overcome the Trojans; besides it would have been an indelible Reflection upon his Countrymen to have been vanquish'd by a smaller Number. Therefore nothing less than the immediate Interposition of Jupiter was requisite, which shews the wonderful Address of the Poet in his Machinery. Virgil makes Turnus say in the last Aeneid,
And indeed this Defeat of the Greeks seems more to their Glory than all their Victories, since even Jupiter's Omnipotence could with difficulty effect it.
XI.
‘VERSE 95. Thick Light'nings flash.]’ This Notion of Jupiter's declaring against the Greeks by Thunder and Lightning, is drawn (says Dacier) from Truth itself. Sam. 1. Ch. 7. ‘ And as Samuel was offering up the Burnt-offering, the Philistines drew near to Battel against Israel: But the Lord thunder'd with a great Thunder on that Day upon the Philistines, and discomfited them, and they were smitten before Israel.’ To which may be added that in the 18 th Psalm. ‘ The Lord thunder'd in the Heavens, and the Highest gave his Voice; Hailstones and Coals of Fire. Yea, he sent out his Arrows and scatter'd them; he shot out Lightnings and discomfited them.’
Upon occasion of the various Successes given by Jupiter, now to Grecians, now to Trojans, whom he suffers to perish interchangeably; some have fancy'd this Supposition injurious [Page 289] to the Nature of the Sovereign Being, as representing him variable or inconstant in his Rewards and Punishments. It may be answer'd, that as God makes use of some People to chastise others, and none are totally void of Crimes, he often decrees to punish those very Persons for lesser Sins, whom he makes his Instruments to punish others for greater: so purging them from their own Iniquities before they become worthy to be Chastisers of other Men's. This is the Case of the Greeks here, whom Jupiter permits to suffer many ways, tho' he had destin'd them to revenge the Rape of Helen upon Troy. There is a History in the Bible just of this Nature. In the 20 th Chapter of Judges, the Israelites are commanded to make War against the Tribe of Benjamin, to punish a Rape on the Wife of a Levite committed in the City of Gibeah: When they have laid Siege to the Place, the Benjamites sally upon them with so much Vigour, that a great Number of the Besiegers are destroy'd; they are astonish'd at these Defeats, as having undertaken the Siege in Obedience to the Command of God: But they are still order'd to persist, till at length they burn the City, and almost extinguish the Race of Benjamin. There are many Instances in Scripture, where Heaven is represented to change its Decrees according to the Repentance or Relapses of Men: Hezechias is order'd to prepare for Death, and afterwards fifteen Years are added to his Life: It is foretold to Achab that he shall perish miserably, and then upon his Humiliation God defers the Punishment till the Reign of his Successor, &c.
I must confess, that in comparing Passages of the sacred Books with our Author one ought to use a great deal of Caution and Respect. If there are some Places in Scripture that in Compliance to human Understanding represent the Deity as acting by Motives like those of Men; there are infinitely more that shew him as he is, all Perfection, Justice, and Beneficence; whereas in Homer the general Tenor of the Poem represents Jupiter as a Being subject to Passion, Inequality, and Imperfection. I think M. Dacier has carry'd these Comparisons too far, and is too zealous to defend him upon every occasion in the Points of Theology and Doctrine.
XII.
‘VERSE 115. But Diomed beheld.]’ The whole following Story of Nestor and Diomed is admirably contriv'd to raise the Character of the latter. He maintains his Intrepidity, and ventures singly to bring off the old Hero, notwithstanding the general Consternation. The Art of Homer will appear wonderful to any one who considers all the Circumstances of this Part, and by what degrees he reconciles this Flight of Diomed to that undaunted Character. The Thunderbolt falls just before him; that is not enough; Nestor advises him to submit to Heaven; this does not prevail, he cannot bear the Thoughts of Flight: Nestor drives back the Chariot without his Consent; he is again inclined to go on till Jupiter again declares against him. These two Heroes are very artfully placed together, because none but a Person of Nestor's Authority and Wisdom could have prevailed upon Diomed to retreat: A younger Warrior could not so well in Honour have given him such Counsel, and from no other would he have taken it. To cause Diomed to fly, required both the Counsel of Nestor, and the Thunder of Jupiter.
