I.

THE Plan of this Poem is form'd upon Anger and its ill Effects, the Plan of Virgil's upon pious Resignation and its Rewards: and thus every Passion or Virtue may be the Foundation of the Scheme of an Epic Poem. This Di­stinction between two Authors who have been so successful, seem'd necessary to be taken notice of, that they who would imitate either may not stumble at the very Entrance, or curb their Imaginations so as to deprive us of noble Morals told in a new Variety of Accidents. Imitation does not hinder In­vention: We may observe the Rules of Nature, and write in the Spirit of those who have best hit upon them, without taking the same Track, beginning in the same Manner, and following the Main of their Story almost step by step; as most of the modern Writers of Epic Poetry have done after one of these great Poets.

II.

VERSE 1.] Quintilian has told us, that from the begin­ning of Homer's two Poems the Rules of all Exordiums were deriv'd. ‘" In paucissimis versibus utriusque operis ingressu, legem Prooemiorum non dico servavit, sed constituit."’ Yet Rapin has been very free with this Invocation, in his Com­parison [Page 6] between Homer and Virgil; which is by no means the most judicious of his Works. He cavils first at the Poet's in­sisting so much upon the Effects of Achilles's Anger, That it was ‘"the Cause of the Woes of the Greeks,"’ that it ‘"sent so many Heroes to the Shades,"’ that ‘"their Bodies were left a Prey to Birds and Beasts,"’ the first of which he thinks had been sufficient. One may answer, that the Woes of Greece might consist in several other things than in the Death of her He­roes, which was therefore needful to be specify'd: As to the Bodies, he might have reflected how great a Curse the want of Burial was accounted by the Ancients, and how prejudicial it was esteem'd even to the Souls of the deceas'd: We have a most particular Example of the Strength of this Opinion from the Conduct of Sophocles in his Ajax; who thought this very Point sufficient to make the Distress of the last Act of that Tragedy after the Death of his Heroe, purely to sa­tisfy the Audience that he obtain'd the Rites of Sepulture. Next he objects it as preposterous in Homer to desire the Muse to tell him the whole Story, and at the same time to inform her solemnly in his own Person that 'twas the Will of Jove which brought it about. But is a Poet then to be ima­gin'd intirely ignorant of his Subject, tho' he invokes the Muse to relate the Particulars? May not Homer be allow'd the Knowledge of so plain a Truth, as that the Will of God is fulfill'd in all things? Nor does his Manner of saying this infer that he informs the Muse of it, but only corresponds with the usual way of desiring Information from another concerning any thing, and at the same time mentioning that little we know of it in general. What is there more in this Passage? ‘"Sing, O Goddess, that Wrath of Achilles, which prov'd so pernicious to the Greeks: We only know the Ef­fects of it, that it sent innumerable brave Men to the Shades, and that it was Jove's Will it should be so. But tell me, O Muse, what was the Source of this destructive Anger?"’ I can't apprehend what Rapin means by saying, it is hard to know where this Invocation ends, and that it is confounded with the Narration, which so manifestly begins at [...]. But upon the whole, methinks the French Criticks play double with us, when they sometimes [Page 7] represent the Rules of Poetry to be form'd upon the Practice of Homer, and at other times arraign their Master as if he transgress'd them. Horace has said the Exordium of an Epic Poem ought to be plain and modest, and instances Homer's as such; and Rapin from this very Rule will be trying Homer and judging it otherwise (for he criticises also upon the beginning of the Odysses) But for a full Answer we may bring the Words of Quintilian (whom Rapin himself allows to be the best of Criticks) concerning these Propositions and Invoca­tions of our Author. ‘" Benevolum Auditorem invocatione dearum quas praesidere vatibus creditum est, intentum pro­positâ rerum magnitudine, & docilem summā celeriter com­prehensâ, facit."’

III.

Plutarch observes there is a Defect in the Measure of this first Line (I suppose he means in the Eta's of the Patronymick.) This he thinks the fiery Vein of Homer making haste to his Subject, past over with a bold Neglect, being conscious of his own Power and Perfection in the greater Parts; as some (says he) who make Virtue their sole Aim, pass by Censure in smaller Matters. But perhaps we may find no occasion to suppose this a Neglect in him, if we consider that the word Pelides, had he made use of it without so many Alterations as he has put it to in [...], would still have been true to the Rules of Measure. Make but a Diphthong of the second Eta and the Iota, instead of their being two Syllables (per­haps by the fault of Transcribers) and the Objection is gone. Or perhaps it might be design'd that the Verse in which he professes to sing of violent Anger should run off in the Ra­pidity of Dactyles. This Art he is allow'd to have us'd in other Places, and Virgil has been particularly celebrated for it.

IV.

‘VERSE 8. Will of Jove.]’ Plutarch in his Treatise of read­ing Poets, interprets [...] in this Place to signify Fate, not [Page 8] imagining it consistent with the Goodness of the supreme Be­ing, or Jupiter, to contrive or practise any Evil against Men. Eustathius makes [ Will] here to refer to the Promise which Jupiter gave to Thetis, that he would honour her Son by siding with Troy while he should be absent. But to reconcile these two Opinions, perhaps the Meaning may be that when Fate had decreed the Destruction of Troy, Jupiter having the Power of Incidents to bring it to pass, fulfill'd that Decree by providing Means for it. So that the Words may thus specify the Time of Action, from the beginning of the Poem, in which those Incidents work'd, 'till the Promise to Thetis was fulfil'd, and the Destruction of Troy ascertain'd to the Greeks by the Death of Hector. However it is certain that this Poet was not an absolute Fatalist, but still suppos'd the Power of Jove superior: For in the sixteenth Iliad we see him designing to save Sarpedon tho' the Fates had decreed his Death, if Juno had not interposed. Neither does he exclude Free-will in Men; for as he attributes the Destruction of the Heroes to the Will of Jove in the begin­ning of the Iliad, so he attributes the Destruction of Ulysses's Friends to their own Folly in the beginning of the Odysses,

V.

‘VERSE 9. Declare, O Muse.]’ It may be question'd whether the first Period ends at [...], and the Interroga­tion to the Muse begins with [...]—Or whether the Period does not end 'till the words, [...], with only a single Interrogation at [...]—? I should be inclin'd to favour the former, and think it a double Inter­rogative, as Milton seems to have done in his Imitation of this Place at the beginning of Paradise Lost.

And just after,

Besides that I think the Proposition concludes more nobly [Page 9] with the Sentence Such was the Will of Jove. But the latter being follow'd by most Editions, and by all the Trans­lations I have seen in any Language, the general Acceptation is here comply'd with, only transposing the Line to keep the Sentence last: And the next Verses are so turn'd as to include the double Interrogation, and at the same time do justice to another Interpretation of the Words [...], Ex quo tempore; which marks the Date of the Quarrel from whence the Poem takes its Rise. Chapman would have Ex quo understood of Jupiter, from whom the Debate was sug­gested; but this clashes with the Line immediately follow­ing, where he asks What God inspir'd the Contention? and answers, It was Apollo.

VI.

‘VERSE 11. Latona 's Son.]’ Here the Author who first in­vok'd the Muse as the Goddess of Memory, vanishes from the Reader's view, and leaves her to relate the whole Affair through the Poem, whose Presence from this time dif­fuses an Air of Majesty over the Relation. And lest this should be lost to our Thoughts by the Continuation of the Story, he sometimes refreshes them with a new Invocation at proper Intervals. Eustathius.

VII.

‘VERSE 20. The Sceptre and the Laurel Crown.]’ There is something exceedingly venerable in this Appearance of the Priest to command Attention. He comes with the Ensigns of the God he belong'd to; the Laurel Crown, now carry'd in his Hand to show he was a Suppliant; and a golden Scep­tre which the Ancients gave in particular to Apollo, as they did a silver one to the Moon, and other sorts to other Planets. Eustathius.

VIII.

‘VERSE 23. Ye Kings and Warriors.]’ The Art of this Speech is remarkable. Chryses considers the Constitution of [Page 10] the Greeks before Troy, as made up of Troops partly from Kingdoms and partly from Democracies: Wherefore he be­gins with a distinction which comprehends all. After this, as Apollo's Priest, he prays that they may obtain the two Bles­sings they had most in view, the Conquest of Troy, and a safe Return. Then as he names his Petition, he offers an extraordinary Ransom, and concludes with bidding them fear the God if they refuse it; like one who from his Office seems to foresee their Misery and exhorts them to shun it. Thus he endeavours to work by the Art of a general Application, by Religion, by Interest, and the Insinuation of Danger. This is the Substance of what Eustathius remarks on this Place; and in pursuance to his last Observation, the Epithet Avenging is added to this Version, that it may appear the Priest foretells the Anger of his God.

IX.

‘VERSE 33. He with Pride repuls'd.]’ It has been remark'd in Honour of Homer's Judgment, and the Care he took of his Reader's Morals, that where he speaks of evil Actions committed, or hard Words given, he generally characte­rises them as such by a previous Expression. This Passage is given as one Instance of it, where he says the Repulse of Chryses was a proud injurious Action in Agamemnon: And it may be remark'd that before his Heroes fall on one another with hard Language, in this Book, he still takes care to let us know they were under a Distraction of Anger. Plutarch of reading Poets.

X.

The Greek is [...], which signifies either making the Bed, or partaking it. Eustathius and Madam Dacier insist very much upon its being taken in the former Sense only, for fear [Page 11] of presenting a loose Idea to the Reader, and of offending against the Modesty of the Muse who is suppos'd to relate the Poem. This Observation may very well become a Bishop and a Lady: But that Agamemnon was not studying here for Civility of Expression, appears from the whole Tenour of his Speech; and that he design'd Chryseis for more than a Ser­vant-Maid may be seen from some other things he says of her, as that he preferr'd her to his Queen Clytemnestra, &c. The Impudence of which Confession Madam Dacier herself has elsewhere animadverted upon. Mr. Dryden in his Trans­lation of this Book, has been juster to the Royal Passion of Agamemnon; tho' he has carry'd the Point so much on the other side, as to make him promise a greater Fondness for her in her old Age than in her Youth, which indeed is hardly credible.

Nothing could have made Mr. Dryden capable of this Mistake but extreme haste in Writing; which never ought to be im­puted as a Fault to him, but to those who suffer'd so noble a Genius to lie under the necessity of it.

XI.

‘VERSE 47. The trembling Priest.]’ We may take notice here, once for all, that Homer is frequently Eloquent in his very Silence. Chryses says not a word in answer to the In­sults of Agamemnon, but walks pensive along the Shore, and the melancholy Flowing of the Verse admirably expresses the Condition of the mournful and deserted Father.

XII.

‘VERSE 61. The fav'ring God attends.]’ Upon this first Prayer in the Poem Eustathius takes occasion to observe, that the Poet is careful throughout his whole Work to let no Prayer ever fall entirely which has Justice on its side; but he who prays either kills his Enemy, or has Signs given him that he has been heard, or his Friends return, or his Undertaking succeeds, or some other visible Good happens. So far in­structive and useful to Life has Homer made his Fable.

XIII.

‘VERSE 67. He bent his deadly Bow.]’ In the tenth Year of the Siege of Troy a Plague happen'd in the Grecian Camp, occasion'd perhaps by immoderate Heats and gross Exhala­tions. At the Introduction of this Accident Homer be­gins his Poem, and takes occasion from it to open the Scene of Action with a most beautiful Allegory. He supposes that such Afflictions are sent from Heaven for the Punishment of our evil Actions, and because the Sun whom the Heathens worship'd was a principal Instrument of it, he says it was sent to punish Agamemnon for despising that God and injuring his Priest. Eustathius.

XIV.

