A. S. SOME OBSERVATIONS AND ANNOTATIONS VPON THE
APOLOGETICALL NARRATION, Humbly submitted to the Honorable Houses of PARLIAMENT, the most Reverend and learned
DIVINES of the
Assembly, and all the
Protestant Churches here in this Island and abroad.
M. S.
IF
A. S. his heart be rent with discontent in two pieces (as he saith in his Epistle) at the innocent bleatings of that wronged Lambe the Apologie; surely our hearts more justly may bee rent in twenty pieces to heare and see this roring Lyon-like Reply, with his many clawes of
Observations, Annotations, Considerations, &
Notes, renting and tearing that modest and innocent thing, and no man saying to him, Why doest thou so? Is this the use men make of
pressing Sermons, and printed
Considerations to stay and
wait what the Assembly would doe; that some preach, & others print for their own way, on the one side, whilest the other stand still to be beaten, muffled and bound up from speaking by Pen and Presse without much striving? The Apologie did but tell men with as gratious words & as much sweetnesse as a thing could speake, how farre they did recede from, and disclaim
Separation and
Brownisme; and how neere they did cloze with the present reformed Churches, even beyond expectation, & see how many stinging flies are, and about to a light upon this youngling newly eaned. One buzzing to the other, as one Raven inviting another, at this lambing-time of the yeare, that the young brood at the same minute may see the light and lose their eyes.
How many Replyes in a few weekes, appearingly have turned the world, if not the Church, upside downe; most men seeming to bee resolved before the Arguments are solved.
Beleeve it, it workes more upon the spirits of the best men, then ever any thing yet that befell this Kingdome. Things before were
irregular enough, but now
preposterous; before
resolute enough, now
violent; before the
body of the Kingdome, the Common-wealth, was sore sick, now the
soule, the Church.
THE TITLE OF THE BOOKE.
The Title of the Booke in the Title page and the first page is,
Some Observations, Annotations, and Generall Considerations upon the Apologeticall Narration, humbly submitted to the Honorable Houses of Parliament, the most reverend and learned Divines of the Assembly, and all the Protestant Churches here in this Island, and abroad.
A title carying a great breadth with it, and soaring high, as if
A. S. were confident that in his booke he speakes
learnedly, as a Scholar,
truly, as an honest man,
gravely, as a serious man, and
lovingly, as a Christian man; and that all these waies hee did make good that title, which if it bee shaped to the booke, and read according to the rode thereof, I speake it seriously and with a sad heart (these being no times nor things for jesting or jearing, which is the fault of
A. S.)
A. P. M. said
A. S. jeer'd. Another Gentlemā said, he liked not the spirit of the man, yet neither of them Independents. may most justly be read thus:
In Observations and in Considerations simply committed against the Honorable Houses of Parliament, the reverend Assembly of Divines, and the Protestant Churches at home and abroad.
For this one single simple
A. S. now starts up by himselfe, peremptorily to state, and determine the Questions, for the resolution whereof the Parliament thought the Assembly of Divines few enough to undertake; and therefore call'd all them together for that purpose, who are now most intent upon the pin of the controversie; yet as if
A. S. would take the worke out of their hands, he will anticipate, and forejudge the five Ministers as utterly erring throughout (for he sifts them corne after corne) which if true, the dispute is at an end. Goe then
A. S. and carrie, if you dare, your platforme to the Parliament, and intreate the learned Assembly to dissolve.
But,
A. S. will goe his owne way, and thereby hee hath given great offence to the
Protestant Churches, to charge them all of dissenting from the five Ministers, & awakening mens spirits into replyes, when before they were drowsing with long expectation these two years of a publike determination, and I wish this might have been the last Reply, before all things were sweetly composed. How ever this intends only to take off aspersions, not to lay downe assertions. We will but barely answer
[Page 3]
A. S. who hath so lasht the five Ministers with so much sharpnesse of spirit, for telling the world
how far off they are from Brownisme and Separation, and how close they come to the more reformed Churches in Scotland and England. Many very good men have wondred that the five Ministers closed so much; yet
A. S. is bitterly angry they close no more, before the point be disputed. O, it was a fault of the Cynick Philosopher in his high shooes so to dance on the Platonick Philosophers Bed and Arras Coverlet, with boasting, that
he danced on his brother Philosophers pride, as that the patient Philosopher could justly reply, yea, saith he,
Thou dancest on my pride with thy greater pride.
How much of this is
A. S. I say not; but sure it was the unseasonablest, if not the most unsavoury book to multitudes of spirituall palates, as ever wise man put forth.
Yet
Iames Cranford is quoted by the Printer in the page before the Title, as approving it and the book with a licentious approbation, in these words;
These judicious Observations and Annotations, &c. as being at this time necessarie and seasonable for the vindication of all Protestant Churches, defending the authority of Parliaments and Synods, and prevention of division amongst our selves, (though I reverence the persons of the Apologists, yet) I approve to be impressed.
Mr.
Cranford, if the Printer hath dealt faithfully with you, let me intreat you (and the Lord help you) to see your selfe, ask your conscience, ask your reason, ask the book it selfe, whether there be one true clause in all that you have said?
Are these Observations, &c. of
A. S. judicious, that are extra-judiciall and prejudiciall to the publick peace and order, and ordinance for dispute, prejudging and adjudging them, who joyntly with the grave Assembly,
A. S. acknowledgeth the Arbitrator in the matters in question? Are they at this time
necessarie, when the grave Commissioners of
Scotland had with farre more prudence and solidity then
A. S. said by way of reply so much to the Apologie,
Nemine reclamante, none replying till
A. S. was abroad? Is there any need to bring a great printing Presse, to squeese to death a poore worme troden on before? Or to bring many leavers to break an egge, that makes small resistance? The truth is,
A. S. his Observations are like a man with a Pole-axe, knocking a man on the head to kill a flie lighting on his beard.
For though he saith,
He humbly submitteth to the Protestant Churches, yet hee layes about him as if hee would knock them all down unto a submission to
A. S. whosoever they be that will not stoop to his book. For though he thinkes that all
Protestant and Christian Churches are
for
[Page 4]
him rather then for the
five Ministers, as he intimates in the beginning of his Epistle, and therefore in all likelihood professeth a submission to them, yet he will find many Churches in
London (he would wonder if we should name how many) that will not submit to his book, and yet come to the publick Ordinance, doe not separate, but are most willing to submit to the truth, regularly discussed, cleared, and brought down to them. Yet still
James Cranford stands fixed in the licence page, in black and not blush, for asserting that
A. S. his Observations, &c. are
judicious and
necessarie; when as they are neither, unlesse
preposterousnesse, abuse of good men, and the
disturbance of the people, be
judicious and
necessarie. For though the ensuing answer will prove them evill, yet they will never be proved necessarie evils. They are not so much as
civilly necessary, either
necessitate praecepti, as commanded by Parliament, or Assembly, or
necessitate medii, as usefull to compose, but indispose the minds of men, to embrace things prejudiced with the violence of private spirits. Men will not be so easily whipt and compelled by one inferiour.
Again, are the Observations
seasonable, which doe but
interstrepere, make a noyse, whilst the Divines are disputing, drawing the people together in heaps, there taking up their parts, to defend one against another, and pre-ingage themselves before they come to heare what the Assembly will say? For such a book cannot come forth, but it makes a thousand dispute in a week, every one then contending for his owne, when it is so irregularly and illegally taken from him. Are they for the
vindication of all Protestant Churches, when as in condemning the Apology, they condemne
many, very many Churches in
England, many in
Holland, generally
all in
New-England, notwithstanding some private Letters and Manuscripts sent over, to which we shall answer afterwards. Are they for the
defence of the authoritie of Parliament, in opposition to the Apology? Doth the Apology touch one haire of the honourable heads of the Parliament? Are not the five Ministers chidd
[...]n some where in print, for saying,
They allow more to the civill
R.
[...].
Magistrate, then they thinke others principles can? Doth not
A. S. snib them too for going (as he thinkes in their Apology) to the civill Magistrate?
Pag. 4. Doth not
A. S. in his Booke give a negative vote against the civill Magistrates directive power in matters of Religion? Let me
Pag. 5. say what I thinke, seeng I think no harme, viz. If the resolutions of the Divines be not digested by the reason and graces of the Houses of Parliament, and so made as their owne sense, for ought I know they will never be turned into a Statute.
If the Parliament have no directive power in matters of Religion, or Ecclesiasticall, under any notion; then
A. S. will condemn them for voting down the new Canons, and prescribing the Oath or Covenant.
Are these Observations for the
defence of the autboritie of Synods, in opposition to the Apologie? What Synods?
Scripture-Synods? Where doth the Apologie whimper against them? or doe you mean
Classicall ones? If so, that's the question. And so you proclaim a
defence of that which yet hath no
existence. The question is not resolved. Lastly, are these
Observations for prevention of sad division amongst our selves?
Well. Mr.
Cranford, you have by this endeavoured to set Divines together by the eares
More Ecclesiastico, your licentiating hath inabled men to give the
second blow, upon
which the Common Law layeth the
breach of the peace. And notwithstanding you licence these
Annotations, yet you say you reverence the persons of the Apologists. A pinne for such complements; Love me, and love the truth. Let us measure your respects to them, whilst the advantage of the higher ground whereon it stands be removed. Away with your
dare verba, your froathy words; This is the truth, so much you respect them, as
A. S. respects them. And so much have you spoken
judiciously, truly, and
seasonably, as
A. S. hath spoken, and no more. If he be cast, you will be condemned. Stand by Mr
Cranford, and heare
A. S. tryed, and in him your selfe.
THE EPISTLE.
A. S.
To the right reverend Divines, the Authors of the Apologetical Narration.
M. S. The Authors of the Apologeticall Narration desire more of your
right, though they have lesse of your
reverence. Had I written a booke with so much
unreverence, I would either have blotted out my title
Right Reverend, or else I should never have put in that Episcopall stile,
Most Reverend, and
Right Reverend, seeing the
Bishops are going. For to stroke in the title, and to strike in the book, is but flattery, if not grosse dissimulation. Or as to say,
Art thou in health my brother? and in the meane while to strike under the fift rib.
A. S.
The high esteeme I have ever had of your persons, &c. except onely in your particular opinions, wherein the dissent from al Protestant, yea all Christian Churches in the world.
M. S. Now let the Protestant Churches (to whom you say you submit) judge whether in these words, there be not a notorious untruth. For wherein doe the five Ministers and their Churches differ from many
[Page 6] Churches in
England, diverse in
Holland, and generally all within the Patent of
New-England, if you account these places Protestant?
It may be you will object, Mr.
Parkers Letter and some Manuscripts from New-England, and the Letter from Zeland. To Mr.
Parker his Letter we neede say little, the Letter will answer for us, though Mr.
Parker little thought when he wrote it, to finde an
A. S. in
England, or that his brother
Bayly would have printed his Letter seemingly to anticipate the disputation of the Assembly, as if hee meant to beg the question, though but with shewes and shadowes.
1. Mr.
Parker saith not one word for a
Classicall Presbyterie, (the maine difference in hand) but for a
Congregationall, that he would have in some things more managed by the Presbyteries of every Congregation, without putting every thing to the vote of the people of the Congregation▪ because some
confusion hath followed upon it. Doth in necessaries abuse take away the use? There was confusion in the Church of
Corinth. Or is there any mention of this in the Apologie, that all businesses of the Church must be put to the vote of the Congregation?
2. That in that thing only there hath been an arguing on both sides. M.
Parker & Mr.
Noyse only are mentioned in the letter, to be on the one side & all the other Churches on the other, against Mr.
Parker and Mr.
Noyse. And 3
ly. Mr.
Parker doth not say he won the day, but as hee answered their Arguments (as he saith) so he confesseth they answered his Arguments, and the thing is left to consideration. Yea a godly man of New-England told me that the Churches of New-England did conceive that Mr.
Parker had received full satisfaction from them in that point. How ever it were, all amounts but to a private letter subscribed by one man, yet
Imprimatur saith
I. C. as if much to the purpose. But looke but a little afterward to our answer to a Letter from Zeland, and you shall find the judgement of New-England in Letters newly come over.
To any private copies or Manuscripts from New-England, one Mr.
Rutherford hath answered, as too much jumping with the Apologie and opposite to
Classicall Presbytery. Another, if it had come forth, would have beene keener against
A. S. then the Apologie is. So that if
[...]he Apologie doe differ from that, it's onely because the Apologie more agrees with the reformed Churches of this Island. And for the third, it hath nothing at all for
Classicall Presbyterie, but some things touching the ordering of Congregationall Presbyteries, and all these are but private intelligencers, and mutuall advisers, not determination, or nationall No more then, I suppose, Mr.
Cranford or
A. S. will account the strange
Queries on the Apologie and Scotch Commissioners
[Page 7] Reply, to bee the sense of New-England, though made by one of that Countrey.
As for the letter of
Zeland, I cannot tell how to speak all the truth, & not offend some, whom by my will I would not in the least displease. Sure this will not offend to tell
A. S. that in
Holland, if not in
Zeland, are some Churches that are fully with the five Ministers, unto which some of them doe relate. And to speake these things to the Letter it selfe, being matters of fact, I hope cannot justly offend. 1. That that Letter came admirably punctuall upon the very nick after the first reply to the Apologie was out. 2. That a Scottish Knight (as it was informed) nine or ten dayes before it was known abroad, that the letter was to come, said,
What if ye receive a Letter from Zeland, disliking the Apologie? or to that effect. 3. That there is a Scottish Church (of which one
Spang is a very busie agent) at
Trevere hard by
Middleborough, whence the letter came. 4. That there are in it many high passages seeming to some so prejudiciall to our worthy Magistracy, that it justifies that of the Apology, saying,
That the five Ministers, &c. give more to the Civil Magistrates, then tbe principles of some Presbyterians do. The said letter giving so
too little to the Magistracy, that the State of
England, I think, cannot approve it here among us.
Verbum sapientisat est. More may be thought, upon evident grounds, but not spoken here. 5. Most happily by almost a miraculary providence, in this nick of time, came two letters from
New-England to countermand Mr.
Parkers Letter thence, and the other from
Zeland.
The first from Mr.
Winthorp Governor of
New England, To his reverend and very good brother, Mr. Hugh Peters
Minister of the Gospel, these deliver in London. Our late Assembly of about fourty Elders met, wherein the way of our Churches was approved, and the Presbytery disallowed.
Winthorp Governor. Decemb. 10. 1643.
The second from another of
New-England, to another Minister in
Old-England about the same time, wherein we have these passages.
We have had, saith he,
a Synod lately in our Colledge, wherein sundry things were agreed on gravely, as, That the votes of the people are needfull in all admissions and excommunications, at least in way of consent; all yeelding to act with their consent. 2.
That those that are fit matter for a Church, though they are not alwayes able to make large and particular relations of the work and doctrine of faith, yet must not live in the commission of any known sin, or the neglect of any known duty. 3.
That consociation of Churches in way of more generall meetings yearly, and more private monethly or quarterly, as Consultative Synods, are very comfortable and necessary for the peace and good of the Churches.
[Page 8] 4.
It was generally desired that the exercitium of the Churches power might onely be in the Eldership in each particular Church, unlesse their sinnes be apparent in their worke. 5.
That Parishes, Churches in old England, could not be right without a renewed Covenant at least, and the refusers excluded. And were not New-England so farre, the Churches of New-England would soon send a third, punctually to approve the Apologie, unless it bee for their neerer compliance with them who notwithstanding have written against them.
We have been the longer in answer to this clause, because wee finde
A. S. to bee but the Text of other mens Commentary-discourses; who say,
That the five Ministers will oppose all the visible Christian Churches in the world. If they did, it were not such a wonder, as for one
Wickliff in one age, one
Husse in another, and
Luther in a third to oppose all the world.
The truth is, all Churches generally, partly by tyranny, and partly by Security, are grown so corrupt, that to apologize for a through reformation, seemes to reprove all, and so all are ready to be offended, that are lesse reformed. We have heard of sad stories of late, but true, (not teld in a corner) of the
lamentable over-spreading of Popery, Atheisme, drunkennesse in some kingdomes, and adulterie, formality, &c. in others. If we reforme but in part, by halves, imitating
Hen. 8. towards the Pope,
cutting off the head of Prelacie, and sitting down in their Chaire (similia non sunt contraria) as M
r
Davenport meeting with a Classicall Presbytery in his way to
New-England, said they were but thirteen Bishops for one) the cry of the sin against our light and opportunity, will call back our reeling Reformation (like will hasten to like) an unblest posture will leave us unhealed of our sins, and our sins will make us become any thing. Had not the Abbeys been pulled downe, the
Priories since had had opportunity to have risen. Therefore
Moses grinds the Idol to powder, that it might be quite abolished. I speak all this by way of supposition, what shall upon full debate be found to be the
Idol, the
nest of Popery, the
Chair of Prelacy, the
half-reformation.
Thus of your charging the
five Ministers with dissenting from all
Protestant Churches. The expression that follows, is a most grosse one.
That they differ from all Christian Churches. I say grosse, in two things: 1. To call them
Churches, and
Christian, that are not Protestant (and
ergo are Popish) now since the Councell of
Trent wherein they gave Christ a bill of divorce (as the learned assert) anathematizing most of his main truths. The Popish (notwithstanding a few Saints in
secret here and there) are in a dependance on Antichrist. 2. To charge it as a
[Page 9] crime on the five Ministers to differ from them, when as it is a sin and shame not to dissent from them. If you dissent not from them, you will never kindly dissent from the intituled Mo.
R. A. BB. and Rt. Rev. BB. I observe that men in their Replies, secretly afore they are aware,
☜ run to the Popish markes of a Church,
viz. Visibility, Succession, Ʋniversalitie.
A. S.
You as my selfe are but men, yet ye know but in part, and consequently may erre.
M. S. Yet this one man thinks he hath more knowledge to his part, then the other
five Ministers, or else sure he would not so boldly condemne them of erring, in a point which all the Assembly have not yet determined; and so peremptorily acquit himself.
A. S.
I thought this which is the question between you and all the Churches in the Christian world.
M. S. This untruth comes thick upon us,
that the Apol. differs from all the Christian world. It is intimated in the title. It is expressed in the very beginning of the Epistle, and here againe, and once more in 3. pag. of the Epist. and once in Consid. 5. and how oft more in the book I doe not yet know, till I find as I goe. We have answered it once for all in the threshold of this Epistle.
A. S.
I esteemed it no lesse a part of my dutie and Christian libertie, as a man to oppose my selfe to five men: then for five men to oppose five hundred thousand, &c.
M. S. Hear ye, O all ye men on earth, that
A. S. saith it is his
Christian liberty to oppose the
five Ministers: but the whole scope of his booke is to rebuke them upon supposition that they doe oppose others. whiles they tell them wherein they agree with them. One instance follows at the he
[...]l of his
Christian liberty; to which by and by. Mean while, Reader, observe how this mans words do smell
popishly (though I think the man to be a real Protestant) as if they came from Rome, intimating as if
visibilitie, universalitie, and so
pluralitie of voyces of learned men, might be an unerring, or very certain argument. He speaks as if he had forgot or never heard of
Wickliff, many yeares after him
Husse, long after him
Luther justly opposing the whole world, as we all religiously maintain at this day. And that one
Paphnutius opposed a whole Councel (mistaken in a point) which is upon record of History, to his great honour to this day.
A. S.
Five men to oppose so many learned men, so many holy Divines, hundreds, and thousands for one of you, no way inferiour to the learnedest and best among you, and not only to particular men and Divines, but to so many; yea,
[Page 10]
and those the most pure, and most reformed Churches of the world, amongst whom there have been found so many thousands who have sealed Christs truth with the losse of their goods, imprisonment of their bodies, by exile of their persons, yea with their dearest blood, and lives, who if they wrote not miracles, yet God declared his almighty power in working miracles about them, &c.
M. S. Here we have in
forme (and I will not say how much more) a
Popish argument, I will not say a
mopish argument; I abhor flying on men instead of
matter. To this I will speake, and then they that will be deceived, let them be deceived. First, you
Doctrines and practises prove men good, not men, doctrines and practises good dub such a number of men and people Saints,
most reformed, learned, no way inferiour to the learnedst, and best among the five Ministers, as if you knew perfectly all mens spirits, mens lives in all places in the world, and the five Ministers parts, &c.
intus & incute. Then secondly, as before you came, what
R. Reverend and most Reverend (I desire to speake it no other way then with a Christian griefe and anger against such Sophismes) so now you Cant to us as it were the Popish Prelaticall
Letanie, and
Te Deum, As if by the
temptations and fastings, by the
passions, by the
deaths and burialls of suffering Christians; The noble army of Martyrs praising the holy Church throughout all the world acknowledging, you would conjure us to yeeld any thing upon pluralitie of voyces, or topick arguments, that may & are turned every way, and used by all sorts good and bad for their owne waies.
1. Men
living in a notorious sinne of grosse usury, unjust enclosures, monopolizing, &c. First, They will tell you of severall Ministers, &c. very holy men; and then secondly, They will tell you that those Ministers doe approve of those things.
2. The
Malignants now cry, that so many good Lords, so many Parliament men, most of two Kingdomes are for the King,
Ergo, the King doth well; beleeve it who so will.
The
Papists proclaime, that they have pluralitie of voyces, Martyrs, &c.
Ergo, they are in the right.
So the
Prelacie tell us, that of Bishops were many Martyrs (to which
Sm
[...]ctymnuus answers) by them was composed the Liturgie, and they have a thousand for one of them, (so they had formerly) and most of the learned Doctors, &c. Scholars, Divines and Lawyers were for them, therefore they were in the right.
Then some of our respected brethren of the reputed
godly Non-Conformists come in a title of a Booke thus,
A most grave and modest Confutation
A touch on W. R. his booke, called
The grave Consutation, &c.
of the errors of the sect commonly called (as
W. R. sayth)
Brownists or Seperatists (so his skill writes it for
Separatists) agreed upon long since by the joynt consent of sundry godly and learned Ministers of this Kingdome,
[Page 11]
then standing out and suffering in the cause of Inconformitie, and now published in a time of neede
VVhat now all, or the greatest part of them, come to our publik meetings, and the Apol. disclaims Separation, and Brownisme? unlesse you would drive them to corners again.
&c. against that pernitions evill. Published by W. R. As if their sufferings were a seale of the just length of reformation, how farre we must go, and no further. When as the most of them stood only upon the negative part,
What they would not have, but onely a few declared positively, of which some for a Congregationall presbytery or Church-way, be it, or be it not,
a pernitious evill, as
W. R. calls it. God forbid, that if wee have suffered for Christ, in the behalfe of any piece of truth, that therefore we should pride up our selves as having done so much; or stint our selves from proceeding further in knowledge, or affright our selves from suffering more, if more truths bee to be
contended for, as the Apostle speakes; or least of all through the sides of
Brownisme or
Separation, to wound the truth & Saints of Jesus Christ, just in the nick of such reproachings cast upon them that disclaime in words and practise all pernicious Brownisme, &c. It cannot bee forgotten that the choicest doctrines held in
England, have beene called pernitious heresie. And therefore it is an high peremptorinesse in a generall title to call all those things
pernitious evils, some of which are truths. We have, and doe disclaim
Separation and
Brownisme, properly so called.
But if the
Pope or the
Devill
Mar. 1. 24. confesse Christ, we will not therefore call that truth,
a pernitious evill. I suppose all that
W. R. book sets forth in heads, and Chapters, as to be confuted, are some of those things hee means are
pernitious evills. As,
- 1. That
pag. 8.
Many Parish-Churches are not rightly gathered.
- 2. That
p. 11.
That they Communicate in a false and idolatrous worship, as stinted prayers, Homilies, Catechismes.
- 3. That
p. 17.
They want that Discipline and order which Christ in his Testament hath appointed for the governement of his Church.
- 4. That
p. 50.
That it is objected against them, that the ignorant and prophane multitude are admitted to all priviledges of the Churches.
Are these (we give but a tast)
perni
[...]ious evills? Then you condemne
Smectymnuus for writing, the Parliament and Assembly for removing and about to remove these exceptions; And most presbyterian Ministers in
London for forbearing to give Communions to such multitudes. Mr.
Calamy said that
an imposed, Liturgie was idolatry. And our worthy brethren of Scotland justly stood up against these enormities. No wonder therefore if
W. R. booke abound with weakenesses and impertinencies; in stead of Confutation of such thing as these. For I patronage not any false or unadvised speeches of
Barrow, or &c. there used.
[Page 12] 3.
A. S. Saying,
That the Apologists differ from the most reformed Churches in the world. Some of which hee knowes are in Holland, more in England, most in New-England, all publike Churches, if hee speakes not falsly, or ignorantly; yet begging the Question, whether the Churches named, or the Classicall Presbyterian are most reformed?
To close our answer to this, tell us no more of your multitudes, the Lord keepe us all from the
broad way that leadeth to destruction, though
many there be therein. One
Phinees, one
Elijah left alone in the eye of the world, two against thousands,
viz. Caleb and
Josuah in the truth are more to be honored, then swarmes of swarvers (I judge none.) The time is at hand, that
ten men shall take hold of one Jew
Zech. 8. 23., and so on one true christian. Godly men may be hunted out of a Kingdom, not of the truth, meane while such a Kingdom may be without them, but neere the more without judgments.
England was never quiet, but worse & worse, since it hunted away almost a little Nation of Saints to
New-England, though
W. R. joyning issue with
A. S. will follow them, with a blotting pen in print, even to that Kingdome too. Yea and take in his way many Churches in old
England, and some that are and lately were in
Holland, and then have at
New-England, none comes amisse that have gone an inch in reformation beyond
W. R. his Non-Conformitie. Like him who would strike all that were next him, who e're they were that injured him. And all this worke he cuts out for himselfe in his booke he calls
a Narration of some Church courses in New-England.
☞ O that all Readers that will not be wilfully blind, would by the way observe, how
A. S. condemnes the Apologists, as guiltie of dissenting from the Churches in
New-England. And
W. R. condemnes them for agreeing with the Churches of
New-England. So that
A. S. and
W. R. doe not agree betweene themselves. But you shall have an Answer to that booke of
W. R. in a distinct treatise by it selfe, ere long God permitting. Meane while we goe forward with
A. S.
A. S.
I am perswaded in my conscience, that your opinion of Independency, &c. if it were admitted (pardon my expression till I be better instructed) could not but prove the roote of all sorts of Schisme and Heresie, and consequently the utter overthrow of Christs universall militant Church.
M. S. If you speake cordially, as supposing indeede that you may be better instructed, it had beene best for you to have stayd for the Assemblies determination, or to have conferred with some of them you write against, before you had written and printed that desperate speech, lest the inke seeme letters of blood to you at your dying pillow. I warrant you, if what one, or many
say onely, would make an argument,
[Page 13] a multitude would say,
that a coactive classicall Presbyterie would be the root of couched Prelacy, and Ecclesiasticall tyrannie. But I will not be one of them to say so.
Probatum est; in
New-England, that which you call
Independency, hath not procured, but cured, or purged out heresies, schismes, formalitie, prophaneness, more then some other Kingdoms that so hate and hit at mis-called
Independency.
A. S.
You sue for a Toleration, and consequently for a Separation.
M. S. So then, where Papists are tolerated, there they are Separatists too. It's but the Noun of multitude between, but that the
Independents in
England might tolerate, and the
Presbyterians might be tolerated, would they then be
Separatists? Who desires separation? but rather union in the truth. If any hold the truth, and stumble, though of weakness, at some smaller matters, (as you count them) it is your duty to suffer them, and to
bear with the weak, and not
offend the consciences of Brethen; or Gods woe is by him pronounced against you.
A. S.
I may adde to all these, your undervaluing of the Parliaments great favour towards you. For yee know, brethren, how they, notwithstanding your former separation from all other Churches, &c. invited you to be members of this Assembly, had they not given you the capacity, yee had been altogether incapable. And not only that, but they honoured one of you with the high favour of sending one of you with their Commissioners to Scotland.
M. S. O abominable accusation, O sycophantising insinuation! Who art.
A. S. Cujas. Can an
English-man, unjesuited, or any Minister unprelatised, or any man honestised, say thus? I am distressed how to put home to this, and yet prudently. I tell thee,
A. S. Thy
accusation is a gross falshood. For their respect to the Parliament, and their respect from the Parliament, let many of the choyce members of both Houses speak, they will soon prove thee a gross—. Thy
probation a silly phantasie. Did ever any Vote of the
Parliament, or of the
Assembly, accuse the Apologie of undervaluing the
Parliaments favours? None but he that hath
A. S. as part of his name, would say so. For all discreet men see plainly, that as the
form and stile of the Apologie is most sweet; so the
matter now in hand so much as is there intimated, is the Question. Can that be an offence to the
Parliament, for the five Ministers to propound that of the things they are to debate (by Ordinance of
Parliament) which is to them the question, making it ready, and leaving it for debate in the Assembly? Yea, whether the whole draught of the Apologie be to be condemned or commended by the
Parliament, that is also a question yet unresolved, by
Parliament, Assembly, and a considerable part of City and Kingdom. Therefore why doth one
A. S.
[Page 14] presumptuously make it a crime against the
Parliament? Since the thrice worthy
Parliament had it in debate in the House, being put on
March. 13. 1643. by the Letters from
Middleborough in
Zeland, and upon the speech of learned M
r.
Selden, and others, they resolved with a generall acclamation, that the Apologie was to be left as it was found,
unblamed. The God of heaven in much mercy bless the
Parliament, as for all the good they have done, so for their uprightness therein, They joy of the Churches is now as high as their sorrows would have been deep, had it been condemned. For it would to them have been not only a dolefull
ante, or
anti, but-anticipating-presage. But blessed be our
Parliament-guiding God; that as they had no hand in the Apologie, so they would have no hand against it. Therefore away
A. S. Operam & oleum perdidisti (as the Starling said to the Emperour, having saluted him in vain with
[...]) you have lost your labour. The
Parliament despise sycophantising colloguing; (Are you as wise as that Bird to see that, it said?) And on the other side they do not repent of what honour they conferred on M
r.
Nye, and through him on his brethren of the same
For the Parliament in wisdom chose some Episcopall men to be of the Assembly, to plead their own cause if they could. Some of w
ch since cast out themselves, and others were cast out. judgement. They could not but think (what ever you dream) but that the five Ministers were in as neer a capacity to be of the Assembly, &c. being native
English-men, and against Episcopacie, as either those of other Nations, or those of our own, in judgement holding for Episcopacie; and standing for the just and lawfull authority of Magistracy as either.
A. S.
The Apol. Narration containing (how ever you name it) a singular desire of separation from them,
that so cherish you, with some unworthy nick-names put upon them, who stile you by no worse names then Brethren.
M. S. What ever names
A. S. puts upon this his Book, as
Annot. Consid. Notes sure enough
(Nigro carbone notandus. Hic Niger est, hunc tu Romane caveto,) it is not candid, but holds forth
A. S. his singular desire of making division, if he could, either between the
Parliament and the
Brethren, or between them and our dearest brethren of
Scotland, if
M. S. do rightly divine what he means by them.
God and
man hates this thy design (O
A. S.) Six things the Lord bates, yea, seven are abomination to him: A proud look, a lying tongue, an heart that deviseth wicked
Prov. 6. 16.
imaginations, a false witness, that speaketh lies, him that soweth discord among brethren, &c. (for I have named enough for
A. S. to make his choice.) And I am informed, that the worthy Commissioners of
Scotland (nobly done) do utterly dislike
A. S. his Book. From whom we have far more evident and effectuall symptomes of their cordiall love, then
[...]he word
Brethren. Which with
A. S. in his Book is nothing but
Complementall
[Page 15]
dissimulation; For his Epistle begins, as it were, with
kissing, viz. Right reverend and dear
Brethren. And his book is biting. So that as he useth the word
Brethren, it is much to the same sense, as a parasiticall Minister being to preach an odde fellows funerall, did use the words of that deceased mans Will, viz.
In the name of God, Amen: (this story is proper for
A. S. if he hath any skill in the law, for I cannot yet be certain what he is:) saith the
Priest (being put to it for matter for his Trentall Panegyrick)
See the devotion of this deceased brother; he begins his Will, with In the name of God, Amen. A silly Goose; for it's as common for all good and bad to begin their Wills so (as
A. S. knows if a Lawyer) as for
A. S. to call
Brethren, and to bawl forth reviling all along his book.
As for the Nick-names
A. S. chargeth upon the five Ministers, with which they should nick-name, I know not whom, he names them not; which makes me think, he hath no skill in Law. He knows that
Dolus latet in universalibus, or to use his own words,
p. 47.
Sermones generales non movent, we cannot answer to generalls; nor can he find them in the Apologie. What a Pharisee may phantasie, that will not have mens defects intimated as they stand in the crowd of all Christendome, I am sure the worthy Commissioners piously confess
their Churches may be yet further reformed; and what religious men will not sigh forth the same, touching their own native Countries?
A. S.
What else have yee done, but erected one Assembly in the Assembly, by private authority against publike; taking private resolutions against publike?
M. S. O gross! yet he will follow
Machiavels counsell that said,
Calumniare audacter, aliquid adhaerebit, If men must not speake, write, or preach any thing that may relate to something in debate in the Assembly, then, (as it was excellently spoken in
Parliament,) Ministers may write and say nothing at all. Divers print and preach for the Presbytery, yet of the Assembly. Are they all a private particular Assembly?
A. S.
Sundry reasons made me to suspect, that ye would say more then ye say.
M. S. And what then? Did you think by this your
Reply, to hush them? No readier way to make them or their friends to say more then either they intended, or you would willingly hear. Yet confess one truth;
That there hath been two replies to them already, yet they have printed no reply (that we know of) for that you mean (I suppose) by saying more. Else, God forbid, but they should speak, and speak in the Assembly too; though one said,
Hee had much ado to forbear moving to have one of them to be cast out of the Assembly, for propounding his Reason to the Question, to which he was called by order of Parliament.
But for you,
A. S. you would make a stone speak (as they say.)
[Page 16] If you believe not the Poet,
Si natura negat, facit indignatio versum; yet believe the Scripture:
Oppression would make a wise man mad.
Eccles. 7. 7.
M. R.
But let me tell you now of one that is of your judgement for the
Presbyterie, but by far a more solid and discreet man then your self, that said,
There was this good by the Apologie, that therein the five Ministers had wrapt up themselves, that they could not say more in substance oftener then was therein expressed. Nor could they recede from that compliance with you they had therein professed. So you see you
Presbyterians may differ among your selves, no wonder therefore, if from the five Ministers.
A. S.
I love you all from my heart.
M. S. Good Reader, compare this mans book with his heart. And good Writer, (if I do not mis-call thee) judge whether in your book you act the part of a loving
Physitian, were your potion never so cordiall, in that you administer it scalding hot, though you flatter till it's powred down the throat.
A. S.
The will is but a blind faculty.
M. S. Now, where is your
Philosophie? Is there an unreasonable faculty in the reasonable soul, that hath no light but by participation? This is news to considerate
Philosophers, that do not take things upon trust, by tradition, of speculative untried principles.
A. S.
My main aim hath been, Gods glory, and the edification of weak brethren, who may have been misled by your most learned Discourse.
M. S. Yet this man in his 1
Annot. pag. 4. saith,
It comes very short, is weak and slender, and no way satisfactory. The man makes nothing of contradictions, upon contradictions; for even here also is a contradiction or two more. Are the five Ministers discourse most learned, and yet errour too, as you said in the beginning of your Epistle? And are they most learned, and yet less learned then you?
But indeed (saith one)
Hee makes a great noyse of learning in his book, ratling his Sophistry-terms, so that though hee hath failed in his Divinity, Physick, and Philosophie hitherto, yet hee will make us know that hee is a notable Logician; or he will make our ears ring with unenglished Ergoes, with
A genere ad speciem affirmativè, with
A posse ad esse non valet consequentia; Non possibile est esse, possibile est non esse, totum, totaliter, materialiter,
Page of his book, 53, 54.
dispositivè; with his
modifications, assumptions, &c. and multitudes of such lumber to the weake brethren. O, said one, that some body would earnestly intreat him to speak seriously, whether he thinks in his conscience this to be his direct way to that end hee here professeth, namely, to
edifie weak Brethren? Alas, such things to them, if Englished, are but gibberish, and as charms.
A. S.
Esteeming that during the rest of my pilgrimage, which cannot be long, having no other thing to doe, I shall doe well to doe this.
M. S. I'l tell you what one said to this.
Would God he had rather no patient, then he should have no patience, then the Church should be his patient (seeing he hath no more skill in her griefe;) that he had no client, then that he should be a treacherous Advocate; that he would rather doe nothing, then evill. For it is a sad thing, said he, that good men neer their end should write some sorry peece, to be a monument of their declining in their last dayes, and of their disgrace before they are buried. As a worthy man a little afore his death, wrote in defence of ceremonies, for which formerly he had suffered. A warning to
A. S. and all good men, that their good works should be more at last, and so to leave that character to the hypocrites, as one observes,
to live smoothly, towards his end to doe sorily, and then to die suddenly.