XIII.
‘VERSE 121. Oh turn and save, &c.]’ There is a Decorum in making Diomed call Ulysses to the Assistance of his Brother Sage; for who better knew the Importance of Nestor, than Ulysses? But the Question is, whether Ulysses did not drop Nestor as one great Minister would do another, and fancy'd He should be the wise Man when the other was gone? Eustathius indeed is of Opinion that Homer meant not to cast any Aspersion on Ulysses, nor would have given him so many noble Appellations when in the same Breath he reflected upon his Courage. But perhaps the contrary Opinion may not be ill grounded if we observe the manner of Homer's Expression. Diomed call'd Ulysses, but Ulysses was deaf, he did not hear; and whereas the Poet says of the rest, that they had [Page 291] not the Hardiness to stay, Ulysses is not only said to fly, but [...], to make violent Haste towards the Navy.
Ovid at least understood it thus, for he puts an Objection in Ajax's Mouth, Metam. 13. drawn from this Passage, which would have been improper had not Ulysses made more speed than he ought; since Ajax on the same occasion retreated as well as he.
XIV.
‘VERSE 142. The thirsty Fury of my flying Spear.]’ Homer has Figures of that Boldness which it is impossible to preserve in another Language. The Words in the Original are [...], Hector shall see if my Spear is mad in my Hands. The Translation pretends only to have taken some Shadow of this, in animating the Spear, giving it Fury, and strengthning the Figure with the Epithet thirsty.
XV.
‘VERSE 159. And now had Death, &c.]’ Eustathius observes how wonderfully Homer still advances the Character of Diomed: when all the Leaders of Greece were retreated, the Poet says that had not Jupiter interposed, Diomed alone had driven the whole Army of Troy to their Walls, and with his single Hand have vanquish'd an Army.
XVI.
‘VERSE 164. The Ground before him flam'd.]’ Here is a Battel describ'd with so much Fire, that the warmest Imagination of an able Painter cannot add a Circumstance to heighten the Surprize or Horror of the Picture. Here is what they call the Fracas, or Hurry and Tumult of the Action in the utmost Strength of Colouring, upon the Foreground; and the Repose or Solemnity at a distance, with great Propriety and Judgment. First, in the Eloignement, we behold Jupiter in golden Armour, surrounded with Glory, upon the Summit [Page 292] of Mount Ida; his Chariot and Horses by him, wrapt in dark Clouds. In the next Place below the Horizon, appear the Clouds rolling and opening, thro' which the Lightning flashes in the Face of the Greeks, who are flying on all sides; Agamemnon and the rest of the Commanders in the Rear, in Postures of Astonishment. Towards the middle of the Piece, we see Nestor in the utmost Distress, one of his Horses having a deadly Wound in the Forehead with a Dart, which makes him rear and writhe, and disorder the rest. Nestor is cutting the Harness with his Sword, while Hector advances driving full speed. Diomed interposes, in an Action of the utmost Fierceness and Intrepidity: These two Heroes make the principal Figures and Subject of the Picture. A burning Thunderbolt falls just before the Feet of Diomed's Horses, from whence a horrid Flame of Sulphur arises.
This is only a Specimen of a single Picture design'd by Homer out of the many with which he has beautified the Iliad. And indeed every thing is so natural and so lively, that the History-Painter would generally have no more to do but to delincate the Forms, and copy the Circumstances just as he finds them described by this great Master. We cannot therefore wonder at what has been so often said of Homer's furnishing Ideas to the most famous Painters of Antiquity.
XVII.
‘VERSE 194. The solid Skies.]’ Homer sometimes calls the Heavens Brazen, [...], and Jupiter's Palace, [...]. One might think from hence that the Notion of the Solidity of the Heavens, which is indeed very ancient, had been generally receiv'd. The Scripture uses Expressions agreeable to it, A Heaven of Brass, and the Firmament.