‘VERSE 69. Mules and Dogs.]’ Hippocrates observes two things of Plagues; that their Cause is in the Air, and that different Animals are differently touch'd by them according to their Nature or Nourishment. This Philosophy Spon­danus refers to the Plague here mention'd. First, the Cause is in the Air, by reason of the Darts or Beams of Apollo. Secondly, the Mules and Dogs are said to die sooner than the Men; partly because they have by Nature a Quickness of Smell which makes the Infection sooner perceivable; and partly by the Nourishment they take, their feeding on the Earth with prone Heads making the Exhalation the more easy to be suck'd in with it. Thus has Hippocrates so [Page 13] long after Homer writ, subscrib'd to his Knowledge in the Rise and Progress of this Distemper. There have been some who have refer'd this Passage to a religious Sense, making the Death of the Mules and Dogs before the Men to point out a kind Method of Providence in punishing, whereby it sends some previous Afflictions to warn Mankind so as to make them shun the greater Evils by Repentance. This Monsieur Dacier in his Notes on Aristotles's Art of Poetry calls a Remark perfectly fine, and agreeable to God's Method of sending Plagues on the Aegyptians, where first Horses, Asses, &c. were smitten, and afterwards the Men themselves.

XV.

‘VERSE 74. Thetis' God-like Son convenes a Council.]’ On the tenth Day a Council is held to enquire why the Gods were angry? We may observe with Plutarch, how justly he applies the Characters of his Persons to the Incidents; not making Agamemnon but Achilles call this Council, who of all the Kings was most capable of making Observations upon the Plague, and of foreseeing its Duration, as having been bred by Chiron to the Study of Physick. One may mention also a Remark of Eustathius in pursuance to this, that Juno's ad­vising him in this case might allude to his Knowledge of an evil Temperament in the Air, of which she was Goddess.

XVI.

‘VERSE 79. Why leave we not the fatal Trojan Shore, &c.]’ The Artifice of this Speech (according to Dionysius of Hali­carnassus in his second Discourse, [...]) is ad­mirably carry'd on to open an Accusation against Agamemnon, whom Achilles suspects to be the Cause of all their Miseries. He directs himself not to the Assembly, but to Agamemnon; he names not only the Plague but the War too, as having exhausted them all, which was evidently due to his Family. He leads the Augurs he would consult, by pointing at some­thing lately done with respect to Apollo. And while he con­tinues within the guard of civil Expression, scattering his [Page 14] Insinuations, he encourages those who may have more Know­ledge to speak out boldly, by letting them see there is a Party made for their Safety; which has its Effect immediately in the following Speech of Chalcas, whose demand of Protection shows upon whom the Offence is to be plac'd.

XVII.

‘VERSE 85. By mystic Dreams.]’ It does not seem that by the word [...] an Interpreter of Dreams is meant, for we have no hint of any preceding Dream which wants to be interpreted. We may therefore more pro­bably refer it to such who us'd (after performing proper Rites) to lie down at some sacred Place, and expect a Dream from the Gods upon any particular Subject which they desir'd. That this was a Practice amongst them, ap­pears from the Temples of Amphiaraus in Boeotia, and Po­dalirius in Apulia, where the Enquirer was oblig'd to sleep at the Altar upon the Skin of the Beast he had sacrific'd in order to obtain an Answer. It is in this manner that La­tinus in Virgil's seventh Book goes to dream in the Tem­ple of Faunus, where we have a particular Description of the whole Custom. Strabo, Lib. 16. has spoken con­cerning the Temple of Jerusalem as a Place of this Nature; ‘"where (says he) the People either dream'd for themselves, or procur'd some good Dreamer to do it:"’ By which it should seem he had read something concerning the Visions of their Prophets, as that which Samuel had when he was order'd to sleep a third time before the Ark, and upon doing so had an Account of the Destruction of Eli's House: or that which happen'd to Solomon after having sacrific'd be­fore the Ark at Gibeon. The same Author also has men­tion'd the Temple of Serapis in his seventeenth Book as a Place for receiving Oracles by Dreams.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 97. Belov'd of Jove, Achilles!]’ These Appellations of Praise and Honour with which the Heroes in Homer so [Page 15] frequently salute each other, were agreeable to the Style of the ancient Times, as appears from several of the like Na­ture in the Scripture. Milton has not been wanting to give his Poem this Cast of Antiquity, throughout which our first Parents almost always accost each other with some Title that expresses a Respect to the Dignity of human Nature.

XIX.

‘VERSE 115. Not even the Chief.]’ After Achilles had brought in Chalcas by his dark Doubts concerning Agamem­non, Chalcas who perceiv'd them, and was unwilling to be the first that nam'd the King, artfully demands a Protection in such a manner, as confirms those Doubts, and extorts from him that warm and particular Expression ‘"that he would protect him even against Agamemnon,"’ who, as he says, is now the greatest Man of Greece, to hint that at the Expi­ration of the War he should be again reduc'd to be barely King of Mycenae. This Place Plutarch takes notice of as the first in which Achilles shews his Contempt of Sovereign Au­thority.

XX.

‘VERSE 117. The Blameless Priest.]’ The Epithet [...] or blameless, is frequent in Homer, but not always us'd with so much Propriety as here. The Reader may observe that Care has not been wanting thro' this Translation to preserve those Epithets which are peculiar to the Author, whenever they receive any Beauty from the Circumstances about them: as this of blameless manifestly does in the present Passage. It is not only apply'd to a Priest, but to one who being con­scious of the Truth, prepares with an honest Boldness to dis­cover it.

XXI.

‘VERSE 131. Augur accurst.]’ This Expression is not meerly thrown out by chance, but proves what Chalcas said of the King when he ask'd Protection; that he harbour'd Anger in his Heart. For it aims at the Prediction Chalcas had given at Aulis nine Years before, for the sacrificing his Daughter Iphigenia. Spondanus.

This, and the two following Lines are in a manner Repe­titions of the same thing thrice over. It is left to the Rea­der to consider how far it may be allow'd, or rather praised for a Beauty, when we consider with Eustathius that it is a most natural Effect of Anger to be full of Words and in­sisting on that which galls us. We may add, that these re­iterated Expressions might be suppos'd to be thrown out one after another, according as Agamemnon is struck in the Confusion of his Passion, first by the Remembrance of one Prophecy, and then of another, which the same Man had utter'd against him.

XXII.

‘VERSE 143. Not half so dear were Clytemnestra 's Charms.]’ Agamemnon having heard the Charge which Chalcas drew up against him in two Particulars, that he had affronted the Priest, and refus'd to restore his Daughter; he offers one An­swer which gives softening Colours to both, that he lov'd her as well as his Queen Clytemnestra for her Perfecti­ons. Thus he would seem to satisfy the Father by Kind­ness to his Daughter, to excuse himself before the Greeks for what is past, and to make a Merit of yielding her in the fol­lowing Lines, and sacrificing his Passion for their Safety.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 155. Insatiate King.]’ Here, where this Passion of Anger grows loud, it seems proper to prepare the Reader, and prevent his Mistake in the Character of Achilles, which [Page 17] might shock him in several Particulars following. We should know that the Poet has rather study'd Nature than Per­fection in the laying down his Characters. He resolv'd to sing the Consequences of Anger; he consider'd what Vir­tues and Vices would conduce most to bring his Moral out of the Fable; and artfully dispos'd them in his chief Persons after the manner in which we generally find them; making the Fault which most peculiarly attends any good Quality, to reside with it. Thus he has plac'd Pride with Magnanimity in Agamemnon, and Craft with Prudence in Ulysses. And thus we must take his Achilles, not as a meer heroick dispas­sion'd Character, but as one compounded of Courage and Anger; one who finds himself almost invincible, and as­sumes an uncontroul'd Carriage upon the Self-consciousness of his Worth; whose high Strain of Honour will not suffer him to betray his Friends or fight against them, even when he thinks they have affronted him; but whose inexorable Re­sentment will not let him hearken to any Terms of Accom­modation. These are the Lights and Shades of his Cha­racter, which Homer has heighten'd and darkned in Extreams; because on the one side Valour is the darling Quality of Epic Poetry, and on the other, Anger the particular Subject of his Poem. When Characters thus mix'd are well conducted, tho' they be not morally beautiful quite through, they con­duce more to the end, and are still poetically perfect.

Plutarch takes occasion from the Observation of this Con­duct in Homer, to applaud his just Imitation of Nature and Truth, in representing Virtues and Vices intermixed in his Heroes: contrary to the Paradoxes and strange Positions of the Stoicks, who held that no Vice could consist with Virtue, nor the least Virtue with Vice. Plut. de aud. Poetis.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 169. Great as thou art, and like a God in Fight.]’ The Words in the Original are [...]. Ulysses is soon after call'd [...], and others in other Places. The Phrase of Divine or God-like is not used by the Poet to signify Per­fection in Men, but apply'd to considerable Persons upon ac­count [Page 18] of some particular Qualification or Advantage which they were possess'd of far above the common Standard of Mankind. Thus it is ascrib'd to Achilles upon account of his great Valour, to Ulysses for his Preheminence in Wisdom, even to Paris for his exceeding Beauty, and to Clytemnestra for several fair Endowments.

XXV.

‘VERSE 172. First let the just Equivalent.]’ The Reasoning in point of Right between Achilles and Agamemnon seems to be this. Achilles pleads that Agamemnon could not seize upon any other Man's Captive without a new Distribution, it being an Invasion of private Property. On the other hand, as Agamemnon's Power was limited, how came it that all the Grecian Captains would submit to an illegal and arbitrary Action? I think the legal Pretence for his seizing Briseis must have been founded upon that Law, whereby the Com­mander in Chief had the Power of taking what part of the Prey he pleas'd for his own Use: And he being obliged to restore what he had taken, it seem'd but just that he should have a second Choice.

XXVI.

The Anger of these two Princes was equally upon the account of Women, but yet it is observable that there is a different Air with which they are conducted. Agamemnon appears as a Lover, Achilles as a Warriour: The one speaks of Chryseis as a Beauty whom he valu'd equal to his Wife, and whose Merit was too considerable to be easily resign'd; the other treats Briseis as a Slave, whom he is concern'd to preserve in point of Honour, and as a Testimony of his Glory. Hence it is that we never hear him mention her but as his Spoil, the Reward of War, the Gift the Graecians gave him, or the like Expressions: and accordingly he yields her up, not in Grief for a Mistress whom he loses, but in [Page 19] Sullenness for an Injury that is done him. This Observation is Madam Dacier's, and will often appear just as we proceed farther. Nothing is finer than the Moral exhibited to us in this Quarrel, of the Blindness and Partiality of Mankind to their own Faults: The Graecians make a War to reco­ver a Woman that was ravish'd, and are in danger to fail in the Attempt by a Dispute about another. Agamemnon while he is revenging a Rape, commits one; and Achilles while he is in the utmost Fury himself, reproaches Agamemnon for his passionate Temper.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 225. Fly, mighty Warriour.]’ Achilles having threaten'd to leave them in the former Speech, and spoken of his Acts of War; the Poet here puts an artful Piece of Spite in the Mouth of Agamemnon, making him opprobriously brand his Retreat as a Flight, and lessen the Appearance of his Courage by calling it the Love of Contention and Slaughter.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 229. Kings, the Gods distinguish'd Care.]’ In the Original it is [...], or nurst by Jove. Homer often uses to call his Kings by such Epithets as [...], born of the Gods, or [...], bred by the Gods; by which he points out to themselves, the Offices they were ordain'd for; and to their People, the Reverence that should be pay'd them. These Expressions of his are perfectly in the exalted Style of the Eastern Nations, and correspondent to those Places of holy Scripture where they are call'd Gods, and the Sons of the most High.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 261. Minerva swift descended from above.]’ Homer having by degrees rais'd Achilles to such a Pitch of Fury as to make him capable of attempting Agamemnon's Life in the Council, Pallas the Goddess of Wisdom descends, and being seen only by him, pulls him back in the very Instant of Execution. He parlies with her a while as imagining she [Page 20] would advise him to proceed, but upon the promise of a time wherein there should be a full Reparation of his Ho­nour, he sheaths his Sword in Obedience to her. She ascends to Heaven, and he being left to himself, falls again upon his General with bitter Expressions. The Allegory here may be allow'd by every Reader to be unforc'd: The Prudence of Achilles checks him in the rashest Moment of his Anger, it works upon him unseen to others, but does not entirely pre­vail upon him to desist, 'till he remembers his own Impor­tance, and depends upon it that there will be a necessity of their courting him at any Expence into the Alliance again. Having persuaded himself by such Reflections, he forbears to attack his General, but thinking that he sacrifices enough to Prudence by this Forbearance, lets the thought of it vanish from him, and no sooner is Wisdom gone but he falls into more violent Reproaches for the Gratification of his Passion. All this is a most beautiful Passage whose Moral is evident, and generally agreed upon by the Commentators.