A. S.
HIS CONSIDERATIONS.
M. S. Truly called Interrogatories which A. S. puts to the five Ministers, as if he were already gotten into the Chair, &c.
A. S. His first Consideration. Whether in any Ecclesiasticall or Politick Assembly of the Christian world, wherein things are carried by plurality of voices, it be ordinarie for any inconsiderable number thereof to joyn in a particular combination among themselves, and therein to take particular resolutions?
M. S. We have heard of some Parliaments in Europe, that the House of Peeres is so constitute,
that if a vote passe where somes consciences amongst them cannot yeeld to, they may modestly enter in the House their dissent from it. But whether this be so or not, the five Ministers did not take particular resolutions and publish them in print, to crosse the proceedings and Disputes of the Assembly; or state a question yet unresolved by the Assembly, but onely told the Kingdome
de facto, what they had held and practised, and therfore in the Apologie speak in the
past time, with some very few and short touches upon what ground.
Wherein they declare themselves to close nearer with the Assembly, were they all Presbyterian (as we know the contrary) then thousands ever thought they would.
And withall they doe professe themselves so unwedded to their former
See Apol. p 10. It is their secōd golden rule by which they walked. practises, and so far from over-weening their present judgements, that upon discovery of more light, they are most willing to open their eyes upon it, and let it in. And therefore you A. S. have done very ill, to discourage them as much as in you is, from that sweetnesse of spirit, that hath appeared in all their writings and carriages.
But our main answer to this your Consideration (which makes it a grosse inconsideration, if not untrurh) is this, That the Assembly of themselves
[Page 18] are not to conclude things by a meer plurality of votes, if you dare bele
[...]ve t
[...]e Ordinance of Parliament, whose words are,
To conferre and treat amongst themselves of such matters and things touching and concerning the Liturgie, Discipline, and Government of the Church of England, or the vindication
Ordin. for the calling of the Assembly. Page. 4. 5.
and clearing of the doctrine of the same, from all false aspersions, and misconstructions, as shall be proposed unto them, by both or either of the said Houses of Parliament, and no other, and to deliver their opinions and advices of our touching the matters aforesaid, as shall be most agreeable to the word of God, to both or either of the said Houses from time to time, in such manner and sort, as by both or either of the said Houses of Parliament shall be required. And
in case of difference of opinion among the said Divines, they shall present the same, together with their reasons thereof, to the Houses of Parliament.
Which words, besides confutation of your
pluralitie of voyces, doe more then allow so much as is done in the Apologeticall Narration, that being but a narration of
past things.
A. S. his second Consideration,
Whether in taking such resolutions, they should not consequently resolve themselves to quit the Assembly, and to appear as parties.
M. S. The antecedent was denied before on the first Consideration: therefore the consequence is destroyed. And for the
consequence or Proposition it selfe, of the five
Ministers quitting the Assembly, and to appeare as parties, for setting forth the Apologie; I utterly dislike your motion, as striking at the worthy Commissioners of Scotland, as if they likewise should quit the Assembly for replying to the Apologie. Men of a far better spirit then you are. And though they be somewhat ingaged in a setled Presbytery, yet carry themselves more sagely and moderatly, then many of our own men; an honour for them, and a shame for us.
A. S. His fourth Consideration (and for the third vanisheth upon our answer to the first and second)
Whether this Apologeticall Narration was necessary, when yee found the calumnies, mistakes, mis-apprehensions of your opinions, and mists that had gathered about you, or were rather cast upon your persons in your absence, begin by your presence againe, and the blessing of God upon you, to scatter and vanish, without speaking a word for your selves and cause?
M. S. Yea it was: For look but to the next full period afore; and you shall find that this you repeat as touching that scattering and vanishing of mists, doth but relate to the people, and only to some of them,
viz. Those that professe or pretend the power of godliness. These mens serene spirits onely were the beams that began to scatter the mists. And therefore the
Apologists speak distinctly and punctually (and not indefinitely as you) in the words you seem to quote;
viz. they say that they found
many (mark)
many of those mists, not
all; and did but begin to scatter, as you your selfe repeat.
[Page 19] The Apologists say, They did but
begin to scatter. For in the apprehension of the Apologists, their motion was like the lowrings of an inconstant morning, the mists ascend, and anon descend, and by and by ascend, and turn into a
Scottish-mist, as the
Englist Proverb is,
That will wet an English-man to the skin. The
mist went up by the hils; but (as the other Proverb is)
down by the Mils, they turned into rain. What mean else those words of the
Apo. pag. 1 Apologie;
Our ears have been so filled with a sudden and unexpected noyse of confused exclamations, in the interpretation of most reflecting on us, that awakened thereby, we are inforced to anticipate a little that discovery of our selves, which we otherwise resolved to have left to time.
And those words of the Apologie:
Whereas your silence upon all the forementioned
Apol. p. 27.
grounds, hath been by the ill interpretation of some, imputed either to our consciousness of the badness and weakness of our cause, or to our inability to maintain what we assert in difference from others, &c.
And those words of the Apologie;
Since the change of times from our exile,
Apol. p. 31.
we have indured that which to our spirits is no less grievous; the opposition and reproach of good men, even to the threatning of another banishment. No doubt but the Apologisers know what they say, and what they can say, if called to speak out. Besides, if the people had let them alone, should seem some Ministers would not. O, it was an unhappy Anticipation (O, if the will of God had been to have prevented it) that in the very nick, before the Assembly met, that two Books should forestall the Market, the one penned by a learned
Scot, and the other by a learned
English-man, that set the tongues of men so a wame.
First, to vomit out upon the five Ministers Tenet, and next to asperse their persons, before the Assembly had made one Syllogisme,
Hinc illae lachrymae. Hence the Apologie (poor meek thing) was forced to speak; and thereupon
A. S. so fiercly breathed (I had almost said brayed) out against it so many bitter words.
A. S. tels us in this his 4
th Consideration,
of the honour the Parliament shewed the Apologists, in calling them to be members of the Assembly, which was enough to justifie their persons from all aspersions, without any Apologie.
M. S. To this we answer; That they and their friends will ever acknowledge the Honourable
Parliaments great respect to them. And so much the more, in these times wherein great
A. S. and little, &c. do so labour to render them odious. But I think I should not cross the sense of the
Parliament if I should not make it an universall
major proposition: That all whom the Honourable
Parliament shall call to be members of the Assembly, are
ipso facto vindicated from all aspersions; and so to conclude, that all Episcopall Prelaticall men that in life and practise have been—if they should be called to be of the Assembly, were
eo nomine vindicated from all
[Page 20] aspersions. I am sure
de facto that some very learned men were called by the sweet indulgence of the honourable
Parliament for the common good to be Members of the grave Assembly, who since upon better knowledge of them, are by the
Parliament purged out of the Assembly (a good ridde, the Assembly is the better for their absence) and some are at
Oxford, see how
terse they be; and some in prison, see how their membership of the Assembly have vindicated them. Be sure of it, that the choice of men for the Assembly was to find men good, not to make them so. And two worthy
Parliament men of a County may not know at first all the faults in every Town, or the lint on every black coat. And therefore since that, the worthy
Parliament hath well brusht some.
If the
Parliament put never so much honour upon the five Ministers in calling them to the Assembly; yet since many have aspersed them, or some laboured how to make them odious to Kingdoms and Nations, and who but the order of
A. S. mainly instigating? And therefore this fully answers to your last
Quere in your fourth
Consideration. Whether this Apologie was necessary after the first cloud was neer over? every night must be cleared by a new rise of the Sun.
A. S. his 5
th Consideration, saith, That
the five Ministers do blame all
Protestant Churches as not having the power of godliness, and the profession thereof, with difference from carnall and formall Christians, advanced and held forth among them as among you,
which is commonly thought to be particularly intended against the Scots.
M. S. Sure it is no otherwise commonly thought to be particularly intended against the
Scots; and generally to blame all Protestant Churches, then in or by your common sense deriving
species, vain seemings to your phantasie, from your outward senses an evill eye ill affected. For the Apologie calls our dear brethren the
Scots, the more reformed Churches. And for the words
all, and
among you, whereby you would present them setting themselves as an opposite member of distinction to all Protestant Churches, and blaming them all as undistinguished from carnall and formall Christians, in comparison of them and their five Churches; the words
all and
you, are forged and foysted in by your self, and so must go for very falshoods charged upon them. The words of the Apologie are, 1.
That
Apol. p. 4.
they, and many others had but observed touching the non-advance of the power of godliness, &c. among some,
what themselves had generally acknowledged. The five Ministers do not charge it, but repeat it as confessed by themselves. 2. It is not said it was confessed, and they observed there was
no power of godliness, but i
[...] was not
advanced. 3. Nor is it said it was
not advanced, but not advanced
as in this our Island. This
Island being a common phrase, yea, and your phrase too in the title of your Book, to signifie
Scotland and
England both.
And then where is that particular intendment against Scotland; or the five Ministers laying their Churches in the ballance against other Churches?
Fourthly and lastly, they speake but
indefinitely in a contingent matter, and therefore can bee construed but of some particulars; and therefore did not ayme at
all. You know how highly they esteeme of
New-England, and therefore that is not excluded from the advance of the power of godlinesse, as in this Island of great Britaine English and Scots are included. However, as no man that is a knowing man either by hearsay or travell over the next Sea, will accuse Scotland as most carnall and formall (it were well for the world if in that, &c. others had not farre exceeded them) so none of us, except Pharisees, will excuse our Nations of remisnesse in advancing the power of godlinesse in apparent view above carnalitie and formalitie.
You see by our answer to the Apologie, that not that Apologie but your
will caused you to speake that which is not by wise men once to bee mentioned at this time, as if the Apologists intended to say any the least thing to grieve our brethren the Scots.
A. S. his seventh Consideration (for the sixth is non-sense, unlesse we put the interrogatorie point at Anabaptists, and so
A. S. to take unto him and them, hee ranks himselfe with all, calling them
us, I say, to take to him and them the Brownists and Anabaptists to be of his partie. Reader, view his sixth Consideration, whether you can make sense of it, I cannot, nor any thing of consequence; therefore answer not unto it) his seventh Consideration, I say, interrogates thus:
Many are desirous to know whether this Apologeticall Narration published by you five alone, be in the name of your five alone, or of all those also, or apart of those whom ye pretend to hold your tenets: if in the name of you five onely, whether ye five can arrogate a power unto you selves to maintaine these tenets as the constant opinion of all your Churches; having no generall confession of their faith thereabouts. If in the name of all the rest, we desire you would shew your Commission from all your Churches, &c.
M. S. Good Reader doe but turne about these interrogatories, and put them to
A. S. and put
A. S. in stead of the five Ministers, and you may kill
Goliah with his owne sword; if five Ministers have arrogated in the Apol. one
A. S. much more in his Reply. If
A. S. doth not like the conversion; we answer positively.
1. It's no arrogating for any Christian upon just occasion to make his confession of faith.
2. The confession of faith in doctrine that is in all the best reformed Churches is theirs; For one touching pure Discipline, it was not found in Scotland whiles the tyrannie of the Bishops prevailed. Whiles things
[Page 22] are in
fieri, a wise man will not expect them
in facto esse. Faith may bee when confession dares not appeare.
A. S. is angry with that confession of faith in the Apologie, and hath opened the mouthes of many others (as we heare) ready to barke too at it, they doe but stay their turnes, why then doth he call for more confession?
3. The godly learned Fathers,
Tertullian, Justin Martyr, &c. produced no authority from men to Apologize for the truth; the Scripture they Apologized for, bore them out.
4. The Parliament allow the five Ministers more,
viz. to shew their reasons; therefore the lesse, to shew their opinion.
5. A thousand and a thousand good Christians were glad to heare how the five Ministers dissented from the rigid Separation, and closed with the best reformed Churches (the sole businesse of the Apologie in effect) and thought that no good Protestants would have beene sorry for them.
A. S.
His eight Consid. interrogates the five Ministers thus; Whether yee desire a toleration for you five alone in your
(marke your)
Religion, for all the rest? Item, if a toleration in publick, in erecting of Churches apart? or to live quietly without troubling of the State? As for the last, appearingly ye may have it unsought. But for the rest, the Parliament is wise enough, and knoweth what is convenient for the Church of God.
M. S. An Apologie for the Apologists Church-way. Toleration, properly so called, is (saith learned
Capel) of things unlawfull: His words are,
The Law I know permitted usury to the Jewes, to the stranger, what of that? It followes the rather,
yet it is of it selfe a sinne, because permission is of sinnes, not of duties. Cap. Tempt. of Vsury. We are not, friend
A. S. come to that yet. To yeeld the one, or beg the other. Wee challenge it as your duty that are Protestants, to allow us our liberty that are Protestants, and hold with you, in Doctrine and Discipline, also in
substance; the difference being
an accident. 1. The
quantitie; you would have it extended to
Colloquies, provinciall Classes, &c. over every Church, which appeares not in Scripture, either name or thing. Wee would have it bounded within every particular Church made up to competent hundreds, with a sufficiencie of Church Officers for parts and number. And 2.
Necessity of constraint, for in appeales you would cite and constraine men to appeare before the said
Colloquies &
Classes, &c. For which there is not the least in the Scriptures; we would have a free voluntary recourse out of conscience to the brotherly advise of neighbour Churches, or a Synod, dogmatically to declare Christs minde unto us, and in case of refusall to submit to their judgement, having no ground in Scripture to refuse; the Advising Churches to renounce communion with the offending Church; and the particular Church to pronounce
excommunication against their offending
[Page 23] brother. So that the difference is not in
ente, sed modo: not in the
thing, but the
manner rather. We say therefore, it is your duty to give us our own, our liberty, as much (if not more) as we to let you alone, whiles both parties avouch that they are unconvinced as yet, of a possibility of a neerer agreement. We know not of the least clause of a sentence, or peece of an example in all the Scriptures, for any to constrain mens consciences by outward violence, positively to act contrary to their principles conscientiously held, or for any to yeeld thereunto. We have many passages to the contrary in Scripture.
The
Amorites gently intreated
Abraham and his family, and were confederate with them, Gen. 14. 13. So did the
Philistines, or men of
Gerar, Gen. 20. And before both, the
Egiptians, Gen. 12. 19. So did the men of
Gerar deale with
Isaac, Gen. 26. The
Sechemites said they would kindly intreat
Jacob and his sons, because they were peaceable, Gen. 34. 20, &c. The
Egiptians appoint
Goshen for the Israelites, to dwell peaceably in the midst of Egypt. The
Chaldeans or
Babylonians at length allow the Jewes the libertie of their religion, with all accommodations thereunto,
Nehem. and
Ezra throughout. Compare 2 Chron. 36. The
Romans likewise bare with the Jewes, and their Judaisme for many yeares both before and after Christs time. How much more therefore should
Protestants beare with
Protestants, who have spent their estates and blood in winning their joint liberty from the common enemy, Atheists, Papists, Neuters, Prelats, &c. Christs rule is to win men by instruction, and not to force men with destruction in matters of religion, Matth. 10. 14, 15. & v. 27, 28.
Luke 9. 54. 1 Cor. 7. 23. 2 Tim. 2. 24, 25. & 2 Tim. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4. with infinite more places. Nor doe we find in Scripture persecution to be raised by the Iewish Church against Religion, but onely when the divinely instituted ceremonies, which had got such esteem in the Iewes hearts, were about to be taken downe by the preaching of the libertie of the Gospel, and a spirituall worship, unknown as yet to the whole world. For in the Iewish Church before, and in Christ and the Apostles times, 1. were the
Sadduces, Matth. 16. 1. who denied the resurrection, Angels and Spirits, Acts 23. 8. 2. The
Pharisees, Matth. 23. who (though they confessed those) held Fate, Free-will, and humane Traditions.
See
Ioseph. lib. 3.
and Chem. in exam. Conc. Trident. part. p. 20. on 1 Tim. 5. 23. 1 Tim. 4. 3. Coloss. 2. 3. The
Assideans, Chasidim, or
Good men, Rom. 5. 7. (which
Assideans mentioned in the
Apocrypha, 1 Maccab. 7. 13. are translated by
Joseph,
[...],
Good men, lib: 12. cap. 16.) who studied to adde to the Scriptures, and professed to be holy above the law. 4. The
Essenes, who held it unlawfull to drink wine, forbad marriage, and commanded those
dogmata, (therefore Coloss. 2. the Apostle useth
[...], and
[...], being the
Esseans words)
Touch not, tast not, handle not; because the junior
Esseans
[Page 24] might not touch the Elders or Seniors, nor might tast, save onely bread, salt, water, and hyssop. 5. The
Pythagoreans, who held that the soule of the last departed, rose in the body of the next that was born.
Herod seems to be of this opinion,
Mat. 14. 1, 2. See the
Geneva notes on that place; yet we find no publick persecution raised by the Jewish Church against these, or of these one against another. So in the Church of
Corinth were divers odde, and some dangerous opinions, as doubting of the resurrection to come, conceiving it to be past already, yet no persecution moved against them. So in the Church of
Galatia, so in the 7. Churches of
Asia. The Churches force not them that are
without, by persecution, but are rebuked for not excommunicating, or neglect of convincing and reproving them that are
within. For later times, if the
Turks allow
Christians that are peaceable, the liberty of their conscience, both
Greeks, English, &c. and the
Spaniards, Germans, &c. permit the
Jewes; no wonder if the
Low-countrey-men permit severall opinions of Protestants among them. We are worse then the
Indians, if we should not deale kindly with orthodox Christians.
We justly abhor the ten persecutions, against the injustice whereof
Aristides, Justinus, Mileto Sardensis, Apollinaris, Athenagoras, Tertullianus, and others wrote Apologies in behalfe of Christian religion. And we justly abhor the
Spanish inquisition, the
English Marian persecutions, and the Bishops high Commission; against all which many worthy men have writ learnedly. And we have seen the event of endevouring to force conscience in matter of opinion or worship. On the one side, in
England it made many thousands of hypocrits, Church-papists, time-servers, &c. And on the other side, in
Holland and
Scotland it justly caused State-insurrections; and for the same reason wee also are legally now up in arms to obtaine assurance that we shall have the liberty of conscience and law.
I speak not this as if on the one hand I did now charge this upon the intentions of the State, God forbid.
His meliora spere. But onely I seasonably answer
A. S. and prevent what I can anyes turning
A. Ssians in their opinions or instigations. I hope it shall never be known in the world, that ever any persecuted the miscalled
-Separatists or
Independents, that are sound in opinion, pure in discipline, and holy in practice, save onely Papists and Prelaticall men. These were the first, and I hope shall be the last that ever persecuted the Saints of the most high. Nor on the other hand do I speak this as to intimate that I a prove a toleration of the broaching of all opinions, or any toleration of some practises.
1. The least venting of any
opinion against fundamentalls; as
Judaisme, denying Christ to be the true
M
[...]ssi
[...]s; Arrianisme and
Socinianisme, opposing the Deity of Jesus Christ;
Arminianisme, that questions the
[Page 25] person of the Holy Ghost:
Papisme, holding Justification by works; or that
Anabaptisme that denies the derivation of
Adams originall corruption to us, and the power of Christs grace to be conveyed to us without any spirituall power of our free will, (falsly supposed to be in us) or of the like
opinions, ought to be suppressed by due proportion, to that rule
That no man, or
Prophet, &c.
might intice his kindred, friend, or
neighbour to Idolatry, on pain of death, Deut. 13. 1. to 12. much less is the
practice of Idolatry or any impiety by proportion to the prohibition of blasphemy on pain of death,
Levit. 24. 11. to be tolerated. Yet to prevent Idolatry, the sword may be taken up,
Josh. 22. 11.
Negatively, the outward act, either of speaking such evill opinions, or doing such evill facts, may be restrained, and yet no violence done to the conscience to act contrary to it's inward dictates and perswasion, being not yet convinced they are evill. This being only a suspension and intermission of the outward man from acting towards others, not a coaction or subversion of the inward acts of judgement and understanding in himself. And so
Jewes, or
&c. may be permitted among Christians; so as they do not manifest their errors and defiance against the fundamentall truths; that so they may hear, and believe, and be converted, or how else shall they be won to the truth; and the promise of God fulfilled touching their call?
2. The spreading and practising of opinions that apparently tend to Libertine-licencious ungodliness, ought not quietly to be permitted. They cannot be suffered, but with sinne and reproof from Christ to the sufferers of them,
Rev. 2.
v. 14. to
v. 21. where two Churches,
viz. Pergamos, and
Thyatir
[...], are charged with sinne, and reproved by Christ for
having among them and
suffering Balaamines, Nicolaitans, and
Jezabellians to vent such opinions,
viz. 1. That under pretence of liberty and charity, wives were to be common. 2. Vnder pretence of avoiding scandals and perils, it was lawfull for Christians to be present at the the sacred things, Idolatries and joviall banquettings of
Pagans, as
Vide Port. in 2 Revel things indifferent. These in the Churches ought to have been excommunicated (if refractory) out of the Churches. These, not of any Church (if they will not be convinced by conference with the Churches) ought to be restrained from their evill practises by the Magistrate, according to the examples of the pious Kings reforming abuses, upon the ground of
Moses penning of
politique laws to punish them that could not be accounted me
[...]t members of a Church, for their lewd lives.
3. For those opinions that are neither against fundamentals, nor tend to licenciousness; but strive to beat out truths, thereby to creep closer to the rule, to walk more evenly, in the path, both of Doctrine
[Page 26] and Discipline; and will in both by a strict bond
amongst themselves walk as exactly as by any power Ecclesiastical
without them, set above them a (their own will shall be in stead of others lawes) I say, such opinions are not to be restrained, either from all divulging or practising, that wee can finde by any Scripture. We wave the question now;
Which is the only true form of Discipline? and put the case in generall,
What opinions and practices that are conscienciously taken up ought to be left unrestrained? To which our answer is, that this sort here are they; or else how shall there be a
trying all things, a
trying of the spirits, a discovery of new light and
present truths prophesied to be revealed in their severall periods of times? If any be contrary-minded, we shall be glad to hear their grounds; till they produce those, and make them clear to the Churches, wee ask our due, a quiet permission to injoy that liberty which Christ hath bought, and the Gospel brought; and not to be jeered by any
A. S. as here; who tells the five Ministers that to live quietly without troubling the State, they may have it appearingly unsought. Let the world judge, whether here be not a saucy jeer, both in matter and form of speech. I would
A. S. had made use of that toleration, and then he had not so intolerably troubled a Kingdome. Or else if he had no stomack at first to be quiet, if for some days he had but had somewhat
appearingly allowed him to bite upon, somewhat
appearingly to quench his thirst, he would have had a stomack rather to eat and drink, then bite and jeere. He is so passionate, that hee doth not remember what he says in one page, so as it may be reconciled to another. Here he saith,
the Parliament is wise enough, and knoweth what is convenient for the Church of God: (you may perceive his meaning by reading his Interrogatory) yet in his Annotation upon the inscript of the Apologie,
pag. 5.
He supposeth that the Parliament should arrogate, if it should take upon it any directive power in matters of Religion. If he hath any Scholastick quillet to reconcile this within himself, it is more then the common people and
weak brethren he writes to know of.
M. S. Note that A. S.
bath one Consideration more; But were it not that it it did answer it self, I should have been too weary of his former inconsiderate considerations to have staid here, being eager to come to his book.
1. He saith, that they ayme at
separation (he meanes the five Ministers, though they disclaime it in their Apologie, unlesse to separate as our brethren the Scots did from Prelaticall coaction) should
tolerate some small pretended defects (they are but
pretended) yet he saith not
approved by those from whom they desire to separate.
2. He saith, the Church (from which the five Ministers would separate) testifies a great desire to reforme
defects, yet those defects, saith he, are but
pretended to be in it.
[Page 27] 3. Hee thinkes that the five Ministers should doe better to stay in the Church, to reforme abuses, then by separation to let the Church perish in abuses. Now he supposeth,
destroying abuses; and would have the five Ministers stay to helpe reforme; yet he is angry with their Apologie, that doth but sigh forth an intimation of neede of reformation. And so angry that he would (as ye heard in his second consideration, its so long since that he hath forgotten it) have the five Ministers quit the Assembly.
A. S.
his Annotations upon the inscription of the Apologists Narration.
M. S. If I thought
A. S. had any skill in Physick, I would aske him whether by
Annotations, he meanes, as the Physitians speake,
Annotationes incompressas, becticarum febrium indicia, violent annotations are signes of an hectick feaver in his vitall parts.
A. S.
All Apologies suppose some accusation, which here appeares none.
M. S. Not to meddle with your English, which is scarse grammaticall, you are intreated to speake true. Doth not the Apologie begin and end with sad complaints? Remember our answer to your fourth Consideration.
A. S.
If intended for an Answer to that which hath been written against your opinions, it comes very short, weake, and slender.
M. S. Why then would you fight with a fly? The Mouse told the Elephant, that he would never get honour in killing a silly Mouse. Why did you bestow so much Oratorie and Logicke, to clap it and fisticuffe it?
A. S.
Neither is it a meere Apologeticall Narration, but also a grievous accusation against all our Churches, as destitute of the power of godlinesse.
M. S. This indeede is a false accusation, as we have cleered it in our Answer to your fift Consideration.
A. S.
The Apologie saith, humbly submitted &c. So humbly submitted to the honourable Houses of Parliament, as if they submit not themselves to your desires, &c. for any thing I can see, yee seem no wayes minded to submit your selves to theirs.
M. S. I am sorry your eyes should be so dim, or your selfe so to doat. All indifferent men can see in the Apologie abundance of propensitie to submit to them according to truth; farre more then there is in one
A. S. to submit to five Ministers, whose holinesse you admire, and whose learning you extoll.
A. S.
You being Divines, ye should rather first have consulted with the Assembly of Divines, your brethren, then so ex abrupto
gone to the Civill Magistrate, that arrogates not to himselfe any directive power in matters of Religion,
[Page 28]
this is more convenient to the spirit and power of godlinesse, that the spirit of the Prophets in such matters should be subject to the Prophets, then unto the spirit of the Civill Magistrate.
M. S. Marke how this fellow A. S. 1. supposeth it arrogancie in the Parliament to have any directive power in matters of Religion, in case the Assembly (which God forbid) should mistake. Surely by this bold expression he would not have the Parliament judge of the reasons of the Assembly in case of dissent. Least of all doth A. S. consider that the Parliament are Members of many excellent Churches; That they laid downe the Common Prayer book in their houses before some Presbyterians could see reason to doe so. That the Parliament so looked on the Assembly chosen by them, as not to take things meerely upon trust, but see with their owne eyes.
2. He dreamingly supposeth that either our Assembly is like the Assembly of Scotland for breadth and strength; or else hee takes them for
a Church, and in the act of prophesying; which last I wonder A. S. being a rank Presbyterian should in the least allow of, and call the five Ministers to the rule thereof.
3. A. S. supposeth that it is lesse convenient to the power of godliness for the wronged five Ministers to appeale to the Civill Magistrate in Parliament.
4.
A. S. supposeth, that because the Parliament have chosen the
Assembly, that therefore some men in some cases at least, should wave the Parliament, and goe to the
Assembly. This is
A. S. his fine intimation prompted to all scandalous and false teaching erroneous Ministers, to take up and learne, in their cases relating to Religion, to wave the Parliament, and to goe to the
Assembly.
5.
A. S. supposeth that the
Assembly would bee so unwise (see what a silly fellow
A. S. is) as to goe beyond their Ordinance, to judge one anther. When as they will take upon them no such thing, not so much as to cast out, or take in one member, without the Parliament: much lesse will they judge persons that shall wrong the five Ministers that are not of the Assembly.
The rest of his Annotations on the Inscription are but meare paper blots, and therefore I omit them.
A Preface to the READER,
by way of Introduction, to the insuing part of the
Discourse, which respecteth the Book it self.
HAving diligently perused the
Cacologeticall or rough commentaries of
A. S. upon the smooth
Apologeticall Narration of the five Ministers, I finde the greatest difficulty, that hee is like to encounter, who by a sober Answer shall desire to make the world amends for that injury, which that writing hath done it, is this, how to make his answer soft' enough. For the truth is, that here is much more anger or passion, then reason, to turn away, and the Wiseman informs us, that it is
A soft Answer that turneth away wrath, Prov. 15. 1. If
A. S. could be but redeemed out of the hand of that great jealousie, wherewith he burns over his present apprehensions
in re Presbyterali, though all the arguments, and strength of discourse, wherewith his judgement is supported therein, were left intire to him, he would be found in a sufficient posture himself, to do himself the right of giving satisfaction unto the world, for the wrong he hath done it, in that discourse, and to make his atonement with his own pen. Though in many cases Anger is able to do more then reason can undo; yet in matter of argument or writing, the little finger of a mans reason is commonly able to pull down what the loins of his passion hath in a tumultuary way and method built up. Any man that shall but diligently observe the endless variety and multitude of keen expostulations, imperious interrogations, the importune, peremptory, and insulting charges, criminations and aspersions, the wrigglings, wringings, wrestings, wranglings, the strainings, stretchings, stingings, stinglings, the captious, crooked, and cross-grain'd Interpretations of things, wherewith that piece is farced in an unreasonable proportion to the bulk of it, cannot lightly but conclude, that Indignation was the chief Oracle consulted with, about the framing of it.
But because I would willingly decline all occasions of heat and recrimination, as far as a sober and just vindication, not so much of the persons, as of the cause so evill-intreated therein, will bear, I shall chiefly confer with
A. S. about his Reals, and leave men of common civility to determine and judge of his personalls; unless (possibly) somewhat
[Page 30] in this kinde shall now and then occasionally fall in. I make no question but that the Apologists will be well able to bear it, that the cause which they maintain, should have the preeminence of their persons, in point of defence; nor are they so scanted in the consciousness of their own worth and innocence, but that they are very well able to be out, and bear the want of so much of their reputation for a time, as the
Observations and
Annotations of, I know not who, have unjustly taken from them; especially, in case they shall see it bestowed by their friends upon the accommodation of that honourable cause wherein they are ingaged and declared.
Since the former impression of this Discourse, I perceive there is yet more anger and indignation broke forth into the world against that harmless, gall-less and Dove-like
Apologeticall Narration; concerning which, that may be truly said (though in a different sense) which
Ausonius said of none of the worst Emperours in his Epitaph:
Marcus Antonius. Auson. de duodecim Caesaribus, &c.
Hoc solo Patriae, quòd genuit, nocuit.
All the harm it hath done to the World or its Country, only is this, it hath begotten, and that not in its own likeness, children of sweet, sober, and temperate spirits, but rough blustering Borean
Observations and
Annotations,
Aelian. lib. 1. cap. 29. ghastly
Anatomies, with some such other Heterogeneall fiery impressions.
Aelian makes report of a strange prodigie once happening in a Grecian Island,
viz. That a Sheep brought forth a Lion; This Lion brought forth with this remarkable and eminent contrariety to the course of nature, presag'd (as the same Author relateth) tyrannie. I had much rather be a benefactor to the world by the communication of my hopes to it, when I have any that may befriend it; then to draw any man into pain or trouble with my self, by imparting my fears. But when Sheep bring forth Lions, and Doves Serpents, and calm Christian-like spirited discourses, invective, bitter, and high rising raging
Answers and
Replies, Difficile est prophetiam non scribere; Who can but prophecie? God of his mercy destroy the sign, and make the prediction vain.
As for the Author of the black
Observations and
Annotations,
[...], he hath his wages well paid into his bosome for his work, in the precedent and subsequent of this Discourse:
[...]!
As for
Levi the
Anatomist, who hath joyned himself with his brother
Anatomie of Independencie, &c.
Simeon the
Annotator, to massacre the innocent
Narration, though for the present hee hath taken sanctuary under the shadow of the Figure
Anonymi, and for fear of the worst, I mean dishonour and disgrace, (for fear of authority in this case, swimming with the Presbyterian stream, hee could have none) playes least in fight with his name, yet I make no question but
[Page 31] his day also is in coming, wherein his false translation of streight actions into crook'd reports, will be corrected and amended according to the originall, and the mysterie of his intentions in that translation, truly translated into the knowledge and understanding of all men. This
Anatomicall or cutting Discourse, according to my
A. S. his calculation, wants nothing of a perfect libell, but only that it hath the formality of an
Imprimatur to cover that nakedness of it; otherwise, as well in the Privatives of it, as Positives, I mean, as well in respect of the want of the Authors name, as of the matter and content of it,
quantus quantus est, sapit libellum eúm
(que) famosum. Suppose his Narrative of Independent infirmities and miscarriages, would abide the touchstone; yet was it a grand over-sight in a man pretending to so much knowledge and wisdome, as hee seems to do in this piece, not to consider, whether the dung-hils of Princes as well as of Peasants do not afford rags to them that will rake in them: whether the independent story, though written by an adversary, yeelds that proportion in weakness, which the Presbyterian Commentaries, if but unpartially penn'd, would do in wickedness. I am not afraid to refer it to the conscience of the
Anatomist himself to judge and say, under which of the two governments, the throne of Satan is lift up the higher; and whether thefts, rapines, murthers, drunkenness, blasphemies, sorceries, witchcrafts, &c. reign (and are like to continue reigning) more in the Independent, then Classique territories. But I trust the men, upon whose faces that dirt is cast, will wipe themselves clean in due time, and wrest the dissecting knife out of the
Anatomist's hand. I hear a bird sing, that the bird in their breasts sings a note of innocencie from those aspersions: For the present, I shall leave this Author to the reward of those that intend to do God service in persecuting his Saints.
There is another Advocate for the Presbyterian cause step'd forth lately upon the Stage, who adventures his name upon the confidence (it seems) which he hath of his work: 'Tis intituled,
A Confutation of the Anabaptists by T. B. This man with a party of his discourse, faces the
Anabaptists, whilest with the main body of it he falls in upon the quarters of the
Independents; in which respect, though I cannot justifie him in his
intentions, yet, as touching matter of
execution, I judge him innocent:
Animum nocentem, calamum innocentem gerit, Independencie (if I mistake not very much) will never fall by the edge of his sword.
But
(Reader) when shall we see an end of these disputes in the world? and when shall the names of Presbyterian & Independent (with all others of the like troublesome and jarring importance) cease from amongst us?
I cannot prophesie unto thee the justness of the time, when this great wonder shall be; but some few signes of this time approaching (if ever it
[Page 32] shall approach) I conceive I am able to inform thee.
First, when men shall begin to grow to a clearness, singleness, honourableness and Christian-like greatness in their ends, making themselves and their own interests, their foot-stool, and the glory of God, and the publike accommodation of the world, their throne; this is one great sign that that golden age we speak of, is at the door. The reason is, because there is no hope (scarce a possibility) of a general accord amongst men in any degree conscientious, but in the truth, or mind of God revealed in the Scriptures. No other band is like ever to gather them all, or hold them longer fast together. The reason of this is, because in a great society or communion of men, worshipping God aright, (I mean with uprightnesse of heart) it is seldome or never sound, but that some of them, fewer or more, have the truth of God revealed to them, some in one point, and others in another, and that with such assurance, or evidence of understanding, that no arguments or reasonings to the contrary whatsoever are able to remove them, or alter their judgements therein. So that except all the rest shall come over unto them, and joyn with them in such particulars as these, there is no possibility of a thorough union in judgement between them. Now there is no way, means, or method more probable and hopefull to bring men to the knowledge of the truth, or (which is the same) of the mind of God delivered in the Scriptures, in all things, then that simplicity or Christian nobleness of spirit (which we spake of) in their ends. The reason is, because the tenour, frame and constituting principles of the Scriptures are cast, moulded and ordered by him that is the great Author of them, on purpose to comport and fall in with such ends, as were mentioned,
viz. his own glory, and the publike accommodation of men from every particular: and on the contrary, to oppose, thwart, and cross every man in all his personall and particular ends whatsoever, which have not a perfect & intire consistence with those other. So that he that is inspired, acted, and led by those high and noble ends, the magnifying of God, and doing good to the community of men, can have no occasion or tentation at any time upon him to bow, strain, force, or wrest any Scripture, because in their native and proper sense and tendencie, they comply with him, and (as the Hebrew phrase is) speak to his heart; whereas on the contrary, if men be ingaged in self-ends and aims, which are incompliant with the glory of God, and the general good of men, as when they make these their foot-stool, and their own honor or greatness, their throne, they have a strong tentation, amounting to little less then a necessity upon them, to deal violently with the Scriptures, to bend and strain, and force them out of their owne rectitude and streightness, because otherwise they wil not countenance or comply with them in their crooked ends, but condemn them.