XVIII.
‘VERSE 214. Heard ye the Voice of Jove?]’ It was a noble and effectual manner of encouraging the Troops, by telling them that God was surely on their side: This, it seems, has been an ancient Practice, as it has been used in modern Times by those who never read Homer.
XIX.
‘VERSE 226. Now Xanthus, Aethon, &c.]’ There have been those who blame this manner introduced by Homer and copied by Virgil, of making a Hero address his Discourse to his Horses. Virgil has given human Sentiments to the Horse of Pallas, and made him weep for the Death of his Master. In the tenth Aeneid Mezentius speaks to his Horse in the same manner as Hector does here. Nay; he makes Turnus utter a Speech to his Spear, and invoke it as a Divinity. All this is agreeable to the Art of Oratory, which makes it a Precept to speak to every thing, and make every thing speak; of which there are innumerable applauded Instances in the most celebrated Orators. Nothing can be more spirited and affecting than this Enthusiasm of Hector, who, in the Transport of his Joy at the Sight of Diomed flying before him, breaks out into this Apostrophe to his Horses, as he is pursuing. And indeed the Air of this whole Speech is agreeable to a Man drunk with the Hopes of Success, and promising himself a Series of Conquests. He has in Imagination already forced the Grecian Retrenchments, set the Fleet in Flames, and destroyed the whole Army.
XX.
‘VERSE 231. For this my Spouse.]’ There is (says M. Dacier) a secret Beauty in this Passage, which perhaps will only be perceiv'd by those who are particularly vers'd in Homer. He describes a Princess so tender in her Love to her Husband, that she takes care constantly to go and meet him at his Return from every Battel, and in the Joy of seeing him again, runs to his Horses, and gives them Bread and Wine as a Testimony of her Acknowledgment to them for bringing him back. Notwithstanding the Raillery that may be past upon this Remark, I take a Lady to be the best Judge to what Actions a Woman may be carry'd by Fondness to her Husband. Homer does not expresly mention Bread, but Wheat; and the Commentators are not agreed whether she gave them [Page 294] Wine to drink, or steep'd the Grain in it. Hobbes translates it as I do.
XXI.
‘VERSE 237. Vulcanian Arms, the Labour of a God.]’ These were the Arms that Diomed had received from Glaucus, and a Prize worthy Hector, being (as we were told in the sixth Book) entirely of Gold. I do not remember any other Place where the Shield of Nestor is celebrated by Homer.
XXII.
‘VERSE 245. Yet Aegae, Helice.]’ These were two Cities of Greece in which Neptune was particularly honoured, and in each of which there was a Temple and Statue of him.
XXIII.
‘VERSE 262. Where the deep Trench.]’ That is to say, the Space betwixt the Ditch and the Wall was filled with the Men and Chariots of the Greeks. Hector not having yet past the Ditch. Eustathius.
XXIV.
‘VERSE 269. His Purple Robe.]’ Agamemnon here addresses himself to the Eyes of the Army; his Voice might have been lost in the Confusion of a Retreat, but the Motion of this purple Robe could not fail of attracting the Regards of the Soldiers. His Speech also is very remarkable; he first endeavours to shame them into Courage, and then begs of Jupiter to give that Courage Success; at least so far as not to suffer the whole Army to be destroyed. Eustathius.
XXV.
‘VERSE 270. High on the midmost Bark, &c.]’ We learn from hence the Situation of the Ships of Ulysses, Achilles, and [Page 295] Ajax. The two latter being the strongest Heroes of the Army, were placed to defend either end of the Fleet as most obnoxious to the Incursions or Surprizes of the Enemy; and Ulysses being the ablest Head, was allotted the middle Place, as more safe and convenient for the Council, and that he might be the nearer if any Emergency required his Advice. Eustathius, Spondanus.
XXVI.