XXX.

‘VERSE 268. Known by the Flames that sparkled from her Eyes.]’ They who carry on this Allegory after the most minute man­ner, refer this to the Eyes of Achilles, as indeed we must, if we entirely destroy the bodily Appearance of Minerva. But what Poet designing to have his Moral so open, would take pains to form it into a Fable? In the proper mythological Sense, this Passage should be referr'd to Minerva: according to an Opinion of the Ancients, who suppos'd that the Gods had a peculiar Light in their Eyes. That Homer was not ignorant of this Opinion appears from his use of it in other Places, as when in the third Iliad Helena by this means discovers Venus: and that he meant it here is particularly asserted by Heliodorus in the third Book of his Aethiopick History. ‘"The Gods, says he, are known in their Apparitions to Men by the fix'd Glare of their Eyes, or their gliding Passage through Air without moving the Feet; these Marks Homer has us'd from his Knowledge of the Aegyptian Learning, applying one to Pallas, and [Page 21] the other to Neptune."’ Madam Dacier has gone into the contrary Opinion, and blames Eustathius and others without overthrowing these Authorities, or assigning any other Reason but that it was not proper for Minerva's Eyes to sparkle, when her Speech was mild.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 298. Thou Dog in Forehead.]’ It has been one of the Objections against the Manners of Homer's Heroes, that they are abusive. Mons. de la Motte affirms in his Discourse upon the Iliad, that great Men differ from the vulgar in their manner of expressing their Passion; but certainly in violent Passions (such as those of Achilles and Agamemnon) the Great are as subject as any others to these Sallies; of which we have frequent Examples both from History and Experience. Plutarch, taking notice of this Line, gives it as a particular Commendation of Homer, that ‘"he constantly affords us a fine Lecture of Morality in his Reprehensions and Praises, by referring them not to the Goods of Fortune or the Body, but those of the Mind, which are in our Power, and for which we are blameable or praise-worthy. Thus, says he, Agamemnon is reproach'd for Impudence and Fear, Ajax for vain-bragging, Idomeneus for the Love of Con­tention, and Ulysses does not reprove even Thersites but as a Babbler, tho' he had so many personal Deformities to object to him. In like manner also the Appellations and Epithets with which they accost one another, are gene­rally founded on some distinguishing Qualification of Merit, as Wise Ulysses, Hector equal to Jove in Wis­dom, Achilles chief Glory of the Greeks,"’ and the like Plutarch of reading Poets.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 299. In ambush'd Fights to dare.]’ Homer has mag­nify'd the Ambush as the boldest manner of Fight. They went upon those Parties with a few Men only, and generally the most daring of the Army, on Occasions of the greatest [Page 22] Hazard, where they were therefore more expos'd than in a regular Battel. Thus Idomeneus in the thirteenth Book ex­pressly tells Meriones that the greatest Courage appears in this way of Service, each Man being in a manner singled out to the Proof of it. Eustathius.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 309. Now by this sacred Sceptre.]’ Spondanus in this Place blames Eustathius, for saying that Homer makes Achilles in his Passion swear by the first thing he meets with; and then assigns (as from himself) two Causes which the other had mention'd so plainly before, that it is a wonder they could be over-look'd. The Substance of the whole Passage in Eustathius is, that if we consider the Sceptre simply as Wood, Achilles after the manner of the Ancients takes in his Transport the first thing to swear by; but that Homer himself has in the Process of the Description assign'd Reasons why it is proper for the Occasion, which may be seen by considering it Symbolically. First, That as the Wood being cut from the Tree will never re-unite and flourish, so neither should their Amity ever flourish again, after they were divided by this Contention. Secondly, That a Sceptre being the mark of Power and Symbol of Justice, to swear by it might in effect be construed swearing by the God of Power, and by Justice itself; and accordingly it is spoken of by Aristotle, 3 l. Polit. as a usual solemn Oath of Kings.

I cannot leave this Passage without showing in Opposition to some Moderns who have criticiz'd upon it as tedious, that it has been esteem'd a Beauty of so fine a Nature by the An­cients as to engage them in its Imitation. Virgil has almost transcrib'd it in his 12 Aen. for the Sceptre of Latinus.

[Page 23] But I cannot think this comes up to the Spirit or Propriety of Homer, notwithstanding the Judgment of Scaliger who de­cides for Virgil upon a trivial comparison of the Wording in each, l. 5. cap. 3. Poet. It fails in a greater Point than any he has mention'd, which is that being there us'd on occa­sion of a Peace, it has no emblematical reference to Division, and yet describes the cutting of the Wood and its Incapacity to bloom and branch again, in as many Words as Homer. It is borrow'd by Valerius Flaccus in his third Book, where he makes Jason swear as a Warriour by his Spear,

And indeed, however he may here borrow some Expressions from Virgil or fall below him in others, he has nevertheless kept to Homer in the Emblem, by introducing the Oath upon Jason's Grief for sailing to Colchis without Hercules, when he had separated himself from the Body of the Argonauts to search after Hylas. To render the Beauty of this Passage more manifest, the Allusion is inserted (but with the fewest Words possible) in this Translation.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 324. Thy Rashness made the bravest Greek thy Foe.]’ Tho' self-praise had not been agreeable to the haughty Na­ture of Achilles, yet Plutarch has mention'd a Case, and with respect to him, wherein it is allowable. He says that Achilles has at other times ascrib'd his Success to Jupiter, but it is permitted to a Man of Merit and Figure who is injuriously dealt with, to speak frankly of himself to those who are for­getful and unthankful.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 333. Two Generations.]’ The Commentators make not Nestor to have liv'd three hundred Years (according to Ovid's Opinion;) they take the word [...] not to signify a Century or Age of the World; but a Generation, or compass of Time in which one Set of Men flourish, which in the com­mon Computation is thirty Years; and accordingly it is here translated as much the more probable.

From what Nestor says in this Speech, Madam Dacier com­putes the Age he was of, at the end of the Trojan War. The Fight of the Lapithae and Centaurs fell out fifty five or sixty Years before the War of Troy: The Quarrel of Agamemnon and Achilles happen'd in the tenth and last Year of that War. It was then fifty five or sixty five Years since Nestor fought against the Centaurs; he was capable at that time of giving Counsel, so that one cannot imagine him to have been under twenty: From whence it will appear that he was now almost arriv'd to the Conclusion of his third Age, and about four­score and five, or fourscore and six Years of Age.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 339. What Shame.]’ The Quarrel having risen to its highest Extravagance, Nestor the wisest and most aged Greek is raised to quiet the Princes, whose Speech is therefore fram'd entirely with an opposite Air to all which has been hitherto said, sedate and inoffensive. He begins with a soft affectionate Complaint which he opposes to their Threats and haughty Language; he reconciles their Attention in an awful manner, by putting them in mind that they hear one whom their Fathers and the greatest Heroes have heard with deference. He sides with neither, that he might not anger any one, while he advises them to the proper Methods of Reconciliation; and he appears to side with both while he praises each, that they may be induc'd by the Recollection of one another's Worth to return to that Amity which would bring Success to the Cause. It was not however consistent [Page 25] with the Plan of the Poem that this should entirely appease them, for then the Anger would be at an end which was pro­pos'd to be sung through the whole. Homer has not therefore made this Speech to have its full Success; and yet that the Eloquence of his Nestor might not be thrown out of Character by its proving unavailable, he takes care that the Violence with which the Dispute was manag'd should abate immediately upon his speaking; Agamemnon confesses that all he spoke was right, Achilles promises not to fight for Briseis if she should be sent for, and the Council dissolves.

It is to be observ'd that this Character of Authority and Wisdom in Nestor, is every where admirably used by Homer, and made to exert itself thro' all the great Emergencies of the Poem. As he quiets the Princes here, he proposes that Expedient which reduces the Army into their Order after the Sedition in the second Book. When the Greeks are in the utmost Distresses, 'tis he who advises the building the Fortifi­cation before the Fleet, which is the chief means of preser­ving them. And it is by his Persuasion that Patroclus puts on the Armour of Achilles, which occasions the Return of that Heroe, and the Conquest of Troy.

XXXVII.

When Achilles promises not to contest for Briseis, he expresses it in a sharp despising Air, I will not fight for the sake of a Woman: by which he glances at Helena, and casts an oblique Reflection upon those Commanders whom he is about to leave at the Siege for her Cause. One may observe how well it is fancy'd of the Poet, to make one Woman the ground of a Quarrel which breaks an Alliance that was only form'd upon account of another: and how much the Circumstance thus consider'd contributes to keep up the Anger of Achilles, for carrying on the Poem beyond this Dissolution of the Council. For (as he himself argues with Ulysses in the 9 th Iliad) it is as reasonable for him to retain his Anger upon the account of Briseis, as for the Brothers with all Greece to carry on a [Page 26] War upon the score of Helena. I do not know that any Commentator has taken notice of this Sarcasm of Achilles, which I think a very obvious one.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 413. The Ablutions.]’ All our former English Trans­lations seem to have err'd in the Sense of this Line; the word [...] being differently render'd by them, Offals, or Entrails, or Purgaments, or Ordures, a gross Set of Ideas of which Homer is not guilty. The word comes from [...], eluo, the same Verb from whence [...], which precedes in the Line, is deriv'd. So that the Sense ap­pears to be as it is render'd here [ They wash'd, and threw away their Washings.] Perhaps this Lustration might be used as a Physical Remedy in cleansing them from the Infection of the Plague: as Pausanias tells us it was by the Arcadians, from whence he says the Plague was called [...] by the Greeks.

XXXIX.

‘VERSEE 430. At awful distance silent.]’ There was requir'd a very remarkable Management to preserve all the Characters which are concern'd in this nice Conjuncture, wherein the Heralds were to obey at their Peril. Agamemnon was to be gratify'd by an Insult on Achilles, and Achilles was to suffer so as might become his Pride, and not have his violent Temper provok'd. From all this the Poet has found the Secret to extricate himself, by only taking care to make his Heralds stand in sight, and silent. Thus they neither make Aga­memnon's Majesty suffer by uttering their Message submissively, nor occasion a rough Treatment from Achilles by demanding Briseis in the peremptory Air he order'd; and at the same time Achilles is gratify'd with the Opportunity of giving her up, as if he rather sent her than was forc'd to relinquish her. The Art of this has been taken notice of by Eustathius.

XL.