He that intends to make hoops of a clean streight-bodies tree, must in the working of it alter the comely shape and streightnesse of it, wherein it grew, and bend, and crook, and bow quite round, all that he imployeth of it to such a purpose, whereas he whose Art and intent is to make Javelins, Lances, Pikes, or the like, of such a tree, hath no occasion to alter the native shape or figure of it in point of streightnesse, because Nature it self had fitted it to his hand in this respect for such uses and purposes as these; nay, this man should do against himselfe, if he should alter them: In like manner, they who seeke themselves in wayes and ends which contradict the lawfull peace and comforts of other men, if withall they desire to have their proceedings countenanced and attested by the Scripture for just and good, they must of necessity suborn them, and make them speak what the holy Ghost never meant they should speak; whereas those men who value not, regard not themselves but in their order and due subordination, and are willing to gird themselves and serve, til God and men have first eaten, and can be content with the reversions and broken meat of their table, be they never so mean; these men (I say) need not solicit or importune the Scriptures for their testimony or compliance with them in their way, because their native inspiration from God, leads them willingly, yea rejoycingly, yea triumphantly hereunto. Such men should but prevaricate with themselves and their own ends, if they should go about to make one haire of the head of the Scripture, either black or white, which the holy Ghost hath not made such to their hand. Therefore whiles some men shall seeke to adorn their own names and reputations with the plunder and spoyls of other mens, and lay the foundations of their owne greatnesse in the rulnes of the lawfull comforts and peace of others, there is no hope of a generall or through accommodation in matters of religion. It is impossible that such men should comport with the truth in their way, and consequently with those who embrace the truth. Nor will any method of violence, as either imprisoning, fining, crushing, suppressing, banishing cutting off by death, or the like, be able to advance that unity and accord which we al lust after, though some in Gods way, others in their own: the very ghosts, and shadows, and memories of those that shal suffer in any of these kinds, for conscience towards God, will be as so many spirits of divisions, dissentions, and distractions amongst those that will chuse no other Arbitrators to comprimize, their differences, but the
Sword and
Blood.
Another figne of those Halcyon days approaching, so much desired by us all, wherin all gusts, and winds, & storms of contrary doctrines, opinions, and Sects in religion, shal be turned into a sweet calm of an universal unity and accord, is this: when Apostles, Prophets, Evangelists, Pastors and Teachers, shall be no more turned into Councels, Synods, and secular Armes: I
[Page 34] mean, when men shall be freely permitted, without feare or danger of molestation, to consult with the Apostles, Prophets, &c. of what religion it were best for them to be, without having their judgments emancipated, forestalled and over-awed by the definitive, and compulsory determinations, and allowances of other men▪
The reason hereof is, because the writings of the Apostles, Prophets, & Evangelists, with the Ministery of faithfull Pastors and Teachers, are sanctified and set apart by God, for this very end and purpose, namely,
the perfecting the Saints, &c. till they all come into the unity of the Faith, &c. Therefore whilst Councels, Synods, &c. shall intrude, or step in, as new Apostles,
Ephes. 4 13. Prophets and Evangelists, of another order, between those Apostles, Prophets and Evangelists, and those Pastors and Teachers, which Christ hath given for the setling of an universall peace and unity throughout all the Churches of his Saints, in due time, to interrupt & intercept them in their work and way, so that they can never have the judgments & consciences of men in their native ingenuity and freedome to work upon, but still upon the disadvantage of Synodical impressions and forestallments, partly with fear, partly with favour, partly with hope and conceit of the truth, there is little hope of seeing the vision of joy and glory in the world, I mean the Saints and Servants of Jesus Christ universally kissing and embracing one another in the armes of unity, truth and peace. It is in vain to wash in
Abanah or
Pharphar, when onely the waters of
Jordan are sanctified for the cure. To commit adultery, is not the way to increase, though flesh and blood should determine for it.
They shall eate (saith God)
and not have enough: they shall commit adultery and not increase, because they have left off to take heed unto the Lord, that is, because they had substituted their own wisdome and inventions in stead of his, for bringing their desires and ends to passe,
Hos. 4. 10.
Thirdly (and lastly) when the generality of men professing godliness and religion, shall be content to furnish themselves with religion (I mean with knowledge in religion) by smaller parcels, as the stock of their own judgements and understanding shall be able from time to time to accommodate them, and shall make scruple of taking it up by whole sale from Synods, Councels, and Books, only for ease and cheapness sake: this also is as the putting forth of the Fig-tree, which shewes the Summer of an universall accord amongst the Saints, to be at hand. The reason is, because God hath promised (and will perform accordingly) that
if men shall apply their heart to understanding, and shall cry after knowledge, and seek her as silver, and search for her as for hid treasure, they shall then understand the feare of the Lord, and find the knowledge of God, Prov. 2. 2, 3, 4. But there is no promise made, that they who to favour themselves, and to gratifie the flesh, and to save the
[Page 35] labour of seeking and searching after knowledge, shall take in the dictates and resolutions of men, and call them
knowledge and
understanding, without any more adoe, shall either find
the fear of the Lord, or true
knowledge of God. Now till men shall generally
find the fear of the Lord, and the true
knowledge of God, (which is not like to be out of that way, which the promise of God mentioned hath sanctified thereunto) there will be little hope of the generall meeting of men in the bond of peace, as was formerly argued in another of these signes.
Fourthly and lastly, when Christian States, and men of soundest judgment, greatest learning, parts and abilities therein, shal give free liberty to men look'd upon as opposite in judgment to the truth, to publish and openly declare the grounds & reasons of their judgments in each particular, and not compell them either to keep them burning or glowing in their own breasts, or else to propagate and vent them privatly, and amongst persons that have neither learning nor abilities in any kind, to encounter or oppose them; this is another hopefull signe that the dayes of a generall accommodation in matters of religion, are comming upon the world.
The reason of this is plain, because till truth reigne among the Saints, Peace is not like to reigne, (the reason whereof hath been already given) nor will Truth ever reigne like unto herself, till all her enemies (I mean errors and misprisions in matters of Religion) be subdued and brought under her feet. Nor is there any likelihood in a way of reason or ordinary providence, that such enemies of the truth should ever be subdued, til they come to look those sons of Truth in the face, who are anointed by God with a spirit of wisdome and understanding, for the confutation and utter abolishment of them. Doubtlesse one main reason why errours, and fond and foul opinions do still propagate & prevail with so high an hand amongst us, is, because these Ministers and Teachers are suffered to have none other vent for them, but only amongst people that are children in understanding, and not furnished with strength of knowledge, or parts of learning to withstand them. The common proverb hath somwhat in it to this purpose;
Inter eaecos etiam luscus potest regna
[...]e, A man with one eye will make a goodly King over those that are blind.
Reader, the Preface hath done with thee, and recommends thee to the Booke, where it wisheth a happy greeting between thy judgment and the truth.
Chap. 1.
Concerning the directive power in matters Ecclesiasticall, and which concern Religion; whether, how, or in what sense, it may be conceived to reside, in the civill Magistrate, Synods or other men.
Sect. 1. A. S.
Pag. 5. hath this left-handed expression concerning the civill Magistrate,
That he arrogates not to himself any directive power in matters of Religion The Reader must do him a courtesie in finding him out a very soft sense for the word
arrogate; otherwise, he will be found in a misprision of a foul insinuation against the Civill Magistrate, as,
viz. that he arrogates,
i. (in the ordinary construction of the word) proudly assumes to himself, when he claims or exerciseth
[Page 36] that
executive, coercive, & externall power, in and about matters of Religion, w
ch yet
A. S. himself in the very next
page, knowing on which side to butter his owne bread, ascribes unto him: For, as he that should say of
A. S. by way of commendation, that he never corrupted a matron, or woman in marriage, should yet hereby reflect a shrewd suspition upon him, that his innocency in this kind could not so well be avouched, in respect of Virgins, or others of that sex, out of matrimoniall relation: in like maner,
A. S. himself intending an honorable purgation or vindicatiō of the civil Magistrate in these words,
That he arrogates not to himself any directive power in matters of Religion, doth he not by the same rule of Antithetical relation (or implication) imply that he doth
arrogate another power, which stands in a Relative opposition to it, which (according to his own distribution) is
an executive, coercitive, & external power, in & about matters of religion? but I marvel, that the man should here so cleanly wipe the civil Magistrate of
a directive power in matters of Religion, when as but a few pages before, in his 8.
Observ. he had pleaded
wisdome enough in the Parliament to know what is convenient for the Church of God. If the Parliament be wise enough to know what is convenient for the Church, I know no reason why that Directive power here spoken of, should be derogated, or taken from them, especially by those, who (it is much to be feared) are much straitned in respect of a spirit of that wisedome themselves. Surely
A. S. in saying
that the Parliament is wise enough to know what is convenient for the Church, hath sifted the Synod or Assembly, with a sieve of vanity, and broke the head of the necessity thereof; & so is guilty of a far higher misdemeanour against it, then the Apologists are in any thing that they have done, or said, yea or then himself layeth to their charge; which yet is his rod of scorpions to scourge them from place to place.
Turpe est Doctori, cum culpa redarguit ipsum.
Sect. 2. But let us consider a little more narrowly, whether
A. S. hath quited himself like a Doctor of the Chaire, in stripping the civill Magistrate of
a Directive power in matters of Religion, and putting on him in stead thereof, the purple robe of
an executive, coercitive and externall power only. pag. 6.
1. By such an umpirage and decision as this between the civill Magistrate, and himself, with his fellow Presbyters, hath he not made the one
Iudex, and the other
Carnifex: the one must give the sentence, the other must do the execution? The Civil Magistrate is much beholding to the Presbyter, for giving of him a consecrated sword to fight the Presbyterian battells; and for perswading him to pull out his own eys, upon this presumption, that he shall see better with his. I perceive Presbyterie is policy in the highest: and seeks to put the Magistrate between it self, and the envie and discontent of the people; and yet nevertheless, hopes to gain from the hand of the Magistrate such an interpretation of this practice, as thereby to be esteemed the best and faithfullest friend it hath in all the world. This cunning of the spirit we now speak of, puts me in minde of the Ape, that took the Spaniels foot to pull the Chess-nut out of the fire. Surely the frame and constitution of Presbyterie is exactly calculated for the meridian of this present world; but whether it will indifferently serve for that which is to come,
totus dubito, I am in doubt all over. And indeed,
A. S. himself is somwhat ingenuous in acknowledging, that this government hath litle or no relation unto, or compliance with, the world which is to come, professing, p. 13.
the externall peace of the Church, to be the adaequate end thereof.
[Page 37] 2. I would gladly be informed, whether
A. S. thinks it reasonable,
Sect. 3 meet, or Christian, that the civill Magistrate, should immediately, hand over head, without distinction, without searching (for his owne satisfaction) into the equitablenesse, and lawfulnesse of what a Presbyterie or Synod shall commend unto him for execution, interesse himselfe in the execution of whatsoever shall be so recommended and presented unto him? I presume
A. S. will not arrogate unto himselfe, nor to his Assembly, an infallibilitie, though (in some places) I find him very loath to abate this in the reckoning (if it would be allowed;) and the truth is, that the whole fabrique (well-nigh) of his discourse, to make it rationall, and any thing to purpose, requires such a supposition for the bottom and foundation of it, as this. Yet pag. 8. he condescendeth so low, as to number himselfe amongst those, who
know that they know but in part: and pag. 9. amongst those that are
conscious of their owne infirmity: which principle if he would please to follow home, it would teach him to cast away the greatest part of his discourse with indignation, and to say unto it,
get thee hence. If he grants a possibility of errour or unrighteousnesse in the results and awards, whether of his Presbytery or Assembly, which are supposed to be transmitted to the Magistrate for execution; he cannot, speaking like a man, deny him a lawfulnesse of power, no nor yet a necessitie by way of duty, to examine and judge them, whether they bee lawfull or meet to bee put in execution, or no. And he that hath a power to judge and to determine, what is meet to be done, or not done, executed, or not executed, in matters of Religion, may bee said to have a
Directive power in such things (at least in the common sense and notion of a
Directive power) as well as an Executive. But
3.
A. S. should be friend my intellect very much, to tell me plainly
Sect. 4 and distinctly, what he means by a
Directive power in matters of Religion; being (as it should seeme) a daintie morsell, which hee would faine complement away from the Parliament and civill Magistrate, and snatch away from all others, for himselfe and his friends (Presbyteriall Ecclesiastiques) to make merry with. 1. If by a
Directive power, he meanes a liberty or power of considering, advising, and proposing of what may be expedient to be done in matters of Religon, and for the good of the Church; I know no man but is interessed in such a power: As when the Tabernacle was to be built, every man had power to bring and offer what hee had, and what his heart served him to part with for such a purpose, towards the edification and furnishing of it. But why this liberty or power should be denied unto the Parliament
[Page 38] or Civill Magistrate, upon whom principally the charge lyeth to provide quietnesse and peace for the Churches within the verge of their temporall jurisdiction; reason (doubtlesse) on this side the Moone there lyeth none; and
A. S. must be very Seraphicall to finde any.
2. If by
a Directive power, he meanes an authoritative power, to conclude,
Sect. 5 say, and set down, what shall, must, or ought to be done, against all contradiction,
in matters of Religion, I know no subject capable of such a power, but onely he that is above all the Predicaments in Logique, or he
to whom all power is given, both in Heaven and on earth. Certain I am, that neither the one nor the other can be invested with any greater power, then this. If the Presbyterians demand such a
Directive power as this, let them ask the Crowne, Throne, and Kingdome of Christ also.
3. If by a
Directive power he means, a prudentiall faculty or ability,
Sect. 6 to direct, order, or prescribe, whether unto a mans selfe or others, what in a way of reason, humane conjecture, or probability, is best and fittest to be done, followed, or imbraced in matters of Religion, as I would not deny this power (and that in somewhat a more excellent degree) to
A. S. his Presbytery or Synod, (alwayes provided that the constituting members of either, be of a sound constitution, as well for spirituall wisedome, as for meeknesse and humility) so is it not by
A. S. to be denied to many private members of particular Churches; daily experience teaching us, that God gives of this prudentiall facultie unto many of these, by the Ephah, whereas to many Pastors it is given but by the Omer. And if this be the Directive power which he meanes, though he seeks to allure the Parliament from the claim of it, by fastening a complementall commendation of modesty upon them, by way of exchange for it, proclaiming it unto the world, that they
doe not arrogate it to themselves; yet they doe claim it, yea, and exercise, act, and make use of it, from day to day, as occasion requireth. 1. In contriving and publishing their Ordinance for calling the Assembly (formerly mentioned) they exercised such a power, as we now speak of. 2. In limiting those that were to be of the Assembly, to the subject or Argument, on which it was permitted unto them to debate and treat (as appeares by the Ordinance they did) they did no lesse. 3. In appointing and ordering them not to determine or conclude of things as they pleased by plurality of votes, but
to deliver their opinions and advices as should be most agreeable to the word of God (another proviso in the Ordinance) they did the same. 4. In injoyning them,
in case
[Page 39]
of difference of opinions between them, to present the same, together with the reasons thereof, unto both Houses (another member of that Ordinance) they did every whit as much. 5. In their nomination and calling such and such Ministers or Divines by name, and not others, to bee of the Assembly, they acted the same power. 6. In framing the temper and constitution of the Assembly, allaying it with such and such members of their own, they steer'd the same course. 7. And lastly (to omit many other particulars of like consideration) in their messages or directions sent unto them from time to time, how to proceed, what particulars to wave for the present, what to fall upon, and to debate, to hasten the issue of their consultations, with the like, what doe they else but claim and exercise such a
Directive power in matters of Religion, as we last distinguished?
If
A. S. hath any other notion of his
Directive power in matters of
Sect. 7
Religion, besides these three, my soule hath not yet entred into that his secret; but waits for his opening a doore unto me by which it may. He taxeth the Apologists once and again for generalities, and obscurities in their expressions: But he that saith,
A man should not steal, commits sacriledge himself.
4. Whereas harping still upon the same string, (the sound whereof
Sect. 8 is so melodious in his own eares, how harsh soever in other mens) he chargeth the Apologists, for
going against the Parliaments intention, in case they think,
that they should judge of questions in debate between them and their brethren; surely he speaks rather as he would have it, then as he hath any ground to speake. If he had plowed with their Heifer, consulted with their expressions of themselves in reference to their intentions in this kind, he would have assoyled their riddle farre otherwise. For to what purpose should they injoyne the Assembly (as we lately heard they doe in the Ordinance mentioned)
in case of difference of opinions between them, to present the same, together with the reasons therof, unto both Houses of Parliament, if they had no intention to umpire or judge between them? Have they a desire to look upon such differences as some rare sight, or pleasant spectacle, onely to solace and delight themselves with them? And why doth the tenour of their delegation of power to the Assembly, run in this strain,
To deliver their opinions and advices, as should be most agreeable to the word of God? Do's any man desire the opinion and advice of another in any matter that concerns him, without any intention of considering or judging of them?
But
A. S. is as cunning as
A. C. and would fain commend his care
Sect. 9 and tendernesse over the Parliament, in the things of their honour and
[Page 40] peace, by insinuating unto them a non-vocation from God, to doe any thing with their judgments and understanding
in matters of Religion, but all things (without exception) with their hand and power, that the Assembly, whether out of their judgments or affections, shall propose or
dictate unto them.
A. S. (I believe) is a brother of the stronger side of the Assembly; otherwise it is every whit as much to be feared, that he would have Arminianiz'd as much, if not far more then the Apologists have done. But if the Parliament hath no calling from God, to judge of matters between the Apologists and their Brethren (the Assemblers) I would willingly know who hath? or whether it be reasonable, that the Apologists matters yet remaining undecided, and unjudged between them and their Brethren, should suffer as men convicted, only because their adversaries and accusers (the Brethren yee wot of) are more in number then they, and will needs continue adversaries to them? Our Saviours testimony concerning himselfe and his own cause, was a thousand times more authentique and valid then the testimony of never so many men, take the best of the whole generation, is in theirs; and yet he said,
If I beare witnesse of my selfe, my witnesse is not true, (Joh. 5. 31.) That is, it is not formally, or in a legall interpretation, true; it is not true upon any such termes, but that you may reasonably wave it, if you apprehend that you have grounds to do it.
But (saith he)
there is another that beareth witness of me, &c. The testimony of a thousand men in a case which equally (or though it bee with some inequality) concernes themselves, is of no more validitie or authoritie, then of a particular man, in a case relating onely to himselfe. Yea, a good mans conscience, in matters relating unto himselfe, is never in more danger of suffering, then in a crowd, concern'd in the same manner with him. It is the saying of one, that
etiam ex timidissimis animalibus acris multitudo cogi potest, that is, you may make a fierce company of the fearfullest creatures that are, if you put enough of them together; so frequent experience sheweth, that
etiam ex aequissimis hominibus iniqua multitudo cogi potest; you may make a bad assembly, of the best men.
Besides,
A. S. himself affirms,
p. 38.
That to be both Judge and Party in
Sect. 10
one cause cannot be granted to those that have no authoritative power one over another: and that
Par in Parem non habet imperium. Therefore why should the Apologists fall in judgement by the hand of those that are parties, and but equall to them? Again, It is his own reasoning,
pag. 45.
If all Churches were equall (as for ought I know, or that
A. S. alledgeth to the contrary, they are)
there can neither be superiours nor
[Page 41]
inferiours, and consequently no obedience or disobedience. And if
Justice consisteth not in an Arithmeticalls but Geometrical, proportion (which is his own saying,
pag. 70. and somewhat more rationall and less Presbyteriall, then most of it's fellows are) then is there no reason, that peremptoriness of vote, how Arithmetically so ever priviledged, but weight and worth of argument, should carry it against them. Which how it may fall, when God shall cancell or reverse the Sciptures that now are, and make a new revelation of himself unto the world, I know not; but whilest these stand, confident I am, that they will never so fall.
But why the man should deny the Parliament a calling to judge of
Sect. 11 matters between the Apologists & their Brethren, when as every other man in the Kingdome hath a calling, yea, and somewhat more then a calling, a speciall and weighty necessity to do it, (though not after the same manner in respect of the consequence of their judgement) I see as little reason, as I do for twenty and ten things more asserted by him. Would
A. S. have even the meanest of men to sing obedience and submission to the Assembly without their understandings? Alas, they could make no melodie in their hearts unto God with such a singing. Nor would the song be either honourable or comfortable to the Assembly it self, if themselves and others would but please to bestow a few serious thoughts upon it. The glory of a Synod lies not so much in the strength of their conclusions, as of their premisses: nor is it any thing worthy to be presumed, in comparison of what it is to be known, to be wise and upright men. Me thinks an Assembly of conscientious and learned men, should rather count it a prophanation of their conclusions and resolves, then otherwise, to have them swallowed without chewing; to have them subscribed and consented unto only in such a way, and upon such terms, as fools are wont to believe, subscribe, and consent unto all things: But,
5. To make the Apologists out of love with so much as looking towards
Sect. 12 the
Parliament for any relief from them against the severe devotion of their
Brethren, in case they vote contrary to them (under which hope
A. S. injoyes himself with much contentment) hee tells them, that by such a course or expectation, they will joyn themselves with the Arminians, of whom he is pleased to tell this Story.
That hoping the civill Magistrate would have been for them, they gave this Directive or Decisive power unto him; and afterwards repented themselves when they found him against them. Leaving the truth of the Story upon the credit. of the Relator; I answer:
1. That Jesus Christ was never the more a sinner, for being
numbred
[Page 40]
[...]
[Page 41]
[...]
[Page 42] by the Jews
amongst transgressours, or for being crucified btween two thieves. Nor are the Apologsts, or men of their judgement ever the more culpable or blame-worthy for being bound up in the same bundle of condemnation with Delinquents, by their adversaries.
Quis enim laudaverit hostem?
2. Neither did
Paul count it any disparagement to him, to preach
Sect. 13 that Jesus Christ was the Son of God, because the Devill had preached the same Doctrine before him. Nor doth
A. S. himself think himself ever the more a Papist, because the
Papists (as himself confesseth afterwards,
pag. 18.)
believe all that he believeth (though for my part I think any man as good a
Protestant as himself, that believeth as much as he) And
pag. 64. in his 18
th reasonless Reason against a toleration of men better then himself, he insinuates this as a choice commendation of his Presbyterial Government, that
in it their Churches are not exposed unto the calumnies of the Papists, who pretend to be nothing but one Church; meaning, that a compliance with them in unity and uniformity, will be an exemption to them from their calumnies.
3. It is an old piece of subtilty of the old Serpent, to oppose God in
Sect. 14 his Saints, and in his wayes, by teaching his Prophets and Agents to make parallels between, to sort and to suit Gods servants with his, and Gods wayes or works with his, that so the foolish and inconsiderate world might be brought to think, that God and hee are but one, and that there is little or no difference between them. How did
Jannes and
Jambres withstand
Moses, but by doing the same things in appearance by the help of the Devill, which
Moses did by the finger of God? By this they hardened
Pharaoh and the Egyptians with this confidence and conceit, that God was no more with
Moses then with them.
A. S. parallels the Apologists with the Arminians, hoping to catch the foot of the simple in this snare, to make them think that they are both baptized into one and the same spirit: you shall finde a further strain of this malignity in him,
pag. 22.
Fourthly (and lastly) if the Arminians gave that
power to the Civill
Sect. 15
Magistrate which they are here charged to have done,
upon hope they would have beene for them, they are no Antipodes to
A. S. and his fraternitie, who deny this power to the Civill Magistrate, for feare they should not be
for them, if they were left free to judge of their owne actions. All the lineaments in the face of Presbyterie demonstrate this to be in the heart of it; a willingness to conferre all, and all manner of power whatsoever upon the Civill Magistrate in matters of Religion, which they may be secured will be used to serve their turnes, and not
[Page 43] to the prejudice or disturbance of them in their way. And so
A. S. after hee had laboured in the very fire, and had ingag'd himselfe to the uttermost to prove the negative, he fals off with this glozing close at the last, (pag. 51.)
that if the King and Parliament should finde [any thing contrary to what he had delivered]
expedient, he had nothing to say against it. Therefore of the two, Arminians are more charitably affected towards the Civill Magistrate, in casting a power upon them, out of an hope they would use if for their good, then the Presbyterians are in denying this power unto them, out of feare they will use it to their damage.
6. (And lastly, for conclusion of this first Chapter) concerning such
Sect. 16 a Directive power in matters of Religion, as
A. S. (it seemes) would here sequester for the honour and service of his Presbyterie, when Jesus Christ had declared himselfe willing to divest himselfe, and make a delegation of it unto them, I shall as willingly acknowledge and adore their patent, as any other. In the meane time, (God supporting me) I shall with the utmost of my power, and in the presence of all discouragements, dangers, deaths, vindicate the rights and prerogatives belonging to the crowne of my great Lord and Master: what shall become of me in so doing,
ipse viderit. As for such
a Directive power, which with the honour and safety of the rights of Heaven, is attributable unto men, whose character and cognizance is this,
not to be compulsorie unto men by any externall violence, whether directly or indirectly, to subscribe against their judgements and consciences to it, I can freely allow as much of it to
A. S. and his Presbyterial Assemblies, as will stand with their peace with God, with their honour in the sight of unpartiall and intelligent men, with the peace and edification of the Churches of God: if they would have more (let them looke to it) this desire of theirs will in time finde them out and slay them.
Cap. 2.
Concerning that executive, coercitive, and externall power in matters of Religion, which A. S.
ascribes unto the Civill Magistrate. pag. 6.
A.
S. in this sixth page, to perswade with the Parliament and Civill Magistrate, that they shal do God good service to resigne up their eyes patiently into the hands of his Presbyterie, feeds them with the commendations of
Constantine the Great, in refusing an unjust and exorbitant power, which the Councell gave to him. Where (by the way) it is somewhat observable, that it is a thing incident to Councels and Synods, to
[Page 42]
[...]
[Page 43]
[...]
[Page 44] give
unjust & exorbitant power unto Civil Magistrates. So that it stands the Parliament & civil Magistrate in hand, before they part with their eyes upon such terms, to look about them, and to consider twice over, what power they receive and accept of from the hand of Councel and Synods, especially in reference to matters of Religion, and the Churches or servants of Christ. It is a terrible saying of Christ, enough to make both the ears of Kings and Princes, and Parliaments, (yea, and of Synods and Assemblies too) to tingle.
Whosoever shall offend one of these little ones, that believe in me, it were better for him that a milstone were hanged about his neck, and that he were drowned in the depth of the sea, Matth. 18. 6. It is dangerous medling with Saints in any other way, then of tenderness and love, be they never so few in number, never so weak in power, or otherwise
(one of these little ones, saith Christ); All the 21. Reasons, with 41. more put to them, whereby
A. S. incites the Parliament against a toleration of the Apologists, with men of their judgement, in the sequele of his discourse; will not deliver either the King or Parliament out of the hand of that threatning, if they come under the dint of it, by offering any violence (shall I say?) yea, any offence to the least of these little ones. The Holy Ghost (1
Cor. 15. 24.) prophesieth of
the putting down of all rule, and all authority and power by Christ: the reason thereof, in the words immediatly following, hee sheweth to be, their enmity unto him;
for hee must reign, (saith the Apostle,
Vers. 25.)
till he hath put all his enemies under his feet. The truth is, that it is a very hard matter, even for the best of men, in places of rule, authority and power, to move regularly in their own orb, and not to mistake, or strain beyond the tenour of their commission, to intermeddle in the affairs of Christ, considering, first, that they are compassed about with their own infirmities, as well as other men: secondly, in respect of their callings, they are compassed about with more tentations this way, then other men: thirdly, (and lastly) which is as much, or more then both the former, (if they be Christians) what between the insinuations and flatteries of the baser, and the inconsiderate affections and favour of the better sort of Teachers, they are taught to dash their foot against this stone, as if it were another crown of glory to them.
But let us first see, what that
executive, or
coercive (if it be lawfull to
Sect. 2 cut
A. S. a syllable shorter) power is, which the man with both hands, and an importune bounty, will needs bestow upon the Civill Magistrate. 2 By what authority, and upon what grounds he doth it.
For the first, hee describes and states this power, after this manner,
[Page 45]
(pag. 6.)
The Parliament pretends no Directive power in matters of Religion—nor any executive power that is intrinsecall to the Church—but only an executive, coercitive, and externall power, which is not in, but about the Church, and for the Church, whereby it compelleth refractory men to obey the Church. And this authority belongs actually and in effect, in actu exercito,
(as they say) to true Christian Magistrates; but to others potentially, in actu signato;
and jure in rem
only, till they become true Christians, &c.
In this description the man is to me a Barbarian (his own phrase to
Sect. 3 the Apologists) in the word,
Church. I have bestowed thoughts more then a few to be partners with him in his notion of the word; but
quanto plus cogito, eo minus capio. For shame
A. S. out with the beam of obscurity from your own eye, before you tiffle again to pull the moat of obscurity out of your brothers eye. A man in reason would think, that the same word, being used four or five times (and that without the least intimation of any variety or difference of signification) almost within the compasse of so many lines, were still meant, and to be taken in one and the same sense. If so, then ha with you. The Parliament,
by that coercitive power, which you are pleased here to bestow upon it, by way of compensation for that directive power which you take from it,
compelleth (say you)
refractory men to obey the Church: I presume that by the
Church here, you do not mean all the particular Churches and Congregations in the kingdome in the
folio of their respective members, but in the
decimo sexto of their Synod, representative Assembly. If you take the word in the former sense, you only say, that the Parliament hath power to compell the refractory to obey all the particular Churches, with their severall members in the Kingdome; which is a sense (I conceive) at as much defiance with your ends, as with your and our understandings. If you take it in the latter (which I doubt not but is your beloved sense) then your meaning is, that the use and intent of that
executive coercive power in matters of Religion, which you put into the Parliaments hands, is to compell the kingdome, in case it be refractory, or
tot quot, to obey the Presbyterie, and Presbyteriall assemblies in all their Canons, Determinations, and Decrees whatsoever, without bail or mainprise, without mercy or compassion, whether a man findes sap, sense, savour, reason or Religion in them or no.
But yet secondly, I know not well how you should mean the
Sect. 4 Church contracted in her Grand Presbyterie or Generall Assembly neither; first, because you affirm in this
coercive power in the Parliament, to be
not in, but about the Church, and for the Church. And I doubt your
[Page 44]
[...]
[Page 45]
[...]
[Page 46] meaning is not that the Parliament should, either only, or chiefly work or act with this their
coercive power, upon your Ecclesiastique Assemblies, to restrain and keep them within compass; though I confess, if it should move only or chiefly in this sphere, it would be more
for the Church, i. for the good and benefit of the Church in generall, then to suffer such assemblies to fit and impose oaths upon men to obey their acts, orders, and decrees, (which you tell us, glorying in your shame,
pag. 42. is done in your Presbyteriall Government) and to punish or crush those that shall have more conscience, then to inslave themselves unto them in such a way.
And 2. if by
Church you should here mean the Church representative (as it is more commonly, then properly called) in her generall Assembly, you would be a little more open, then (I conceive) will well stand with your principles in such cases. For then your meaning is plainly this, That the Parliament hath that
executive coercive power, which you ascribe to it, not for the Church,
i. the benefit of the Saints and servants of God throughout the kingdome, but for the benefit and behoof of the Ecclesiastique Presbyteries and Assemblies only. Now however, I can easily believe, that thus you would have it, yet I conceive it somewhat eccentricall to your other motions to profess it.
And yet 3. when you immediately adde; that
in vertue of this authority, when parties pretend to be effended by the Church, or if the Church judge any thing amiss, hee (the civill Magistrate)
may command the Church to revise and examine its judgement, &c. You must needs mean your transcendent Church of Presbyters; otherwise you should prevaricate, and grant a judiciary power to particular Congregations.
4. (And lastly) in the very next
page (pag. 7.) to represent the voluntary
Sect. 5 exile of the Apologists, with as hard-favour'd an aspect in the eyes of men as he could, his indignation against it utters it self in this Patheticall strain over the poor Church of God in this Kingdome.
And if they all had fled away, what might have become of the poor Church of God in this Kingdome? &c. Here, by the
Church of God in this Kingdome, he cannot mean the Ecclesiastique Church of representing Presbyters, because, if these had all fled away, there had been no
Church of God (in such a sense)
in this Kingdome. By
the Church of God in this place, if he means any thing like a man, hee must needs mean the godly part in the Kingdom, and that considered, without their Presbyters or Pastours. And oh that hee, and his coopinatory party would but grant that that
executive coercive power which is in the civil Magistrate, is for this Church; I mean, for the benefit and peace of this
Church of
[Page 47]
God. But in the mean time you see, that his Trumpet in the Description he gives of his
executive, coercive, externall power in the Magistrate, gives no distinct sound; perhaps he blew wild on purpose, lest an enemy should know how to prepare to battaile against him.
But is there never a blessing, of reason, or truth, in all this cluster? Come and see.
In vertue of this authoritie (saith he)
when parties pretend to be offended
Sect. 6
with the Church, or the Church judge any thing amisse, he (the Civill Magistrate)
may command the Church to examine its judgement, &c. In these few words he hath plainly plundred and undone a very considerable partie of his owne beloved notions elsewhere. For,
1. What reason hath he to be so invective against the Apologists (as he is pag. 49. and 50.) for holding that Kings or civill Magistrates are above the Church, when as himselfe here professeth, that
they may command the Church; especially his own Maxime elsewhere, being this, that
Par in parem non habet imperium; and that
Where there is no Superiour or Inferiour, there can be no obedience or disobedience.
Non huc, non illuc exemplo nubis aquosae.
2. If the civill Magistrate hath power
to command the Church to revise
Sect. 7
her judgment, when she judgeth any thing amisse, surely he hath power to examine and judge of her proceedings, whether they be regular, equall, and just, or no; except you will say, that he comes to the knowledge of your it regular and undue proceedings in your Presbyteries, by immediate revelation. Suppose either the one or the other, what reason have you to deny him part and fellowship with you in that
Directive power in matters of Religion, which you ingrosse and appropriate to your selves, as we have formerly seen?
3. If so, then your Presbyteriall Assembly, or judging Church, may determine and judge amisse. And if so, 1. how dare yee compell or make the people under your government to sweare obedience or subjection unto your orders, which yet by your own confession
(pag. 42) ordinarily you doe? 2. Why are you not satisfied with that subjection to your Presbyteriall Decisions, which pleadeth no exemption, but only in the case of non-satisfaction, about the lawfulnesse or truth of them? You give men a good foundation,
a liberty to beleeve that you may erre; but you will not suffer them to build upon it, to refuse you, when they think in their souls and consciences that that you doe erre. They that will separate between such premisses and such conclusions,
[Page 48] will hardly make good Christians themselves, or suffer others so to be. And if you be but ingenuously willing to goe along with this your own principle,
That you may erre, as farre as it would gladly lead you, me thinks I durst undertake that the Apologists and you shall comprimize before to morrow next.
4. (And lastly) if parties may have cause to be offended, and not
Sect. 8 onely
pretend to be offended (as
A. S. would minde it) with the Church (as out of all question they may, if the Church may judge amisse) then have they power to judge of their actions, as well as they of theirs. No man is justifiable in his complaint or offence taking, but he that hath a power to examine and judge of that which gives the cause, or ministers the occasion of the offence. And if a single partie, which is no Presbyter or Prophet (in your sense) hath a lawfull power to examine and judge of the acts and orders of a Presbyteriall or Propheticall Assembly; and may possibly by means of such an examination, take them tardie; do not so far magnifie the spirits of your Prophets against the spirits of our Saints, as to think these good for nothing but to swear homage and vassalage unto them.
But
A. S. (surely) pleaseth himselfe highly with a parcell of distinctions,
Sect. 9 w
ch he presents us within the prementioned Description; and hopes (perhaps) to make an atonement with them for his confusion
[...] otherwise.
First, He distinguisheth of that
executive, coercive power, wherewith he invests the civill Magistrate, as not being
in, or intrinsecall unto the Church▪ but
externall, and
about the Church. Secondly, he distinguisheth the subject capable of this power, the civill Magistrate, into
truly Christian, and
not truly Christian. Thirdly, upon this distinction, he builds a third distinction, concerning the manner of the competencie of this power, to the one kind of subject and the other; telling us, that this power or
authority belongs actually and in effect, in actu exercito, & jure in re
to true Christian Magistrates; but to others potentially, in actu signato,
and jure in rem
onely, till they become true Christians.
The man (you see) hath much adoe to find, or come at that
power,
Sect. 10 wherewith he would so fain gratifie the civill Magistrate,
in matters of Religion: He adjures three unclean spirits of distinctions, to tell him what, and where it is; and yet they doe but
peep and matter in their answer and make no man the wiser by it. Here he seeks for the
coercive power of the civill Magistrate in matters of Religion, in the same black sea of darknesse and confusion, wherein he seekes (and would make the world beleeve he finds) the Presbyterian government afterwards.
[Page 49] But if the one and the other be cloz'd up in such an ammunition of rockes of distinctions, as
A. S. represents them in his story, certainly they are inaccessible to the judgements and consciences of persons of mean capacity; and much more inaccessible to the judgments and consciences of more understanding and considering men. The very darknesse it selfe of the distinctions which he is necessitated to use, to make his way to come at the one and at the other, is a light sufficient to discover, that neither the one nor the other is any where to be found within the territories either of reason or of truth. But let us see the distinctions play a little before us, for their Masters credit.