‘VERSE 293. Thus pray'd the King, and Heav'ns great Father heard.]’ It is to be observ'd in general, that Homer hardly ever makes his Heroes succeed, unless they have first offer'd a Prayer to Heaven. Whether they engage in War, go upon an Embassy, undertake a Voyage; in a word, whatever they enterprize, they almost always supplicate some God; and whenever we find this omitted, we may expect some Adversity to befall them in the Course of the Story.
XXVII.
‘VERSE 297. The Eagle, sacred Bird!]’ Jupiter upon the Prayers of Agamemnon sends an Omen to encourage the Greeks. The Application of it is obvious: The Eagle signified Hector, the Fawn denoted the Fear and Flight of the Greeks, and being drop'd at the Altar of Jupiter, shew'd that they would be saved by the Protection of that God. The word [...] (says Eustathius) has a great Significancy in this Place. The Greeks having just received this happy Omen from Jupiter, were offering Oblations to him under the Title of the Father of Oracles. There may also be a natural Reason for this Appellation, as Jupiter signified the Aether, which is the Vehicle of all Sounds.
Virgil has a fine Imitation of this Passage, but diversify'd with many more Circumstances, where he make Juturna shew a Prodigy of the like Nature to encourage the Latins, Aen. 12.
XXVIII.
‘VERSE 305. Tydides first.]’ Diomed, as we have before seen, was the last that retreated from the Thunder of Jupiter; he is now the first that returns to the Battel. It is worth while to observe the Behaviour of the Hero upon this Occasion: He retreats with the utmost Reluctancy, and advances with the greatest Ardour, he flies with greater Impatience to meet danger, than he could before to put himself in Safety. Eustathius.
XXIX.
‘VERSE 320. Secure behind the Telamonian Shield.]’ Eustathius observes that Teucer being an excellent Archer, and using only the Bow, could not wear any Arms which would incumber him, and render him less expedite in his Archery. Homer to secure him from the Enemy, represents him as standing behind Ajax's Shield, and shooting from thence. Thus the Poet gives us a new Circumstance of a Battel, and tho' Ajax atchieves nothing himself, he maintains a Superiority over Teucer: Ajax may be said to kill these Trojans with the Arrows of Teucer.
There is also a wonderful Tenderness in the Simile with which he illustrates the Retreat of Teucer behind the Shield of Ajax: Such tender Circumstances soften the Horrors of a Battel, and diffuse a Dawn of Serenity over the Soul of the Reader.
XXX.
‘VERSE 336. Great Agamemnon views.]’ Eustathius observes that Homer would here teach the Duty of a General in a Battel. He must observe the Behaviour of his Soldiers: He must honour the Hero, reproach the Coward, reduce the disorderly; and for the Encouragement of the deserving, he must promise Rewards, that Desert in Arms may not only be paid with Glory.
XXXI.
‘VERSE 342. Sprung from an Alien's Bed.]’ Agamemnon here in the Height of his Commendations of Teucer, tells him of his spurious Birth: This (says Eustathius) was reckon'd no Disgrace among the Ancients; nothing being more common than for Heroes of old to take their Female Captives to their Beds; and as such Captives were then given for a Reward of Valour, and as a Matter of Glory, it could be no Reproach to be descended from them. Thus Teucer (says Eustathius) was descended from Telamon, and Hesione the Sister of Priam, a Female Captive.
XXXII.
‘VERSE 363. This Dog of Troy.]’ This is literal from the Greek, and I have ventured it as no improper Expression of the Rage of Teucer for having been so often disappointed in his Aim, and of his Passion against that Enemy who had so long prevented all the Hopes of the Grecians. Milton was not scrupulous of imitating even these, which the modern Refiners call unmannerly Strokes of our Author (who knew to what Extreams human Passions might proceed, and was not ashamed to copy them.) He has put this very Expression into the Mouth of God himself, who upon beholding the Havock which Sin and Death made in the World, is moved in his Indignation to cry out,
XXXIII.