‘VERSE 451. She in soft Sorrows.]’ The Behaviour of Bri­seis in her Departure is no less beautifully imagin'd than the former. A French or Italian Poet had lavish'd all his Wit and Passion in two long Speeches on this Occasion, which the Heralds must have wept to hear; instead of which Homer gives us a fine Picture of Nature. We see Briseis passing un­willingly along, with a dejected Air, melted in Tenderness, and not able to utter a word: And in the Lines immediately following, we have a Contraste to this in the gloomy Resent­ment of Achilles, who suddenly retires to the Shore and vents his Rage aloud to the Seas. The Variation of the Numbers just in this Place adds a great Beauty to it, which has been endeavour'd at in the Translation.

XLI.

‘VERSE 458. There bath'd in Tears.]’ Eustathius observes on this Place that it is no Weakness in Heroes to weep, but the very Effect of Humanity and Proof of a generous Temper; for which he offers several Instances, and takes notice that if Sophocles would not let Ajax weep, it is because he is drawn rather as a Madman than a Heroe. But this general Ob­servation is not all we can offer in excuse for the Tears of Achilles: His are Tears of Anger and Disdain (as I have ven­tur'd to call them in the Translation) of which a great and fiery Temper is more susceptible than any other; and even in this case Homer has taken care to preserve the high Cha­racter, by making him retire to vent his Tears out of sight. And we may add to these an Observation of which Madam Dacier is fond, which is, the Reason why Agamemnon parts not in Tears from Chryseis, and Achilles should from Briseis: The one parts willingly from his Mistress, and because he does it for his People's Safety it becomes an Honour to him: the other is parted unwillingly, and because his General takes her by force the Action reflects a Dishonour upon him.

XLII.

‘VERSE 464. The Thund'rer ow'd.]’ This alludes to a Story which Achilles tells the Embassadors of Agamemnon, Il. 9. That he had the Choice of two Fates: one less glorious at home, but blessed with a very long Life; the other full of Glory at Troy, but then he was never to return. The Alternative being thus propos'd to him (not from Jupitcr but Thetis who reveal'd the Decree) he chose the latter, which he looks upon as his due, since he gives away length of Life for it: and accordingly when he complains to his Mo­ther of the Disgrace he lies under, it is in this manner he makes a demand of Honour.

Mons. de la Motte very judiciously observes, that but for this Fore-knowledge of the Certainty of his Death at Troy, Achilles's Character could have drawn but little Esteem from the Reader. A Heroe of a vicious Mind, blest only with a Superiority of Strength, and invulnerable into the bar­gain, was not very proper to excite Admiration; but Homer by this exquisite Piece of Art has made him the greatest of Heroes, who is still pursuing Glory in contempt of Death, and even under that Certainty generously devoting himself in every Action.

XLIII.

‘VERSE 478. From Thebae.]’ Homer who open'd his Poem with the Action which immediately brought on Achilles's An­ger, being now to give an Account of the same thing again, takes his Rise more backward in the Story. Thus the Reader is inform'd in what he should know, without having been delay'd from entering upon the promis'd Subject. This is the first Attempt which we see made towards the Poetical Me­thod of Narration, which differs from the Historical in that it does not proceed always directly in the Line of Time, but sometimes relates things which have gone before when a more proper Opportunity demands it to make the Narration more informing or beautiful.

[Page 29] The foregoing Remark is in regard only to the first six Lines of this Speech. What follows is a Rehearsal of the preceding Action of the Poem, almost in the same Words he had used in the opening it; and is one of those Faults which has with most Justice been objected to our Author. It is not to be deny'd but the Account must be tedious, of what the Reader had been just before inform'd: and especially when we are given to understand it was no way necessary, by what Achilles says at the beginning, that Thetis knew the whole Story already. As to repeating the same Lines, a Practice usual with Homer, it is not so excusable in this Place as in those where Messages are deliver'd in the Words they were receiv'd, or the like; it being unnatural to imagine, that the Person whom the Poet introduces as actually speak­ing, should fall into the self-same Words that are us'd in the Narration by the Poet himself. Yet Milton was so great an Admirer and Imitator of our Author, as not to have scrupled even this kind of Repetition. The Passage is at the end of his tenth Book, where Adam having declar'd he would pro­strate himself before God in certain particular Acts of Humi­liation, those Acts are immediately after describ'd by the Poet in the same Words.

XLIV.

‘VERSE 514. Oft hast thou triumph'd.]’ The Persuasive which Achilles is here made to put into the Mouth of Thetis, is most artfully contriv'd to suit the present Exigency. You, says he, must intreat Jupiter to bring Miseries on the Greeks who are protected by Juno, Neptune, and Minerva: Put him there­fore in mind that those Deities were once his Enemies, and adjure him by that Service you did him when those very Powers would have bound him, that he will now in his turn assist you against the Endeavours they will certainly oppose to my Wishes. Eustathius.

As for the Story itself, some have thought (with whom is Madam Dacier) that there was some imperfect Tradition of the Fall of the Angels for their Rebellion, which the Greeks had receiv'd by Commerce with Aegypt: and thus they ac­count [Page 30] the Rebellion of the Gods, the Precipitation of Vulcan from Heaven; and Jove's threatning the inferior Gods with Tartarus in Il. 8. but as so many Hints of Scripture faintly imitated. But it seems not improbable that the Wars of the Gods, described by the Poets, allude to the Confusion of the Elements before they were brought into their natural Order. It is almost generally agreed that by Jupiter is meant the Aether, and by Juno the Air. The ancient Philosophers sup­pos'd the Aether to be igneous, and by its kind Influence upon the Air to be the Cause of all Vegetation: Therefore Homer says in the 14 th Iliad, ℣. 346. That upon Jupiter's embracing his Wife, the Earth put forth its Plants. Perhaps by Thetis's assisting Jupiter, may be meant that the watry Ele­ment subsiding and taking its natural Place, put an end to this Combat of the Elements.

XLV.

‘VERSE 523. Whom Gods Briareus, Men Aegeon name.]’ This manner of making the Gods speak a Language different from Men (which is frequent in Homer) is a Circumstance that as far as it widens the distinction between divine and human Na­tures, so far might tend to heighten the Reverence paid the Gods. But besides this, as the difference is thus told in Poetry, it is of use to the Poets themselves: For it appears like a kind of Testimony of their Inspiration, or their Con­verse with the Gods, and thereby gives a Majesty to their Works.

XLVI.

The Aethiopians, says Diodorus, l. 3. are said to be the In­ventors of Pomps, Sacrifices, solemn Meetings, and other Honours paid to the Gods. From hence arose their Cha­racter of Piety, which is here celebrated by Homer. Among these there was an annual Feast at Diospolis, which Eustathius [Page 31] mentions, wherein they carry'd about the Statues of Jupiter and the other Gods, for twelve Days, according to their Number: to which if we add the ancient Custom of setting Meat before Statues, it will appear a Rite from which this Fable might easily arise. But it would be a great Mistake to imagine from this Place, that Homer represents the Gods as eating and drinking upon Earth: a gross Notion he was ne­ver guilty of, as appears from these Verses in the fifth Book, Line 340.

Macrobius would have it, that by Jupiter here mention'd is meant the Sun, and that the Number Twelve hints at the twelve Signs; but whatever may be said in a critical Defence of this Opinion, I believe the Reader will be satisfy'd that Homer consider'd as a Poet would have his Machinery under­stood upon that System of the Gods which is properly Graecian.

One may take notice here, that it were to be wish'd some Passage were found in any authentic Author that might tell us the time of the Year when the Aethiopians kept this Festival at Diospolis: For from thence one might determine the precise Season of the Year wherein the Actions of the Iliad are represented to have happen'd; and perhaps by that means farther explain the Beauty and Propriety of many Pas­sages in the Poem.

XLVII.

‘VERSE 600. The Sacrifice.]’ If we consider this Passage, it is not made to shine in Poetry: All that can be done is to give it Numbers, and endeavour to set the Particulars in a distinct View. But if we take it in another Light, and as a Piece of Learning, it is valuable for being the most exact Account of the ancient Sacrifices any where left us. There is first the Purification, by washing of Hands. Secondly the offering up of Prayers. Thirdly the Mola, or Barley Cakes thrown upon the Victim. Fourthly the manner of killing it [Page 32] with the Head turn'd upwards to the celestial Gods (as they turn'd it downwards when they offer'd to the Infernals.) Fifthly their selecting the Thighs and Fat for their Gods as the best of the Sacrifice, and the disposing about them pieces cut from every part for a Representation of the whole: (Hence the Thighs, or [...], are frequently us'd in Homer and the Greek Poets for the whole Victim.) Sixthly the Li­bation of Wine. Seventhly consuming the Thighs in the Fire of the Altar. Eighthly the Sacrificers dressing and Feast­ing on the rest, with Joy and Hymns to the Gods. Thus punctually have the ancient Poets and in particular Homer, written with a care and respect to Religion. One may que­stion whether any Country as much a Stranger to Christia­nity as we are to Heathenism, might be so well inform'd by our Poets in the Worship belonging to any Profession of Re­ligion at present.

I am obliged to take notice how intirely Mr. Dryden has mistaken the Sense of this Passage, and the Custom of Anti­quity; for in his Translation, the Cakes are thrown into the Fire instead of being cast on the Victim; the Sacrificers are made to eat the Thighs and whatever belong'd to the Gods; and no part of the Victim is consum'd for a Burnt-offering, so that in effect there is no Sacrifice at all. Some of the Mi­stakes (particularly that of turning the Roast-meat on the Spits, which was not known in Homer's Days) he was led into by Chapman's Translation.

XLVIII.

‘VERSE 681. The faithful, fix'd, irrevocable Sign.]’ There are among Men three things by which the Efficacy of a Pro­mise may be made void; the Design not to perform it, the want of Power to bring it to pass, and the Instability of our Tempers, from all which Homer saw that the Divinity must be exempted, and therefore he describes the Nod, or Ratifi­cation of Jupiter's word, as faithful in Opposition to Fraud, sure of being perform'd in Opposition to Weakness, and irre­vocable in Opposition to our repenting of a Promise. Eustathius.

XLIX.

‘VERSE 683. He spoke, and awful bends.]’ This Description of the Majesty of Jupiter has something exceedingly grand and venerable. Macrobius reports, that Phidias having made his Olympian Jupiter which past for one of the greatest Mi­racles of Art, he was ask'd from what Pattern he fram'd so divine a Figure, and answer'd, it was from that Archetype which he found in these Lines of Homer. The same Author has also taken notice of Virgil's imitating it, l. 10.

Here indeed he has preserv'd the Nod with its stupendous Ef­fect, the making the Heavens tremble. But he has neglected the Description of the Eyebrows and the Hair, those chief Pieces of Imagery from whence the Artist took the Idea of a Countenance proper for the King of Gods and Men.

Thus far Macrobius, whom Scaliger answers in this manner; Aut ludunt Phidiam, aut nos ludit Phidias: Etiam sine Homero puto illum scisse, Jovem non carere superciliis & caesarie.

L.

‘VERSE 694. Jove assumes the Throne.]’ As Homer makes the first Council of his Men to be one continued Scene of Anger, whereby the Graecian Chiefs became divided, so he makes the first Meeting of the Gods to be spent in the same Passion; whereby Jupiter is more fix'd to assist the Trojans and Juno more incens'd against them. Thus the Design of the Poem goes on: the Anger which began the Book overspreads all existent Beings by the latter end of it: Hea­ven and Earth become engag'd in the Subject, by which it rises to a great Importance in the Reader's Eyes, and is ha­sten'd forward into the briskest Scenes of Action that can be fram'd upon that violent Passion.

LI.