For the first: The
Magistrates power (saith he) viz.
in matters of Religion (for so he must necessarily be understood, by the Antithesis in the former clause or member of this Distinction, where he denies a
Directive power unto him,
in matters of Religion) is not in, or intrinsecall to the Church, but extrinsecall and about the Church. Is it
in, i.
intrinsecall to matters of Religion; and but
extrinsecall in respect of the Church? So then (it seems)
A. S. his Presbyteriall Church, is somewhat more inward, intimate, and intrinsecall, then the religion of this Church; otherwise, how should the
power of the Magistrate penetrate
into the
Religion thereof, and yet not reach
into, but onely
unto the Church it selfe? By this distinction he hath utterly disgrac'd his Presbyteriall Government, by making the Churches under it, more internall and inward, then the religion that is to be found in them. If the Apologists had but whispered one tittle of such a saying, though at never such a distance, it had been enough to have produced seven reasons more (at least) against their toleration, then are yet levied or brought forth into the world.
But 2
ly, though you seem to deale very bountifully with the Magistrate
Sect. 11 in giving him a power
extrinsecall and
about the Church, and to content your selfe and your compresbyters with an
intrinsecall power onely; yet by somewhat that hath been lately printed, it appeares, that you mean to eate at the same Table with him, which you pretend to spread for him alone. For hath not the Presse very lately been delivered of this peece of Presbytery, that the
Classicall Presbytery hath
Reformation cleared, p. 23.
the authoritative power of Citation, just as the Bishops had? And is not such a power externall, and which is not
in, but
about the Churches? For if a Classis shall cite or excommunicate a member of a Church, against the judgement and consent of the Elders of that Church, let all the world judge whether that be not an act of externall power without the Church.
If it be replied, No; because that Church did implicitly consent in yeelding their Elders for members of that
Presbytery; We reply, That if either your publick Law constrains that Church upon penalty,
Invitum dicitur, quod quis vel coactus, vel per ignorantiam admittit. Arist. Eth. l. 3.
c. 1.
Kecker. Praecog Syst. Eth. against their light, to suffer their Elders to sit in the
Classicall Presbytery, then that Church doth not freely consent; or if that Church without constraint doth consent for want of light (as it must be supposed, if a Classis upon debate be found to be besides the word) this
ignorant act of that Church, is an unwilling or involuntary act, and so no free consent. And so the Classis, according to
A. S. his distinction, is like a Magistrate, which is a
Bishop without, and about that Church.
But good
A. S. we know it is an easie matter to distinguish the Magistrate
Sect. 12 into such an
executive, coercitive, externall power as you speake of; but we would fain see you demonstrate him into it: and then
A. S. and
M. S. should be no more two, but one
S. We know not how to transform distinctions into demonstrations.
His second Distinction, is of the Subject of this power, the Magistrate, whom he makes two-fold,
truly Christian, and not truly Christian. But,
1. I would faine know by what Touchstone
A. S. will try his gold in this case; I mean judge of the
truth of Christianitie in a Magistrate. It appeares (from page 50. of his discourse) that he hath no mind to grant his
truth of Christianity unto a Magistrate that is either
Lutheran, Anabaptist, Socinian, or
Papist. Any of these misprisions in Christianity, are as sufficient in
A. S. his judgement, as in ours, to keep the sword of that power we speake of, out of the Magistrates hand. And as for a Magistrate whose judgement shall be infected (perfected, reason and truth would say) with Apologisme, (or the great hatred of his soule) independencie) I make no question but he (in the Comique terme) should bee
exclusissimus from this capacitie or right above all the rest.
But let us goe on with the man in the termes of his own addresse to
Sect. 13 the Apologists, in the same place. If he saith that by a
Magistrate truly Christian, he understand an
orthodox Magistrate; what if he had one or two errors? would he yet permit him to be orthodox, and truly Christian,
or not? Till
A. S. here specifies,
Sermones generales non movent (his own rule) for my selfe, untill I shall be otherwise informed by himselfe, I shall make use of my reason to beleeve, that by a
Magistrate truly Christian, A. S. onely mean
[...] a Magistrate, who in his judgement is Presbyteriall: and that this qualification of Presbyterialisme, and
truth of Christianitie in a Magistrate, are against all contradictions, and
[Page 51] counter-poysings whatsoever,
termini aequipollentes in his Logique. And if this be his meaning, the king (to be sure) hath none of his
power as yet,
in actu exercito, and
jure in re; nor hath the Parliament (at least for ought
A. S. or the kingdom knoweth) any whit more of it then the King. And whatsoever it hath done hitherto, by any
executive, coercive, externall power
about the Church or Church-affairs (in which kinde it hath done very much) depends as touching the validity and justifiableness of it upon this supposition, that it Presbyterializeth. Whence it followeth, that he that cannot, or doth not believe that the Parliament is of a Classique inclination, cannot (with the leave of
A. S. his distinction) judge them to have done lawfully or warrantably any thing that they have done hitherto, about, or for the Church.
The truth is, that till
A. S. will please to define, what manner of Magistrate hee must be, that shall pass the test of his distinction, for
truly Christian, wee are constrained to suspend our bounty in conferring that
executive, coercive, externall power about the Church upon any man. Nor do I make much question, but that wee shall have twenty Distinctions more, before we shall obtain that Definition.
But of all the three distinctions here upon the stage, the best dancer
Sect. 14 is yet behind.
This Power or
Authority (saith he)
belongs actually and in effect, in actu exercito, & jure in re (it's very long, me thinks, ere wee hear, to whom it belongs)
to true Christian Magistrates: but to others potentially, in actu signato, & jure in rem only,
untill they become truly Christian.
1. Though I have many times heard of the distinction,
in actu exercito, & in actu signato, yet I never heard of any thing belonging to a person
in actu exercito, but that belonged to him, and that
per prius, in actu signato. Hee to whom the principle or power of acting doth not belong, cannot stand ingaged for the exercise or acting of such a power.
2. My soul longs for the Summer fruit of a good reason from
A. S.
Sect. 15 why any
power about the Church, and for the Church should not belong,
actually, and in effect in actu exercito, & jure in re, (and with as many other, proper, unproper, necessary, unnecessary, sober, ridiculous expressions as he pleaseth) as well to a Magistrate not yet truly Christian, as to him that is such. Hath not an Heathen or Heterodox Magistrate a lawfulness of power, to do presently, this day, this hour, to morrow, and so forth,
toties, quoties, as much good to and for the Church or Churches of Christ within his jurisdiction or dominion, as he could have, if he were truly Christian? Do acts of justice, bounty, grace towards
[Page 52] the Churches of Christ, any whit more defile a Magistrate how far from truly Christian soever, then acts of the same nature performed unto his other subjects? The
Kings, and those that were
in authority in
Pauls dayes, were generally (all the kings without exception) far from being truly Christian; and yet was it not lawfull for them to interpose with their Authority or Power, that the Churches of Christ in their dominions,
might lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty? If not, then was that exhortation of his, 1
Tim. 2. 2. to be laid up in Lavender for some hundreds of yeers after it was given; or else the benefit and blessing, the obtaining whereof by prayer is made the ground of the exhortation, must have been made over in the intentions of those that had so prayed, unto their posterities after many generations.
A. S. may choose which of the two hee will believe: for my part, I shall not be his corrivall in either.
Yee have heard
A. S. his
Distinctions for a
coercive power about the Church in a Civill Magistrate:
Demonstrationes autem ubi? But where are his proofs?
Quas non invenio usquam, esse puto nusquam.
What I finde not any where, I believe to be no where.
I have searched, and that somewhat narrowly, throughout the
Sect. 16 whole volume of his Discourse, to finde something, that with any indulgence of imagination might be conceived to look like a proof of this his opinion, and can finde none, save only that poor one, of the examples of the Kings of
Juda (pag. 63) inforc'd after this manner;
It is the Civill Magistrates part to take away Heresies, Superstitions, and corruptions in manners after the examples of the Kings of Juda.
Wherefore then is it not his duty likewise to take away all Schismes which are the high way to (and sometimes from)
Heresie, and consequently to deny Toleration, which is a way to both?
Reader, neither you nor I, must be offended, to have a mole-hill of proof given us for a mountain of conclusion. You must know it is the manner of the Presbyterian School, to hang great weights upon small wyars. For what need Dictators argue? But,
1. If it be the Magistrates part to take away
Superstitions, Heresies, &c.
Sect. 17 sure it is his part also to make himself able to discern superstitions and heresies from the true worship and truths of God. Hee is to serve God in such a practice, with his own understanding, and not by the Proctorage of Presbyterie (as you tell the Apologists,
pag. 48. that they must
not serve God by a Proctor) and if so, you must untruss, and
[Page 53] deliver back again to him that
Directive power in matters of Religion, which you lately took from him.
2. When the Magistrate
takes away Superstition, Heresie, &c. hee
Sect. 18 had need have better security then a Synod can give him, to save him harmless, in case he should
mistake, and smite the truth of God, in stead of
Heresie, and the true worship of God in stead of
Superstition. Gamaliel
Act 5. 24. 28. 38, 39. might have had the full Vote of a Synod or Councell, for persecuting the
Superstition, Schisme and
Heresie of the Apostles; but this was not security enough to him; he was afraid of
fighting against God, this notwithstanding. And for my part, when the civill Magistrate shall be far enough out of this danger of
fighting against God, I have nothing to say against his fighting with Superstition, Heresie, Schisme, corruptions in manners, &c. Only my prayer for him unto God is, that hee would give him a wife and understanding heart, to consider and discern, whether usurpation over the judgements and consciences of the Saints of God, in matters of Religion, be not as grand
a corruption in manners as a Church or Kingdom is lighly incident unto.
3. Because the examples of the Kings of
Judah for want of better
Sect. 19 arguments, are so much importun'd to speak a good word for that
executive coercive power in the Civill Magistrate, with which
A. S. would truk with him for that Directive power (before spoken of) let us consider with a little more freedome and ingenuity, what they contribute thereunto.
1. We do not read that any of the good Kings of
Judah ever offered any violence to the true Prophets, or people of the Lord, except it were in passion, as a
Chron. 16. 10. where
Asa is said to have been
wroth with the Seer, that admonished him, and to
have put him in prison. Which fact of his I think
A. S. himself will be asham'd to present either to Kings or Parliaments for imitation. Therefore whatsoever besides may be prov'd from the example of the
Kings of Judah in matters of Religion, towards the rearing up of a Presbyterie in the perfection of its glory; certain it is, that nothing can be proved, for the persecuting, annoying, crushing, disgracing, banishing, fining the Apologists, whom himself (more then once or twice) acknowledgeth for very pious, godly, and learned men.
2. Neither did any of these Kings ever compell any man to be of the Jewish Religion; nor yet to profess the Jewish Religion against their judgements. It was permitted to persons of other Nations to live amongst them, without being circumcised, yea, or without smarting for want of it.
[Page 54] 3. Nor do we reade, that ever they attempted any thing against any
Sect. 20 Sectaries or Schismatiques (as
A. S. would call them) which yet abounded in great variety and numbers amongst them. We do not finde, that ever they finde imprison'd, banished, put to death, either Scribes, or Pharisees, or Herodians, or persons of any other Sect in the profession of the Jewish Religion, that lived peaceably in their State. Idolatry and Idolaters were (it seems) the adaequate object of their
coercive power in matters of Religion.
4. Nor did they, nor were they to inflict any outward punishment,
Sect. 21 upon every kinde of Idolater, though of the Jewish both Nation and Religion; as first, not upon covetous persons, who yet are a kinde of Idolater,
Epbes. 5. 5. Nor secondly, upon those that worshipped the true God of Israel, though with some violation of the second Commandement, as when they sacrificed in the high places, &c. But, first, upon such only, who apostatiz'd from the God of Israel, to serve strange gods, the gods of other Nations: And yet secondly, not upon such neither, simply as such, but as attempting to intice and draw away other of the people of God unto the same Idolatries with them,
Deut. 13. 5, 8, 9.
5. There are two reasons very considerable, why the Kings of
Judah
Sect. 22 might be invested by God with a larger power in matters of Religion, then Kings or Magistrates under the Gospel have any ground or warrant to claim from them. First, they were types of Christ, which no King under heaven at this day is; Secondly, not the people only, but the very Land over which they ruled, were typicall also; the one of the spirituall Church of Christ, the other of the heavenly inheritance of that Church: both of them holy and consecrate in speciall manner unto God. If Kings and Magistrates under the Gospel can plead either these reasons, or any other of equall consideration with these, I shall not scruple an acknowledgement of an equality of power in them. But otherwise, to alledge the power of the Kings of
Judah in matters of Religion, for an investiture of Kings and Magistrates under the Gospel, with the like, justifies the arguing of the Prelaticall School, which pleads the order of the
Aaronicall Priesthood, to demonstrate the necessity of a Metropoliticall soveraigntie.
6. It no where appears that any of the godly Kings of
Judah ever
Sect. 23 had, or exercised any power to suppress, banish, imprison, trample upon, crush or grinde the faces of any godly persons among them, were they few or many, only because they were for a while tender in point of conscience to concurre with the major part of the Priests, Scribes,
[Page 55] or Levites in some things disputable between them, and others in the Land. Vntill
A. S. shall dig such a treasure as this out of the Scriptures, hee will never have sufficient wherewith to finish that tower of
a Magistraticall coercive power in matters of Religion, which he hath begun to build.
7. If
A. S. (or any other) will needs make the Kings of
Judah tributaries
Sect. 24 to his opinion, concerning that
coercive power we speak of in the Civill Magistrate, he must first prove, that these Kings were invested with that power which they exercised in matters of Religion, by a morall Law, and which is of perpetuall obligation and ingagement upon other Nations. For such a weak man as I, will rather incline to think, that it was conferr'd upon them by a Law Politique and Judiciall; and which no more concerneth or obligeth Kings and Magistrates of other Nations, then that Law mentioned in the same place with it, (and which indeed is part of it)
(Deut. 13.) which injoyneth
the slaying of the Inhabitants of the Idolatrous
City with the edge of the sword, and the destroying of it utterly with all that is therein, and the cattell thereof, with the edge of the sword; and the gathering of all the spoil thereof into the midst of the street thereof, and the burning of the City with fire, and all the spoil thereof every whit; and the making it an heap for ever, and the not building it again. I think
A. S. himself doth not conceive Christian Kings or Magistrates ingag'd in conscience to observe all the particulars in this Law.
8. (And lastly) if you consult with those passages in the Law
Sect. 25 where that power which the Kings of
Judah exercised about Idolatry and Idolaters, (for they went no further; they meddled not with the crushing of Sects or Schismes, as we heard) you will finde, that it was the generality or entire body of the Church or Nation of the
Jewes, and not their Kings, that was invested with it by God: See
Deut. 13. from the beginning to the end: and again,
Deut. 7. 5. and
Chap. 12. 2, 3. with many of like consideration. So that what they did in this kinde, they did it, or were to have done it, in the Name, and with the consent of the Body of their people.
But the grand Pillar and supporter of this
coercive power in Magistrates, is this angry and discontented argument. What? Would you have all Religions, Sects and Schismes tolerated in Christian churches? Should
Jewes, Turks, (and
Papists especially,) be suffered in their Religions? What a confusion must this needs breed, both in Church and State? Give me leave to demulce and pacifie this argument; and then we advance to a new subject. I answer by distinguishing.
[Page 56] 1. If by a
toleration, the argument means either an approbation, or
Sect. 26 such a connivence which either takes no knowledge of, or however no ways opposeth such Religions, Sects, or Schismes, as are unwarrantable, they are not to be tolerated. But first, orthodox and able Ministers ought in the course of their publick Ministery, and otherwise upon occasion in a grave, sober, and inoffensive manner, soundly from the Scriptures to evince the folly, vanity, and falshood of all such wayes. Secondly, others also that have an anointing of light and knowledge from God, are bound to contribute occasionally the best of their endevours towards the same end. Thirdly, in case the Minister shall be negligent, or forgetfull of his duty in this kind, the Magistrate may and ought from time to time to admonish him, that he fulfill his Ministery in that point also. Fourthly, if a person, one, two, or more, being members of a particular Church, shal be infected with any hereticall or dangerous opinion, and after two or three admonitions, with means of conviction used to regain him, shall continue obstinate, he ought to be cast out from amongst them by that Church. Fifthly and lastly, if it be a whole Church that is so corrupted and infected, the rest of the neighbour Churches, in case it hath any, ought to admonish it, and to endevour the reclaiming of it. If it be refractory after competent admonition, and meanes used for the reducing of it, they may and ought to renounce communion with it: and so set a mark or brand of heresie and obstinacie in the forehead of it. But,
Secondly, if by a toleration the argument means a non-suppression
Sect. 27 of such Religions, Sects and Schismes by a strong hand, as by fining, imprisoning, disfranchising, banishment, death, or the like; my answer is, that they ought to be tolerated, onely upon this supposition, that the professors or maintainers of them, be otherwise peaceable in the State, and every way subject to the Laws, and lawfull power of the civill Magistrate. My reasons are,
First, because God hath anointed and sanctified his word, and the
Sect. 28 Ministery hereof, for the
casting down imaginations, and every high thing that exalts it selfe against the knowledge of God, and for the bringing into captivity every thought unto the obedience of Christ, 2 Cor. 10. 5. The Apostle in this place,
v. 4. affirms, that the
weapons of his warfare (meaning the knowledge which he had of God, and of Jesus Christ in the Gospel, and his abilities of utterance and preaching)
were mightie through God, for those ends and purposes. When God hath appointed a means, and that of so much efficacy and power, either to prevent an
[Page 57] inconvenience, or to accomplish any end or effect whatsoever, for men to wave this means, and to interesse another of their own, is both to put an affront upon God, and to consult frustration and disappointment to themselves. And for my part, I am all thoughts made, that the true and adequate reason why those Sects and Schismes, and wild opinions which are lately started amongst us, gather so much strength and head, and grow so fast upon us as they doe daily, is this; that we reject the wisedome and counsell of God for the opposing and suppressing of them, and have recourse to our owne arm, hoping by disgracing, displacing, way-laying, impoverishing, suspending, imprisoning▪ and other weapons and ways of the flesh, to ease our selves of the burthensomnesse and trouble of them. Besides the Scripture mentioned, there is a passage of full importance this way,
Ephes. 4. 11, 12, &c.
And he gave some Apostles, some Prophets, and some Evangelists, and some Pastors and Teachers, for the perfecting of the Saints, for the worke of the Ministery, for the edifying of the body of Christ, untill we all come into the unity of faith, and of the knowledge of the Sonne of God, &c. We see here that Gods designe and desire, as well as ours, is
unitie, and perfect agreement amongst the Saints, in all matters of faith and knowledge. But how, or by what means, or by whom hath hee projected and purposed the obtaining of this his desire? Mark, he doth not say, that he gave some Kings, and some Princes, and some Judges, and Justices of the Peace, some Pursevants, and some Jaylors, &c. to bring us into the
unitie of the faith; No, but
he gave some Apostles, & some Prophets, and some Evangelists, and some Pastors and Teachers, to bring this desirable end of his to passe. And if we would make more use of these agents and instruments of God,
of the Apostles, Prophets, Evangelists, of
Pastors and Teachers, and lesse of those other (which are our owne) for the quenching of those flames of divisions and dissentions that are amongst us in matters of Religion, we might in all likelihood see our desires in this behalfe, many years sooner then by any other course we are like to do. The word of God, especially in the hand of an able Minister (among other ends) is given by God on purpose for the
conviction and
stopping of the mouths of gain-sayers, Tit. 1. 9, 11. And therfore this will doe it, when a thousand other meanes, not having this anointing oyle upon them, though never so plausible, and promising in the eye of humane wisedome, will rather open them yet wider, then otherwise.
2. It is the expresse order and command of God to Ministers of the
Sect. 29 Gospel, upon whom chiefly it lies, by way of office and duty, to instruct
[Page 58] and convince gainsayers, and men contrary-minded to the
The servant of the Lord must not strive but be gentle unto all men, apt to teach, in meeknesse instructing those that oppose themselves, if God peradventure wil give them repentance to the acknowledgement of the truth. 2 Tim. 2, 24. 25. truth, to performe these offices unto them
with meeknesse; and therefore not to threaten them with delivering them over to the Secular powers, or to incite the civill Magistrate against them. And if it bee not lawfull for the Minister to encourage or put on the civill Magistrate to use any externall violence or compulsion against such, certainly it is not lawfull, much lesse any point of duty for him to proceed in any such way against them. And if such meeknesse be to be used towards those that are professed enemies to Christian Religion in the main (of which the Scripture in the margine evidently speaketh) much more is it to be shewed towards those, who it may be are as cordially affected to this Religion, as our selves, onely dissenting from us in some
apices or
iota's of this Religion.
3.
Repentance to the acknowledgement of the truth, being (as we see) a speciall
gift of God, and no man capable of it by his own industry or seeking, it is very unreasonable that the want of it, being in it selfe a judgement upon a man from God, and withall no wayes prejudiciall or hurtfull unto others, (at least not necessarily or unavoidably hurtfull
Sect. 30 unto any) should expose him to further punishment and misery from men. I conceive a reasonable man will think it very hard and unreasonable to punish a man for not doing of that, which is onely proper and in the power of God to doe.
Externall compulsion in matters of Religion, is of a proper and
Sect. 31 direct tendencie to make men twofold more the children of sin (and so of wrath) then they were before, or would be otherwise. Now that which directly tends to increase sin and iniquity in a Land, cannot bee lawful, or from God. Suppose the State-Religion, and manner of worshipping God, which the Magistrate practiseth and professeth, be agreable to the truth; yet if I, having no such faith of either, but judging in my soule and conscience, that both State and Magistrate, are polluted in both, should make profession of either as the truth, I should be a notorious hypocrite and dissembler before God and men, wounding my conscience, and condemning my selfe in what I allow in this case. And yet such a profession as this, is that which the compulsive power of the Magistrate seekes to extort from me. In which case I must suffer, because I will not sin to the ruine and destruction of my soule.
If it be objected, That the intent of the Magistrates compulsion in this case, is not to extort a profession from me against my judgement and conscience, but to ingage me to rectifie and reforme my
[Page 59] judgment according to the truth, and so to make profession accordingly.
I answer, First, that I stand already ingaged by a farre greater band hereunto,
viz. my peace with God, and the safety of my soule, then suffering temporally from the Civill power. Nor can it reasonably be here replied to me, that many will doe more for feare of a present temporall punishment, then of the future losse of their soules; because they that will doe this, will be ready enough to comply with the Magistrate in his Religion, what ever it be, without compulsion. Secondly, if the intent of the temporall compulsion bent against me, be my engagement to rectifie my judgement according to the truth, & then to profess accordingly, why is it discharged upon me before it be known whether I have not discharged such my engagements to the uttermost of my power, and yet am not able to call that truth, which the Magistrate would have me so to call?
Many (saith
Pro. 29. 26.
Solomon) seek the face of the Ruler: and who would not gladly second the Magistrate in his Religion, if he had his judgement and conscience in his own hand or power?
5. If the civill Magistrate hath an actuall coercive power to suppresse
Sect. 32 Schismes, Heresies, &c. because he is
truly Christian, which he had not before, then truth of Christianity alters the property and tenour of Magistracie, and that for the worse, in respect of those that are in subjection to it; yea, and (possibly) in respect of the best of those that are in such subjection. Before he was
truly Christian, he had (saith
A. S. and Presbyterians generally) no power to punish, fine, imprison, banish, crush any of his Subjects for the exercise of their conscience towards God: but by vertue of that great mercy vouchsafed unto him by God, in giving him part and fellowshship with the Saints in Jesus Christ, he is invested with a new power to persecute the Saints, and to make them pay dearly for having consciences better (it may be) then his own, at least better then to comply outwardly with what they cannot inwardly digest and approve. If this be the case between a Christian, and the Civill Magistrate under whom he lives, he hath small incouragement to pray for the conversion of such a Magistrate to the truth, in case he were for the present, Heterodox, or Pagan; it being farre better for him to live under such a Magistracie, which hath no power to mis-use him for his conscience sake, then under that which hath; yea, and is made to beleeve, that it ought to use it accordingly.
6. That power is very dangerous for a Magistrate to own, in the
[Page 60] exercise whereof, he may very easily (and commonly doth) run an hazard (at least)
of fighting against God, or of
plucking up that which God hath
planted, or of pulling down that which God hath built up. But is that power of suppressing Schismes, Heresies, &c. which
A. S. Cum multis aliis, are very earnest to fasten upon him.
Ergo, The Proposition (I conceive) is too much every mans sense and consent, to be
A. S. his dissent. The Assumption I demonstrate by this reason: Because those practices and opinions in Religion, which the Magistrate is born in hand by those, with whose eys hee sees in such cases, are schismaticall, erroneous, and contrary unto God; may very possibly be the ways of God, and truths of God (such mens judgements of them notwithstanding.) For first, the judgements of these men are not Apostolicall, or infallible.
A. S. himself, who makes his demands for Presbyterian soveraignty, as high as another, yet dares not lay claim to this crown. Therefore it's possible for them to be in a misprision about some Question, or controversall point in Religion. Secondly, frequent experience shews, that a minor part (yea, a party for number inconsiderable) of godly persons in a Church or State, may have the minde of God and of Christ among them in some particulars, before the generality or major part of this Church, comes to be inlightened or interessed in it. For a proofe whereof
ad hominem, we need go no further, then to that party of godly persons in the Land, who stood up in Queen
Elizabeths & King
James his days, for Presbyteriall Government, when as the far greater part, both of Magistrates and Ministers in the Kingdome, were in their judgements opposite hereunto, and wholly Episcopall. So that had that Queen or King, or any Parliament under them, gone about to suppress that party, which yet was then look'd upon as schismaticall, sactious, and erroneous, they had (according to
A. S. his judgement, touching the judgement of those men)
fought against God, and sought to pluck up that which he hath planted. Yea, thirdly, (and lastly) it seldome or never falls out, that any truth which hath for a long time been under hatches, and unknown to the generality of Ministers and other learned men in a Church or State, hath been at the first, and on the sudden, discovered by God, either unto the generality, or major part of them, but unto some few only, yea, and sometimes but unto one (for a season) by, and from whom, he is pleased to propagate the light and knowledge of it unto more afterwards. If then the Magistrate should rise up to suppress this truth, or those that hold it forth unto the world, because it hath few friends and many enemies amongst the Masters in his Israel, and is generally
[Page 61] look'd upon as a schismaticall and erroneous opinion, should he not (in
Gamaliel's sense)
fight against God? The
housholder in the Parable forbad the
plucking up of the Tares out of his field, for fear of plucking up the Wheat with them, Matth. 13. 29.
7. That power which was never attributed to the civill Magistrate,
Sect. 34 by any Christians, but only by those that had very good assurance that it should be used for them, and on their side, is not like to be a power appertaining to them by divine right, or conferr'd upon them by God. The reason of this Proposition is, because it is no wayes credible, that within the compass of so many ages as are by-gone, no one man of that conscientious generation of Saints, which hath been wont so frequently to deny it self even unto death, should acknowledge such a power in the civill Magistrate, as did by divine right belong unto him, only because such an acknowledgement was like to make against himself. Therefore I assume: But that
coercive power in matters of Religion, for the suppressing of errours, schismes, heresies, &c. was never attributed to the civill Magistrate by any Christian, but only by those that
See for the further proof of the minor Proposition, M
r
Io. Robinsons Essayes,
p. 49. 50,
&c. were very confident, that it would be used for their turns, and to effect their desires.
Ergo, A. S. himself is wary and tender above measure in conferring it upon him; distinguishing once and again, and the third time also upon it (as wee heard) before he dares let him have it; yea, and in the close, doth as much (in effect) as tell him, that except hee be Presbyterian right down, and will accommodate him and his party with it, he ought not to claim it.
8. That power which in the exercise of it, directly tends to prevent,
Sect. 35 hinder, or suppress the growth and increase of the light of the knowledge of God, and Jesus Christ in a Church or State, and the Reformation of such things, whether in Doctrine or Discipline, as are unwarrantable therein, is not (questionless) of any Divine right or Institution. If
A. S. deny this Proposition, at the perill of his modesty and reputation be it. So then I assume; But such a power in the civill Magistrate as we speak of, directly tends to all the mischief and inconvenience mentioned.
Ergo, The evidence of the assumption is this: when men are obnoxious to the stroke of the civill power, and in danger of suffering deeply from the Magistrate, for any thing that they shall hold or practise in Religion contrary unto him, it must needs be a great tentation and discouragement upon them, from searching and
[...]nquiring into the Scriptures, after a more exact knowledge of
the good and holy, and perfect will of God in things; because in case hee should discover any thing contrary to what the Magistrate professeth, hee
[Page 62] must run the hazard, either of
with-holding the truth hee so discovers,
in unrighteousness, and so of having both God and his own conscience his enemy, or else of having his bones broken by the iron rod of the civill Magistrate, for making profession of any thing contrary to that which he professeth.
9. That power which in the use of it plainly and palpably tends to
Sect. 36 the gratification of Satan, carnall and prophane men, is not (certainly) derived from God. To prove this Proposition, would be but the lighting up of a torch to see the Sun. I assume; But that
power in matters of Religion, to crush schismes, heresies, &c. which is by
A. S. and many others, pinn'd upon the Magistrates sleeve, is a power of this tendencie and importance in the use of it.
Ergo. This latter Proposition shines clear enough with this light. First, a very great part (if not far the greatest) of those that are like to suffer by it, are men of good conscience, and truly fearing God. This is manifest in the Apologists and men of their judgement, whom
A. S. himself, over and over (though condemning himself,
toties quoties) acknowledgeth for very
pious and godly men. Nor is it like that (ordinarily) men of loose or no conscience, should delight to swim against the streams, either of greatness or plurality, in matters of Religion. Now then it cannot but be conceived to be matter of solemn gratification to Satan, who is a murtherer, and blood
[...] enemy to the Saints, to see them disgraced, crushed, troden and trampled upon, especially by those, whom God hath appointed to be their protectours, and most of all, that this grievous measure should be measured out unto them for the goodness of their consciences towards God.
Secondly, It is the impatient and importune desire of all ignorant, loose, luke-warm and carnall professors, to have all Religions, (as they call them) all wayes, sects, opinions, and practices in Religion, wholly silenc'd, suppress'd, and abolished where they live, excepting only that one way and practice, which shall be authorised and practised by the State. Because by this means, they hope they shall not be distracted about their Religion, nor be put upon that sore trouble of seeking it they know not where, or amongst whom; but shall have it put into their mouths by the hand of Authority; which they hope likewise will stand between them and harm, in case it should not prove a Religion of that purity and goodness, which God requireth.
10. (And lastly) That power which in the use of it, directly tends
Sect. 37 to defile and pollute the consciences of men, either by destroying the softness, tenderness, and ingenuity of them, or by disturbing the lawfull
[Page 63] peace and comfort of them, or by both, is a power from beneath, not from above. (This Proposition also, a conscience any whit ingenuous, cannot lightly deny) But such is the
coercive power in matters of Religion, wherewith
A. S. would fain befriend himself, in the civill Magistrate.
Ergo. The truth of the Assumption appears in this consideration: When the conscience of a man hath once broke the bands and tie of its own light, and prostituted it self to the desires and pleasures of men, against the grain of its own judgement and inclination (whereunto it is sorely tempted and urged, when the man is threatned deep, in case he shall not comply with the State in their Religion, his judgement and conscience being wholly averse to it) one of these two great evils or miseries commonly befalls him. Either 1. God takes no more pleasure in such a conscience afterwards, but withdrawing himself from it, leaves it unto it self, whereupon secretly (as it were) resenting the departure of God from it, it falls upon a course of hardening it self, and by degrees contracts a boldness, impudence, and desperateness in sinning; as a woman by suffering a breach to be made upon her modestie or chastity once, often becomes facile and prone to that kinde of sinning afterwards; or else, 2. by reflecting upon what it hath done in such a case, and feeding night and day upon the sad thoughts of its own act, and casting it up between God and it self, how grievous a sin it is, to trample upon its own light, for any mans sake, or upon any consideration whatsoever, it brings it self into grievous agonies of perplexity, and horrour, out of which it never recovers afterward.
Thus I have given
A. S. an account of my present thoughts, touching that
coercitive power in matters of Religion, which hee is so importune to put into the civill Magistrates hand, with both his own; making it as strange and uncouth a matter, as a
new Independencie amounts unto
(pag. 60.) that any man should not give the right hand of fellowship to his conceit herein. Which yet notwithstanding I shall be most willing and ready to do, if the man will but do mee the courtesie solidly and theologue-like, by reason, and not by vote, that is, unanswerably to answer the ten arguments propunded. For I profess ingenuously, there is nothing separates between mee and his judgement in the point in hand, but only those ten reasons, with their fellows; and if I were able to answer them my self, I would abate the condition required to the bargain, and purchase my agreement with him by mine own labour.
Chap. 3.
Concerning Presbyterie, or Classique Government of Churches, whether it be founded upon the Scriptures, or what foundation it hath otherwise.
IT is easie to observe (and yet well worth the observing) how
A. S. his hand trembleth and shaketh in drawing the line of the descent and pedegree of his Presbyteriall Government; hee knows not well where to finde the sourse, first spring, or originall of it. Hee is between the Scriptures on the one hand, and the law of nature on the other; as the Poet describes a fierce Tygre between two droves or herds of cattell.
Nescit utrò potius ruat, & ruere ardet utro
(que).
He knows not which he had best fall upon, but hath a great minde to fasten upon both. When he hath occasion to skirmish with the Apologists upon this point, me thinks I see him traversing his ground, as if he trod upon hot Irons; he treads daintily and tenderly, and shifts his steppings to and again, off and on, as if he felt no ground under him, but that whereof he was jealous. And it seems, that for the whole family it self of persons ingaged in
A. S. his judgement about Church-government, though they be but one, resolutely enough agreed for the government it self; yet there are great divisions of heart amongst them concerning the parentage and descent of it. Some out of a desire to have it the more adored and reverenced in the world, will needs have it to be of the house and lineage of
Johns Baptisme,
viz. from heaven, from the Scriptures; Others of them, fearing that genealogie to be so perplexed and intricate, that it is fitter to make strife and questions of, then demonstration and satisfaction, think it better to wave that title, and claim, and to content themselves with a Meropean, in stead of a Phoebean parentage for it; to rise no higher then the liberty or power of the Church it self, to seek its originall. Which cleft in the house considered, it was a very prudent spoke put into the wheel of the Apologists, by him that gave counsell (if all tales be true) at no hand to have it put to vote, whether Presbyteriall Government could be proved from the Scriptures, or no. Such a vote as this might very possibly have prov'd of as interruptory a consequence to the builders of this Government, as the confusion of tongues sometimes did to builders of another fabrick.
But
A. S. is A perse A, for ought that ever yet I could hear (save only
Sect. 2 from his own pen) in making
subordination, between superiour and inferiour
[Page 65]
Ecclesiasticall Judicatories, i. (in plain English) Presbyteriall Government, to be
partim juris divini, partim naturalis aut mixti; partly of divine right, partly of naturall or mixt: which yet is his Decision,
pag. 27. When he affirmes
pag. 36. that his Presbyteriall power
needs not any pattern formally, and expressly from Christ, it sufficeth that it hath one from nature; would not a man think that he waves the Scriptures in the question, as being compleatly furnished otherwise to make good his standing? And yet within a few lines after, he glories too in the superfluous and over-abounding contributions of the Scriptures to him:
And yet (saith he)
we can shew a patent for it, not onely from the Law of Nature, which should suffice, but also from the Law of Grace, in the old and new Testament. In other places, hee seemes wholly to decline the Law of Nature, as if men by their prudentials or power in any kind, had nothing to doe to institute or set up any power in the Church, but by expresse order and warrant from God in the Scriptures.
It is onely in God (saith he
pag. 48.)
who is a King in this spirituall Kingdome, a Master in this House, a Father in this Family, who can give power therein unto any man; we dare not be so bold, &c. and pag. 61.
Veritie consisteth not in the middle of this or that, which yee imagine, but in a conformity of our conceptions with their object, and due measure, which in this matter is onely Gods word revealed in the Scriptures: and according to this rule I take Presbyterian government rather, &c. And yet one more, page 34.
Combined Presbyteries (qua tota, sed non qua totaliter considerata, i. no man can tell how or which way)
judge of points of doctrine, and discipline already revealed in the holy Scriptures, and give us new Ecclesiasticall Laws of things indifferent, and so teach and rule the Churches, &c. Come
A. S. let you and I conferre lovingly of these affaires before we part.
1. I wonder much, that having two Nations (at least, if not more)
Sect. 3 in your own bowels, such materiall differences as have been touched in your Presbyterian Tribe; nay, that having line against line, page against page, leafe against leafe in your own book, you should be no more compassionate towards your brethren the Apologists, then to bebrand them with differences amongst themselves, as you doe more then once, and that with much bitternesse,
pag. 69. and elswhere.