‘VERSE 365. He miss'd the Mark.]’ These Words, says Eustathius, are very artfully inserted; the Reader might wonder why so skilful an Archer should so often miss his Mark, and it was necessary that Teucer should miss Hector because Homer could not falsify the History: This Difficulty he removes by the Intervention of Apollo, who wafts the Arrow aside from him: The Poet does not tell us that this was done by the Hand of a God, till the Arrow of Teucer came so near Hector as to kill his Charioteer, which made some such Contrivance necessary.
XXXIV.
‘VERSE 370. As full-blown Poppies.]’ This Simile is very beautiful, and exactly represents the manner of Gorgythion's Death: There is such a Sweetness in the Comparison, that it makes us pity the Youth's Fall, and almost feel his Wound. Virgil has apply'd it to the Death of Euryalus.
This is finely improved by the Roman Author with the Particulars of succisus aratro, and lasso collo. But it may on the other hand be observ'd in the favour of Homer, that the Circumstance of the Head being oppressed and weigh'd down by the Helmet is so remarkably just, that it is a wonder Virgil omitted it, and the rather because he had particularly taken notice before that it was the Helmet of Euryalus which occasion'd the Discovery and unfortunate Death of this young Hero and his Friend.
One may make a general Observation, that Homer in those Comparisons that breath an Air of Tenderness, is very exact, and adapts them in every Point to the Subject which he [Page 299] is to illustrate: But in other Comparisons, where he is to inspire the Soul with sublime Sentiments, he gives a Loose to his Fancy, and does not regard whether the Images exactly correspond. I take the Reason of it to be this: In the first, the Copy must be like the Original to cause it to affect us; the Glass needs only to return the real Image to make it beautiful; whereas in the other, a Succession of noble Ideas will cause the like Sentiments in the Soul, and tho' the Glass should enlarge the Image, it only strikes us with such Thoughts as the Poet intended to raise, sublime and great.
XXXV.
‘VERSE 393. There, where the Juncture knits the Channel Bone.]’ Hector struck Teucer (it seems) just about the Articulation of the Arm, with the Shoulder; which cut the Tendon or wounded it so, that the Arm lost its Force: This is a true Description of the Effect of such a Blow.
XXXVI.
‘VERSE 406. As the bold Hound that gives the Lion chace.]’ This Simile is the justest imaginable; and gives the most lively Picture of the manner in which the Grecians fled, and Hector pursued them, still slaughtering the hindmost. Gratius and Oppian have given us particular Descriptions of those sort of Dogs, of prodigious Strength and Size, which were employ'd to hunt and tear down wild Beasts. To one of these fierce Animals he compares Hector, and one cannot but observe his Care not to disgrace his Grecian Countrymen by an unworthy Comparison: Tho' he is obliged to represent them flying, he makes them fly like Lions, and as they fly, turn frequently back upon their Pursuer; so that it is hard to say if they, or he, be in the greater Danger. On the contrary, when any of the Grecian Heroes pursue the Trojans, it is He that is the Lion, and the Flyers are but Sheep or trembling Deer.
XXXVII.
‘VERSE 438. The stubborn God, inflexible and hard.]’ It must be owned that this Speech of Minerva against Jupiter, shocks the Allegory more than perhaps any in the Poem. Unless the Deities may sometimes be thought to mean no more than Beings that presided over those Parts of Nature, or those Passions and Faculties of the Mind. Thus as Venus suggests unlawful as well as lawful Desires, so Minerva may be described as the Goddess not only of Wisdom but of Craft, that is, both of true and false Wisdom. So the Moral of Minerva's speaking rashly of Jupiter may be, that the wisest of finite Beings is liable to Passion and Indiscretion, as the Commentators have already observ'd.
XXXVIII.
‘VERSE 460. What mighty Trojan then, on yonder Shore.]’ She means Hector, whose Death the Poet makes her foresee is such a lively manner as if the Image of the Hero lay bleeding before her. This Picture is noble, and agreeable to the Observation we formerly made of Homer's Method of Prophecying in the Spirit of Poetry.
XXXIX.