‘VERSE 698. Say, artful Manager.]’ The Gods and God­desses being describ'd with all the Desires and Pleasures, the Passions and Humours of Mankind, the Commentators have taken a Licence from thence to draw not only moral Obser­vations, but also satyrical Reflections out of this part of the Poet. These I am sorry to see fall so hard upon Womankind, and all by Juno's means. Sometimes she procures them a Lesson for their Curiosity and Unquietness, and at other times for their loud and vexatious Tempers. Juno deserves them on the one hand, Jupiter thunders them out on the other, and the learned Gentlemen are very particular in enlarging with Remarks on both sides. In her first Speech they make the Poet describe the inquisitive Temper of Womankind in gene­ral, and their Restlesness if they are not admitted into every Secret. In his Answer to this, they trace those Methods of grave Remonstrance by which it is proper for Husbands to calm them. In her Reply, they find it is the Nature of Wo­men to be more obstinate for being yielded to: and in his second Return to her, they see the last Method to be used with them upon failure of the first, which is the Exercise of Sovereign Authority.

Mr. Dryden has translated all this with the utmost Severity upon the Ladies, and spirited the whole with satyrical Addi­tions of his own. But Madam Dacier (who has elsewhere animadverted upon the good Bishop of Thessalonica, for his sage Admonitions against the Fair Sex) has not taken the least notice of this general Defection from Complaisance in all the Commentators. She seems willing to give the whole Passage a more important Turn, and incline us to think that Homer design'd to represent the Folly and Danger of prying into the Secrets of Providence. 'Tis thrown into that Air in this Translation, not only as it is more noble and instructive in general, but as it is more respectful to the Ladies in par­ticular; nor should we (any more than Madam Dacier) have mention'd what those old Fellows have said, but to desire their Protection against some modern Criticks their Disciples, who may arraign this Proceeding.

LII.

‘VERSE 713. Roll'd the large Orbs.]’ The Greek is [...], which is commonly translated The venerable Ox­ey'd Juno. Madam Dacier very well observes that [...] is only an augmentative Particle, and signifies no more than valdè. It may be added, that the Imagination of Oxen having larger Eyes than ordinary is ill grounded, and has no Foundation in Truth; their Eyes are no larger in proportion than those of Men, or of most other Animals. But be it as it will, the design of the Poet which is only to express the Largeness of her Eyes, is answer'd in this Paraphrase.

LIII.

‘VERSE 741. Thus interpos'd the Architect divine.]’ This Quarrel of the Gods being come to its height, the Poet makes Vulcan interpose, who freely puts them in mind of Pleasure, inoffensively advises Juno, illustrates his Advice by an Exam­ple of his own Misfortune, turning the Jest on himself to enliven the Banquet; and concludes the Part he is to support with serving Nectar about. Homer had here his Minerva or Wisdom to interpose again, and every other Quality of the Mind resided in Heaven under the Appearance of some Deity: So that his introducing Vulcan, proceeded not from a want of Choice, but an Insight into Nature. He knew that a Friend to Mirth often diverts or stops Quarrels, especially when he contrives to submit himself to the Laugh, and prevails on the angry to part in good Humour or in a Disposition to Friend­ship; when grave Representations are sometimes Reproaches, sometimes lengthen the Debate by occasioning Defences, and sometimes introduce new Parties into the Consequences of it.

LIV.

‘VERSE 760. Once in your Cause I felt his matchless Might.]’ They who search another Vein of Allegory for hidden Know­ledges in Natural Philosophy, have consider'd Jupiter and [Page 36] Juno as Heaven and the Air, whose Alliance is interrupted when the Air is troubled above, but restor'd again when it is clear'd by Heat, or Vulcan the God of Heat. Him they call a divine Artificer, from the Activity or general Use of Fire in working. They suppose him to be born in Heaven where Philosophers say that Element has its proper Place; and is thence deriv'd to the Earth which is signify'd by the Fall of Vulcan; that he fell in Lemnos, because that Island abounds with Subterranean Fires; and that he contracted a Lameness or Imperfection by the Fall; the Fire not being so pure and active below, but mix'd and terrestrial. Eustathius.

LVI.

‘VERSE 767. Which with a Smile the white-arm'd Queen receiv'd.]’ The Epithet [...], or white-arm'd, is used by Homer several times before in this Book. This was the first Passage where it could be introduced with any Ease or Grace, because the Action she is here describ'd in, of extending her Arm to the Cup, gives it an occasion of displaying its Beau­ties, and in a manner demands the Epithet.

LVII.

‘VERSE 771. Laughter shakes the Skies.]’ Vulcan design'd to move Laughter by taking upon him the Office of Hebe and Ganymede, with his aukward limping Carriage. But tho' he prevail'd and Homer tells you the Gods did laugh, yet he takes care not to mention a word of Lameness. It would have been cruel in him and Wit out of Season, to have en­larg'd with Derision upon an Imperfection which is out of one's Power to remedy.

According to this good-natur'd Opinion of Eustathius, Mr. Dryden has treated Vulcan a little barbarously. He makes his Character perfectly comical, he is the Jest of the Board, and the Gods are very merry upon the Imperfections of his Figure. Chapman led him into this Error in general, as well as into some Indecencies of Expression in particular, which will be seen upon comparing them.

LVIII.

‘VERSE 778. Then to their starry Domes.]’ The Astrologers assign twelve Houses to the Planets, wherein they are said to have Dominion. Now because Homer tells us Vulcan built a Mansion for every God, the Ancients write that he first gave occasion for this Doctrine.

LIX.

‘VERSE 780. Jove on his Couch reclin'd his awful Head.]’ Eustathius makes a distinction between [...] and [...]; the Words which are used at the end of this Book and the begin­ning of the next, with regard to Jupiter's sleeping. He says [...] only means Lying down in a Disposition to sleep; which salves the Contradiction that else would follow in the next Book, where it is said Jupiter did not sleep. I only mention this to vindicate the Translation which differs from Mr. Dryden's.

It has been remark'd by the Scholiasts, that this is the on­ly Book of the twenty four without any Simile, a Figure in which Homer abounds every where else. The like Remark is made by Madam Dacier upon the first of the Odysses; and because the Poet has observ'd the same Conduct in both Works, it is concluded he thought a Simplicily of Style with­out the great Figures was proper during the first Information of the Reader. This Observation may be true, and admits of refin'd Reasonings; but for my part I cannot think the Book had been the worse, tho' he had thrown in as many Similes as Virgil has in the first Aeneid.

I.

‘VERSE 1. NOW pleasing Sleep, &c.]’ Aristotle tells us in the twenty sixth Chapter of his Art of Poetry, that this Place had been objected to by some Criticks in those Times. They thought it gave a very ill Idea of the mi­litary Discipline of the Greeks, to represent a whole Ar­my unguarded, and all the Leaders a-sleep: They also pretended it was ridiculous to describe all the Gods sleep­ing besides Jupiter. To both these Aristotle answers, that nothing is more usual or allowable than that Fi­gure which puts All for the greater Part. One may add with respect to the latter Criticism, that nothing could give a better Image of the Superiority of Jupiter to the other Gods (or of the supreme Being to all second Causes) than the Vigilancy here ascrib'd to him, over all Things Divine and Human.

II.

‘VERSE 9. Fly hence, deluding Dream.]’ It appears from Aristotle, Poet. cap. 26. that Homer was accus'd of Impiety, for making Jupiter the Author of a Lye in this Passage. It seems there were anciently these Words in his Speech to the Dream; [...], Let us give him great Glory. [Page 4] (Instead of which we have in the present Copies, [...]) but Hippias found a way to bring off Homer, only by placing the Accent on the last Syllable but one, [...], for [...], the Infinitive for the Imperative: which amounts to no more than that he bade the Dream to Promise him great Glory. But Macrobius de somnio Scip. l. 1. c. 7. takes off this Imputation entirely, and will not allow there was any Lye in the Case. ‘" Agamemnon (says he) was or­der'd by the Dream to lead out All the Forces of the Greeks ( [...] is the word) and promis'd the Victory on that Condition: Now Achilles and his Forces not being summon'd to the Assembly with the rest, that Neglect ab­solv'd Jupiter from his Promise."’ This Remark Madam Dacier has inserted without mentioning its Author. Mr. Da­cier takes notice of a Passage in the Scripture exactly parallel to this, where God is represented making use of the Malig­nity of his Creatures to accomplish his Judgments. 'Tis in 2 Chron.. ch. 18. ℣. 19, 20, 21. And the Lord said, Who will persuade Ahab, that he may go up and fall at Ramoth Gilead? And there came forth a Spirit, and stood before the Lord, and said, I will persuade him. And the Lord said unto him, Wherewith? And he said, I will go forth, and I will be a lying Spirit in the Mouth of all his Prophets, And he said, Thou shalt persuade him and prevail also: Go forth and do so. Vide Dacier upon Aristotle, cap. 26.

III.

‘VERSE 20. Descends and hovers o'er Atrides' Head.]’ The whole Action of the Dream is beautifully natural, and agree­able to Philosophy. It perches on his Head, to intimate that Part to be the Seat of the Soul: It is circumfused about him, to express that total Possession of the Senses which Fancy has during our Sleeps. It takes the Figure of the Person who was dearest to Agamemnon; as whatever we think of most when awake, is the common Object of our Dreams. And just at the Instant of its vanishing, it leaves such an Impression that the Voice seems still to sound in his Ear. No Descrip­tion can be more exact or lively. Eustathius, Dacier.

IV.

‘VERSE 33. Draw forth th' embattel'd Train, &c.]’ The Dream here repeats the Message of Jupiter in the same Terms that he receiv'd it. It is no less than the Father of Gods and Men who gives the Order, and to alter a word were Pre­sumption. Homer constantly makes his Envoys observe this Practice as a Mark of Decency and respect. Madam Dacier and others have applauded this in general, and ask'd by what Authority an Embassador could alter the Terms of his Commission, since he is not greater or wiser than the Person who gave the Charge? But this is not always the Case in our Author, who not only makes use of this Conduct with respect to the Orders of a higher Power, but in regard to Equals also; as when one Goddess desires another to repre­sent such an Affair, and she immediately takes the Words from her Mouth and repeats them, of which we have an In­stance in this Book. Some Objection too may be rais'd to this manner, when Commissions are given in the utmost haste (in a Battel or the like) upon sudden Emergencies; where it seems not very natural to suppose a Man has time to get so many Words by heart as he is made to repeat exactly. In the present Instance, the Repetition is certainly grace­ful, tho' Zenodotus thought it not so the third time, when Agamemnon tells his Dream to the Council. I do not pretend to decide upon the Point: For tho' the Reverence of the Repetition seem'd less needful in that Place than when it was deliver'd immediately from Jupiter; yet (as Eustathius observes) it was necessary for the Assembly to know the Cir­cumstances of this Dream, that the Truth of the Relation might be unsuspected.

V.

‘VERSE 93. Now valiant Chiefs, &c.]’ The best Commen­tary extant upon the first Part of this Book is in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who has given us an admirable Explication of this whole Conduct of Agamemnon in his second Treatise [Page 6] [...]. He says, ‘"This Prince had nothing so much at Heart as to draw the Greeks to a Battel, yet knew not how to proceed without Achilles, who had just retir'd from the Army; and was apprehensive that the Greeks who were displeas'd at the Departure of Achilles, might re­fuse Obedience to his Orders, should he absolutely com­mand it. In this Circumstance he proposes to the Princes in Council to make a Tryal of arming the Graecians, and offers an Expedient himself; which was that he should sound their Dispositions by exhorting him to set sail for Greece, but that then the other Princes should be ready to dissuade and detain them. If any object to this Stratagem that Agamemnon's whole Scheme would be ruin'd if the Army should take him at his word (which was very pro­bable) it is to be answer'd, that his Design lay deeper than they imagine, nor did he depend upon his Speech only for detaining them. He had some Cause to fear the Greeks had a Pique against him which they had conceal'd, and whatever it was, he judg'd it absolutely necessary to know it before he proceeded to a Battel. He therefore furnishes them with an Occasion to manifest it, and at the same time provides against any ill Effects it might have by his secret Orders to the Princes. It succeeds accordingly, and when the Troops are running to embark, they are stop'd by Ulysses and Nestor."’—One may farther observe that this whole Stratagem is concerted in Nestor's Ship, as one whose Wisdom and Secrecy was most confided in. The Story of the Vision's appearing in his Shape, could not but engage him in some degree: It look'd as if Jupiter himself added Weight to his Counsels by making use of that venerable Ap­pearance, and knew this to be the most powerful Method of recommending them to Agamemnon. It was therefore but natural for Nestor to second the Motion of the King, and by the help of his Authority it prevail'd on the other Princes.