Si variâsse vocas crimen, variavimus ambo.
2. The differences that are amongst the Apologists and men of their
Sect. 4 judgement, about the way of their government, are nothing considerable in respect of yours. They differ but in their haire, and you in your heads. They differ among themselves, but as one starre differeth
[Page 66] from another; you differ between your selves as much as heaven & earth. They all as one man unanimously affirm, that their way of government is Canonicall, and of Divine assertion; you are divided about the authority of your way, some making it Canonicall, others Apocryphall, some fetching it from the starres, others from the dust.
Hinc caput at
(que) illinc, humero ex utro
(que) pependit.
By the way, the ingenuous dissent of that party amongst you, who cannot say that they see any lineament of Heaven in the face of your Government, being yet wel-willers, and friends of affections large enough unto it, is unto me as little lesse then a demonstration as may be, that your way is but from men, and not from God. For as the saying is,
Quid non sentit amor? If there were any thing in the Scriptures that did but look merrily, or cast a plausible glance upon your way, would not they that are so entirely devoted both in their judgments and affections to it, find it out? yea and double and treble the sympathy and strength of it with their imaginations? As it is the propertie of Love, to
cover a multitude of sinnes or trespasses, that are,
(Prov. 10. 12.) so is it a property likewise of the same affection to discover a multitude of pleasing accommodations which are not.
Besides, it is somewhat more then a mote in the eye of your unitie, that
in some Churches (of your Presbyteriall calculation)
particular or Parochial Senats or Consistories, have power to suspend from their communion, those that be members thereof; yea also to excommunicate them, &c. This is your own bounteous acknowledgment,
p. 26. I thought that such a misdemeanour as this in the State Presbyterial, had been of Classick vindication, at the least.
3. If Presbyterian government
needeth no formall or expresse patterne from Christ, then either it hath none such from him, or this patterne
Sect. 5 wheresoever it is found, is but a superfluitie or impertinencie of Scripture. But that there is nothing superfluous or impertinent in the Scriptures, is a glory asserted unto them by the holy Ghost himselfe, 2
Tim. 3. 16.
All Scripture is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable▪ &c. Therefore by
A. S. his own confession, his government hath
no formall or expresse pattern from Christ. In one sense it may be granted, that Presbyterian government
needeth no formall, nor yet materiall
pattern from Christ,
viz in such a sense, as it may truly be said, that Castles in the aire need no reparation. But,
4. If your government
needs no formall or expresse pattern from Christ,
Sect. 6
[Page 67] we would gladly know whether it needs any
material or
implicite pattern from him, or what it needs from him, whether something or nothing. But if you understood, or would please but to consider the
necessities of it, I verily beleeve you would confesse that it did stand in need of
that formall and express pattern from him, which you speak of. You see that for want of such a
pattern it drives but heavily, and is long in
Ptov. 8. 12. getting up into its throne; it hath lost many a merry day already, & yet daily meets with such contestations, oppositions, contradictions, from sober, wise, learned & religious men, that it is like to reigne but in the fire of contention, and with the sorrow and sadnes of many such hearts as Christ would not have made sad. And all this calamity befalls it for want of a
formall and expresse pattern from Christ: And yet hath it no need hereof? Surely it is very magnanimous, and high-spirited, to be able to beare all this heavie pressure of misery upon it, and yet professe that it stands in no need of that which would ease it.
5. If
it needs no formall express pattern from Christ, we would willingly
Sect. 7 be informed, what pattern it is, which (you boast)
you can shew from the Law of Grace for it in the Old and New Testament. We suppose that it stands in need of all that you
can shew for it, either from the
Law of Nature, or of
Grace, either
from the Old Testament, or from
the New, and much more. You tell us, you
can shew pattern upon pattern, but shew none. Surely you would be thought to doe very nobly;
Posse & nolle, nobile. You do not shew us, but only tell us, (p. 41.) that
if we will, we may see it in the ordinarie practice of the Church of the Jewes in the Old Testament. It seems that sight you have of your Presbyteriall Government, either in this
practice of the Jewish Church, or in any other passage, or part of Scripture, depends upon your
wills: you are
willing to see it, and therefore you see it. Otherwise, why should you tell us that we may see it,
if we will? you are happy men, who have your eyes dependant upon your
wills, and so can see what you please, or have a mind to see:
Nobis non licet esse tam disertis; our wills depend upon our eyes; we dare not will any thing, but what wee first
see, to be the
will and mind of God. It is no marvell, that you cast it as a sore aspersion upon the Apologists (p. 4.) that you saw them no wayes
minded to submit themselves (in these matters of conscience)
to the desires of the Parliament. I verily beleeve, that did their
judgements depend upon their
wills, as it seems yours doe, they would have been as freely willing to have submitted in all things, unto the desires of the Parliament, as you are. But,
6. If our wills be weak, and thereby are hindred from seeing that
Sect. 8 goodly vision of Presbyterian Government in the
practice of the Jewish
[Page 68]
Church, which you see, what doe you contribute or afford us towards the healing and strengthening of them? Nay, doe you not rather occasion that which is weak in this kind, to be
quite turned out of the way? For when you tell us (as you doe pag. 13.) 1. that
the adaequate end of your Presbyteriall government, is the externall peace of the Church. And 2. that the power thereof consists, first,
in the creation, suspension and deposition of Church-officers: secondly, in determining matters of Doctrine: thirdly, in making Ecclesiasticall lawes concerning things indifferent, &c. (all which you tell us on a heap, pag. 42.) you both make us very loth and unwilling to find your government there; and withall very confident that there it is not to be found. For,
First, was the
adaequate end of the government of that Church, the
Sect. 9
externall peace of the Church? Had it nothing in designe, for the spirituall good, for the edification of the members of it in knowledge, faith, and holinesse? Was the power of the high Priest given him only to keep the Church in externall peace? I thought that to provide for the externall peace of the Church, had rather appertained to the civill Magistrate and government, then to the Ecclesiastick; and it is the Apostle himselfe that thus thoughteth me, 1
Tim. 2. 2. where he enjoyneth; that
supplications, prayers, &c. be made
for Kings and all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godlinesse and honesty.
Secondly, neither doe I find in the practise of that Church, any power given to the combined rulers and governours thereof, for the creation, suspension, deposition of Church-officers. I read of the deposition of a Church-officer (and no mean one neither) by the Civill Magistrate, 1.
King. 2. 27.
So Solomon cast out Abiathar from being Priest unto the Lord, &c. but of any such deposition by the combined rulers of that Church, I remember not that I have read. But,
3. As for any power of
determining matters of Doctrine, this is further
Sect. 10 out of my ken in the
practice of that Church, then any thing else. I know not well what
A. S. means by his phrase of
Determining matters of Doctrine; but in my notion, and in the Grammaticall and proper sense of the word,
Determine, the claim of such a power riseth up as a high partition-wall between me and his Government. If by a
power of determining matters of doctrine, he meanes nothing else but a liberty or ability of discussing and arguing such matters, and of recommending the issues and results of such discussions, unto the Churches, as consonant (in their judgements) to the truth, with a proposall of their desires unto the Churches, to consider well of them, and to embrace
[Page 69] them, if they can so judge and conceive of them, I have nothing to oppose against this power. But if by his
power to determine matters of Religion, he means a power of concluding or defining, what men shall be bound in conscience to receive and beleeve for truth, and shal be look'd upon as sinning, in case they doe it not, whether they see sufficient ground for what is so concluded, and obtruded upon them, or not, (which I partly beleeve to be
A. S. his sense, I am sure is the proper sense of the word) such a power is, (and I think ever will bee) the first-born of the abhorrings of my soul. I confesse I cannot be overconfident that
A. S. intends the residence of such a power as this, in his Presbyterian Assemblies; partly, because he speakes somewhat like a man in this behalfe elsewhere, supposing it to be
safe even for a few men to dissent from all the world, in case they have
very strong reasons for their
Paget Defence of Church government. pag. 29.
dissent, pag. 22. and requires no subjection in
particular Congregations unto the judgment of Senats or Assemblies, but according to Gods word, pag. 28. (I trust he means, so apprehended by the congregation; without this there is no subjection according to Gods word.) And again, pag. 68. acknowledgeth it as
an undoubted maxime, that the church hath no absolute power in her judgments, &c. with many savoury expressions in this kind; partly also, because I find this indulgence generally subscribed with Presbyterian pens,
That the authority which Classes and Synods exercise, is not absolute, nor their Decrees held to be infallible, but to be examined by the word of God, and not to be received further then they do agree herewith. And yet on the other hand I confesse, that I cannot conceive, or comprehend how
A. S. his government can hold up her head like her selfe, if this Iron-mace be taken out of her hand. For my part, if this one Article of a liberty to wave Presbyteriall Injunctions and Decisions, in case of a
non liquet from the word of God, to him, to whom they are tendered, will bee but assented unto, and candidly kept and performed, it would be the best Mediator I know to reconcile my thoughts and judgement to it.
4. Nor can I in the practice of the Jewish Church, find either
vola or
Sect. 13
vestigium of a
power granted unto the Rulers thereof, to make Ecclesiasticall laws
concerning things indifferent; I rather find a prohibition served upon them for making any such laws;
Ye shall put nothing unto the word which I command you, nor shall you take ought therefrom, &c. Deut. 4. 2. So again, Chap. 12. 32. If
A. S. can but produce one example of any such Law or Constitution made by them, he shall be a good benefactor to the penury of my notions; and in consideration thereof, I will bestow upon him a dashing out of this peece of his charge.
[Page 70] 5. And lastly, in the practice of the Jewish Church, the Prelaticall
Sect. 12 Schoole sees a vision or platforme of her government also. And
A. S. by your leave, the High-Priest as well in his Authoritie as in his robes and holy accoutrements, did farre more plausibly sympathize with Metropoliticall state and greatnesse, then with Presbyteriall. For my part, I am not able to discern in all the practice of the Jewish Church, from the one end of it unto the other, any peece, straine, or veine of such a
patterne as
A. S. speaks of. Surely the vision is so condition'd, as not to be seen but upon Presbyterian ground. The man did wisely in granting that he had
no formall or expresse patterne for his government either
from the Old or
New Testament: but he should have done more ingenuously to have added,
no nor yet any materiall or
implicit patterne neither. For if he hath any
materiall patterne, it is so purely
materiall, that it may contend with
materia prima it selfe for the prize of Invisibilitie. If he hath any
implicit, it is wrapt up under so many folds and pleights of obscurity, that no seeing eye is able to pierce through to it.
But doe we not give sentence too soon? It may be his
pattern from the New Testament will carry it, though that from the Old refus'd to meddle with it. But where shall we seek this? He tells us, pag. 41.
That we may see it in the History of the New Testament, in the judgement given out at the Synod (either truly or untruly so called) of
Hierusalem, concerning the businesse of Antiochia. What possibly
we may see in length and time, is not easie to determine for the present; but I have both more hope and feare of seeing a thousand other things (which yet I cannot certainly say, that I shall see) then I have of either, ever to see Classicall proceedings demonstrated out of that passage of Scripture. Nor doth
A. S. so much as put forth his little finger towards such a Demonstration, but contents himselfe (for the present) to threaten us with his own
hope, of
seeing the busines
clearly demonstrated to us by a better hand ere long. Clear demonstrations of any thing from the Scriptures, shall be very welcome to us at any time; but me thinks I see such insuperable difficulties in the way, that I feare that
Demonstration will never come out cleare. Yet because I would help forward the
clearnes of it what I can, I shal make bold to propound unto him that either is, or shall be the undertaker thereof, a few particulars, which (I humbly conceive) must be substantially prov'd to make the
Demonstration clear, at least to me, and many others.
1. It must be prov'd, that the Apostles in that meeting at Jerusalem,
Acts 15. 6. sate there onely in the capacitie of ordinary Elders,
[Page 71] or Presbyters, and not as Apostles.
i. that they wav'd or silenc'd the spirit of infallibilitie which was given them, and fell to worke with the weak and fallible spirits of other men; which is, as if a man should pull out his eyes to see with the holes.
2. It must further be prov'd, that this Councell at Ierusalem had their state and set times of meeting, as weekly, monthly, yearly, or the like, and that they did not assemble occasionally onely. For this is one of the high characters of Presbytery by
A. S. his owne calculation, pag. 39.
3. It must yet be prov'd, that they had
Authoritatem citationis, an authoritative power to cite and call before them whom they pleased within the pale of Apostolicall jurisdiction, that is, within the compasse of the whole world.
4. It must also be made cleere, that the Apostles and Elders that were members of this Synod, were sent hereunto, by those particular Churches, over whom they had right to claime Jurisdiction, or intended to include in their determinations.
5. The
Demonstration will never bee
cleare, till it be substantially prov'd, that there was none authorized to sit in that Councell, but onely Church-Officers and Ecclesiasticall men; the contrary hereof seeming (at least) very apparent, from
ver. 22. & 23.
6. That like wise must not be left unprov'd, that this Councell had power, as well to make new Laws of indifferent things, as to impose things necessary upon the Churches.
ver. 28.
7. The Demonstrator to make his worke
cleere and clever, must prove that the Churches of Syria and Cilicia, had their Commissioners or Delegates, fitting authoritatively in this Synod, because they are included in the Determination,
ver. 23.
8. It must be prov'd likewise, that
Paul and
Barnabas sate as Commissioners upon the same terms for the Church of Antioch in this Synod.
9. It must be made to appeare, either that this Synod or Councell would have proceeded as now they did, whether they could have said,
It seemed good to the Holy Ghost, and to us, or no, or that ordinary Synods or Assemblies may lawfully proceed as they did, though they have no such assurance of a concurrence of the Holy Ghost with them, as they had.
10. And lastly, Proofe must be made, that those words in the close of the Epistle (sent from this Councell to the respective Churches)
[Page 72]
yee shall do well, ver. 29. are fulminative, & import some such threatning or intimation as this, that if they did not submit, some further course must be taken with them.
If all these particulars shall be substantially cleered and proved, I shall freely acknowledge that there is a plausible
patterne for
A. S. his Government, in the new Testament, but
Hic labor, hoc opus est. I shall not pre-judge any mans abilities; but for the present, I doe as much expect the fulfilling of that Poeticall Prophecie,
Ʋnda dabit flammas, & dabit ignis aquas,
as I doe ever to see that fifteenth of the
Acts, safely deliver'd of the man-child cal'd
Presbyterie.
Therefore
A. S. must pardon us if as yet wee be not able to see any patterne at all of his Government, neither
formall, nor
materiall, neither
explicit, nor
implicit, either in the old or new Testament.
Well, but yet the man hath one string to his bowe more; though
Grace wil not relieve him, it may be
nature will. He hath (as hee saith)
a patterne in the Law of Nature which will suffice. They must (I beleeve) have verie good appetites to Presbyterie, that will bee suffic'd with this pattern. The Law of nature is a very vast volume, and
A. S. hath not quoted either page, leaf, or section of the book, so that I know not whither to turne, or where to look for his patterne. But me thinks the man himselfe hath given ample testimonie to the
Law of Nature, that it is no ways guiltie of, or accessarie to his Presbyterian Government. For that which cannot be made out, to the judgements and consciences of men, without the helpe of such an host of scholastique, intricate, (if not inexplicable) distinctions, as
A. S. is fain to leavie, and muster together,
p. 29. 30. 31. 32. &c. before he can make either head or foot of his businesse, what other originall or descent soever it may claim, I know not, but (questionlesse)
the Law of Nature will not owne. The Law of nature saith with one of natures sons;
Odi difficiles nugas: she meddles not with subtilties, niceties, or curiosities of distinctions. A man that is unlearned, and but of ordinarie capacitie, that shall read the pages last quoted, may very possibly take his odde and uncouth distinctions for names of unclean spirits, and thinke that the man conjur's for his Government.
But will you please to heare the names of his beagles, with which he follows his game, and hunts classique Law out of those deep and dark caverns & tullians of the earth where Nature had hid it,
stygiis
(que) admoverat umbris. The first couple,
Actus primus, senior, and
Actus secundus,
[Page 73]
senior. The second couple;
Actus primus, junior, and
Actus secundus junior. The third,
Actus primus, tertius; and
Actus secundus, tertius. The fourth,
Actus signatus, senior; and
Actus exercitus, senior. The fift,
Actus signatus, junior; and
Actus exercitus, junior. The sixt,
collectivè and
distributivè. The seventh,
formerly, and
materially. The eight,
Totum simpliciter, and
totum & totaliter. The ninth,
Omne simpliciter per omne, and
pro omni & omnino vel omnimodo. The tenth
Totum, totaliter, and
totum modificatum. The eleventh,
Divisim & conjunctim. The twelfth,
per se, and
per accidens: The thirteenth and last,
Totum confusum, and
totum ordinatum. Can any reasonable man imagine, that that conclusion or practise, which cannot be justified or cleared to the understanding and conscience of learned, pregnant and apprehensive men (for these are no lettuces for illiterate lips) but by the contributions and engagements of all these distinctions (and some others not listed) should be sufficiently contained in the
Law of nature? The
Law of nature is a book for every mans reading and understanding; but this volume of distinctions is scarce for any mans. If
A. S. and his partie would but spare the vulgar and common sort of men (as there is neither reason, nor Religion but why they should) from putting their necks under the yoke of Classique Governement, untill they can plough with these heifers, I meane till he or they have made them capable of all these distinctions, for my part I should not feare much danger or inconvenience from it, except it were the intercepting or suspending of such a Governement, as might be a benefit and blessing to them, whilest they are in preparing for the other.
In the mean time we clearly see that all
A. S. his foundations for his Presbyteriall building, fail him: neither the
old Testament, nor the
New, nor yet the
Law of Nature, will consent to beare or to support any such fabrique. Nor is all that hath been here said by way of contest with him about his Government, any whit more then a first fruits of what is further opposeable to it.
Chapt. 4
Concerning the form of Church-government maintained by the Apologists, commonly called (nomine ad invidiam comparato)
by the nick-name of Independency; by themselves Congregationall:
and whether A. S.
his exceptions against it, be materiall, or of that moment, that it should give place to its Competitor.
FOr the justification of this Government in a cataskeuastique or assertive way, I shall plead nothing further (for the present) then
[Page 74] what the Presbyterian School it self grants, conceiving that to be a ground impregnable, especially
quoad homines, to found the lawfulness of it upon. I shall rather address to my Antagonist
A. S. and try whether he be any whit more dexterous at pulling down, then we lately found him at building up; it may be he is better at hiding, then at finding.
But first, towards the building up of the Congregationall Government,
See M
[...]st
[...]r
[...] H
[...]le Independency &c. p. 2. th
[...]s corner-stone is given us by our Adversaries, that
where there is no neighbourhood of Congregations, or single Churches, whereby they may with conveniency be aiding each to other, there a single Congregation must not be denyed
[...]ntireness of jurisdiction.
If wee cannot upon this advantage of ground, make good this government against all opposition, it is very ill bestowed on us, and wee deserve to be punished with that, which lifts up it self against it. But,
First, if
entireness of Government or
jurisdiction be not to be
denyed to a single Congregation, when it is solitary, and without neighbours, then certainly it hath a lawfull right, title, or claim to such a Jurisdiction. For whatsoever doth not in a way of equity or right belong unto any man, ought to be denyed unto him. If then a single Church in this case, hath a right to an intireness of rule and government within it self, I would gladly know, by what right any other Church or churches, be they never so many, can take away this right or priviledge from it.
Those whom God hath put together (saith our Saviour, in the case of marriage)
let not man put asunder. Doubtless, if a single Church, under the circumstance mentioned, hath a
right to an intireness of jurisdiction within it self, it hath this right conferred upon it by God, or Christ himself, there being no other fountain or foundation thereof imaginable. And if so, then who ever shall take away, or deny this right of Jurisdiction unto it, must shew a commission from heaven to do it, or otherwise be guilty of
putting those a sunder whom God hath joyned together.
Secondly, if a Church yet single, be invested with a power of Jurisdiction within it self, and should be cashiered of this power, by the rising up of more Churches neer unto her, then that which is intended by God as a table, should become a snare unto her; she should suff
[...]r l
[...]ss, and have sorrow from those, by whom shee ought to be comforted.
Thirdly, If a single Church should suffer loss of so considerable a priviledge, as entireness of Jurisdiction is, by the multiplication of Churches neer unto her, then cannot this Church pray for the propagation of the Gospel in places neer to it, but she must pray against her
[Page 75] own comfort and peace; which is a sore temptation upon her, either to pray very faintly, or not to pray at all, for such a thing.
If it be objected and said, that intireness of Jurisdiction is no benefit or priviledge to a single Church, but rather an inconvenience, or a diminutive priviledge at best, and that her condition shall be improv'd, not impaired, by combining her self in point of government with other Churches: I answer,
First, that the Scripture it self makes intireness of government, or subjection only unto those that are of the same society or body, a speciall mercy, favour, and blessing from God.
And their Nobles shall be of themselves (saith God, speaking of that great goodness he meant to shew unto his people after their return from Babylon)
and their Governour shall proceed from the midst of them▪ &c. Jer. 30. 21. So it is made a character or sign of the prosperous estate of
Tyres, that
her wise men that were in her, (i. of her own Nation)
were her pilots, Ezek. 27. 8.
Secondly, subjection unto strangers, is still spoken of as matter of punishment and sorrow:
Give not thine heritage to reproach, that the heathen should reigne over it, Joel 2. 17. The Nations of the Jews were expresly forbidden to
set strangers to rule over them, Deut. 17. 15.
If it be objected; But Pastours or Elders of neighbour Churches ought not to be looked upon as strangers, but as Brethren: I answer, (in a word) though they be brethren in comparison of the unbelieving party of the world, and in respect of their spirituall descent from the same Father with them; yet have they more of the relation and consideration of strangers to them, then those that are (as it were) of the same domestique society with them. And therefore subjection to them, must needs have less of the blessing, and more of the curse in it, then subjection to their own.
Thirdly, the grant of Government and Rule within themselves unto Towns and Corporations, were ever esteemed matters of speciall grace and favour from Princes: and have sometimes been purchased with great summes by the Inhabitants.
Fourthly and lastly, reason it self demonstrates intireness of Government, to be a sweet priviledge and benefit to a particular Church. First, in case a man be questioned, he saves a proportion both of time, and labour of travell in respect of whath must undergo, if hee were to make his answer at a Consistory further off. Secondly, proceedings against him in his own society shall be regulated, managed and ordered by his owne Pastour, who is a Father unto him in the Lord, and who in all reason, and according to the course of (al most) all constant experience,
[Page 76] is more tender, affectionate, and compassionate towards him, then the Pastors of other flocks, and those that are strangers to him. The
Pharaoh that knew
Joseph, dealt well by him, his kindred, and seed: but (saith the Text)
There arose another Pharaoh that knew not Joseph, and he evill intreated our Fathers, &c. Thirdly, he shall be tried, and sentenced by those, who know not how soon it may be their own case to be tried and sentenced by him again; which in reason cannot but teach them moderation and equity, in whatsoever they shall act or suggest against him; whereas, a Consistory of standing Judges, whose
fair necks have little or no cause to fear any
yoke of being judged themselves, are in far more danger, through a confident and constant use of the Scepter, of having their hand hardened, and their little finger soon made as heavie as their loins. It is a good rule which
A. S. himself prompteth us withall in this case, pag. 10.
Nunquam satis fida potentia, ubi nimia est; power seldom yeelds any good fruit, where it is too rank and luxuriant. Fourthly, it is a great incouragement and confirmation of face, to a man that is accused, and is call'd to answer for himselfe, especially, if he be any thing tender foreheaded and bashfull, as many of inferiour breed and education are, to answer before those, whose faces are familiar to him, and with whose persons he is well acquainted; and the contrary is a kind of oppression to such a man. Such an advantage or disadvantage as this, may easily amount to as much, as either a mans standing, or falling in this cause. A Consistory of strange faces, especially the persons being all of superiour rank and quality to him, may be to a plain man, of as bad a consequence, a
[...] the seeing of
Medusa's head was (among the Poets) it may turn him into a stone, and make him able to say little for himself; whereas, if he be to make answer at home, the knowledge and interest hee hath, of, and in those persons before whom he is to speak, will be a soveraign antidote unto him against such fears, as otherwise might betray him in his cause. Fifthly, in this Government we speak of, by the Congregation, private Christians have the opportunity of seeing and hearing from time to time, all the carriages, debates, and judiciary proceedings in the Church, which will be not only matter of much satisfaction, but also as a school of wisdom and experience unto them daily; whereas, if these transactions be negotiated at a remote Consistory, the private Christian loseth his portion and interest in them. Sixthly (and lastly) Conclusions many times are very offensive and hard to be digested, for want of the knowledge of the premisses, that should allay and sweeten them. Classique determinations and awards, especially when they rise high, the reasons
[Page 77] and grounds of them being (for the most part) unknown to the generality of men, and of hard construction with them: whereas the issues and awards that are brought forth in a Congregation, the whole series and storie of all proceedings,
à capite ad calcem, being known unto all, must needs be much more satisfactory, and of a far better resentment with men. These reasons might have been inlarged with much more strength and weight, and many others likewise added to them; but for the present, desirous wee are that brevity should have the casting voyce.
Who then can lay any thing to the charge of this Government? That can I (quoth
A. S. in effect,
p. 38, 39.) I have sixteen reasons or objections against it. Yea, but
A. S. your sixteen Reasons (or at least the greatest part of them, as far as I can see) have all but one head; and if that be struck off, all those reasons are but as so many dead
corpses. You alledge against the Apologists, that the
remedy in their way of Government, for the reducing of whole Congregations or Churches, in case they miscarry or be irregular,
is not sufficient nor satisfactory. This you prove by laying pen upon paper, untill you had sixteen reasons (so called) in black and white. I shall not spend time in transcribing these your Reasons, but shall desire the Reader (though it may be some discourtesie unto you) to take your book into his hand, and to consider of them with what is repon'd in Answer to them.
And first, for that defectiveness you charge upon the Congregationall Government, for the reduction of whole Churches, under errours, miscarriages, &c. I answer:
First, Suppose that course or means which the Apologists insist upon,
a with-drawing, and renouncing all Christian communion with such Churches, untill they repent, be not in the eye of reason or humane conjecture a means
sufficient for such a purpose, and that not only sixteen, but six and twenty reasons, and those more plausible then
A. S. his sixteen, could be levied against it, yet if it be a means which God hath authorized for the effecting it (as I verily believe it is, neither doth
A. S. nor any of his, that yet I have met with, prove the contrary) it will do the deed, and prosper, when as seven other means that are greater of flesh, and more promising, will but beat the air, and do little of what was intended and projected to have been done by them. How many reasons may we probably conceive, that the
disputers of this world in Paul's time, were able to bandie against preaching, whereby to prove it foolishness? yet this was, and still is, and ever will be, maugre all the opposition of ten thousand disputations and reasons
[Page 78] against it,
the wisdome of God, and the power of God, to save those that believe. The strength and power of sacred Ordinances do not lie in their natures, but in their relations or institutions. Now, that a
with-drawing of Christian communion from persons walking inordinately, is an Ordinance or means appointed by God, for the reducing and reclaiming of them, is evident, 2
Thes. 3. 6. with the 14.
We warn you Brethren, in the Name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that yee withdraw your selves from every brother that walketh inordinately, &c. and vers. 14.
If any man obey not this our saying in this letter note him, and have no company with him, that he may be ashamed. Clearly implying, that to with-draw communion, and to deny Christian fellowship unto Christians walking inordinately, is both a means of Divine institution, and otherwise proper and commodious in it self, to reclaim and bring them to Repentance. There is the same reason of Churches in this behalf, which there is of persons; Churches being nothing else but persons embodied.
Secondly, suppose there were no such
sufficient or satisfactory remedy for the inconvenience mentioned in the way of the Apologists, as
A. S. conceives to be in his (which yet there is, as hath in part already, and will afterwards further appear) yet Lawyers have a saying, that
a mischief is better then an inconvenience. A man had better run the hazard of a greater loss, then expose himself to a daily wasting and consuming of his estate. A man had better be wet through and through with a soaking showre once a yeer, then be exposed in his house to
continuall droppings all the yeer long. The Delinquencie of whole Churches, (such I mean, as is matter of publique scandall or offence to their neighbour Churches) is not an every dayes case, no more in the way of
Congregationall then of
Presbyteriall Government: you acknowledge the rarity of it in your Government, and we affirm it in ours. Now then much better it is, to want a remedy against such an evill, which possibly may not fall out within an age, though it be greater when it doth fall, then it is to expose our selves
to continuall droppings, I mean, to those daily inconveniences which wee lately shewed to be incident to the Classique Government.
Thirdly, they that implead the Congregationall way, for being defective, as touching the matter in hand, seem to suppose, that God hath put a sufficiency of power into the hands of men, to remedy all defects, errours, and miscarriages of men whatsoever. Else why should it be made matter of so deep a charge and challenge against the way of the Apologists, that it affords not a
sufficient and satisfactory remedy either to prevent or heal all possible miscarriages in all churches?
[Page 79] I would willingly know, in case your
Church transcendent, your supreme Session of Presbyters, should miscarry, and in your Doctrinall determinations, give us
hay, stubble, and wood, in stead of
silver, gold, and
precious stones, (a misprision, you know, wel-neer as incident to such Assemblies, yea, and to those that are more generall and oecumeniall then so, as obstinacy in errour is to particular Congregations) what remedy the poor Saints and Churches of God under you have, or can expect against such a mischiefe; or what remedy you now have in the way of your government, for the recovering of your selves out of such a snare, more then what the Congregationall way affordeth, for the reclaiming of particular Churches. Nay, the truth is, your Government in such a case is at a greater loss in respect of any propable or hopefull remedy against such an evill (which yet is an evill of a most dangerous consequence) then the other way of Government is for the reduction of particular Churches. That hath the
remedy of God (as hath been shewed) though not the
remedy of men, and yet that
remedy of God which it hath, is appliable by men, and those known who they are,
viz. the Churches of Christ neer adjoyning; but if your great Ecclesiastique body be tainted or infected, though never so dangerously,
Corpora morbis majora patent. Sen. God must have
mercy on you, and that in a way somewhat (at least) more then ordinary, if ever you be healed. For that
Directive power in matters of Religion, which, had you left it in other mens hands, might in this case, through the blessing of God, have healed you, being now only in your own, hath not only occasioned that evill disease that is upon you, but also leaves you helpless and cureless by other men.
A. S. makes the greatest part of his arguments against that way of Government which hee opposeth, of
what iffs, I mean, of loose and impertinent suppositions, and cases, that are not like to fall out, till
ursa major, and
ursa minor meet (unto which kind of arguments, every whit as much as enough hath been answered already) but he shall shew himself a soveraign Benefactour indeed to the Presbyterian cause, if he can find out
a remedy satisfactory and sufficient against that sore evill we speak of incident to his Government in the case mentioned: which is a case both of a far worse consequence then the obstinacy of a particular Church in some error; and (I fear) of a far more frequent occurrence then the world is willing to take notice of.
Fourthly, let us ponder a little, how
sufficient and satisfactorie that
remedie against the evill now in consideration, is, which the Classique politie, under the protection of A. S. his pen, so much glorieth in; let
[Page 80] us compare the two remedies, of the two corriving polities together, as A. S. hath done, after this manner.
But the Presbyteriall Government (saith he, p. 39.)
is subject to none of these inconveniences: For the collective or combined eldership having an Authoritative power, all men and Churches thereof are bound by Law and Covenant to submit themselves thereunto: Every man knoweth their set times of meeting, wherein sundrie matters are dispatched, and all things carried by pluralitie of voyces, without any schisme or separation. Not to be troublesome to the man about his Grammaticals, (wherein his pen slips oftner then
Priscian will
tolerate in such a piece) because in these he opposeth nothing but a mans conceit either of overmuch scholarship, or overmuch care, in him.
Here is a
remedie indeed against some inconveniences; but whether the inconveniences be not much better then the remedie,
adhuc sub Judice lis est. But what are the inconveniences?
The first is,
that Churches being equall in authoritie, one cannot binde another to give any account, in case of offence given. Well, what is the remedie for this in Classique constitution?
The combined Eldership having an authoritative power, all men and Churches thereof are bound by Law and Covenant to submit themselves, &c. What is another inconvenience?
In case other churches were offended in the proceedings of a particular church, they could not judge in it; for then they should be both judge and partie in one cause, &c. Well, what is the remedie in Presbyterian politie?
The combined Eldership having an authoritative power, all men and Churches, &c. What is a third inconvenience?
That Congregationall Government giveth no more power or authoritie to a thousand Churches over one, then to a Tinker, yea to the Hangman over a thousand, &c. What is the Presbyterian remedie for this?
The combined Eldership having an Authoritative power, &c. The
combined Eldership with their
Authoritative power together
with a Law or Covenant whereby all men and Churches under them, are bound to submit unto them, are as bars of iron and gates of brasse to keep out al those inconveniences, irregularities, defilements, pollutions, out of the Presbyterian Temple, whereunto (it seems) the Congregationall temple, for want of such stoure and tight provisions, lies open. But,
First, what if your
combined Eldership hath neither footing nor foundation in the Word of God? It is not the serviceablenesse of it against a thousand such inconveniences as were mentioned, that will justifie it.
Souls offering sacrifice was a means to prevent the
scattering of the people from him; yet
Samuel told him that
he had done foolishly in
[Page 81]
it; and it cost him his Kingdom. 1
Sam. 13. 9. 13. 14. So the putting forth of
Vzz
[...]h's hand to stay the Ark, was a meanes to keepe it from being shaken; but yet the doing of it cost him his life.
Peters valour and zeale in drawing his sword, and laying about him, was a likely meanes of rescuing his Master; but the Lord Christ preferred the imminent danger of his life before such a rescue, and check'd the sword that was drawne for him againe into the sheath. That Law and constitution in the Papacie, whereby
all men & all Churches thereof, are bound to submit their judgements in matters of Faith to the decision of the Papall Chair, is as soveraigne a
remedie against all those inconveniences named, as that for which Classique Authoritie is so much magnified by you; and yet it is never the lesse abominable in the eyes both of God and men. The Question is not, which Government will serve most turnes; but which is most agreeable to the will and Word of God. If that of Presbyterie be defective this way, as there is extreame cause to feare it is, this defect cannot be recompenced or redeemed by any other commendation whatsoever.
Secondly, neither can we with any tolerable satisfaction informe our selves out of all your discourse, either what you meane by that
Authoritative power, which you claime to your
combined Eldership, nor yet how, or by what, or whose Authoritie, they come to be invested with it. As for the power, sometimes you deny it to be
Magisteriall, or such, which may not lawfully be declin'd, when a man cannot submit unto it without disobedience to God; otherwise, you make it so irrefragably sacred, as if it were no lesser sin then perjurie it selfe, to detract it. Again, for the investiture of your Eldership with this power, whether they arrogate it unto themselves and are their own carvers, or whether the Civill State and Parliamentarie Law, or whether the free and joynt consent of those over whom this power is exercised, do conferre and derive it upon them, you informe us not, but count an
ignoramus, better then a verdict. But till you do resolve us by what Authoritie or power this
Authoritative power comes into the hand of your
combined Eldership, we shall thinke it safer to stand to the hazard and dammage of all the
inconveniences spoken of, then to subject to it.
Thirdly, if the Law of the State, be the first and most considerable band or tye upon men to submit unto the power of your
combined Eddership (as you seeme here to imply, in saying
that all men & all Churches thereof are bound by Law, &c.) then 1. you must acknowledge that the root and base of your Government is
potestas secularis, secular
[Page 82] authoritie; and then how is it Ecclesiastick or spirituall? A man may as well
bring a clean thing out of an unclean (in
Jobs expression) as make a spirituall extraction out of a secular root. Secondly, it will rest upon you to prove, that the Civill State hath a power to forme and fashion the government of the Churches of Christ. Yea, thirdly (and lastly) it will be demonstratively proved against you, that you resolve the government of the Churches of Christ (in the last resolution of it) into the humors, wills, and pleasures of the world, yea of the vilest and most unworthy of men. But,
Fourthly (and lastly) the
Authoritative power of your combined Eldership being granted unto you, we doe not see how the inconveniences you find in the Congregationall way, will bee much better solv'd in yours. For first, what if a particular Congregation under the jurisdiction of your Eldership, reflecting upon the Oath or Covenant it hath taken for subjection thereunto, (as likewise upon all other engagements that way) as unlawfull, shall peremptorily refuse to stand to the awards or determinations of it, what will you do in this case? How will your
combined Eldership remedy this inconvenience? What? will you excommunicate this Church? The Apologists in their way do little lesse; (and that by a power farre lesse questionable then yours) nay in your interpretation they doe every whit as much: Or will you deliver them over
Brachio seculari? to be hamper'd and taught better then it seems you can teach them, by prisons, fines, banishment, &c. O
A. S. remember you tar'd the Apologists, for comporting in a very small matter (in comparison) with the Arminians (in case it had been true) and will you comply with the Papists in a matter of this high nature? Churches had need take heed how they chuse men for their Guardians, that will so dispose of them if they please them not. Besides, you know what was said in the second chapter, touching the power of the Magistrate in this case. And what if in the Session of your
combined Eldership there be no such thing as plurality of votes concerning excommunication of such a Church, (as it is very possible that in such a meeting the truth may find just as many friends as error hath, and no more) is not the
remedy you spake of, now in the d
[...]st?