‘VERSE 468. Floats in rich Waves.]’ The Greek word is [...], pours the Veil on the Pavement. I must just take Notice that here is a Repetition of the same beautiful Verses which the Author had used in the fifth Book.
XL.
‘VERSE 477. Smooth glides the Chariot, &c.]’ One would almost think Homer made his Gods and Goddesses descend from Olympus, only to mount again, and mount only to descend again, he is so remarkably delighted with the Descriptions [Page 301] of their Horses, and their manner of Flight. We have no less than three of these in the present Book.
XLI.
‘VERSE 500. For Juno headstrong and imperious still, She claims, &c.]’ Eustathius observes here, if a good Man does us a Wrong, we are justly angry at it, but if it proceeds from a bad one, it is no more than we expected, we are not at all surprized, and we bear it with Patience.
There are many such Passages as these in Homer which glance obliquely at the Fair Sex, and Jupiter is here forced to take upon himself the severe Husband, to teach Juno the Duty of a Wife.
XLII.
‘VERSE 522. But thee what desp'rate Insolence.]’ It is observable that Homer generally makes his Messengers, divine as well as human, very punctual in delivering their Messages in the very Words of the Persons who commission'd them. Iris however in the Close of her Speech has ventur'd to go beyond her Instructions and all Rules of Decorum, by adding these Expressions of bitter Reproach to a Goddess of superior Rank. The Words of the Original, [...], are too gross to be literally translated.
XLIII.
‘VERSE 524. Juno her Rage resign'd.]’ Homer never intended to give us the Picture of a good Wife in the Description of Juno: She obeys Jupiter, but it is a forced Obedience: She submits rather to the Governor than to the Husband, and is more afraid of his Lightning than his Commands.
Her Behaviour in this Place is very natural to a Person under a Disappointment: She had set her Heart upon preferring the Greeks, but failing in that Point, she assumes an Air of Indifference, and says, whether they live or die, she is unconcern'd.
XLIV.
‘VERSE 530. They breathe or perish as the Fates ordain.]’ The Translator has turn'd this Line in Compliance to an old Observation upon Homer, which Macrobius has written, and several others have since fallen into: They say he was so great a Fatalist, as not so much as to name the word Fortune in all his Works, but constantly Fate instead of it. This Remark seems curious enough, and indeed does agree with the general Tenor and Doctrine of this Poet; but unluckily it is not true, the Word which they have proscribed being imply'd in the Original of this ℣. 430. [...].
XLV.
‘VERSE 545. And fix the Car on its immortal Base.]’ It is remark'd by Eustathius that the word [...] signifies not only Altars, but Pedestals or Bases, of Statues, &c. I think our Language will bear this literally, tho' M. Dacier durst not venture it in the French. The Solemnity with which this Chariot of Jupiter is set up, by the Hands of a God, and cover'd with a fine Veil, makes it easy enough to imagine that this Distinction also might be shewn it.
XLVI.
‘VERSE 569. Juno and Pallas.]’ In the beginning of this Book Juno was silent, and Minerva reply'd: Here, says Eustathius, Homer makes Juno reply with great Propriety to both their Characters. Minerva resents the Usage of Jupiter, but the Reverence she bears to her Father, and her King, keeps her silent; she has not less Anger than Juno, but more Reason. Minerva there spoke with all the Submission and Deference that was owing from a Child to a Father, or from a Subject to a King; but Juno is more free with her Husband, she is angry, and lets him know it by the first word she utters.