VI.

‘VERSE 111. As from some rocky Cleft.]’ This is the first Simile in Homer, and we may observe in general that he ex­cels [Page 7] all Mankind in the Number, Variety, and Beauty of his Comparisons. There are scarce any in Virgil which are not translated from him, and therefore when he succeeds best in them he is to be commended but as an Improver. Scaliger seems not to have thought of this when he compares the Similes of these two Authors (as indeed they are the Places most ob­vious to Comparison.) The present Passage is an Instance of it, to which he opposes the following Verses in the first Aeneid.

This he very much prefers to Homer's, and in particular ex­tols the Harmony and Sweetness of the Versification above that of our Author; against which Censure we need only ap­peal to the Ears of the Reader.

But Scaliger was unlucky in his Choice of this particular Com­parison: There is a very fine one in the sixth Aeneid, ℣. 707. that better agrees with Homer's: And nothing is more evi­dent than that the design of these two is very different: Homer intended to describe the Multitude of Greeks pouring out of the Ships, Virgil the Diligence and Labour of the Buil­ders at Carthage. And Macrobius who observes this difference Sat. l. 5. c. 11. should also have found, that therefore the Si­miles ought not to be compar'd together. The Beauty of Homer's is not inferior to Virgil's, if we consider with what Exactness it answers to its end. It consists of three Particu­lars; [Page 8] the vast Number of the Troops is exprest in the Swarms, their tumultuous manner of issuing out of the Ships, and the perpetual Egression which seem'd without end, are imaged in the Bees pouring out of the Rock; and lastly their Dispersion over all the Shore, in their descending on the Flowers in the Vales. Spondanus was therefore mistaken when he thought the whole Application of this Comparison lay in the single word [...], catervatim, as Chapman has justly observ'd.

VII.

‘VERSE 121. Fame flies before.]’ This assembling of the Army is full of Beauties: The lively Description of their overspreading the Field, the noble Boldness of the Figure when Fame is represented in Person shining at their Head, the universal Tumult succeeded by a solemn Silence; and lastly the graceful rising of Agamemnon, all contribute to cast a Majesty on this Part. In the Passage of the Sceptre, Homer has found an artful and poetical manner of acquainting us with the high Descent of Agamemnon, and celebrating the hereditary Right of his Family; as well as finely hint­ed the Original of his Power to be deriv'd from Heaven, in saying the Sceptre was first the Gift of Jupiter. It is with reference to this that in the Line where he first mentions it, he calls it [...], and accordingly it is translated in that Place.

VIII.

‘VERSE 138. And artful thus pronounc'd the Speech design'd.]’ The Remarks of Dionysius upon this Speech I shall give the Reader altogether, tho' they lie scatter'd in his two Discourses [...], the second of which is in a great Degree but a Repetition of the Precepts and Examples of the first. This happen'd, I believe, from his having compos'd them at distinct Times and upon different Occasions.

‘"It is an exquisite Piece of Art, when you seem to aim at persuading one thing, and at the same time inforce the contrary. This kind of Rhetorick is of great use in all [Page 9] Occasions of Danger, and is what Homer has afforded a most powerful Example of in the Oration of Agamemnon. 'Tis a Method perfectly wonderful, and even carries in it an Appearance of Absurdity; for all that we generally esteem the Faults of Oratory, by this means become the Virtues of it. Nothing is look'd upon as a greater Error in a Rhetorician than to alledge such Arguments as either are easily answer'd, or may be retorted upon himself, the former is a weak Part, the latter a dangerous one; and Aga­memnon here designedly deals in both. For it is plain that if a Man must not use weak Arguments, or such as may make against him, when he intends to persuade the Thing he says; then on the other side, when he does not intend it; he must observe the contrary Proceeding, and make what are the Faults of Oratory in general, the Excellencies of that Oration in particular, or otherwise he will contra­dict his own Intention and perssuade the contrary to what he means. Agamemnon begins with an Argument easily answer'd, by telling them that Jupiter had promis'd to crown their Arms with Victory. For if Jupiter had pro­mis'd this, it was a reason for the Stay in the Camp. But now (says he) Jove has deceiv'd us, and we must return with Ignominy. This is another of the same kind, for it shews what a Disgrace it is to return. What follows is of the second sort and may be turn'd against him. Jove will have it so: For which they have only Agamemnon's Word, but Jove's own Promise for the contrary. That God has overthrown many Cities, and will yet overturn many others. This was a strong Reafon to stay, and put their Confidence in him. It is shameful to have it told to all Posterity that so many thousand Greeks, after a War of so long Continuance, at last return'd home baffled and unsuccessful. All this might have been said by a pro­fest Adversary to the Cause he pleads, and indeed is the same thing Ulysses says elsewhere in Reproach of their Flight. The Conclusion evidently shews the Intent of the Speaker. Haste then, let us fly; [...], the Word which of all others was most likely to prevail upon them to stay; the most open Term of Disgrace he could [Page 10] possibly have us'd: 'Tis the same which Juno makes use of to Minerva, Minerva to Ulysses, and Ulysses again to the Troops, to dissuade their Return; the same which Agamemnon himself had used to insult Achilles, and which Homer never employs but with the Mark of Cowardice and Infamy."’

The same Author farther observes, ‘"That this whole Oration has the Air of being spoken in a Passion. It be­gins with a Stroke of the greatest Rashness and Impatience. Jupiter has been unjust, Heaven has deceiv'd us. This ren­ders all he shall say of the less Authority, at the same time that it conceals his own Artifice; for his Anger seems to account for the Incongruities he utters."’ I could not suppress so fine a Remark, tho' it falls out of the Order of those which precede it.

Before I leave this Article, I must take notice that this Speech of Agamemnon is again put into his Mouth in the ninth Iliad, and (according to Dionysius) for the same Pur­pose, to detain the Army at the Siege after a Defeat; tho' it seems unartful to put the same Trick twice upon the Greeks by the same Person, and in the same Words too. We may indeed suppose the first Feint to have remain'd undis­cover'd, but at best it is a Management in the Poet not very entertaining to the Readers.

IX.

‘VERSE 155. So small their Number, &c.]’ This Part has a low Air in Comparison with the rest of the Speech. Scaliger calls it Tabernariam Orationem: But it is well observ'd by Madam Dacier, that the Image Agamemnon here gives of the Trojans, does not only render their Numbers contemptible in Comparison of the Greeks, but their Persons too. For it makes them appear but as a few vile Slaves fit only to serve them with Wine: To which we may add that it affords a Prospect to his Soldiers of their future State and Triumph after the Conquest of their Enemies.

This Passage gives me occasion to animadvert upon a Com­putation of the Number of the Trojans, which the learned [Page 11] Angelus Politian has offer'd at in his Preface to Homer. He thinks they were fifty thousand without the Auxiliaries, from the Conclusion of the eighth Iliad, where it is said there were a thousand funeral Piles of Trojans, and fifty Men attending each of them. But that the Auxiliaries are to be admitted into that Number appears plainly from this Place: Aga­memnon expresly distinguishes the native Trojans from the Aids, and reckons but one to ten Graecians, at which Estimate there could not be above ten thousand Trojans. See the Notes on the Catalogue.

X.

This, and some other Passages, are here translated correspon­dent to the general Air and Sense of this Speech, rather than just to the Letter. The telling them in this Place how much their Shipping was decay'd, was a Hint of their Danger in returning, as Madam Dacier has remark'd.

XI.

‘VERSE 175. So roll the Billows, &c.]’ One may take no­tice that Homer in these two Similitudes has judiciously made choice of the two most wavering and inconstant Things in Nature, to compare with the Multitude; the Waves, and Ears of Corn. The first alludes to the Noise and Tumult of the People, in the breaking and rolling of the Billows; the second to their taking the same Course, like Corn bending one way; and both to the Easiness with which they are mov'd by every Breath.

XII.

‘VERSE 243. To one sole Monarch.]’ Those Persons are un­der a Mistake who would make this Sentence a Praise of Absolute Monarchy. Homer speaks it only with regard to a General of an Army during the time of his Commission. Nor is Agamemnon styl'd King of Kings in any other Sense, than as the rest of the Princes had given him the supreme [Page 12] Authority over them in the Siege. Aristotle defines a King, [...]; Leader of the War, Judge of Controversies, and President of the Ceremonies of the Gods. That he had the principal Care of religious Rites appears from many Places in Homer; and that his Power was no where absolute but in War: for we find Agamemnon insulted in the Council, but in the Army threatning Deserters with Death. He was under an Obliga­tion to preserve the Privileges of his Country, pursuant to which Kings are called by our Author [...], and [...], the Dispensers or Managers of Justice. And Dionysius of Halicarnassus acquaints us, that the old Graecian Kings, whether Hereditary or Elective, had a Council of their chief Men, as Homer and the most ancient Poets testify; nor was it (he adds) in those Times as in ours, when Kings have a full Liberty to do whatever they please. Dion. Hal. lib. 2. Hist.

XIII.

‘VERSE 255. Thersites only.]’ The Ancients have ascrib'd to Homer the first Sketch of Satyric or Comic Poetry, of which sort was his Poem call'd Margites, as Aristotle re­ports. Tho' that Piece be lost, this Character of Thersites may give us a Taste of his Vein in that kind. But whether ludicrous Descriptions ought to have Place in the Epic Poem, has been justly question'd: Neither Virgil nor any of the most approv'd Ancients have thought fit to admit them into their Compositions of that Nature; nor any of the best Moderns except Milton, whose Fondness for Homer might be the reason of it. However this is in its kind a very masterly Part, and our Author has shewn great Judgment in the Particulars he has chosen to compose the Picture of a pernicious Creature of Wit; the chief of which are a Desire of promoting Laughter at any rate, and a Con­tempt of his Superiors. And he sums up the whole very strongly, by saying that Thersites hated Achilles and Ulysses; in which, as Plutarch has remark'd in his Treatise of Envy and Hatred, he makes it the utmost Completion of an ill Character to bear a Malevolence to the best Men. What [Page 13] is farther observable is, that Thersites is never heard of after this his first Appearance: Such a scandalous Character is to be taken no more notice of, than just to shew that 'tis despi­sed. Homer has observ'd the same Conduct with regard to the most deform'd and most beautiful Person of his Poem: For Nireus is thus mention'd once and no more throughout the Ilaid. He places a worthless Beauty and an ill-natur'd Wit upon the same Foot, and shews that the Gifts of the Body without those of the Mind are not more despicable, than those of the Mind itself without Virtue.

XIV.

‘VERSE 275. Amidst the Glories.]’ 'Tis remark'd by Diony­sius Halicar. in his Treatise of the Examination of Writers; that there could not be a better Artifice thought on to re­cal the Army to their Obedience, than this of our Author. When they were offended at their General in favour of Achil­les, nothing could more weaken Achilles's Interest than to make such a Fellow as Thersites appear of his Party, whose Impertinence would give them a Disgust of thinking or act­ing like him. There is no surer Method to reduce generous Spirits, than to make them see they are pursuing the same Views with People of no Merit, and such whom they cannot forbear despising themselves. Otherwise there is nothing in this Speech but what might become the Mouth of Nestor himself, if you except a word or two. And had Nestor spo­ken it, the Army had certainly set sail for Greece; but be­cause it was utter'd by a ridiculous Fellow whom they are asham'd to follow, they are reduc'd, and satisfy'd to continue the Siege.