Again secondly, (to touch upon the second inconvenience mentioned) when your
combined Eldership proceeds against a particular Church amongst you, upon offence taken, is not this Eldership as well
Party as
Judge? If you think you have every whit the better of it, because your Eldership, though it be both
Party and
Judge, yet hath
[Page 83] an
authoritative power over those whom it judgeth: I answer first, that as our Saviour told
Pilate, He could have no power against him, except it were given him from above; no more can your Eldership have over those whom it judgeth in this case. Now how uncertain and faint the probabilities are, that they have any power over them given them
from above, hath been formerly shewed at large. And if that power which your Eldership claimeth, and exerciseth over the Church arraigned, be not
from above, then the Apologists
remedy is farre better and safer then yours. Secondly, to hold and maintain, that all those that have an
Authoritative power over men, may lawfully by vertue of such power, be both parties and Judges, is to exalt all manner of tyranny, violence and oppression by a Law. Upon such a supposition, men invested with authority and power, whether in Church or State, may be their own carvers, and serve themselves of the estates, liberties and lives of those that are under them, how, and when, & as oft as they list. And why doe you not submit to the decisive judgment of the King in all controversies depending between you and him, if that be your doctrine?
For the third inconvenience (so called) I shall be your debtour to tell me plainly and distinctly, what power more your government giveth to a
thousand Churches over one, then to a Tinker, or the Hangman, over a thousand. I doe not remember where either your selfe, or any of your party, have calculated the proportion; but I well remember a saying in
Charron, That every humane proposition hath equall authoritie,
Tout proposition humaine a autant d'authorite quel' autre, si la raison n'on fait la difference. Charron de sag
[...]sse. Plus credend
[...] est assertioni alicujus simplicis & non authorizati excellenter in Scripturis eruditi, quam declarationi Papae.
if reason make not the difference: and another of
Gerson (much commended by Protestant Authors, though the Author of it Pontificiall)
The saying of a simple man, and no wayes authoriz'd, if he be well seen in the Scriptures, is rather to be beleeved, then the Popes own determination. But
A. S. what makes you thinke (for I can easily guesse what makes you say) that the government of the Apologists
gives no more power to a thousand Churches over one, then to a Tinker or Hangman over a thousand? Ʋbi,
[...]uando, quibus testibus, did this government, or any son it hath, ever make any such comparison, or so farre honour either your
Tinker or
Hangman, as to make them equall in power to a
thousand Churches. And yet I suppose, if a man should say, that the dust in the ballance hath as much life in it as the Sunne, it would be no disparagement to this excellent and glorious creature; because the excellencie of it doth not stand in any degrees or superiority of life above any other creature, but in the aboundance of light which it hath, and the height of its situation, and the serviceablenesse of it to the world by
[Page 84] means of both. In like manner if it be supposed (which I think, upon what hath been delivered, may very reasonably be supposed) that the glory and excellencie of Churches doth not stand in any
power or authority that one hath over another, or many over one, but in other farre more rich, and holy, and honourable endowments, relations, and qualifications, it can be no prejudice or disparagement unto
ten thousand of them, to say they have no more authority over one, then
A. S. his
Tinker or
Hangman hath over them. Therefore if
A. S. his admired peece of Church-policie, hath no greater commendation, then to serve for preventing such
Inconveniences as this, the world needs make no great lamentation over it, though it were in the condition of
Rachels children, when she
wept for them, and would not be
Matth. 2. 18.
comforted.
Some other
inconveniences there are, wherein
A. S. findes the Government which he opposeth, tardie, and thinkes he sets a crown of glory upon the head of his Presbytery, in vindicating the
innocencie of it in respect of such guilt; But, alas! he washeth off this guilt with blood, or with water fouler then it (as hath been shewed) and
condemneth his government in that wherein he mainly
alloweth it. The guilt is innocencie, in respect of the purgation. There is one inconvenience (formerly opened and insisted upon in this chapter) very incident to Presbytery, the conscience whereof (me thinks) should make all the sons of that way, rather to cover and compassionate, then to complain or cry out of any inconvenience they either see, or rather think they see in another.
Chap. 5.
Whether the Apologists and men of their judgement, may lawfully and without danger or prejudice to the State, be tolerated: and whether A. S.
his reasons to the contrarie, be of sufficient weight to perswade either to the banishment, erushing, or suppressing of them in any kind.
HE that hath read the precedent part of this discourse, and doth, though but with the lowest degree of impartialitie, consider what hath been argued between the two wayes, Presbytery and Apologisme, cannot lightly but mourne over the title of this chapter; and think him to be a man of iron entrails that should give occasion to such a Question as is there propounded.
Suppose the opinion maintained in the latter part of the second Chapter, were wav'd, and such a
coercive power in matters of Religion
[Page 85] as
A. S. contends for, allowed in the Magistrates hand, yet that any man should plead for the drawing of this sword against those men, who first, have such a considerable strength, if not of evidence, yet of reason, for what they practise and professe: secondly, have a like (if not a more) considerable strength against that way of government which they cannot submit to. Thirdly, are by their fiercest adversaries and opposites themselves, acknowledged ten times over for
very pious, godly, and learned men. Fourthly, have been (at least the generalitie of them) and so continue, men of the most affectionate, and withall the most effectuall activitie and forwardnesse to promote the great cause of Religion, Parliament, and Kingdome. Fifthly, are as deep in, or (if you will) as much out of their estates rateably, for the support of this cause, as any other sort of men whatsoever. Sixthly, have (many of them) such as were meet for such a service, adventur'd their persons and lives, in the face of the rage and furie of the common enemie, continuing still in the same engagements. Yea, seventhly (and lastly) have (some of them) exposed themselves to more danger, and harder termes from the adverse party, then ordinary (in case they should prevaile) by a publick vindication of the cause of the Parliament in print from the Scriptures, and that before any man of differing judgment from them in Church affairs, appeared in the cause upon such termes; that any man (I say) on this side of malignancie, should consult the sorrow, trouble, disgrace, suppression, ruine of men, so holy, so harmlesse, of such eminent desert in the cause of Religion, State, Kingdome, me thinkes should exceed the line of humanity, and be thought some inspiration or suggestion from the great enemy of mankind.
Neverthelesse, if either God, Reason, the peace or safety of the Kingdome, require the sorrows or sufferings of these men, I make no question but they will be willing to dispense with all considerations whatsoever that stand up to plead their immunitie, and will with
Isaac patiently suffer themselves to be bound, yea and to be offered up in sacrifice also, if need be. Onely their humble request and suit is, that they may not be sacrificed upon the service of the ignorance, vain surmises, needlesse jealousies, bitter suggestions, whether of a few, or of many. Better a thousand times is it, that such distempers as these, though found in millions of men, should suffer, were it never so deep, then that the least hair of the head of one of those men should fall to the ground.
One
A. S. (it seems) is come forth with a band of one and twentie
[Page 86] Reasons, to attach the liberty of these men, and to seize the fredome of their consciences, and comforts for the use of the Presbytery, though his word be,
For God and his Countrey. But let us give him an unpartiall hearing of what hee hath to say: If the Presbyterie hath right either to the liberties or comforts of these men, God forbid that any man should deny them unto it.
Wee shall take the Allegations into consideration, in that order that himself presents them, in
p. 61. 62, 63▪ 64, 65. of his Discourse; desiring the Reader once more, to reade the tenour of them more at large from his own pen, because I intend my Answer with as little transcribing as may be.
To the first we answer: first, that we are no wayes able to comprehend,
A. S. his first Reason against Toleration, Answered. why, or how the toleration of the Apologists and theirs, should
open any
doore to all sorts of erroneous opinions, any whit more then
A. S. his entertaining of a sober and discreet servant to wait upon him, should open a door to all the Kings guard to become his houshold attendants: or then an allowance of provender to his friends horse, should open a door to all Prince
Ruperts troops to rack and manger with him. Nay, secondly, wee are verily perswaded (and that upon good grounds) that the granting unto the Apologists a free exercise of their Ministery, will (under God) be an effectuall means both of chasing away of many erroneous opinions, which are (for the present) fighting against the truth of God amongst us; as also of preventing the coming on of further supplies from Hell unto them.
A. S. himself gives them this testimony,
pag. 70. that
whoever knows them, knows well they want no abilities to dispute their opinion in any Assembly in Europe. Men of their abilities, being sound and orthodox in their judgements withall, are Carpenters prepared (as it were) on purpose by God, for the cutting down of the horns of false doctrines and opinions, if they be suffered to work.
Thirdly, (and lastly) if the worst should come to the worst (as the saying is) better
a door opened to all sorts of erroneous opinions, yea, and to many other inconveniences greater then this; then that the guilt of any persecution, or of any evill intreatings of the Saints and servants of God should cleave unto a people or State.
To your second Alledgement, why no Toleration for the Apologists,
Answer to his second Reason. we answer; first, that the very constitution of it is but superstitiousness of fear:
The shadow of the mountains seem men unto you. It may breed factions and divisions between persons of whatsoever relation, &c.
Judg. 9.
May (the countrey Proverb saith)
comes but once a yeer; but that
May
[Page 87] this Proverb speaks of,
must come so oft; but
A. S. his
May, may possibly not come in an age, no nor in many generations. And would he have so many thousand of the dear children and servants of God, as do Apologize in the Land, actually and out of hand, be compelled to eat their bread in darkness, to be filled with heaviness, and many of them (it is like) to perish by hunger, nakedness, &c. for the honour and exaltation of his
May be?
Non Dea te genuit, set duris cautibus horrens
Caucasus, Hyrcanae
(que) admorunt ubera tygres.
The man speaks as if he had been bred of rocks, and suck'd the milk of Tygres.
Doth he not deserve to be beaten with his own rod? and because his writing books
may cause many troubles and distractions amongst us, not to be
tolerated to have pen, ink, or paper any more?
Secondly, I would know of him, whether hee deemeth himself to be of
another Religion then the Apologists, because he dissents in judgement from them about Church-government. If so, he must deem himself eithe Arminian, Papist, Socinian, or worse; if not, then
Candorem tuum A. S. in that malignant expression, whereby you would make simple people believe, that
the father and the son, and so the husband and wife, are of different Religions, when they do not walk in the same way of Church Discipline.
Thirdly, why should such a difference as this, at least a liberty thus to differ, without smarting on either side,
breed factions or divisions between persons in relation? Doth the wilde Ass bray (saith
Job) when he hath grass? or loweth the Ox over his fodder? Surely persons are never
Job 6. 5. upon better terms of advantage to agree, then when contentment is injoyed on every side. Or in case of such a difference as we speak of, if it be matter of discontent to one party, that the other is not of the same practice with him, you may confidenly believe that the miscarriage in this kind rests on the Presbyterian side; the spirit thereof inordinately lusting after unity in practice,
viz. whether either there be any unity in judgement or no, yea, or whether there be any ground for it or no, on the dissenting side. You may prophecie of troubles and distractions likely to arise in families and other relations, with somewhat the less danger of miscarrying in your predictions, if you animate or incourage those that are, or shall be of your party, to make the fray. As I have read a story of a Wizard in
France, who foretold the death of the Duke of
Burgondie upon a certain day; and to make
[Page 86]
[...]
[Page 87]
[...]
[Page 88] himself a true Prophet, when the day came, murthered him himself.
4. Suppose
A. S. should have the Apples given him which his soul lusteth after, and no toleration granted, would there not be as much, if not more, reason to fear factions and divisions between Magistrate and Subject, Husband and Wife, &c. as otherwise? If God should not incline the judgement, or not satisfie the conscience of the one of these parties in relation, concerning the lawfulness of that Government Presbyteriall, which wee suppose (for argument sake) to be established without a toleration of any other, would not the party agrieved and burthened in this kinde, be (in all likelihood) worse company for the other, more troubled, more discontented, and every whit as much divided, both in judgement and practice from him; yea, and more divided in affection, discontentment being one of the greatest enemies that are, to love, union, and peace? Were it not a thousand times better, and more conducing unto unity in affection and peace, rather to suffer the discontented party to marry then to burn, I mean, to injoy the freedom of their conscience, rather then to be perpetually kept in an iron chain of spirituall discontent? We cannot but know that relations were incumbred with such factions and divisions, as
A. S. speaks of, even whilst the mountain of
Samaria stood, I mean, when Episcopacy reigned, when yet there was no toleration of Pluralities of Church-government (though of Church-livings there was.)
5. Nothing is more frequent in and about the City, then for members of the same family, to address themselves to severall Ministeries from time to time, the husband to hear in one place, the wife in another, the childe in a third, for their better spirituall accommodations respectively, yea, and sometimes to communicate with severall Ministers, without the least breach or touch of discontentment on any side.
6. And lastly, It can hardly be expected, especially in this Kingdom, where the godly and understanding party have so long suffered, and that in extremity, from a peremptory imposed State-government, without any relaxation or mitigation, and have lately tasted the unexpressible sweetness of ease, peace, and liberty of conscience, that they should without extreme discontent be brought back into another house of bondage, where the furnace of peremptory subjection is like to be heat every whit as hot, as in the other. Excellency of teaching, and that abundant light of the knowledge of God, which hath shined from the Ministery amongst us, into the hearts of many thousands, have made the conscience very soft and tender in many. And where
[Page 89] conscience is tender, a little violence is a great torment to it.
To
A. S. his third reason, to prove the intolerableness of a Toleration,
His third Reason Answerd. wee answer, that the inward parts of it are but vanity and falshood. For, 1. It supposeth that malignant supposition we spake of,
viz. that Presbyterie and Apologisme, make two differing Religions. 2. That there is
no State in Christendome, where there is one only Religion established, that will admit the publike exercise of any other; which is manifestly untrue, as is notoriously known in
France, the
Low-Countries, &c. 3. And lastly, it supposeth, that Apologisme, in case it be tolerated, must needs become a Schisme in that Religion which is established in the Land. Wee conceive, that every difference in judgement doth not make a Schisme in that Religion which is professed on both sides; we shall then finde abundance of the weed growing in the Presbyterian field it self. I my self know differences not a few amongst that party; and some not of the lightest consequence. Or, if his meaning be, that the practice of it, in case of a Toleration, should become a
Schisme from the Presbyterian Church or Government, wee answer, 1. That as yet wee have no Presbyterian Church or Government amongst us; and so, if the toleration be granted before such a Government be established, it is apparently
[...], out of the reach of such an imputation for ever. 2. If it be not a Schisme before, and without a toleration, I do not apprehend what influence or aspect a Toleration should have upon it, to make it one. 3. And lastly, I conceive him to be an incompetent Judge, uncapable of knowing or determining what a Schisme is, who acknowledgeth his ignorance or non-knowledge of what a Church is, which is a
A. S. his Profession or confession (which you will)
pag. 21.
And in this also we confess our ignorance, that wee know not wherein consisteth its essence or being (speaking of a Church) I cannot believe that he should perfectly know the nature of darkness, that is ignoranant of what belongs to light; nor that he should know what death is, who is ignorant wherein life consisteth; nor that he should know what a
schisme or rent means, that knows not what belongs to the unity and intireness of the body. The rule among the sons of Reason, in all such cases as these, is this;
Rectum est index sui & obliqui; And again, that
en
[...]ia privativa cognoscuntur ex suis positivis. &c.
Your 4
th Reason, is rather somewhat else then a Reason; a confession
His fourth Reason Answered. of the dimness or weakness of your sight.
I cannot see (say you)
how (a Toleration)
can well be denyed to other Sects, if it be granted to our Brethren: But,
[Page 90] 1. Do you remember, how you quip your Brethren (as here you call them) for a like expression us'd by them,
pag. 41.
If yee see no Scripture for it, yet others (you tell them)
may see. So here wee tell you, that though
you cannot see how a Toleration
can well be denyed to other Sects, if it should be granted unto your Brethren, yet others may see how very well it may.
Bernardus non videt omnia.
2. It is much that you should not be able to
see such a thing as this, who have such command over your eyes (as was noted formerly) as to see what you will. Is it a matter of such profound and difficult speculation, to conceive, how hee that hath the keeping of a door with lock and key, and bolts to it, should let in one man that knocks, without letting in all comers?
3. Whereas you determine it to be a
Question inextricable, to expound cleerly, what sects and what opinions are to be tolerated, and what not, do you not prevaricate with your own cause and confidence, and put the Magistrate to a stand, whether he should tolerate your opinion for Presbyterian government, or not? Nay, do you not put him out of all hope of ever coming to a cleer resolution of what is his duty to do in this kind? For what patent can you shew from heaven, why this opinion of yours should not abide the test and triall of that law, which here you impose upon others? I believe there are very few, either Sects or Opinions amongst us (in both w
ch notwithstanding we abound more then is for our comfort) that either are liable to more considerable and materiall exceptions, or that have been dealt with by an higher hand of opposition and conviction, then this of yours. And why any one opinion which is in the same or greater condemnation of unsatisfactoriness and ambiguity, then others, should magnifie it self to rule all others with a rod of iron, and to break them in pieces like a Potters vessell, equity or reason, (for my part) I know none: and I fear
A. S. himself is as poor in this commodity, as I.
4. If it be so
inextricable a Question, to expound cleerly, what sects and opinions are to be tolerated, and what not, how will you do to sway your Presbyterian Scepter with judgement and equity? How will you know what opinions
donare Ecclesiâ, to make free denizens of your Church, and what to disfranchise? By your own rule it is an
inextricable Question, cleerly to determine
what opinions are to be tolerated, and what not. And if the Question be so difficult above measure, to determine what opinions are to be
tolerated, and what not, it must needs be yet of a farre more difficult and weighty consideration, to resolve what are fit to be countenanced, to be established, yea, and yet more,
[Page 91] to be imposed, to be inforced upon the judgements and consciences of men,
and what not; toleration being an act of a farre lighter importance, then either an establishment, or an enforcement.
5. And lastly, whereas he addes (in the close of this reason) that
the lesse the difference be, the greater is the schisme, and addes no more; I marvell who he thinks will entertain such a saying, the old Writ of
Ipse dixit being out of date long agoe: yet the saying somewhat confirms me in what I said before,
viz that the man knows not what belongs to a
schism. For doth he here by a
schism understand any thing that is sinful? Then he makes the lesser difference from the truth, to be a greater sin, then a greater would be. If his meaning be, that the lesse materiall the ground or reason of any mans dissenting from a major part be, the greater is his fault, or sin, in dissenting; We answer, that his Argument proceeds, not onely
a non concessis, but also
a non concedendis: for to dissent from a major part, though the grounds of a mans dissent be no matters of deep consequence, yet if they be such wherein his judgement and conscience are not satisfied, his dissent is no
sin at all, and consequently cannot be the
greater sin. Gnats must not be swallowed for any mans sake more then Camels.
To his fifth Reason we answer. First, that suppose
God in the Old
His 5 reason answered.
Testament granted no toleration of divers Religions, or disciplines, doth it follow from hence, that you should grant none neither? Dare you say in matters of knowledge, authority and power,
Ero similis Altissimo, you will be like the Highest? Remember the fall of the
son of the morning. Will you set your threshold by Gods, and compare with him for excellencie of knowledge, or infallibilitie of discerning? If you could assure us, after the rate of a divine assurance, that that
Religion and Discipline which you would impose on us, are in all points sound, and justifiable in the sight of God, we could much better beare the height of your indignation against a toleration of any discipline or opinions but your own.
Secondly, though God granted no such toleration (as you speak of)
in terminis, yet he straightly prohibited all manner of violence, oppression, and hard measure among his people one towards another; and in speciall manner charged it upon the consciences of the rich, not to take any advantage of the povertie of their brethren, to exact upon them, enslave them, and the like. Though such Lawes as these, in the letter of them, respected onely civill transactions and dealings between men, yet the equitie and spirit of them extends to spirituals also, men being every whit as liable to violence, oppression, and hard
[Page 92] measure from men for their conscience sake, as in any other respects, or upon any other grounds whatsoever. Therefore in case there had been a minor party in that Nation, that had been of a peculiar judgement by themselves, about the sense and meaning of such or such a Law, relating unto practice (as Lawes generally doe in one kinde or other) and so had dissented in this practice from the major part of their brethren in their Nation; in case this major part had taken the advantage of their brethrens weaknesse, and because they were fewer in number, should have forc'd them, against the light of their judgments, to alter their practice, or if they refused, should have troden and trampled upon them, or any wayes evill intreated them, it had been as apparent a breach of the Laws we spake of, as any oppression or violence in civill proceedings. And the truth is, that for men that are truly conscientious, civill liberty (as it is called)
i. freedome from illegall taxes, impositions, exactions, imprisonments, without libertie of conscience, is an accommodation of little value; yea, without this, such men are not capable of much ease or benefit by the other. They are still in danger of being in trouble and molestation from the State, for their conscience sake.
3. Though God gave no such toleration (as you speak of) by a law, yet he did actually tolerate for a long time together with much patience, not onely a minor, but a major part of the Jewish Nation, in a manner the whole Nation, and that not only in some opinions or practises, which were disputably false or sinfull, but even in such which were notoriously and unquestionably such.
[...] (saith
Paul, Act. 13. 18.)
He suffered (or tolerated)
their manners in the wildernesse fourtie yeares; and afterwards in the land of Canaan, many and many a yeare longer, even
till there was no remedy (as the Scripture somewhere speaketh. So then, if you be willing to follow the practice and example of God (an honour whereunto you seem to pretend in this Reason) you must tolerate your brethren, not onely in some opinions and practises which are dialectically and topically evill, but even in those which are demonstratively such.
4. And lastly, whereas you adde, that
the New Testament requireth no lesse union among Christians, then the old did amongst the Jewes, we acknowledge the truth of what you say, but the pertinencie of it to your purpose, we yet desire. Though the
New Testament requires union amongst Christians, and that very ardently and pressingly, yet it doth not require him that is stronger to cudgell him that is weaker into the same opinion with him. If you be of a better growth and stature
[Page 93] in knowledge then we, and comprehend such truths as wee doe not yet understand, we are most willing, as farre and as fast, as meat and nourishment will doe it, to grow up unto you; onely we would not be rack'd or stretch'd to the same stature or proportion with you. We shewed in our second Chapter, what meanes the New Testament hath appointed and sanctified, for the effecting of the unitie amongst the Saints, which it requireth of them.
For your sixt Reason (so called) wee can scarce see the face of a
His 1. Reason answered. Reason in it. You say that if
your brethren do assent to your Doctrine, and are resolved likewise to assent to your Discipline, which shall be established by common consent, they need no other toleration then the rest. If your meaning be, that in case
they assent to your Doctrine, and are resolved to assent to your Discipline, viz. immediately and out of hand, as soone as it comes from under the hammer, and hath but the stamp of Presbyteriall Authoritie set upon it, we are clearly of your mind, and doe not conceive, how or why they should need any other alteration, then what others have. Onely we somewhat marvell that you should so farre forget your selfe, as to imply (by this your expression) that even your Presbyterian partie it selfe standeth
in need of a toleration, as well as ours.
Jam sumus ergo pares. Truth (I see) is sometimes too quick and cunning for her adversaries. But if your meaning be, that a resolution
in your Brethren (the Apologists)
to assent to your Discipline, viz. when, and assoon as they can possibly satisfie themselves touching the lawfulnesse of it, will exempt them from a necessitie of a Toleration, both they (we suppose) and our selves shall be very glad to heare such tydings from your pen. We make no question but they are as throughly
resolved to assent to your Discipline upon such termes, as you can desire them.
That you adde, is very incongruous.
It would first be discussed (say you)
wherein they are resolved to dissent. First, we marvell who you meane should
discusse that wherein they should be
resolved to dissent: especially considering, Secondly, that they do not use to take up their resolutions beforehand, not so much as to dissent at all, much lesse wherein or about what they shall dissent. Thirdly, how should they resolve beforehand, wherein, or whereabout to dissent, except they could prophecie of your future thoughts and resolutions?
You would further have it
considered (but you tell us not here neither by whom)
whether it be of so great importance, that in consideration thereof, they dare not, in good conscience entertain communion with you. We scarce understand your English, or meaning, here; and therefore if we
[Page 94] answer besides your mind, your words are in fault. We grant that other men of good abilities, consciencee and learning, may draw up a very satisfactory resolution concerning such or such a case, or practise, about which I am scrupled; but it will not follow from hence, that therfore this resolution wil be satisfactory unto me, or that I with a good conscience may walk by it. Though the particular reason or reasons, one or more, upon which the Apologists shall refuse to entertain such a communion with you, as you mean (or at least should mean, if you speak any thing to purpose) should be by never so many, and upon never so much consideration, adjudged as insufficient, or inconsiderable to cause any such refusall in them; yet this will not impose a necessity upon them to joyn in communion with you, except you can make them capable of a sufficiencie of reason in such a resolution why they may with a good conscience submit unto it.
To your seventh Reason we answer, First, that though the
Apologists
His 7. Reason answered.
should not be pressed to be actors in any thing against their consciences, yet there is a necessity lying upon them
to be suiters for a toleration, (I mean, in case it will not be granted them without suing for, which would be a greater honour to your Presbytery, then the contrary peremptorinesse is like to be)
viz. that so they may be actors of good, according to their consciences. Suppose
A. S. had bread and water, wherewith to subsist, but withall had a good sum of money due to him, and that from one that was very well able to make payment, or otherwise had an opportunitie to preferre himselfe to some place of profit, credit, or the like, if hee would but become a suitor for it, would he thinke that he had no need either to require his money of him in whose hand it lies, or to sue for such preferment? The
Apologists conceive there is a necessity upon them, to save the souls of others, yea of as many as they can lawfully purchase an opportunity to save, as well as their own. But,
Secondly, we know not by what authority or interest you undertake to secure them,
that they shall not be pressed to be actors in any thing against their consciences. It may be you are but of the ordinary Presbyterian stature and pitch; and so
your mercies, though somewhat severe, yet possibly may not be very
cruell: But (saith the Scripture)
in those dayes there were Giants in the earth, as well as men of the common
Gen. 6. 4. standard; so wee feare a partie amongst you of Hyper-presbyterian spirits, whose Spring-tides may swell beyond your Low-water marks. But,
Thirdly (and lastly) we conceive this promise of yours to them,
[Page 95]
that they shall not be pressed to be actors, &c. to be broken by your selfe seven times over in your discourse, and by others of your party from time to time. To consent unto your government, is (doubtlesse) to act against their conscience; otherwise they had no reason to dissent from it. And whether to threaten them with a non-toleration, together with all the evils and miseries attending thereon, yea with paying for it in their purse and persons, in case they will not consent unto it, (as some others of your party have done) be not a
pressing of them unto it, we leave unto men, whose judgments are not wholly swallowed up in the gulfe of Presbyterian zeal, to determine.
To your eighth reason, we answer, that wee finde very little heart
His 8. Reason answered. or face of reason in it. The strength of it (whatever it is) lies in this hypotheticall proposition: If it be
against the nature of the communion of Saints to live in Sects apart, without communicating at the Lords table, then ought not the Apologists to bee tolerated. But, &c. But good
A. S. doe you conceive the men would under a toleration, live without communicating at the Lords table? I know not what communion you have with their intentions of spirits, more then I: but for the present, I am no man of your beliefe herein. Toleration or no Toleration, I beleeve they will communicate at the Lords Table, and that oftner then twice a yeare.
Secondly, if living
in Sects apart be so offensive to your zeal over
the communion of Saints, why do you not rather mediate a Toleration for them, then oppose it? If you shall suffer them to work with you, they will be so much the more free to eat and drink with you, and to exercise all manner of Christian friendship and familiarity with you. But if you shall thrust them into holes and corners, and judge them unworthy of all part and fellowship with you in the publick Ministery of the Gospel, you impose little lesse then a necessitie upon them to
live apart, and to enjoy themselves amongst themselves; and besides represent your selves unto them as no wayes desirous of communion with them. Therefore in this reason your premisses and conclusion are at utter defiance the one against the other
As for your ninth reason, it is every whit as wilde, and wide from
His 9. Reason answered. the purpose as the former. For what if
the Scripture exhorts us evermore unto unity, and this unitie
cannot be easily procured by a Toleration of Sects; doth it therefore follow, that
godly, learned, and
orthodox men, such as being encouraged, though at an under-rate, are (as was formerly shewed) both able and likely to doe as good service against
Sects, as any men, are to be barr-hoysted, quash'd, crush'd, onely because
[Page 96] they cannot say,
A vision, where other men say it? The Scripture exhorts unto many things, which are not to be procured by every thing that is lawfull, no nor yet by every thing that is otherwise necessary and fitting to be done. Were not this a ridiculous reasoning, The Scripture exhorts
to live godlily in this present world; but this cannot be procured by eating and drinking: Therefore eating and drinking are not to be tolerated.
Apagecruentas nugas!
Whereas you adde, that a
Toleration of Sects cannot but daily beget new Schismes and divisions. We answer, first, that this allegation we have answered already once and againe: yet secondly, we adde, that many inconveniences, sicknesses, diseases, come by eating and drinking, yet are these to be tolerated in the world. Thirdly, we plead for no toleration of any Sect, (nor of any thing so called) but which may stand with the utmost that either
A. S. with his pen, or his whole partie with theirs, can doe against them to suppresse them. Fourthly, we hav
[...]
[...] prov'd, that Apologisme is neither Sect nor Schisme, no more then A. Ssisme is. Fifthly and lastly, whereas you say, That
a Toleration of Sects cannot but daily beget new Schismes, &c. We answer, first, that
Gods toleration, or
long-suffering towards sinners, doth not onely
lead all sinners
to repentance, but also bring many thereunto. And why should not mans
toleration expect an effect answerable hereunto? Secondly, the disciples in the ship were as much afraid, that their dear Lord and Master had been a foule spirit, and would have sunk them in the Sea, as
A. S. is afraid of a
Toleration, that it must needs beget new Schismes and divisions daily. But as the feared Destroyer proved the experienced preserver of that ship and m
[...]n, so may
A. S. his feared propagator of
Schismes and Divisions, bee found an experienced destroyer and dissolver of them. That means of all other, which hath God in it, is likest to doe the deed: And God (we know) was neither in the tempest nor in the earthquake, nor in the fire, but in the still voice.
His tenth reason, being help'd, riseth up in this forme, If
there was a
His 10 Reason answered.
greater difference amongst the members of the Church of Corinth, in the time of S. Paul, and yet they communicated together, and that by the
Apostles exhortation, then ought not the Apologists to be tolerated. But true is the former, therefore the latter also. We answer, first, that the fabrick of your Argument is built upon a false foundation, or supposition,
viz. that the reason, why the Apologists refuse communion with you (you mean, I suppose, in your sacramentall actions) is, because of the latitude, weight or degree of the differences in iudgment
[Page 97] between you and them: whereas the reason of their refusall in this kinde, is the nature or particularity of the difference, together with your practice depending upon your opinion in opposition unto theirs, not the height, weight, or importance of either. A difference in judgement about the lawfulness of stinted forms of prayer, is nothing so materiall or weighty, as a difference about the nature of Faith, Justification, &c. yet the lighter difference in this case, makes persons so differing, uncapable of joyning together in Communion, in the use of such prayers; whereas the greater difference would not.
Secondly, if there were so many and great
differences amongst the members of the Church of Corinth, as you speak of; and yet
Paul no wayes perswaded or incouraged the predominant or major party amongst them, either to cast out, cut off, or suppress the underling parties, but
exhorted them unto mutuall communion, &c. Why do not you content your self with the line of the same process, and in stead of disgracing, quashing, crushing, trampling on, only exhort the Sects and Schismes amongst you unto
mutuall communion; and to the
forbearance of Sects and Divisions? a practice which you do well to take notice of in the Apostle, but do ill to think that your own of club-law is better.
Thirdly (and lastly) nor do wee know any ground or good bottome you have for your assumption, wherein you affirm, that
there was greater difference amongst the members of the Church of Corinth, then is between the Apologists and you. Old
Ipse dixit is made to carry this burthen alone.
Your eleventh Reason is very corpulent, but less active; the chief
His 11. Reason answered. ingredients of it being
Abbots and
Priors, Convents and
Monasteries amongst the Papists, S
t
Francis, S
t
Dominick, and
the Donatists, with whose opinion and practice, you say, the
opinion of your Brethren too much symbolizeth. We answer, first, that
Theologia symbolica non est argume tativa. Angels and Devils agree in something: yet this agreement is no impeachment, either to the holiness or happiness of the
Qui ut uni haresi suae ad
[...]tum
[...]fac
[...]r
[...]t, cunctarum haeres
[...] bl
[...]sph
[...]m
[...]as
[...]ctabatur, Vincent. Lyr. cap. 16. Angels.
A. S. himself symbolizeth with
Nestorius the Heretique in one property; of whom
Vincentius Lyrinensis reporteth, that
to make way for his own heresie [or opinion]
hee fell heavie upon all heresies beside. Secondly, whereas he affirmeth, that
the opinion of his Brethren is not unlike to the Convents and Monasteries amongst the Papists; certainly the unlikeness between them is far greater, then that between an Apple and an Oister. We cannot but wonder, how, or in what respect, the man should conceive, that an inward, spirituall and notionall
[Page 98] thing, as an opinion is, should be like a great building made of lime and stone, or a pack of die fellows in a fat Fraternity. Thirdly, whereas hee insinuates a hatefull similitude between his
Brethren and the
Donatists, who (hee tels us)
separated themselves from other Churches, under pretext that they were not so holy as their own; We answer, first, that this insinuation will not so much as in shew touch all the Apologists however, because some of them (we believe) have no
Churches of their own; and therefore they cannot pretend more holiness in them, then in others. Secondly, that neither in substance or truth doth it touch any of them, or their opinion. For, first they do not separate from other Churches, but only in such opinions and practices wherein they cannot get leave of their consciences to joyn with them; the one half (at least) of which separation, is made even amongst their Churches themselves, one from another; one dissenting from another, not only in many opinions, but in some materiall practices (as before was touch'd, and that from
A. S. his own pen, no wayes partiall you may think in such a case.) Secondly, we would know whether
A. S. himself and his party, doth not as much
symbolize with the Donatists in that criticall property or practice we speak of, as the Apologists. For under what pretext do they separate from the Church of
Rome, and from Episcopall Churches, but only this, that they think
not their Churches, to be as holy as their own? If they separate from them upon any other grounds, it were not much materiall, though they held communion with them still. Yea, thirdly, if they do not think their Presbyteriall Churches
more holy then the Congregationall, they are far more guilty of Schisme and Separation, then their Brethren here spoken of. For then they are at liberty in point of conscience, to come over and joyn with them; when as the other are in bands and fetters of conscience, and cannot pass unto them. Their Brethren would gladly come over unto them, but cannot: they can come over unto these but will not. It is the will, not the act, that makes Schisme and Separation. Fourthly, we do not see, as deep as you have laid the charge, wherein the Apologists do any whit more symbolize with Convents, Monasteries, or Orders, amongst the Papists, then you and your friends. You tell them, that
all their Churches believe one Doctrine together with you, and that every one of these Churches hath one Minister, as the Popish
Convents a particular Abbot or Prior. Wee pray you, do not
all your Churches believe one Doctrine together? and hath not every one of your Churches one Minister? Wherein then lies the difference between
[Page 99] you and them? or wherein do they symbolize more with Convents or Monasteries, then your self? Nay, (fifthly and lastly) as if you had quite forgotten your rhomb, you tacitely couple your self with those Popish Convents, Monasteries, and Orders, in one ignoble consideration, from which you acquit your Brethren.
They only differ (say you to them)
in this, that yee have no Generall, or any thing answerable thereunto, to keep you in unity and conformity; plainly implying, that your Presbyterians have,
viz. their soveraign Judicatory. So that if this your reason should but take place, and be held valid, it is your Presbyterian party, not the party Apologizing, that ought to suffer the non-toleration you speak of; it being they, not these, that are the great symbolizers with S
t
Francis, and S
t
Dominick.
To your twelfth Reason, we have given answer upon answer formerly;
His 12. Reason answered. as first, where we considered of the
examples of the Kings of Judah, and shewed how little they contribute to the claim of
coercive power in the Magistrate, to take away Heresies, Schismes, Superstitions, &c. Secondly, where we argued against such a power by severall demonstrations. Thirdly, where we gave an account also, how Toleration is no way either to Schisme, Heresie, &c. So that that there is not one
apex or
ieta of this Reason remaining unanswered.
The Logico-Divinity of your thirteenth Reason, consisteth in this
His 13. Reason Answered. Enthymeme.