Juno here repeats the same Words which had been us'd by [Page 303] Minerva to Jupiter near the beginning of this Book. What is there utter'd by Wisdom herself, and approv'd by him, is here spoken by a Goddess who (as Homer tells us at this very time) imprudently manifested her Passion, and whom Jupiter answers with Anger. To deal fairly, I cannot defend this in my Author, any more than some other of his Repetitions; as when Ajax in the fifteenth Iliad, ℣. 561. uses the same Speech word for word to encourage the Greeks, which Agamemnon had made in the fifth, ℣. 529. I think it equally an Extreme, to vindicate all the Repetitions of Homer, and to excuse none. However Eustathius very ingeniously excuses this, by saying that the same Speeches become entirely different by the different manner of introducing them. Minerva address'd herself to Jupiter with Words full of Respect, but Juno with Terms of Resentment. This, says he, shews the Effect of opening our Speeches with Art: It prejudices the Audience in our favour, and makes us speak to Friends: whereas the Auditor naturally denies that Favour, which the Orator does not seem to ask; so that what he delivers, tho' it has equal Merit, labours under this Disadvantage, that his Judges are his Enemies.
XLVII.
‘VERSE 590. Nor shall great Hector cease, &c.]’ Here, says Eustathius, the Poet prepares the Reader for what is to succeed: he gives us the Outlines of his Piece, which he is to fill up in the Progress of the Poem. This is so far from cloying the Reader's Appetite, that it raises it, and makes him desirous to see the Picture drawn in its full length.
XLVIII.
‘VERSE 620. Ye valiant Trojans, &c.]’ Eustathius observes that Hector here speaks like a Soldier: He bears a Spear, not a Sceptre in his Hand; he harangues like a Warrior, but like a Victor; he seems to be too much pleased with himself, and in this Vein of Self-flattery, he promises a compleat Conquest over the Greeks.
XLIX.
‘VERSE 647. And let the Matrons.]’ I have been more observant of the Decorum in this Line than my Author himself. He calls the Women [...], an Epithet of scandalous Import, upon which Porphyry and the Greek Scholiast have said but too much. I know no Man that has yet had the Impudence to translate that Remark, in regard of which it is Politeness to imitate the Barbarians, and say, Graecum est, non legitur. For my part, I leave it as a Motive to some very curious Persons of both Sexes to study the Greek Language.
L.
‘VERSE 679. Full Hecatombs, &c.]’ The six Lines that follow being a Translation of four in the Original, are added from the Authority of Plato in Mr. Barnes his Edition: That Author cites them in his second Alcibiades. There is no doubt of their being genuine, but the Question is only whether they are rightly placed here? I shall not pretend to decide upon a Point which will doubtless be the Speculation of future Criticks.
LI.
‘VERSE 687. As when the Moon, &c.]’ This Comparison is inferior to none in Homer. It is the most beautiful Nightpiece that can be found in Poetry. He presents you with a Prospect of the Heavens, the Seas, and the Earth: The Stars shine, the Air is serene, the World enlighten'd, and the Moon mounted in Glory. Eustathius remarks that [...] does not signify the Moon at full, for then the Light of the Stars is diminish'd or lost in the greater Brightness of the Moon. And others correct the word [...], to [...], for [...], but this Criticism is forced, and I see no Necessity why the Moon may not be said to be bright, tho' it is not in the full. A Poet is not obliged to speak with the Exactness of Philosophy, but with the Liberty of Poetry.
LII.
‘VERSE 702. A thousand Piles.]’ Homer in his Catalogue of the Grecian Ships, tho' he does not recount expresly the Number of the Greeks, has given some Hints from whence the Sum of their Army may be collected. But in the same Book where he gives an Account of the Trojan Army, and relates the Names of the Leaders and Nations of the Auxiliaries, he says nothing by which we may infer the Number of the Army of the besieged. To supply therefore that Omission, he has taken occasion by this Piece of Poetical Arithmetick, to inform his Reader, that the Trojan Army amounted to fifty thousand. That the Assistant Nations are to be included herein, appears from what Dolon says in l. 10. that the Auxiliaries were encamped that Night with the Trojans.
This Passage gives me occasion to animadvert upon a Mistake of a modern Writer, and another of my own. The Abbè Terasson in a late Treatise against Homer, is under a grievous Error, in saying that all the Forces of Troy and the Auxiliaries cannot be reasonably suppos'd from Homer to be above ten thousand Men. He had entirely overlook'd this Place, which says there were a thousand Fires, and fifty Men at each of them. See my Observation on the second Book, where these Fires by a slip of my Memory are called Funeral Piles: I should be glad it were the greatest Error I have committed in these Notes.