XV.

‘VERSE 284. The Greeks and I.]’ These Boasts of himself are the few Words which Dionysius objects to in the foregoing Passage. I cannot but think the grave Commentators here very much mistaken, who imagine Thersites in earnest in these Vaunts, and seriously reprove his Insolence. They seem to me manifest Strokes of Irony, which had render'd them [Page 14] so much the more improper in the Mouth of Nestor, who was otherwise none of the least Boasters himself. And consi­der'd as such they are equal to the rest of the Speech, which has an infinite deal of Spirit, Humour, and Satyr.

XVI.

‘VERSE 326. He said, and cow'ring.]’ The vile Figure Thersites makes here is a good Piece of Grotesque; the Plea­sure express'd by the Soldiers at this Action of Ulysses (not­withstanding they are disappointed by him of their Hopes of returning) is agreeable to that generous Temper, at once ho­nest and thoughtless, which is commonly found in military Men; to whom nothing is so odious as a Dastard, and who have not naturally the greatest Kindness for a Wit.

XVII.

‘VERSE 348. Unhappy Monarch! &c.]’ Quintilian speak­ing of the various Kinds of Oratory which may be learn'd from Homer, mentions among the greatest Instances the Speeches in this Book. Nonne vel unus liber quo missa ad Achillem legatio continetur, vel in primo inter duces illa con­tentio, vel dictae in secundo sententiae, omnes litium ac consi­liorum explicat artes? Affectus quidem vel illos mites, vel hos concitatos, nemo erit tam indoctus, qui non suâ in potestate hunc autorem habuisse fateatur. It is indeed hardly possible to find any where more refin'd Turns of Policy, or more artful Touches of Oratory. We have no sooner seen Aga­memnon excel in one sort, but Ulysses is to shine no less in another directly opposite to it. When the Stratagem of pretending to set sail, had met with too ready a Con­sent from the People, his Eloquence appears in all the Forms of Art. In his first Speech he had persuaded the Captains with Mildness, telling them the People's Glory de­pended upon them, and readily giving a Turn to the first Design, which had like to have been so dangerous, by repre­senting it only as a Project of Agamemnon to discover the cowardly. In his second, he had commanded the Soldiers [Page 15] with Bravery, and made them know what Part they sustain'd in the War. In his third, he had rebuk'd the Seditious in the Person of Thersites, by Reproofs, Threats, and actual Chastisements. And now in this fourth, when all are ga­ther'd he applies to them in Topics which equally affect them all: He raises their Hearts by putting them in mind of the Promises of Heaven, and those Prophecies of which as they had seen the Truth in the nine Years Delay, they might now expect the Accomplishment in the tenth Year's Success: which is a full Answer to what Agamemnon had said of Jupiter's deceiving them.

Dionysius observes one singular Piece of Art, in Ulysses's manner of applying himself to the People when he would insinuate any thing to the Princes, and addressing to the Princes when he would blame the People. He tells the Sol­diers, they must not all pretend to be Rulers there, let there be one King, one Lord; which is manifestly a Precept de­sign'd for the Leaders to take to themselves. In the same manner Tiberius Rhetor remarks the beginning of his last Oration to be a fine Ethopopeia or oblique Representation of the People, upon whom the Severity of the Reproach is made to fall, while he seems to render the King an Object of their Pity.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 402. Then Nestor thus.]’ Nothing is more obser­vable than Homer's Conduct of this whole Incident; by what judicious and well-imagined Degrees the Army is restrain'd, and wrought up to the Desires of the General. We have given the Detail of all the Methods Ulysses proceeded in: The Activity of his Character is now to be contrasted with the Gravity of Nestor's, who covers and strengthens the other's Arguments, and constantly appears thro' the Poem a weighty Closer of Debates. The Greeks had already seen their General give way to his Authority, in the Dispute with Achilles in the former Book, and could expect no less than that their Stay should be con­cluded [Page 16] on by Agamemnon as soon as Nestor undertook that Cause. For this was all they imagin'd his Discourse aim'd at; but we shall find it had a farther Design, from Dionysius of Hali­carnassus. ‘"There are two things (says that excellent Critick) worthy of Admiration in the Speeches of Ulysses and Nestor, which are the different Designs they speak with, and the dif­ferent Applauses they receive. Ulysses has the Acclamations of the Army, and Nestor the Praise of Agamemnon. One may enquire the Reason, why he extols the latter prefera­bly to the former, when all that Nestor alledges seems on­ly a Repetition of the same Arguments which Ulysses had given before him? It might be done in Encouragement to the old Man, in whom it might raise a Concern to find his Speech not follow'd with so general an Applause as the other's. But we are to refer the Speech of Nestor to that Part of Oratory which seems only to confirm what another has said, and yet superinduces and carries a farther Point. Ulysses and Nestor both compare the Greeks to Children for their unmanly Desire to return home; they both reproach them with the Engagements and Vows they had past, and were now about to break; they both alledge the prosperous Signs and Omens receiv'd from Heaven. Notwithstanding this, the End of their Orations is very different. Ulysses's Business was to detain the Graecians when they were upon the Point of flying; Nestor finding that Work done to his Hands, design'd to draw them instantly to Battel. This was the utmost Agamemnon had aim'd at, which Nestor's Artifice brings to pass; for while they imagine by all he says that he is only persuading them to stay, they find themselves unawares put into Order of Battel, and led un­der their Princes to fight."’ Dion. Hal. [...], Part 1 and 2.

We may next take notice of some Particulars of this Speech: Where he says they lose their time in empty Words, he hints at the Dispute between Agamemnon and Achilles: Where he speaks of those who deserted the Graecian Cause, he glances at Achilles in particular. When he represents Helen in Af­fliction and Tears, he removes the Odium from the Person in whose Cause they were to fight; and when he moves Aga­memnon [Page 17] to advise with his Council, artfully prepares for a Reception of his own Advice by that modest way of propo­sing it. As for the Advice itself, to divide the Army into Bodies, each of which should be compos'd entirely of Men of the same Country; nothing could be better judg'd both in regard to the present Circumstance, and with an Eye to the future carrying on of the War. For the first, its imme­diate Effect was to take the whole Army out of its Tumult, break whatever Cabals they might have form'd together by separating them into a new Division, and cause every single Mutineer to come instantly under the View of his own pro­per Officer for Correction. For the second, it was to be thought the Army would be much strengthen'd by this Uni­on: Those of different Nations who had different Aims, In­terests and Friendships, could not assist each other with so much Zeal or so well concur to the same End, as when Friends aided Friends, Kinsmen their Kinsmen, &c. when each Commander had the Glory of his own Nation in view, and a greater Emulation was excited between Body and Body; as not only warring for the Honour of Greece in general, but for that of every distinct State in particular.

XIX.

‘VERSE 440. How much thy Years excel.]’ Every one has observ'd how glorious an Elogium of Wisdom Homer has here given, where Agamemnon so far prefers it to Valour, as to wish not for ten Ajax's or Achilles's but only for ten Nestors. For the rest of this Speech, Dionysius has summ'd it up as follows. ‘" Agamemnon being now convinc'd the Greeks were offended at him on account of the De­parture of Achilles, pacifies them by a generous Confession of his Fault, but then asserts the Character of a supreme Ruler, and with the Air of Command threatens the Diso­bedient."’ I cannot conclude this Part of the Speeches without remarking how beautifully they rise above one ano­ther, and how they more and more awaken the Spirit of War in the Graecians. In this last there is a wonderful Fire and Vivacity, when he prepares them for the glorious [Page 18] Toils they were to undergo by a warm and lively Description of them. The Repetition of the Words in that Part has a Beauty, which (as well as many others of the same kind) has been lost by most Translators.

I cannot but believe Milton had this Passage in his Eye in that of his sixth Book.

XX.

‘VERSE 485. And Menelaus came unbid.]’ The Criticks have enter'd into a warm Dispute, whether Menelaus was in the right or in the wrong, in coming uninvited: Some main­taining it the Part of an Impertinent or a Fool to intrude upon another Man's Table; and others insisting upon the Privilege a Brother or a Kinsman may claim in this Case. The English Reader had not been troubled with the Transla­tion of this Word [...], but that Plato and Plutarch have taken notice of the Passage. The Verse following this in most Editions, [...], &c. being rejected as spu­rious by Demetrius Phalereus, is omitted here upon his Au­thority.

XXI.

‘VERSE 526. The dreadful Aegis, Jove 's immortal Shield.]’ Homer does not expresly call it a Shield in this Place, but he does in the fifth Iliad, where this Aegis is describ'd with a Sublimity that is inexpressible. The Figure of the Gorgon's Head upon it is there specify'd, which will justify the mention of the Serpents in the Translation here: The Verses are remar­kably sonorous in the Original. The Image of the Goddess [Page 19] of Battels blazing with her immortal Shield before the Army, inspiring every Heroe, and assisting to range the Troops, is agreeable to the bold Painting of our Author. And the En­couragement of a divine Power seem'd no more than was re­quisite to change so totally the Dispositions of the Graecians, as to make them now more ardent for the Combate than they were before desirous of a Return. This finishes the Conquest of their Inclinations, in a manner at once wonder­fully Poetical, and correspondent to the Moral which is every where spread through Homer, that nothing is entirely brought about but by the divine Assistance.

XXII.

‘VERSE 534. As on some Mountain, &c.]’ The Imagination of Homer was so vast and so lively, that whatsoever Objects presented themselves before him impress'd their Images so for­cibly, that he pour'd them forth in Comparisons equally simple and noble; without forgetting any Circumstance which could instruct the Reader, and make him see those Objects in the same strong Light wherein he saw them himself. And in this one of the principal Beauties of Poetry consists. Ho­mer, on the sight of the March of this numerous Army, gives us five Similes in a Breath, but all entirely different. The first regards the Splendor of their Armour, As a Fire, &c. The second the various Movements of so many thousands be­fore they can range themselves in Battel-Array, Like the Swans, &c. The third respects their Number, As the Leaves or Flowers, &c. The fourth the Ardour with which they run to the Combate, Like the Legions of Insects, &c. And the fifth the Obedience and exact Discipline of the Troops, ran­ged without Confusion under their Leaders, As Flocks under their Shepherds. This Fecundity and Variety can never be enough admired. Dacier.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 545. Or milk white Swans on Asius' watry Plains.]’ Scaliger, who is seldom just to our Author, yet confesses these [Page 20] Verses to be plenissima Nectaris. But he is greatly mistaken when he accuses this Simile of Impropriety, on the Supposi­tion that a Number of Birds flying without Order are here compar'd to an Army ranged in Array of Battel. On the contrary, Homer in this expresses the Stir and Tumult the Troops were in, before they got into Order, running toge­ther from the Ships and Tents: [...]. But when they are plac'd in their Ranks, he compares them to the Flocks under their Shepherds. This Distinction will plainly appear from the Detail of the five Similes in the fore­going Note.

Virgil has imitated this with great Happiness in his se­venth Aeneid.

Mr. Dryden in this Place has mistaken Asius for Asia, which Virgil took care to distinguish by making the first Syllable of Asius long, as of Asia short. Tho' (if we believe Madam Dacier) he was himself in an Error, both here and in the first Georgic.