If we have but one God, one Christ, and one Lord, one Spirit, one Faith, one Baptisme, (whereby we enter into the Church) and are one Body, we ought to have one Communion, whereby to be spiritually fed, and
one Discipline to be ruled by: and if so, then ought not the Apologists to be tolerated. We answer, that neither doth your inference or conclusion here at all follow from your premisses. We have all you speak of, one, one, and one; and in regard of that multiplied unitie,
we ought (as you say)
to have one Communion, and one Discipline; But first, not necessarily that
Communion, or
that Discipline, which are of Classique inspiration, no more then those which are either of Papall, or Episcopall recommendation; because, though wee judge these two latter spirits more sphalmaticall, erroneous and dangerous then the first, yet wee cannot think, that either the Pope or Bishops, or both together, have so ingrossed the spirit of erreour and fallibility, but that they have left of that anointing more then enough to initiate all other Orders, Societies, and Professions of men in the world. Secondly, though wee
ought to have one Communion and Discipline, yet ought wee to be led into this unity, by the hand of an Angel of light, not to be frighted into it by an evill angel of fear and terrour. Thirdly, that duty which
[Page 100] lies upon all Christians,
to have but one Communion and Discipline amongst them, is no dispensation unto any party or number of them, to smite their Brethren with the fist of uncharitableness, or to dismount them from their ministeriall standings in the Church, because they will not, or rather cannot knit and joyn in the same Communion and Discipline with them. Nay, fourthly, that very tye of duty which lies upon all Christians
to have but one and the same
Communion and Discipline amongst them, carries this ingagement upon them all along with it, to shew all love, to use all manner of gentleness and long suffering towards those that are contrary minded to them either in the one or in the other, since love is not only a sodering and uniting affection, but further commends the person in whom it is found, as one to whom God hath appeared, and who hath been taught by him. Therefore fifthly (and lastly) to make the ingagement that lies upon all Christians to
have but one Communion and Discipline, a ground and reason why such as differ from others about these, should be evill intreated, suppressed, kept under hatches, or the like, is as if a man should plead that naturall affection which a parent ows unto his children, for a ground and motive why he should sharply scourge them when they are sick and weak.
His fourteenth Reason is of an unknown strength (at least to me)
His 14. Reason answered. If I were a Magistrate, I should never the more know how to prepare to battell against the Apologists or any other godly person, for the sound of this trumpet. Surely, of all the rest, this Reason will never be accessary to the undoing of these men. However, let a poor man be heard in his cause. The Reason then with all the help it is capable of, riseth up but thus.
If Churches have Disciplines or Governments different in their species, then the Churches must be different in their species also. But the consequent is false, since there is but one Church:
Ergo, Apologisme is intolerable. They that can gather this conclusion out of the premisses, may very well hope
to gather Grapes of Thorns, and Figs of Thistles. The consequent in this argument, which the Disputer saith, is false, is this,
Churches must be different in their species. If the meaning of this
consequent be, that there is an absolute necessity, that Churches should
differ specie one from another, the Disputant is in the truth, in saying the
consequent is false. Or if the meaning be, that Churches ought to
differ specie one from another, the same verdict may still pass upon it. But upon that supposition which is made in the Antecedent of this argument,
viz. that these Churches
have Disciplines or Governments different in their species, the
consequent is not
[Page 101] only
true, but necessarily true: and that upon the Disputants own ground, which is, that
all collective bodies that are governed, are differenced (specie)
by their different governments. But be the
Consequent, or be the
Antecedent, or be the
Consequence, be any thing, be nothing, or be every thing in the premisses, either true or false, why sho
[...]d not the Apologists be tolerated, notwithstanding? Be the Sunne in
Aries, or be it in
Taurus, or be it in
Capricorn, why should not
A. S. be tolerated to write more books for the cause Presbyterian notwithstanding? I heare that upon the applause and approbation of this by his party, hee hath since put forth his hand to another; as
Herod seeing that his butchery upon
James pleased the people, put forth his hand to
Acts 12. 2, 3.
take Peter
also.
But is there nothing more in the Reason then this? Truly, if
A. S. hides the treasure of his minde so deep another time, digge for it who will for mee. For this once I have taken pains to finde it; and have found somewhat which I conceive is like to it, if not Identically it. The man (I take it) would be here conceived to reason after this manner:
If the Church of Christ ought to be ruled or governed, only with one species or kinde of government, then ought not they to be suffered, who go about to pluralize this government, or to set up a kind of government in the Church, specifically differing from the government more generally practised and established. Sed verum prius: Ergo & posterius: and consequently the Apologists being men that would do such a thing as this, are not to be tolerated. If this be the argument, this is the Answer. First, the consequence is lame, and halts right down; because, though the Church of Christ ought to be governed with one and the same kinde of government throughout the world, yet it no wayes follows from hence, that therefore that government which is more generally established and practised in the world, should be that specificall government whereby it ought to be governed. If this consequence were good, it would highly be friend the government Pontifician, but dissolve and destroy the government Presbyterian; because the Pontifician government, is, (or at least not long since was) far more oecumenicall, and comprehensive, then the Presbyterian either is, or is like to be. Therefore in framing this consequence, the man hath given sentence against himself and his own beloved opinion touching Church-Discipline; and hath put a sword into the Popes hand to smite as well the Consistorian, as the Congregationall government. And,
Secondly, suppose the government more generally practised in the world, be that very kinde of government, whereby the Churches of
[Page 102] Christ ought to be governed; yet, except this government, both as touching the lawfulness and necessity of it, be sufficiently cleered to the judgement and consciences of those, from whom submission to it is required (an honour whereunto
A. S. his government hath not yet been preferred by all his great friends) they ought not to be scourged with
[...]s Scorpions, if they demurre a while about their submission thereunto; and in the mean season, desire to live under such a government, wherein they have double and treble satisfaction, both in point of lawfulness and necessity, above the other. Thirdly, and lastly, though unity and uniformity in government be very fitting and necessary throughout the Churches of Christ, yet that the servants of Christ should fall foul one upon another, and the greater eat up the less for this uniformity sake, is no wayes necessary; especially considering that God (as hath been formerly shewed) hath provided other means far more gracious, honourable and proper, for the bringing of the blessedness of this uniformity upon his Churches in due time. So that if there be any thing in this Reason, it is altogether with, and not at all against the Apologists.
To your fifteenth, wee answer, first, be it supposed, (which yet
His 15. Reason answered. wee shall presently oppose) that
neither Christ, nor his Apostles ever granted any toleration to divers Sects and Governments in the Church; yet did he or they ever grant a power to a major part of Professours in a Kingdom or Nation, to grind the faces of their Brethren,
partakers of like precious faith and holiness with them, either because they could not in all points jump with them in their judgements, or because they endeavoured to keep a good conscience toward God, for following the ducture and guidance of their present light? If you will
take without asking that, which
neither Christ nor his Apostles ever granted you, you may very well bear it at the hands of your Brethren, if they humbly
sue and intreat for what they never granted; especially considering that that which you
take is imperious and high, tending to the annoyance and trouble of many; whereas that which they
sue for, is moderate and low, only a peaceable standing amongst you, that they may be able to do good unto many. Secondly, if
neither Christ nor his Apostles (as you say)
ever granted any toleration to divers Sects and Governments in his Church, how come you and your Government to be
tolerated, your Government being specifically diversified from that of the Papacy (as is before observed) which is more generall and extensive then yours? If you have not a toleration for your government, either from Christ or his Apostles, we are doubtfull
[Page 103] from whom, or whence you have it. Thirdly, doe you not by this reason build up the walls of Babylon, and strengthen the Papists in their bloody errour, against the reformed Churches, upon which they looke as schismaticall from their Mother, and in that respect think them no wayes fit to be
tolerated, but to be suppressed both in their doctrine and government, yea and in case they will not be reduced to the principles of
Rome, to be wholly extirpated and rooted out of the world? What can be spoken more to the heart of such apprehensions, and counsels, and resolutions as these, then that
neither Christ nor his Apostles ever granted any toleration to divers Sects and Governments in the Church? Fourthly, whereas you say, that they
granted no toleration to divers Sects, do you not imply, that they did grant a
toleration to some
one Sect at least, if not to more. And how know you whether the Sect of
Apologisme (in your improperating stile) be not that Sect, or one of those Sects, to which Christ and his Apostles (it seems) granted a
toleration? Is it not (I appeale to your judgement and conscience) as like to be this as any other? Fifthly, we willingly grant your conclusion in this Reason,
sensu sano; that there is no reason why the
Apologists should
sue for a toleration, no nor yet properly, why they should be
tolerated (toleration in propriety of signification, as was formerly noted, being
rei malae, appliable onely to that which is evill) but rather why they should be countenanced and encouraged. Therefore if you think that they shall sin in
suing for a toleration, you shall doe well to prevent that sin in them (and perhaps shall withall prevent a greater of your owne) by declaring them persons worthy not of a
toleration, but of encouragement; or at least by procuring them a
toleration, that they may not be put upon the tentation of suing for it. But sixthly and lastly, to the main frame of your Reason: what doe you think of
Sinite utrunque crescere, Let both grow together untill the Harvest, Matth. 13. 30. Is not here the
toleration granted which you deny to be
granted? Non laclacti, nec ovum ovo similius; If it bee not this
toleration, certainly it is somewhat as like to it as like may be. You know who the Housholder is, that gave this order, laid this restraint upon his servants; otherwise the 37. verse will informe you. And who doe you think should be meant by the
tares? You will not say, the good sons of the Church, at least so acknowledged by their Mother. You cannot say (with reason) the loose, vicious, &c. morally disordered sons of the Church, because these were sown in the field before the
Housholder sew that good seed therein (spoken of v. 24. and 38.) whereas
the tares, which must be let
grow to harvest, are expresly
[Page 104] said to have been sown after, v. 25. And besides such wicked and vicious persons as these, at least as the danger and degree of their wickednesse may be, ought to be gathered out of the State (and then they cannot
grow in the field till harvest) by the hand of the civill Magistrate. Therefore thirdly (and lastly) you must by
the tares, of necessity understand, such in the Church as you call
Sectaries, Schismaticks, Heretickes, such as corrupt the purity of the doctrine of the Gospel, by erroneous and false opinions, or at least are look'd upon by the greater part of the respective Churches of Christ, as such. Which yet appears further, by the reason which the Housholder renders unto his servants, why he would not have them pluck'd up, but grow untill the harvest,
lest (saith he)
whilest yee goe about to gather the tares, yee pluck up the wheat also. There is no danger of hurting or plucking up the wheat,
i. the children of the Kingdome, v. 38. by punishing civill or morall misdemeanours of men; but if Magistrates or others shall be busie about plucking up Sectaries, Heretiques, &c. they will be in continuall danger
of plucking up the wheat. First, because many truly pious and conscientious men,
children of the Kingdome, may soon be drawne into some unwarrantable Sect and opinion: And secondly, such opinions as are sentenced by the generality or major part of a Church, as erroneous or hereticall, and so expose those that hold them to the reprochfull names of Sectaries, Schismatiques, Heretiques, very often fall out to be the sacred truths of God, and the persons holding them forth unto the world, the best and faithfull est of his servants.
For your sixteenth reason, it concerneth others more then the
Apologists,
His 16. Reason answered. to answer; the frame of it being an indignabund relation (whether true or no,
caveat lector) of what hard measure the New-Englanders offered to some that desired to sit downe amongst them,
because they differed a little from them in point of discipline. The men here charged, are of age to speak for themselves; and besides, want no abilities otherwise. I make no question, but if they had but the correcting of
A. S. his Relation, they would be able to make more reason and equity of it, then without some correction or other, I am able to doe. But (to leave our brethren in New-England to their own Apologie) I would fain know of
A. S. what he means to do with his story; or how he intends to bring it under contribution to his cause. For first, he doth not onely not approve of those proceedings, which he relateth, but is very passionate and intemperate in the very relation.
Delicti fles idem reprehensor, & Author?
Is the man so full of the spirit of reprehension against such practises, and yet so full of the spirit of imitation also? Or what? Is his desire so great, to appropriate or ingrosse the power and practice of persecuting for difference in religion to himselfe and his own party, that he is not able patiently to beare the sight of either in others? If your brethren in New-England stumbled at the stone you speak of,
persecuted (as you say) those that
were approved by themselves both for their life and doctrine, meerly because they differed a little from them in point of discipline, you have a faire warning; take heed that you doe not stumble at the same stone also. They (it's like) justified themselves in themselves, in those proceedings, though they did not so in the fight of God; but if you, having condemned them in what they did, shall neverthelesse run the same course, you wil be both
[...] and
[...], both self-condemned, and God-condemned also, and so have no cloak nor shelter for your sin.
But you think it no wayes reasonable, that the
Apologists, being of the
same profession, (as you speak)
should be suiters for a toleration in Old-England. We answer, first, if you speak with reference to those proceedings immediatly before reported by you, you are more of the
same profession with them, then your brethren the
Apologists. These doe not professe persecution
meerly for a little difference in point of Discipline; the world knowes who they are that do little lesse. Secondly, what though men of the same
profession with them, miscarried for want of such light, as should have directed them in a better way; must this be a band of conscience upon them, to
bow down their backes without any more adoe, and to suffer Presbyterian greatnesse to
go over them, as the stones in the street? Nay thirdly, they have the more reason and necessitie, in regard of such a miscarriage of their brethren,
to sue for a toleration here; because by that miscarriage of theirs, they are awakened to expect and feare yet far harder measure from you and your partie, if they doe not bestirre themselves by some means or other to prevent it. He that feeles the smart of rods to be grievous, hath the more reason, not the lesse, to take heed of being beaten with Scorpions. Fourthly (and lastly) why should you any wayes be against your brethren suing for a toleration, when as there lies a necessity upon you to grant it or consent to it, unlesse you mean to steere that New-England course, which you have with so high a hand of indignation contested with, in this very reason? Except (haply) you have this ingenuous reach in it, for your reputations, that you would
honest is precibus occurrere, prevent all honest and reasonable requests with the early forwardnesse
[Page 106] of your bountie. If I could reasonably thinke this to bee your designe, I would seriously perswade with the
Apologists to wave their suit for a toleration, and so to gratifie you with an honourable opportunitie of doing good, before you were provoked by any mans suit or motion to it.
But men that are subject to feares, are seldome sons of bounty. The bottome (it seems) of all that
A. S. hath pleaded throughout his Discourse, against the
Toleration of
Apologisme, is a solemne
fear that possesseth him, of being
sent he and
all his partie
into some Isle of Dogs, if the congregationall men
had but
the upper hand over them. Omne timidum natura querulum. But I can hardly beleeve that the man is really afraid of what he here pretendeth; (in which case he were rather to be pitied, then roundly dealt with) first, because himselfe confesseth, that some of
his brethren hold, that all
Sects and opinions are to be
tolerated, p. 6. So that in case these men should have the upper hand, he is assured of a partie at least among them, to secure him and his in that kind. Secondly, he confesseth again and again, that his brethren are
very pious and holy men; and therefore certainly will not be so dogged as to send him and his into any
Isle of Dogs. Thirdly, a poore
toleration is as far from a superioritie of power, as rags are from the robe, or the dunghill from the throne. Fourthly, I doe not think that he knowes any such Isle as he speaks of, whereinto he fears to be sent, by the men of his indignation. Fifthly and lastly, if he should be sent into some
Isle of Dogs, the soyle and climate might probably agree well with him; he hath learned (it seems) to bark and bite too, against his sending thither.
To conclude, for this Reason, Whereas feare indeed ordinarily makes men cruell, it is much to be feared,
A. S. onely pretends feare, that so he may have a colour to be cruell.
To his seventeenth Reason we answer. First, that the
Scripture doth
His 17. Reason answered.
not forbid all, nor any
such Toleration as the
Apologists desire. This was sufficiently shewed before in our answer to the fifteenth Reason. His proofe from
Revel. 2. 20. holds no intelligence at all with his purpose; yea, it makes sore against himselfe and his Synedrion. For first, by the
toleration or
suffering of Jezabel, which is there charged as a sinfull neglect upon the Church of
Thyatira, is not meant a Civill or State-toleration, but an Ecclesiastick or Church-toleration. This Church suffered false Doctrines to be taught in her very bosome, and her members to bee corrupted and endangered thereby, from day to day, without laying it to heart being a matter of that sad
[Page 107] consequence) and without calling those to an account that were the sowers of such tares, broachers & spreaders of such opinions; yea without using any means, to have the truth soundly taught in opposition to such Doctrines. Both Pastour and people (it seems)
slept together, whilst the
envious man, by his Agent and Factress
Jezabel, sowed these tares in their field. Such a toleration as this wee formerly shewed to be sinfull; and the Apologists are as much against it as you; so far are they from desiring it, or suing for it. They desire a Toleration for themselves and their Churches in the Civill state; not that the errours which spring up in their Churches, should be suffered to fret like gangrens, without being opposed by them, or be protected by the State. Secondly, whereas that particular Church alone is charged by Christ, with this toleration or
sufferance of Jezabel, and not any more Churches, whether neighbours or not neighbours to her, nor any
combined Eldership, or
state Ecclesiasticall, made of the consociation of the seven Churches, much less any state civill, evident it is, that the care and power of redressing emerging enormities or evils in a Church in every kinde, is committed by Christ to every particular Church respectively, within it self. And so
they that trouble the Church must (as you say)
be cut off. But by whom? not by the civill Magistrate (if the trouble be spirituall) nor by the combined Eldership, but by the particular Church it self, which is troubled by them, in case there be no remedy otherwise. Secondly, when you say, that
there must be no such speeches among us, as I am of Paul, I am of Apollos, &c.
nor that some are Calvinians, some Independenters, some Brownists, &c. And again,
that we must all be Christs, wee must all think and speak the same thing, otherwise men are carnall, &c. (with some other good words to like purpose) we joyn heart and hand with you in all these things, and are ready to contribute the best of our endeavours unto yours, if yee will suffer us, to make the
Tabernacle of God amongst us,
according to this pattern which you shew unto us. Such expressions,
I am of Paul, I of Apollos, &c. together with the names of
Calvinians, Independents, Brownists, &c. are as un
[...]un
[...]able in our eares, as in yours, &c. But,
First, every man that saith,
I am of Paul, or,
I am of Apollos, is not to be taught by
Thorns and
Briars, (as
G
[...]deon taught the men of
Succoth) to speak better, by fining, imprisoning, unchurching, or the like; but by soundness of conviction, and wholesomness of instruction from the Word of God. The
German
[...] have a saying, That
etiam in introne puniendo potest peccari. A man may sin in punishing him that most of all deserves it. It is not enough for us
[Page 108] to correspond with God in his ends, but we must keep as close to him in his meanes also. Secondly, whereas you say,
we must all be Christs; surely there is none of those Sects you speak of, but are willing to joyn with you in being his, and in being called by his Name, rather then by any other. We fear, these unhappie sounds, of
Independents, Brownists, Anabaptists, &c. are more frequently made of your breath, then of the breath of any other sort, or sect of men amongst us. Thirdly, whereas you adde,
Neither hath the Church of God a custome to be contentious; the Apostle indeed saith, 1
Cor. 11. 16.
that the Churches of God have no such custome; but he doth not say, that these
Churches of God had any custome, to erect a Presbyterian throne, or a
combined eldership amongst them, to keep them from contentions. Fourthly, whereas you tell us, that
neither permitteth the Apostle Schismes; we tell you, that we have already told you (and that once and again) both in what sense he permitteth them, and in what not, and have shewed you our concurrence with him in both. Fifthly (and lastly) in that you tell us, that
we must not quit our mutuall meetings, as others do, and as must (you say)
be done in a publique Toleration, we neither well understand the sense of your words, much less any purport in them to your pupose. We do not know what
quitting of
meetings there is like to be more, under a
publique toleration, then is for the present.
Your eighteenth Reason is so Atheologicall, and unworthy your
His 18. Reason Answered. cause, that the very naming of it might be Answer sufficient.
A toleration (say you)
cannot but expose your Churches unto the calumnies of Papists, who evermore object unto Protestants the innumerable number of these Sects, whereas they pretend to be nothing but one Church. Will you redeem your selfe out of the hand of Popish calumnies, by symbolizing with them? will you turne Turk, that you may not suffer Turkish insolencies and thraldome? Surely you forget your argument insisted upon in your eleventh Reason: There you make
symbolizing with Papists, a reason against your Brethren and their Opinions, why they should not be tolerated; and here you make a defect or want in them of symbolizing with them, a reason likewise why they should not be tolerated. It seems contradictions, inconsistences, impertinences, unintelligibilities, sense, nonsense, any thing, nothing, will serve to make reasons against the poor Independenters (as you call them) why they must not be tolerated. Was not the consideration of your own,
pag. 14.
that the Devill evermore assaults more the true Church, the true Doctrine, and true Discipline, then the corrupted Church, her corrupted Doctrine or Discipline, a far better sanctuary for your Churches
[Page 109] against those Popish calumnies you speak of, then a correspondence with them,
to keep you in unity and conformity? But this Reason we have answered formerly.
Your nineteenth Reason, is very concise. In this you only say, that
His 19. reason answered.
of such a Toleration follows all you formerly deduced out of Independencie. And so it may without putting the world to much damage, or sorrow. When we cast up your
deductions of inconveniencies
out of Independency, wee found them counterballanced to the height with the exits from Presbyterie. If you poyse your wallet well, you will the end that hangs at your back the heavier. But for answer to this Reason, I refer the Reader to the former Chapter.
His twentieth Reason, is somewhat of a differing strain from the
His 20. reason answered. rest. The ground and bottome of it seems to be, a desire of a plausible insinuation with the Assembly, under a pretence of jealousie over them, lest they should suffer in point of honour, in case his Brethren should obtain a Toleration. But first, good
A. S. why must it needs be thought, in case
it should be granted unto them,
that it was extorted by force of Reason, or
that all the Assembly were not able to answer your Brethren? This suggestion smels of worse blood about the heart, then all the Reasons hitherto; Fearing (it seems) that all ingagements upon the Assembly in point of conscience to deny the Apologists a Toleration, might fail, and prove ineffectuall that way; hee seeks here to ingage them in point of honour, by way of reserve; telling them (in effect) that howsoever their consciences might favour the Independenters in point of Toleration, yet their credits and reputations would suffer by it. Yet let the suggestion be but a little look'd into, and it will be found to reflect no great matter of grace or commendation upon the Assembly it self. For if no favour or courtesie can be
thought to come from them, but that which is
extorted by reason, and the deniall whereof they
cannot answer, it is a sign that they are not,
[...],
i. easie to be intreated, full of mercy and good fruits, which yet the Holy Ghost makes the standing characters of
that wisdome which is from above.
James 3. 17.
Whereas hee adds,
that their opinion and demands are against all reason, and that
sundry of them could not deny as much,
and had nothing to say, but that it was Gods Ordinance. Wee answer, first, that what
A. S. his standart is, whereby he measures
Reason, we are not so well acquainted with him, as to know, but according to ours, this assertion of his opens seven times wider
against all reason, then either the
opinion or
demands of his Antagonists. First, for their opinion, we believe
[Page 110] that somewhat more then non-sense or irrationalities, hath been argued by themselves in the Assembly for it: Is it like,
that very learned men, and of abilities to dispute their opinion in any Assembly in Europe (which are
A. S. own letters of recommendation on their behalf) should rise up to defend an opinion that is contrary
to all reason? And somewhat like unto reason (at least so called, amongst our vulgar apprehensions) hath been said for it in the preceding part of this Discourse. And secondly, for their Demands; though
A. S. doth not inform us what they are, or wherein that fiery contestation
against all reason, which he findes in them, consists, yet we suppose, he means their
suing for a Toleration, that high misdemeanor, for which he hath judged them now these ten times. Was it, or is it, or would it be
against all reason, for the poor Protestant Churches in
France, to sue for a
Toleration in the state, if it were not granted unto them without suing? Or is it not much more agreeable
to reason, that Protestant Churches should be
tolerated in a Protestant State, then in a State Pontificiall; especially in such a Protestant State, of which they have so eminently deserved, as the Apologists and their Churches, and men of their judgement have done of this, as was briefly touched in the beginning of this Chapter? Or is it
against all reason, that those persons in the
Low-countreys, between whose judgements there is that known variety of differences in matters of Religion, and which concern the worship of God, being not able so well to accommodate themselves for livelihood and subsistence in any other State, with the freedome of their consciences should desire a
Toleration in that? Suppose those men of your judgement, of whom you speak,
pag. 10. who were (as you there say)
condemned to death for their Discipline, ready to be executed, and were afterwards exiled into forrain countreys; Suppose (I say) these men had desired a
Toleration in their own countrey, of those who thus unreasonably dealt with them, had they violated all Rules and Principles of
Reason by such a desire? But the truth is, that the assertion is so notoriously
against all reason, that it is scarce consistent with reason to bestow so much pen in answer to it. There is but one only supposition to make either reason or truth of it; if it be granted, it may passe for both. If the desires of some Presbyterians be
All Reason, and nothing reason but they, then both the Opinion and Demands of the Apologists, must be acknowledged to be against all Reason. But otherwise I know no principle or rule of reason at all so much as discourtesied by either.
Secondly, whereas you say, that
sundry of themselves could not deny it,
[Page 111]
and had nothing to say, &c. First, certain I am, that some of them have absolutely denied any such confession. Secondly, the acknowledgement it selfe looks no more like any of the rest, then a meer fiction doth the Relator. I beleeve that upon inquirie it will be found a misprision of truth. For doth it not sound aloud incredibilitie, that men of sufficient
abilities to dispute their opinion in any Assembly in Europe, should confesse their
Opinion and Demands to be against all reason? But such stones as these are fit for
A. S. his building.
Thirdly, whereas you say, that they
could never shew (their opinion)
out of Gods word; we answer, that they have often
shewed it; but God and men (it seems) are not yet agreed to have it so generally seen, as is to be desired: but our hope is, that the agreement will be concluded between them in due time.
Fourthly and lastly, you conclude this reason, with this undertaking, that
if it (your brethrens opinion we suppose you mean, though it's hard both here and in twenty places more, to know your meaning clearly)
be refused, it will help to confirm the Churches, and the people in truth. We desire to know
in truth of what? It will indeed confirme both marvellously, in the truth of Presbyterian fastnesse to their owne cause; but in what other truth it should confirm either the one or the other, we wait for our intelligence from you to know.
Your 21. and last reason (save onely those which you say you
omit)
His last Reason answered. is but a slip of your ninteenth, being somwhat that follows out of Independencie. But here you tell us, that the
Government so called, cannot but overthrow all sort of Ecclesiasticall Government. Is Saul
also among the Prophets? Haec verba loquentis ab ore, Gaudens arripio, & st
[...] factus Numine, adoro. I joy over these words, and reverence them so
[...]hat I conceive to be of God in them. Wee know who prophesied when he was not aware of it. Indeed, by the beauty and perfect consonancie of this government with the word of God, it may very reasonably (yea and upon higher termes then of reason) be thought that in time
it cannot but overthrow all sort of Ecclesiasticall government, and stand up it selfe in their stead.
F
[...]xit Deus, & festinet.
But that which you adde in the close of this Reason, plainly sheweth, that you had no mind to prophesie, though God had, or might have b
[...] you: for here you say,
that this order, by necessary consequence, will breed all sort of disorder. No, first, it will not breed the disorder of oppressing conscientious men for conscience sake: nor secondly, of discouraging men from searching the Scriptures more narrowly; not thirdly, of having recourse unto the word for the setting up of the government
[Page 112] of Christs Kingdome; nor fourthly, of making men walk sundry miles for what they might have upon as good or better termes at home, besides a thousand other
disorders, which the
order of your Independencie will never breed by any consequence at all,
necessary or
unnecessary, being of a very soveraign importance to prevent them. And for your premisses (in the body of your Reason) by which you would fain make the match, between the
order of Independencie,
and all sort of disorder, they are but false brokers. The Independent Churches (as you call them)
have no such custome, as for one to give entertainment or admission to any person, that hath been
censured by another, without the censure first relaxed by that Church which inflicted it, or without the consent of this Church. This is their reproach, not their practice.
And thus we see that amongst
A. S. his 21.
Reasons, there is not one that will stand by their Master, when they are but a little put to it; there is none of them but with a little perswasion and debate, will willingly enough consent to a
Toleration for the
Apologists. If the Disputant himselfe, with his party, were but as tractable as his reasons, there need no more words be made about the businesse.
As for his after-birth of Reasons, (p. 65.) since he professeth himselfe that he
omits them, we shall comport with him herein, and
omit them also; I hope he will think himselfe a debtor to us for this compliance. It seems that himselfe placeth no great confidence in them, in that hee mentions them as if hee mentioned them not, and thought them not worthy to be numbred amongst his first-born. His
Horsemen (you see) have been overcome, and yeelded themselves: his
Infantery knows the manner of the field, and will, no question, surrender without incounter. Nor is there any thing for weight or substance in this
Tail of Reasons, but what hath been broken already in the
Head.
FINIS.
A. S. SOME OBSERVATIONS AND ANNOTATIONS VPON THE APOLOGETICALL NARRATION, Humbly submitted to the Honorable Houses of PARLIAMENT, the most Reverend and learned DIVINES of the Assembly, and all the Protestant Churches here in this Island and abroad.
M. S. IF A. S. his heart be rent with discontent in two pieces (as he saith in his Epistle) at the innocent bleatings of that wronged Lambe the Apologie; surely our hearts more justly may bee rent in twenty pieces to heare and see this roring Lyon-like Reply, with his many clawes of Observations, Annotations, Considerations, & Notes, renting and tearing that modest and innocent thing, and no man saying to him, Why doest thou so? Is this the use men make of pressing Sermons, and printed Considerations to stay and wait what the Assembly would doe; that some preach, & others print for their own way, on the one side, whilest the other stand still to be beaten, muffled and bound up from speaking by Pen and Presse without much striving? The Apologie did but tell men with as gratious words & as much sweetnesse as a thing could speake, how farre they did recede from, and disclaim Separation and Brownisme; and how neere they did cloze with the present reformed Churches, even beyond expectation, & see how many stinging flies are, and about to a light upon this youngling newly eaned. One buzzing to the other, as one Raven inviting another, at this lambing-time of the yeare, that the young brood at the same minute may see the light and lose their eyes.
How many Replyes in a few weekes, appearingly have turned the world, if not the Church, upside downe; most men seeming to bee resolved before the Arguments are solved.
Beleeve it, it workes more upon the spirits of the best men, then ever any thing yet that befell this Kingdome. Things before were irregular enough, but now preposterous; before resolute enough, now violent; before the body of the Kingdome, the Common-wealth, was sore sick, now the soule, the Church.
THE TITLE OF THE BOOKE.
The Title of the Booke in the Title page and the first page is, Some Observations, Annotations, and Generall Considerations upon the Apologeticall Narration, humbly submitted to the Honorable Houses of Parliament, the most reverend and learned Divines of the Assembly, and all the Protestant Churches here in this Island, and abroad.
A title carying a great breadth with it, and soaring high, as if A. S. were confident that in his booke he speakes learnedly, as a Scholar, truly, as an honest man, gravely, as a serious man, and lovingly, as a Christian man; and that all these waies hee did make good that title, which if it bee shaped to the booke, and read according to the rode thereof, I speake it seriously and with a sad heart (these being no times nor things for jesting or jearing, which is the fault of A. S.) A. P. M. said A. S. jeer'd. Another Gentlemā said, he liked not the spirit of the man, yet neither of them Independents. may most justly be read thus: In Observations and in Considerations simply committed against the Honorable Houses of Parliament, the reverend Assembly of Divines, and the Protestant Churches at home and abroad.
For this one single simple A. S. now starts up by himselfe, peremptorily to state, and determine the Questions, for the resolution whereof the Parliament thought the Assembly of Divines few enough to undertake; and therefore call'd all them together for that purpose, who are now most intent upon the pin of the controversie; yet as if A. S. would take the worke out of their hands, he will anticipate, and forejudge the five Ministers as utterly erring throughout (for he sifts them corne after corne) which if true, the dispute is at an end. Goe then A. S. and carrie, if you dare, your platforme to the Parliament, and intreate the learned Assembly to dissolve.
But, A. S. will goe his owne way, and thereby hee hath given great offence to the Protestant Churches, to charge them all of dissenting from the five Ministers, & awakening mens spirits into replyes, when before they were drowsing with long expectation these two years of a publike determination, and I wish this might have been the last Reply, before all things were sweetly composed. How ever this intends only to take off aspersions, not to lay downe assertions. We will but barely answer [Page 3] A. S. who hath so lasht the five Ministers with so much sharpnesse of spirit, for telling the world how far off they are from Brownisme and Separation, and how close they come to the more reformed Churches in Scotland and England. Many very good men have wondred that the five Ministers closed so much; yet A. S. is bitterly angry they close no more, before the point be disputed. O, it was a fault of the Cynick Philosopher in his high shooes so to dance on the Platonick Philosophers Bed and Arras Coverlet, with boasting, that he danced on his brother Philosophers pride, as that the patient Philosopher could justly reply, yea, saith he, Thou dancest on my pride with thy greater pride.
How much of this is A. S. I say not; but sure it was the unseasonablest, if not the most unsavoury book to multitudes of spirituall palates, as ever wise man put forth.
Yet Iames Cranford is quoted by the Printer in the page before the Title, as approving it and the book with a licentious approbation, in these words; These judicious Observations and Annotations, &c. as being at this time necessarie and seasonable for the vindication of all Protestant Churches, defending the authority of Parliaments and Synods, and prevention of division amongst our selves, (though I reverence the persons of the Apologists, yet) I approve to be impressed.
Mr. Cranford, if the Printer hath dealt faithfully with you, let me intreat you (and the Lord help you) to see your selfe, ask your conscience, ask your reason, ask the book it selfe, whether there be one true clause in all that you have said?
Are these Observations, &c. of A. S. judicious, that are extra-judiciall and prejudiciall to the publick peace and order, and ordinance for dispute, prejudging and adjudging them, who joyntly with the grave Assembly, A. S. acknowledgeth the Arbitrator in the matters in question? Are they at this time necessarie, when the grave Commissioners of Scotland had with farre more prudence and solidity then A. S. said by way of reply so much to the Apologie, Nemine reclamante, none replying till A. S. was abroad? Is there any need to bring a great printing Presse, to squeese to death a poore worme troden on before? Or to bring many leavers to break an egge, that makes small resistance? The truth is, A. S. his Observations are like a man with a Pole-axe, knocking a man on the head to kill a flie lighting on his beard.
For though he saith, He humbly submitteth to the Protestant Churches, yet hee layes about him as if hee would knock them all down unto a submission to A. S. whosoever they be that will not stoop to his book. For though he thinkes that all Protestant and Christian Churches are for [Page 4] him rather then for the five Ministers, as he intimates in the beginning of his Epistle, and therefore in all likelihood professeth a submission to them, yet he will find many Churches in London (he would wonder if we should name how many) that will not submit to his book, and yet come to the publick Ordinance, doe not separate, but are most willing to submit to the truth, regularly discussed, cleared, and brought down to them. Yet still James Cranford stands fixed in the licence page, in black and not blush, for asserting that A. S. his Observations, &c. are judicious and necessarie; when as they are neither, unlesse preposterousnesse, abuse of good men, and the disturbance of the people, be judicious and necessarie. For though the ensuing answer will prove them evill, yet they will never be proved necessarie evils. They are not so much as civilly necessary, either necessitate praecepti, as commanded by Parliament, or Assembly, or necessitate medii, as usefull to compose, but indispose the minds of men, to embrace things prejudiced with the violence of private spirits. Men will not be so easily whipt and compelled by one inferiour.
Again, are the Observations seasonable, which doe but interstrepere, make a noyse, whilst the Divines are disputing, drawing the people together in heaps, there taking up their parts, to defend one against another, and pre-ingage themselves before they come to heare what the Assembly will say? For such a book cannot come forth, but it makes a thousand dispute in a week, every one then contending for his owne, when it is so irregularly and illegally taken from him. Are they for the vindication of all Protestant Churches, when as in condemning the Apology, they condemne many, very many Churches in England, many in Holland, generally all in New-England, notwithstanding some private Letters and Manuscripts sent over, to which we shall answer afterwards. Are they for the defence of the authoritie of Parliament, in opposition to the Apology? Doth the Apology touch one haire of the honourable heads of the Parliament? Are not the five Ministers chidd [...]n some where in print, for saying, They allow more to the civill R. [...]. Magistrate, then they thinke others principles can? Doth not A. S. snib them too for going (as he thinkes in their Apology) to the civill Magistrate? Pag. 4. Doth not A. S. in his Booke give a negative vote against the civill Magistrates directive power in matters of Religion? Let me Pag. 5. say what I thinke, seeng I think no harme, viz. If the resolutions of the Divines be not digested by the reason and graces of the Houses of Parliament, and so made as their owne sense, for ought I know they will never be turned into a Statute.