LIII.
‘VERSE 706. The Coursers o'er their Heaps of Corn.]’ I durst not take the same Liberty with M. Dacier, who has omitted this Circumstance, and does not mention the Horses at all. In the following Line, the last of the Book, Homer has given to the Morning the Epithet fair-haired, or bright-throned, [...]. I have already taken notice in the Preface of the Method of translating the Epithets of Homer, and must add here, that it is often only the Uncertainty the Moderns lie under, of the true genuine Signification of an [Page 306] ancient word, which causes the many various Constructions of it. So that it is probable the Author's own Words, at the time he used them, never meant half so many things as we translate them into. Madam Dacier generally observes one Practice as to these throughout her Version: She renders almost every such Epithet in Greek by two or three in French, from a fear of losing the least part of its Significance. This perhaps may be excusable in Prose; tho' at best it makes the whole much more verbose and tedious, and is rather like writing a Dictionary than rendring an Author: But in Verse, every Reader knows such a Redoubling of Epithets would not be tolerable. A Poet has therefore only to chuse that, which most agrees with the Tenor and main Intent of the particular Passage, or with the Genius of Poetry itself.
It is plain that too scrupulous an Adherence to many of these, gives the Translation an exotic, pedantic, and whimsical Air, which it is not to be imagined the Original ever had. To call a Hero the great Artificer of Flight, the swift of Foot, or the Horse-tamer, these give us Ideas of little Peculiarities, when in the Author's Time they were Epithets used only in general to signify Alacrity, Agility, and Vigor. A common Reader would imagine from these servile Versions, that Diomed and Achilles were Foot-Racers, and Hector a Horse-Courser, rather than that any of them were Heroes. A Man shall be call'd a faithful Translator for rendring [...] in English, swift-footed; but laugh'd at if he should translate our English word dext'rous into any other Language, right-handed.
ERRATA.
- PREFACE.] Pag. 4. line 18. for supply this Characters, read supply his Characters. Pag. 8. line 25. for self-considering Valour, read self-confiding. Pag. 28. line 5. for praise the Superstructure, read raise the Superstructure. Pag. 25. line 10. for with read with.
- Essay.] Pag. 15. line 34. for brings him, read brings it. Pag. 17. in the References at bottom, for [...], read [...]. Pag. 36. in the Citation from Horace at the bottom, for Argue read Arguet.
- Book 1.] Verse 517. for The undaunted, read Th' undaunted.
- Observations on Book 1.] Obs. 35. line 10. instead of Centaurs fell out fifty five or sixty Years, read fifty five or fifty six Years. And the third line after, instead of It was then fifty five or sixty five, read It was then sixty five or sixty six. This Error totally destroys the Sense.
- Book 2.] Verse 77. for Ill suits a Chief, read Ill fits a Chief. ℣. 666. for martial Armies, read marshal Armies.
- Observations on Book 2.] Obs. 9. toward the end, for a thousand funeral Piles, read a thousand Fires. Obs. 23. toward the end, for another Criticism upon the 290th Verse of this Book, read another Criticism upon the 290th Verse of the Catalogue. Obs. 32. in the last lines, place the Stops thus; the Description of her Preparation for Death and her Behaviour in it, can never be enough admired.
- Book 3.] Verse 43. for high Chariot, read proud Chariot. ℣. 444. read the whole Line thus: Eludes the Death and disappoints his Foe. ℣. the last but one of the Book, for just Applauses, read loud Applauses.
- Observations on Book 3.] Obs. 7. at the end, for Nireus's Prophecy, read Nereus's Prophecy.
- Observations on Book 4.] Obs. 36. the last line but two, for Conclusion, read Confusion.
NOTE, Wherever there are References in the Observations, to any particular Verses cited from Homer, it is constantly to be understood of the Number of that Verse in the Original, and not in the English.