For she will not allow that [...] can be a Patronymic Adjec­tive, but the Genitive of a proper Name, [...], which be­ing turn'd into Ionic is [...], and by a Syncope makes [...]. This puts me in mind of another Criticism upon the 290th Verse of this Book: 'Tis observ'd that Virgil uses Inarime for Arime, as if he had read [...], instead of [...]. Scaliger ridicules this trivial Remark, and asks if it can be [Page 21] imagin'd that Virgil was ignorant of the Name of a Place so near him as Baiae? It is indeed unlucky for good Writers, that Men who have Learning should lay a Stress upon such Trifles, and that those who have none should think it Learning to do so.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 552. Or thick as Insects play.]’ This Simile transla­ted literally runs thus; As the numerous Troops of Flies about a Shepherd's Cottage in the Spring, when the Milk moi­stens the Pails; such Numbers of Greeks stood in the Field against the Trojans, desiring their Destruction. The Lowness of this Image in Comparison with those which precede it, will naturally shock a modern Critick, and would scarce be forgiven in a Poet of these Times. The utmost a Translator can do is to heighten the Expression, so as to render the Dis­parity less observable: which is endeavour'd here, and in other Places. If this be done successfully the Reader is so far from being offended at a low Idea, that it raises his Sur­prize to find it grown great in the Poet's Hands, of which we have frequent Instances in Virgil's Georgicks. Here fol­lows another of the same kind, in the Simile of Agamemnon to a Bull just after he has been compar'd to Jove, Mars, and Neptune. This, Eustathius tells us, was blam'd by some Criticks, and Mr. Hobbes has left it out in his Translation. The Liberty has been taken here to place the humbler Si­mile first, reserving the noble one as a more magnificent Close of the Description: The bare turning the Sentence re­moves the Objection. Milton who was a close Imitator of our Author, has often copy'd him in these humble Compa­risons. He has not scrupled to insert one in the midst of that pompous Description of the Rout of the Rebel-Angels in the sixth Book, where the Son of God in all his dreadful Majesty is represented pouring his Vengeance upon them:

XXV.

‘VERSE 568. Great as the Gods.]’ Homer here describes the Figure and Port of Agamemnon with all imaginable Grandeur, in making him appear cloath'd with the Majesty of the greatest of the Gods; and when Plutarch (in his second Ora­tion of the Fortune of Alexander) blamed the Comparison of a Man to three Deities at once, that Censure was not pass'd upon Homer as a Poet, but by Plutarch as a Priest. This Character of Majesty in which Agamemnon excels all the other Heroes, is preserv'd in the different Views of him throughout the Iliad. It is thus he appears on his Ship in the Catalogue, thus he shines in the Eyes of Priam in the third Book, thus again in the beginning of the thirteenth, and so in the rest.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 572. Say Virgins.]’ It is hard to conceive any Ad­dress more solemn, any Opening to a Subject more noble and magnificent, than this Invocation of Homer before his Cata­logue. That Omnipresence he gives to the Muses, their Post in the highest Heaven, their comprehensive Survey thro' the whole Extent of the Creation, are Circumstances greatly imagined. Nor is any thing more perfectly fine or exqui­sitely moral, than the Opposition of the extensive Know­ledge of the Divinities on the one side, to the Blindness and Ignorance of Mankind on the other. The Greatness and Importance of his Subject is highly rais'd by his exalted manner of declaring the Difficulty of it, Not tho' my Lungs were Brass, &c. and by the Air he gives as if what follows were immediately inspir'd, and no less than the joint Labour of all the Muses.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 586. The hardy Warriors.]’ The Catalogue begins in this Place, which I forbear to treat of at present: only I must acknowledge here that the Translation has not been ex­actly punctual to the Order in which Homer places his Towns. [Page 23] However it has not trespass'd against Geography; the Trans­positions I mention being no other than such minute ones, as Strabo confesses the Author himself is not free from: [...]. Lib. 8. There is not to my Re­membrance any Place throughout this Catalogue omitted; a Liberty which Mr. Dryden has made no difficulty to take and to confess, in his Virgil. But a more scrupulous Care was owing to Homer, on account of that wonderful Exactness and unequal'd Diligence, which he has particularly shewn in this Part of his Work.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 649. Down their broad Shoulders, &c.]’ The Greek has it [...], à tergo comantes. It was the Custom of these People to shave the fore-part of their Heads, which they did that their Enemies might not take the Advan­tage of seizing them by the Hair: the hinder Part they let grow, as a valiant Race that would never turn their Backs. Their manner of fighting was hand to hand, without quitting their Javelins (in the way of our Pike-men.) Plutarch tells us this in the Life of Theseus, and cites to strengthen the Authority of Homer, some Verses of Archilochus to the same Effect. Eobanus Hessus who translated Homer into Latine Verse was therefore mistaken in his Version of this Passage.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 711. Eager and loud from Man to Man he flies.]’ The Figure Menelaus makes in this Place is remarkably di­stinguish'd from the rest, and sufficient to shew his Concern in the War was personal, while the others acted only for In­terest or Glory in general. No Leader in all the List is re­presented thus eager and passionate; he is louder than them [Page 24] all in his Exhortations; more active in running among the Troops; and inspirited with the Thoughts of Revenge, which he still encreases with the secret Imagination of Helen's Repentance. This Behaviour is finely imagined.

The Epithet [...] which is apply'd in this and other Places to Menelaus, and which literally signifies loud-voiced, is made by the Commentators to mean valiant, and translated bello strenuus. The reason given by Eustathius is, that a loud Voice is a Mark of Strength, the usual Effect of Fear being to cut short the Respiration. I own this seems to be forc'd, and rather believe it was one of those kind of Sir-Names given from some distinguishing Quality of the Person (as that of a loud Voice might belong to Menelaus) which Mons. Boileau mentions in his ninth Reflection upon Longinus; in the same manner as some of our Kings were called Edward Long-shanks, William Rufus, &c. But however it be, the Epi­thet taken in the literal Sense has a Beauty in this Verse from the Circumstance Menelaus is described in, which determined the Translator to use it.

XXX.

‘VERSE 746. New to all the Dangers of the Main.]’ The Arcadians being an Inland People were unskill'd in Navigation, for which reason Agamemnon furnish'd them with Shipping. From hence, and from the last Line of the Description of the Sceptre, where he is said to preside over many Islands, Thucydides takes occasion to observe that the Power of Aga­memnon was superior to the rest of the Princes of Greece, on account of his Naval Forces, which had render'd him Master of the Sea. Thucyd. lib. 1.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 815. Three Ships with Nireus.]’ This Leader is no where mention'd but in these Lines, and is an Exception to the Observation of Macrobius that all the Persons of the Ca­talogue make their Appearance afterwards in the Poem. Homer himself gives us the reason, because Nireus had but a [Page 25] small Share of Worth and Valour; his Quality only gave him a Privilege to be nam'd among Men. The Poet has caused him to be remember'd no less than Achilles or Ulysses, but yet in no better manner than he deserv'd, whose only Qualification was his Beauty: 'Tis by a bare Repeti­tion of his Name three times, which just leaves some Im­pression of him on the Mind of the Reader. Many others, of as trivial Memory as Nireus, have been preserv'd by Poets from Oblivion; but few Poets have ever done this Favour to Want of Merit with so much Judgment. Demetrius Phalereus [...], Sect. 61. takes notice of this beautiful Repeti­tion, which in a just Deference to so delicate a Critick is here preserv'd in the Translation.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 871. The Grace and Glory of the beauteous Kind.]’ He gives Alcestis this Elogy of the Glory of her Sex, for her conjugal Piety, who dy'd to preserve the Life of her Hus­band Admetus. Euripides has a Tragedy on this Subject, which abounds in the most masterly Strokes of Tenderness: In particular the first Act, which contains the Description of her Preparation for Death; and her Behaviour in it can never be enough admired.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 906. In twenty Ships the bold Perrhaebians came.]’ I cannot tell whether it be worth observing that, except Ogilby, we have not met with one Translator who has exact­ly preserv'd the Number of the Ships. Chapman puts eigh­teen under Eumelus instead of eleven. Hobbes but twenty un­der Ascalaphus and Ialmen instead of thirty, and but thirty under Menelaus instead of sixty. Valterie (the former French Translator) has given Agapenor forty for sixty, and Nestor forty for ninety. Madam Dacier gives Nestor but eighty. I must confess this Translation not to have been quite so exact as Ogilby's, having cut off one from the Number of Eumelus's Ships, and two from those of Guneus: Eleven and two and [Page 26] twenty would sound but oddly in English Verse, and a Poem contracts a Littleness by insisting on such trivial Niceties.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 925. Or rein'd the noblest Steeds.]’ This coupling together the Men and Horses seems odd enough, but Homer every where treats these noble Animals with remarkable Re­gard. We need not wonder at this Enquiry, which were the best Horses? from him, who makes his Horses of heavenly Extraction as well as his Heroes, who makes his Warriours address them with Speeches and excite them by all those Mo­tives which affect a human Breast, who describes them shed­ing Tears of Sorrow, and even capable of Voice and Pro­phecy: In most of which Points Virgil has not scrupled to imitate him.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 939. His Troops, &c.]’ The Image in these Lines of the Amusements of the Myrmidons, while Achilles detain'd them from the Fight, has an exquisite Propriety in it. Tho' they are not in Action, their very Diversions are Military, and a kind of Exercise of Arms. The cover'd Chariot and feeding Horses, make a natural Part of the Picture; and no­thing is finer than the manly Concern of the Captains, who as they are suppos'd more sensible of Glory than the Soldiers, take no share in their Diversions, but wander sorrowfully round the Camp, and lament their being kept from the Battel. This difference betwixt the Soldiers and the Leaders (as Da­cier observes) is a Decorum of the highest Beauty. Milton has admirably imitated this in the Description he gives in his second Book of the Diversions of the Angels during the Ab­sence of Lucifer.

[Page 27] But how nobly and judiciously has he raised the Image, in proportion to the Nature of those more exalted Beings, in that which follows.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 950. As when angry Jove.]’ The Comparison pre­ceding this, of a Fire which runs thro' the Corn and blazes to Heaven, had exprest at once the dazling of their Arms and the Swiftness of their March. After which Homer ha­ving mention'd the Sound of their Feet, superadds another Simile, which comprehends both the Ideas of the Brightness and the Noise: for here (says Eustathius) the Earth appears to burn and groan at the same time. Indeed the first of these Similes is so full and so noble, that it scarce seem'd possible to be exceeded by any Image drawn from Nature. But Ho­mer to raise it yet higher, has gone into the Marvellous, gi­ven a prodigious and supernatural Prospect, and brought down Jupiter himself, array'd in all his Terrors, to discharge his Lightnings and Thunders on Typhoeus. The Poet breaks out into this Description with an Air of Enthusiasm, which greatly heightens the Image in general, while it seems to transport him beyond the Limits of an exact Comparison. And this daring manner is particular to our Author above all the Ancients, and to Milton above all the Moderns.

XXXVII.

‘VERSE 1012. From Practius' Stream, Percote 's Pasture Lands.]’ Homer does not expresly mention Practius as a Ri­ver, but Strabo, lib. 13. tells us it is to be understood so in this Passage. The Appellative of Pasture Lands to Percote is justify'd in the 15 th Iliad, ℣. 547. where Hicetaon is said to feed his Oxen in that Place.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 1032. Axius, that swells with all his neighb'ring Rills.]’ According to the common Reading this Verse should be translated, Axius that diffuses his beautiful Waters over the Land. But we are assured by Strabo that Axius was a muddy River, and that the Ancients understood it thus, Axius that receives into it several beautiful Rivers. The Criticism lies in the last word of the Verse, [...], which Strabo reads [...], and interprets of the River Aea, whose Waters were pour'd into Axius. However Homer describes this River agreeable to the vulgar reading in Il. 21. ℣. 158. [...]. This Version takes in both.