If the Parliament have no directive power in matters of Religion, or Ecclesiasticall, under any notion; then A. S. will condemn them for voting down the new Canons, and prescribing the Oath or Covenant.
Are these Observations for the defence of the autboritie of Synods, in opposition to the Apologie? What Synods? Scripture-Synods? Where doth the Apologie whimper against them? or doe you mean Classicall ones? If so, that's the question. And so you proclaim a defence of that which yet hath no existence. The question is not resolved. Lastly, are these Observations for prevention of sad division amongst our selves?
Well. Mr. Cranford, you have by this endeavoured to set Divines together by the eares More Ecclesiastico, your licentiating hath inabled men to give the second blow, upon which the Common Law layeth the breach of the peace. And notwithstanding you licence these Annotations, yet you say you reverence the persons of the Apologists. A pinne for such complements; Love me, and love the truth. Let us measure your respects to them, whilst the advantage of the higher ground whereon it stands be removed. Away with your dare verba, your froathy words; This is the truth, so much you respect them, as A. S. respects them. And so much have you spoken judiciously, truly, and seasonably, as A. S. hath spoken, and no more. If he be cast, you will be condemned. Stand by Mr Cranford, and heare A. S. tryed, and in him your selfe.
THE EPISTLE.
A. S. To the right reverend Divines, the Authors of the Apologetical Narration.
M. S. The Authors of the Apologeticall Narration desire more of your right, though they have lesse of your reverence. Had I written a booke with so much unreverence, I would either have blotted out my title Right Reverend, or else I should never have put in that Episcopall stile, Most Reverend, and Right Reverend, seeing the Bishops are going. For to stroke in the title, and to strike in the book, is but flattery, if not grosse dissimulation. Or as to say, Art thou in health my brother? and in the meane while to strike under the fift rib.
A. S. The high esteeme I have ever had of your persons, &c. except onely in your particular opinions, wherein the dissent from al Protestant, yea all Christian Churches in the world.
M. S. Now let the Protestant Churches (to whom you say you submit) judge whether in these words, there be not a notorious untruth. For wherein doe the five Ministers and their Churches differ from many [Page 6] Churches in England, diverse in Holland, and generally all within the Patent of New-England, if you account these places Protestant?
It may be you will object, Mr. Parkers Letter and some Manuscripts from New-England, and the Letter from Zeland. To Mr. Parker his Letter we neede say little, the Letter will answer for us, though Mr. Parker little thought when he wrote it, to finde an A. S. in England, or that his brother Bayly would have printed his Letter seemingly to anticipate the disputation of the Assembly, as if hee meant to beg the question, though but with shewes and shadowes.
1. Mr. Parker saith not one word for a Classicall Presbyterie, (the maine difference in hand) but for a Congregationall, that he would have in some things more managed by the Presbyteries of every Congregation, without putting every thing to the vote of the people of the Congregation▪ because some confusion hath followed upon it. Doth in necessaries abuse take away the use? There was confusion in the Church of Corinth. Or is there any mention of this in the Apologie, that all businesses of the Church must be put to the vote of the Congregation?
2. That in that thing only there hath been an arguing on both sides. M. Parker & Mr. Noyse only are mentioned in the letter, to be on the one side & all the other Churches on the other, against Mr. Parker and Mr. Noyse. And 3 ly. Mr. Parker doth not say he won the day, but as hee answered their Arguments (as he saith) so he confesseth they answered his Arguments, and the thing is left to consideration. Yea a godly man of New-England told me that the Churches of New-England did conceive that Mr. Parker had received full satisfaction from them in that point. How ever it were, all amounts but to a private letter subscribed by one man, yet Imprimatur saith I. C. as if much to the purpose. But looke but a little afterward to our answer to a Letter from Zeland, and you shall find the judgement of New-England in Letters newly come over.
To any private copies or Manuscripts from New-England, one Mr. Rutherford hath answered, as too much jumping with the Apologie and opposite to Classicall Presbytery. Another, if it had come forth, would have beene keener against A. S. then the Apologie is. So that if [...]he Apologie doe differ from that, it's onely because the Apologie more agrees with the reformed Churches of this Island. And for the third, it hath nothing at all for Classicall Presbyterie, but some things touching the ordering of Congregationall Presbyteries, and all these are but private intelligencers, and mutuall advisers, not determination, or nationall No more then, I suppose, Mr. Cranford or A. S. will account the strange Queries on the Apologie and Scotch Commissioners [Page 7] Reply, to bee the sense of New-England, though made by one of that Countrey.
As for the letter of Zeland, I cannot tell how to speak all the truth, & not offend some, whom by my will I would not in the least displease. Sure this will not offend to tell A. S. that in Holland, if not in Zeland, are some Churches that are fully with the five Ministers, unto which some of them doe relate. And to speake these things to the Letter it selfe, being matters of fact, I hope cannot justly offend. 1. That that Letter came admirably punctuall upon the very nick after the first reply to the Apologie was out. 2. That a Scottish Knight (as it was informed) nine or ten dayes before it was known abroad, that the letter was to come, said, What if ye receive a Letter from Zeland, disliking the Apologie? or to that effect. 3. That there is a Scottish Church (of which one Spang is a very busie agent) at Trevere hard by Middleborough, whence the letter came. 4. That there are in it many high passages seeming to some so prejudiciall to our worthy Magistracy, that it justifies that of the Apology, saying, That the five Ministers, &c. give more to the Civil Magistrates, then tbe principles of some Presbyterians do. The said letter giving so too little to the Magistracy, that the State of England, I think, cannot approve it here among us. Verbum sapientisat est. More may be thought, upon evident grounds, but not spoken here. 5. Most happily by almost a miraculary providence, in this nick of time, came two letters from New-England to countermand Mr. Parkers Letter thence, and the other from Zeland.
The first from Mr. Winthorp Governor of New England, To his reverend and very good brother, Mr. Hugh Peters Minister of the Gospel, these deliver in London. Our late Assembly of about fourty Elders met, wherein the way of our Churches was approved, and the Presbytery disallowed.
Winthorp Governor. Decemb. 10. 1643.
The second from another of New-England, to another Minister in Old-England about the same time, wherein we have these passages. We have had, saith he, a Synod lately in our Colledge, wherein sundry things were agreed on gravely, as, That the votes of the people are needfull in all admissions and excommunications, at least in way of consent; all yeelding to act with their consent. 2. That those that are fit matter for a Church, though they are not alwayes able to make large and particular relations of the work and doctrine of faith, yet must not live in the commission of any known sin, or the neglect of any known duty. 3. That consociation of Churches in way of more generall meetings yearly, and more private monethly or quarterly, as Consultative Synods, are very comfortable and necessary for the peace and good of the Churches. [Page 8] 4. It was generally desired that the exercitium of the Churches power might onely be in the Eldership in each particular Church, unlesse their sinnes be apparent in their worke. 5. That Parishes, Churches in old England, could not be right without a renewed Covenant at least, and the refusers excluded. And were not New-England so farre, the Churches of New-England would soon send a third, punctually to approve the Apologie, unless it bee for their neerer compliance with them who notwithstanding have written against them.
We have been the longer in answer to this clause, because wee finde A. S. to bee but the Text of other mens Commentary-discourses; who say, That the five Ministers will oppose all the visible Christian Churches in the world. If they did, it were not such a wonder, as for one Wickliff in one age, one Husse in another, and Luther in a third to oppose all the world.
The truth is, all Churches generally, partly by tyranny, and partly by Security, are grown so corrupt, that to apologize for a through reformation, seemes to reprove all, and so all are ready to be offended, that are lesse reformed. We have heard of sad stories of late, but true, (not teld in a corner) of the lamentable over-spreading of Popery, Atheisme, drunkennesse in some kingdomes, and adulterie, formality, &c. in others. If we reforme but in part, by halves, imitating Hen. 8. towards the Pope, cutting off the head of Prelacie, and sitting down in their Chaire (similia non sunt contraria) as M r Davenport meeting with a Classicall Presbytery in his way to New-England, said they were but thirteen Bishops for one) the cry of the sin against our light and opportunity, will call back our reeling Reformation (like will hasten to like) an unblest posture will leave us unhealed of our sins, and our sins will make us become any thing. Had not the Abbeys been pulled downe, the Priories since had had opportunity to have risen. Therefore Moses grinds the Idol to powder, that it might be quite abolished. I speak all this by way of supposition, what shall upon full debate be found to be the Idol, the nest of Popery, the Chair of Prelacy, the half-reformation.
Thus of your charging the five Ministers with dissenting from all Protestant Churches. The expression that follows, is a most grosse one. That they differ from all Christian Churches. I say grosse, in two things: 1. To call them Churches, and Christian, that are not Protestant (and ergo are Popish) now since the Councell of Trent wherein they gave Christ a bill of divorce (as the learned assert) anathematizing most of his main truths. The Popish (notwithstanding a few Saints in secret here and there) are in a dependance on Antichrist. 2. To charge it as a [Page 9] crime on the five Ministers to differ from them, when as it is a sin and shame not to dissent from them. If you dissent not from them, you will never kindly dissent from the intituled Mo. R. A. BB. and Rt. Rev. BB. I observe that men in their Replies, secretly afore they are aware, ☜ run to the Popish markes of a Church, viz. Visibility, Succession, Ʋniversalitie.
A. S. You as my selfe are but men, yet ye know but in part, and consequently may erre.
M. S. Yet this one man thinks he hath more knowledge to his part, then the other five Ministers, or else sure he would not so boldly condemne them of erring, in a point which all the Assembly have not yet determined; and so peremptorily acquit himself.
A. S. I thought this which is the question between you and all the Churches in the Christian world.
M. S. This untruth comes thick upon us, that the Apol. differs from all the Christian world. It is intimated in the title. It is expressed in the very beginning of the Epistle, and here againe, and once more in 3. pag. of the Epist. and once in Consid. 5. and how oft more in the book I doe not yet know, till I find as I goe. We have answered it once for all in the threshold of this Epistle.
A. S. I esteemed it no lesse a part of my dutie and Christian libertie, as a man to oppose my selfe to five men: then for five men to oppose five hundred thousand, &c.
M. S. Hear ye, O all ye men on earth, that A. S. saith it is his Christian liberty to oppose the five Ministers: but the whole scope of his booke is to rebuke them upon supposition that they doe oppose others. whiles they tell them wherein they agree with them. One instance follows at the he [...]l of his Christian liberty; to which by and by. Mean while, Reader, observe how this mans words do smell popishly (though I think the man to be a real Protestant) as if they came from Rome, intimating as if visibilitie, universalitie, and so pluralitie of voyces of learned men, might be an unerring, or very certain argument. He speaks as if he had forgot or never heard of Wickliff, many yeares after him Husse, long after him Luther justly opposing the whole world, as we all religiously maintain at this day. And that one Paphnutius opposed a whole Councel (mistaken in a point) which is upon record of History, to his great honour to this day.
A. S. Five men to oppose so many learned men, so many holy Divines, hundreds, and thousands for one of you, no way inferiour to the learnedest and best among you, and not only to particular men and Divines, but to so many; yea, [Page 10] and those the most pure, and most reformed Churches of the world, amongst whom there have been found so many thousands who have sealed Christs truth with the losse of their goods, imprisonment of their bodies, by exile of their persons, yea with their dearest blood, and lives, who if they wrote not miracles, yet God declared his almighty power in working miracles about them, &c.
M. S. Here we have in forme (and I will not say how much more) a Popish argument, I will not say a mopish argument; I abhor flying on men instead of matter. To this I will speake, and then they that will be deceived, let them be deceived. First, you Doctrines and practises prove men good, not men, doctrines and practises good dub such a number of men and people Saints, most reformed, learned, no way inferiour to the learnedst, and best among the five Ministers, as if you knew perfectly all mens spirits, mens lives in all places in the world, and the five Ministers parts, &c. intus & incute. Then secondly, as before you came, what R. Reverend and most Reverend (I desire to speake it no other way then with a Christian griefe and anger against such Sophismes) so now you Cant to us as it were the Popish Prelaticall Letanie, and Te Deum, As if by the temptations and fastings, by the passions, by the deaths and burialls of suffering Christians; The noble army of Martyrs praising the holy Church throughout all the world acknowledging, you would conjure us to yeeld any thing upon pluralitie of voyces, or topick arguments, that may & are turned every way, and used by all sorts good and bad for their owne waies.
1. Men living in a notorious sinne of grosse usury, unjust enclosures, monopolizing, &c. First, They will tell you of severall Ministers, &c. very holy men; and then secondly, They will tell you that those Ministers doe approve of those things.
2. The Malignants now cry, that so many good Lords, so many Parliament men, most of two Kingdomes are for the King, Ergo, the King doth well; beleeve it who so will.
The Papists proclaime, that they have pluralitie of voyces, Martyrs, &c. Ergo, they are in the right.
So the Prelacie tell us, that of Bishops were many Martyrs (to which Sm [...]ctymnuus answers) by them was composed the Liturgie, and they have a thousand for one of them, (so they had formerly) and most of the learned Doctors, &c. Scholars, Divines and Lawyers were for them, therefore they were in the right.
Then some of our respected brethren of the reputed godly Non-Conformists come in a title of a Booke thus, A most grave and modest Confutation A touch on W. R. his booke, called The grave Consutation, &c. of the errors of the sect commonly called (as W. R. sayth) Brownists or Seperatists (so his skill writes it for Separatists) agreed upon long since by the joynt consent of sundry godly and learned Ministers of this Kingdome, [Page 11] then standing out and suffering in the cause of Inconformitie, and now published in a time of neede VVhat now all, or the greatest part of them, come to our publik meetings, and the Apol. disclaims Separation, and Brownisme? unlesse you would drive them to corners again. &c. against that pernitions evill. Published by W. R. As if their sufferings were a seale of the just length of reformation, how farre we must go, and no further. When as the most of them stood only upon the negative part, What they would not have, but onely a few declared positively, of which some for a Congregationall presbytery or Church-way, be it, or be it not, a pernitious evill, as W. R. calls it. God forbid, that if wee have suffered for Christ, in the behalfe of any piece of truth, that therefore we should pride up our selves as having done so much; or stint our selves from proceeding further in knowledge, or affright our selves from suffering more, if more truths bee to be contended for, as the Apostle speakes; or least of all through the sides of Brownisme or Separation, to wound the truth & Saints of Jesus Christ, just in the nick of such reproachings cast upon them that disclaime in words and practise all pernicious Brownisme, &c. It cannot bee forgotten that the choicest doctrines held in England, have beene called pernitious heresie. And therefore it is an high peremptorinesse in a generall title to call all those things pernitious evils, some of which are truths. We have, and doe disclaim Separation and Brownisme, properly so called.
But if the Pope or the Devill Mar. 1. 24. confesse Christ, we will not therefore call that truth, a pernitious evill. I suppose all that W. R. book sets forth in heads, and Chapters, as to be confuted, are some of those things hee means are pernitious evills. As,
Are these (we give but a tast) perni [...]ious evills? Then you condemne Smectymnuus for writing, the Parliament and Assembly for removing and about to remove these exceptions; And most presbyterian Ministers in London for forbearing to give Communions to such multitudes. Mr. Calamy said that an imposed, Liturgie was idolatry. And our worthy brethren of Scotland justly stood up against these enormities. No wonder therefore if W. R. booke abound with weakenesses and impertinencies; in stead of Confutation of such thing as these. For I patronage not any false or unadvised speeches of Barrow, or &c. there used.
[Page 12] 3. A. S. Saying, That the Apologists differ from the most reformed Churches in the world. Some of which hee knowes are in Holland, more in England, most in New-England, all publike Churches, if hee speakes not falsly, or ignorantly; yet begging the Question, whether the Churches named, or the Classicall Presbyterian are most reformed?
To close our answer to this, tell us no more of your multitudes, the Lord keepe us all from the broad way that leadeth to destruction, though many there be therein. One Phinees, one Elijah left alone in the eye of the world, two against thousands, viz. Caleb and Josuah in the truth are more to be honored, then swarmes of swarvers (I judge none.) The time is at hand, that ten men shall take hold of one Jew Zech. 8. 23., and so on one true christian. Godly men may be hunted out of a Kingdom, not of the truth, meane while such a Kingdom may be without them, but neere the more without judgments. England was never quiet, but worse & worse, since it hunted away almost a little Nation of Saints to New-England, though W. R. joyning issue with A. S. will follow them, with a blotting pen in print, even to that Kingdome too. Yea and take in his way many Churches in old England, and some that are and lately were in Holland, and then have at New-England, none comes amisse that have gone an inch in reformation beyond W. R. his Non-Conformitie. Like him who would strike all that were next him, who e're they were that injured him. And all this worke he cuts out for himselfe in his booke he calls a Narration of some Church courses in New-England.
☞ O that all Readers that will not be wilfully blind, would by the way observe, how A. S. condemnes the Apologists, as guiltie of dissenting from the Churches in New-England. And W. R. condemnes them for agreeing with the Churches of New-England. So that A. S. and W. R. doe not agree betweene themselves. But you shall have an Answer to that booke of W. R. in a distinct treatise by it selfe, ere long God permitting. Meane while we goe forward with A. S.
A. S. I am perswaded in my conscience, that your opinion of Independency, &c. if it were admitted (pardon my expression till I be better instructed) could not but prove the roote of all sorts of Schisme and Heresie, and consequently the utter overthrow of Christs universall militant Church.
M. S. If you speake cordially, as supposing indeede that you may be better instructed, it had beene best for you to have stayd for the Assemblies determination, or to have conferred with some of them you write against, before you had written and printed that desperate speech, lest the inke seeme letters of blood to you at your dying pillow. I warrant you, if what one, or many say onely, would make an argument, [Page 13] a multitude would say, that a coactive classicall Presbyterie would be the root of couched Prelacy, and Ecclesiasticall tyrannie. But I will not be one of them to say so. Probatum est; in New-England, that which you call Independency, hath not procured, but cured, or purged out heresies, schismes, formalitie, prophaneness, more then some other Kingdoms that so hate and hit at mis-called Independency.
A. S. You sue for a Toleration, and consequently for a Separation.
M. S. So then, where Papists are tolerated, there they are Separatists too. It's but the Noun of multitude between, but that the Independents in England might tolerate, and the Presbyterians might be tolerated, would they then be Separatists? Who desires separation? but rather union in the truth. If any hold the truth, and stumble, though of weakness, at some smaller matters, (as you count them) it is your duty to suffer them, and to bear with the weak, and not offend the consciences of Brethen; or Gods woe is by him pronounced against you.
A. S. I may adde to all these, your undervaluing of the Parliaments great favour towards you. For yee know, brethren, how they, notwithstanding your former separation from all other Churches, &c. invited you to be members of this Assembly, had they not given you the capacity, yee had been altogether incapable. And not only that, but they honoured one of you with the high favour of sending one of you with their Commissioners to Scotland.
M. S. O abominable accusation, O sycophantising insinuation! Who art. A. S. Cujas. Can an English-man, unjesuited, or any Minister unprelatised, or any man honestised, say thus? I am distressed how to put home to this, and yet prudently. I tell thee, A. S. Thy accusation is a gross falshood. For their respect to the Parliament, and their respect from the Parliament, let many of the choyce members of both Houses speak, they will soon prove thee a gross—. Thy probation a silly phantasie. Did ever any Vote of the Parliament, or of the Assembly, accuse the Apologie of undervaluing the Parliaments favours? None but he that hath A. S. as part of his name, would say so. For all discreet men see plainly, that as the form and stile of the Apologie is most sweet; so the matter now in hand so much as is there intimated, is the Question. Can that be an offence to the Parliament, for the five Ministers to propound that of the things they are to debate (by Ordinance of Parliament) which is to them the question, making it ready, and leaving it for debate in the Assembly? Yea, whether the whole draught of the Apologie be to be condemned or commended by the Parliament, that is also a question yet unresolved, by Parliament, Assembly, and a considerable part of City and Kingdom. Therefore why doth one A. S. [Page 14] presumptuously make it a crime against the Parliament? Since the thrice worthy Parliament had it in debate in the House, being put on March. 13. 1643. by the Letters from Middleborough in Zeland, and upon the speech of learned M r. Selden, and others, they resolved with a generall acclamation, that the Apologie was to be left as it was found, unblamed. The God of heaven in much mercy bless the Parliament, as for all the good they have done, so for their uprightness therein, They joy of the Churches is now as high as their sorrows would have been deep, had it been condemned. For it would to them have been not only a dolefull ante, or anti, but-anticipating-presage. But blessed be our Parliament-guiding God; that as they had no hand in the Apologie, so they would have no hand against it. Therefore away A. S. Operam & oleum perdidisti (as the Starling said to the Emperour, having saluted him in vain with [...]) you have lost your labour. The Parliament despise sycophantising colloguing; (Are you as wise as that Bird to see that, it said?) And on the other side they do not repent of what honour they conferred on M r. Nye, and through him on his brethren of the same For the Parliament in wisdom chose some Episcopall men to be of the Assembly, to plead their own cause if they could. Some of w ch since cast out themselves, and others were cast out. judgement. They could not but think (what ever you dream) but that the five Ministers were in as neer a capacity to be of the Assembly, &c. being native English-men, and against Episcopacie, as either those of other Nations, or those of our own, in judgement holding for Episcopacie; and standing for the just and lawfull authority of Magistracy as either.
A. S. The Apol. Narration containing (how ever you name it) a singular desire of separation from them, that so cherish you, with some unworthy nick-names put upon them, who stile you by no worse names then Brethren.
M. S. What ever names A. S. puts upon this his Book, as Annot. Consid. Notes sure enough (Nigro carbone notandus. Hic Niger est, hunc tu Romane caveto,) it is not candid, but holds forth A. S. his singular desire of making division, if he could, either between the Parliament and the Brethren, or between them and our dearest brethren of Scotland, if M. S. do rightly divine what he means by them. God and man hates this thy design (O A. S.) Six things the Lord bates, yea, seven are abomination to him: A proud look, a lying tongue, an heart that deviseth wicked Prov. 6. 16. imaginations, a false witness, that speaketh lies, him that soweth discord among brethren, &c. (for I have named enough for A. S. to make his choice.) And I am informed, that the worthy Commissioners of Scotland (nobly done) do utterly dislike A. S. his Book. From whom we have far more evident and effectuall symptomes of their cordiall love, then [...]he word Brethren. Which with A. S. in his Book is nothing but Complementall [Page 15] dissimulation; For his Epistle begins, as it were, with kissing, viz. Right reverend and dear Brethren. And his book is biting. So that as he useth the word Brethren, it is much to the same sense, as a parasiticall Minister being to preach an odde fellows funerall, did use the words of that deceased mans Will, viz. In the name of God, Amen: (this story is proper for A. S. if he hath any skill in the law, for I cannot yet be certain what he is:) saith the Priest (being put to it for matter for his Trentall Panegyrick) See the devotion of this deceased brother; he begins his Will, with In the name of God, Amen. A silly Goose; for it's as common for all good and bad to begin their Wills so (as A. S. knows if a Lawyer) as for A. S. to call Brethren, and to bawl forth reviling all along his book.
As for the Nick-names A. S. chargeth upon the five Ministers, with which they should nick-name, I know not whom, he names them not; which makes me think, he hath no skill in Law. He knows that Dolus latet in universalibus, or to use his own words, p. 47. Sermones generales non movent, we cannot answer to generalls; nor can he find them in the Apologie. What a Pharisee may phantasie, that will not have mens defects intimated as they stand in the crowd of all Christendome, I am sure the worthy Commissioners piously confess their Churches may be yet further reformed; and what religious men will not sigh forth the same, touching their own native Countries?
A. S. What else have yee done, but erected one Assembly in the Assembly, by private authority against publike; taking private resolutions against publike?
M. S. O gross! yet he will follow Machiavels counsell that said, Calumniare audacter, aliquid adhaerebit, If men must not speake, write, or preach any thing that may relate to something in debate in the Assembly, then, (as it was excellently spoken in Parliament,) Ministers may write and say nothing at all. Divers print and preach for the Presbytery, yet of the Assembly. Are they all a private particular Assembly?
A. S. Sundry reasons made me to suspect, that ye would say more then ye say.
M. S. And what then? Did you think by this your Reply, to hush them? No readier way to make them or their friends to say more then either they intended, or you would willingly hear. Yet confess one truth; That there hath been two replies to them already, yet they have printed no reply (that we know of) for that you mean (I suppose) by saying more. Else, God forbid, but they should speak, and speak in the Assembly too; though one said, Hee had much ado to forbear moving to have one of them to be cast out of the Assembly, for propounding his Reason to the Question, to which he was called by order of Parliament.
But for you, A. S. you would make a stone speak (as they say.) [Page 16] If you believe not the Poet, Si natura negat, facit indignatio versum; yet believe the Scripture: Oppression would make a wise man mad. Eccles. 7. 7. M. R.
But let me tell you now of one that is of your judgement for the Presbyterie, but by far a more solid and discreet man then your self, that said, There was this good by the Apologie, that therein the five Ministers had wrapt up themselves, that they could not say more in substance oftener then was therein expressed. Nor could they recede from that compliance with you they had therein professed. So you see you Presbyterians may differ among your selves, no wonder therefore, if from the five Ministers.
A. S. I love you all from my heart.
M. S. Good Reader, compare this mans book with his heart. And good Writer, (if I do not mis-call thee) judge whether in your book you act the part of a loving Physitian, were your potion never so cordiall, in that you administer it scalding hot, though you flatter till it's powred down the throat.
A. S. The will is but a blind faculty.
M. S. Now, where is your Philosophie? Is there an unreasonable faculty in the reasonable soul, that hath no light but by participation? This is news to considerate Philosophers, that do not take things upon trust, by tradition, of speculative untried principles.
A. S. My main aim hath been, Gods glory, and the edification of weak brethren, who may have been misled by your most learned Discourse.
M. S. Yet this man in his 1 Annot. pag. 4. saith, It comes very short, is weak and slender, and no way satisfactory. The man makes nothing of contradictions, upon contradictions; for even here also is a contradiction or two more. Are the five Ministers discourse most learned, and yet errour too, as you said in the beginning of your Epistle? And are they most learned, and yet less learned then you?
But indeed (saith one) Hee makes a great noyse of learning in his book, ratling his Sophistry-terms, so that though hee hath failed in his Divinity, Physick, and Philosophie hitherto, yet hee will make us know that hee is a notable Logician; or he will make our ears ring with unenglished Ergoes, with A genere ad speciem affirmativè, with A posse ad esse non valet consequentia; Non possibile est esse, possibile est non esse, totum, totaliter, materialiter, Page of his book, 53, 54. dispositivè; with his modifications, assumptions, &c. and multitudes of such lumber to the weake brethren. O, said one, that some body would earnestly intreat him to speak seriously, whether he thinks in his conscience this to be his direct way to that end hee here professeth, namely, to edifie weak Brethren? Alas, such things to them, if Englished, are but gibberish, and as charms.
A. S. Esteeming that during the rest of my pilgrimage, which cannot be long, having no other thing to doe, I shall doe well to doe this.
M. S. I'l tell you what one said to this. Would God he had rather no patient, then he should have no patience, then the Church should be his patient (seeing he hath no more skill in her griefe;) that he had no client, then that he should be a treacherous Advocate; that he would rather doe nothing, then evill. For it is a sad thing, said he, that good men neer their end should write some sorry peece, to be a monument of their declining in their last dayes, and of their disgrace before they are buried. As a worthy man a little afore his death, wrote in defence of ceremonies, for which formerly he had suffered. A warning to A. S. and all good men, that their good works should be more at last, and so to leave that character to the hypocrites, as one observes, to live smoothly, towards his end to doe sorily, and then to die suddenly.
A. S. HIS CONSIDERATIONS.
M. S. Truly called Interrogatories which A. S. puts to the five Ministers, as if he were already gotten into the Chair, &c.
A. S. His first Consideration. Whether in any Ecclesiasticall or Politick Assembly of the Christian world, wherein things are carried by plurality of voices, it be ordinarie for any inconsiderable number thereof to joyn in a particular combination among themselves, and therein to take particular resolutions?
M. S. We have heard of some Parliaments in Europe, that the House of Peeres is so constitute, that if a vote passe where somes consciences amongst them cannot yeeld to, they may modestly enter in the House their dissent from it. But whether this be so or not, the five Ministers did not take particular resolutions and publish them in print, to crosse the proceedings and Disputes of the Assembly; or state a question yet unresolved by the Assembly, but onely told the Kingdome de facto, what they had held and practised, and therfore in the Apologie speak in the past time, with some very few and short touches upon what ground.
Wherein they declare themselves to close nearer with the Assembly, were they all Presbyterian (as we know the contrary) then thousands ever thought they would.
And withall they doe professe themselves so unwedded to their former See Apol. p 10. It is their secōd golden rule by which they walked. practises, and so far from over-weening their present judgements, that upon discovery of more light, they are most willing to open their eyes upon it, and let it in. And therefore you A. S. have done very ill, to discourage them as much as in you is, from that sweetnesse of spirit, that hath appeared in all their writings and carriages.
But our main answer to this your Consideration (which makes it a grosse inconsideration, if not untrurh) is this, That the Assembly of themselves [Page 18] are not to conclude things by a meer plurality of votes, if you dare bele [...]ve t [...]e Ordinance of Parliament, whose words are, To conferre and treat amongst themselves of such matters and things touching and concerning the Liturgie, Discipline, and Government of the Church of England, or the vindication Ordin. for the calling of the Assembly. Page. 4. 5. and clearing of the doctrine of the same, from all false aspersions, and misconstructions, as shall be proposed unto them, by both or either of the said Houses of Parliament, and no other, and to deliver their opinions and advices of our touching the matters aforesaid, as shall be most agreeable to the word of God, to both or either of the said Houses from time to time, in such manner and sort, as by both or either of the said Houses of Parliament shall be required. And in case of difference of opinion among the said Divines, they shall present the same, together with their reasons thereof, to the Houses of Parliament.
Which words, besides confutation of your pluralitie of voyces, doe more then allow so much as is done in the Apologeticall Narration, that being but a narration of past things.
A. S. his second Consideration, Whether in taking such resolutions, they should not consequently resolve themselves to quit the Assembly, and to appear as parties.
M. S. The antecedent was denied before on the first Consideration: therefore the consequence is destroyed. And for the consequence or Proposition it selfe, of the five Ministers quitting the Assembly, and to appeare as parties, for setting forth the Apologie; I utterly dislike your motion, as striking at the worthy Commissioners of Scotland, as if they likewise should quit the Assembly for replying to the Apologie. Men of a far better spirit then you are. And though they be somewhat ingaged in a setled Presbytery, yet carry themselves more sagely and moderatly, then many of our own men; an honour for them, and a shame for us.
A. S. His fourth Consideration (and for the third vanisheth upon our answer to the first and second) Whether this Apologeticall Narration was necessary, when yee found the calumnies, mistakes, mis-apprehensions of your opinions, and mists that had gathered about you, or were rather cast upon your persons in your absence, begin by your presence againe, and the blessing of God upon you, to scatter and vanish, without speaking a word for your selves and cause?
M. S. Yea it was: For look but to the next full period afore; and you shall find that this you repeat as touching that scattering and vanishing of mists, doth but relate to the people, and only to some of them, viz. Those that professe or pretend the power of godliness. These mens serene spirits onely were the beams that began to scatter the mists. And therefore the Apologists speak distinctly and punctually (and not indefinitely as you) in the words you seem to quote; viz. they say that they found many (mark) many of those mists, not all; and did but begin to scatter, as you your selfe repeat. [Page 19] The Apologists say, They did but begin to scatter. For in the apprehension of the Apologists, their motion was like the lowrings of an inconstant morning, the mists ascend, and anon descend, and by and by ascend, and turn into a Scottish-mist, as the Englist Proverb is, That will wet an English-man to the skin. The mist went up by the hils; but (as the other Proverb is) down by the Mils, they turned into rain. What mean else those words of the Apo. pag. 1 Apologie; Our ears have been so filled with a sudden and unexpected noyse of confused exclamations, in the interpretation of most reflecting on us, that awakened thereby, we are inforced to anticipate a little that discovery of our selves, which we otherwise resolved to have left to time.
And those words of the Apologie: Whereas your silence upon all the forementioned Apol. p. 27. grounds, hath been by the ill interpretation of some, imputed either to our consciousness of the badness and weakness of our cause, or to our inability to maintain what we assert in difference from others, &c.
And those words of the Apologie; Since the change of times from our exile, Apol. p. 31. we have indured that which to our spirits is no less grievous; the opposition and reproach of good men, even to the threatning of another banishment. No doubt but the Apologisers know what they say, and what they can say, if called to speak out. Besides, if the people had let them alone, should seem some Ministers would not. O, it was an unhappy Anticipation (O, if the will of God had been to have prevented it) that in the very nick, before the Assembly met, that two Books should forestall the Market, the one penned by a learned Scot, and the other by a learned English-man, that set the tongues of men so a wame.
First, to vomit out upon the five Ministers Tenet, and next to asperse their persons, before the Assembly had made one Syllogisme, Hinc illae lachrymae. Hence the Apologie (poor meek thing) was forced to speak; and thereupon A. S. so fiercly breathed (I had almost said brayed) out against it so many bitter words.
A. S. tels us in this his 4 th Consideration, of the honour the Parliament shewed the Apologists, in calling them to be members of the Assembly, which was enough to justifie their persons from all aspersions, without any Apologie.
M. S. To this we answer; That they and their friends will ever acknowledge the Honourable Parliaments great respect to them. And so much the more, in these times wherein great A. S. and little, &c. do so labour to render them odious. But I think I should not cross the sense of the Parliament if I should not make it an universall major proposition: That all whom the Honourable Parliament shall call to be members of the Assembly, are ipso facto vindicated from all aspersions; and so to conclude, that all Episcopall Prelaticall men that in life and practise have been—if they should be called to be of the Assembly, were eo nomine vindicated from all [Page 20] aspersions. I am sure de facto that some very learned men were called by the sweet indulgence of the honourable Parliament for the common good to be Members of the grave Assembly, who since upon better knowledge of them, are by the Parliament purged out of the Assembly (a good ridde, the Assembly is the better for their absence) and some are at Oxford, see how terse they be; and some in prison, see how their membership of the Assembly have vindicated them. Be sure of it, that the choice of men for the Assembly was to find men good, not to make them so. And two worthy Parliament men of a County may not know at first all the faults in every Town, or the lint on every black coat. And therefore since that, the worthy Parliament hath well brusht some.
If the Parliament put never so much honour upon the five Ministers in calling them to the Assembly; yet since many have aspersed them, or some laboured how to make them odious to Kingdoms and Nations, and who but the order of A. S. mainly instigating? And therefore this fully answers to your last Quere in your fourth Consideration. Whether this Apologie was necessary after the first cloud was neer over? every night must be cleared by a new rise of the Sun.
A. S. his 5 th Consideration, saith, That the five Ministers do blame all Protestant Churches as not having the power of godliness, and the profession thereof, with difference from carnall and formall Christians, advanced and held forth among them as among you, which is commonly thought to be particularly intended against the Scots.
M. S. Sure it is no otherwise commonly thought to be particularly intended against the Scots; and generally to blame all Protestant Churches, then in or by your common sense deriving species, vain seemings to your phantasie, from your outward senses an evill eye ill affected. For the Apologie calls our dear brethren the Scots, the more reformed Churches. And for the words all, and among you, whereby you would present them setting themselves as an opposite member of distinction to all Protestant Churches, and blaming them all as undistinguished from carnall and formall Christians, in comparison of them and their five Churches; the words all and you, are forged and foysted in by your self, and so must go for very falshoods charged upon them. The words of the Apologie are, 1. That Apol. p. 4. they, and many others had but observed touching the non-advance of the power of godliness, &c. among some, what themselves had generally acknowledged. The five Ministers do not charge it, but repeat it as confessed by themselves. 2. It is not said it was confessed, and they observed there was no power of godliness, but i [...] was not advanced. 3. Nor is it said it was not advanced, but not advanced as in this our Island. This Island being a common phrase, yea, and your phrase too in the title of your Book, to signifie Scotland and England both.
And then where is that particular intendment against Scotland; or the five Ministers laying their Churches in the ballance against other Churches?
Fourthly and lastly, they speake but indefinitely in a contingent matter, and therefore can bee construed but of some particulars; and therefore did not ayme at all. You know how highly they esteeme of New-England, and therefore that is not excluded from the advance of the power of godlinesse, as in this Island of great Britaine English and Scots are included. However, as no man that is a knowing man either by hearsay or travell over the next Sea, will accuse Scotland as most carnall and formall (it were well for the world if in that, &c. others had not farre exceeded them) so none of us, except Pharisees, will excuse our Nations of remisnesse in advancing the power of godlinesse in apparent view above carnalitie and formalitie.
You see by our answer to the Apologie, that not that Apologie but your will caused you to speake that which is not by wise men once to bee mentioned at this time, as if the Apologists intended to say any the least thing to grieve our brethren the Scots.
A. S. his seventh Consideration (for the sixth is non-sense, unlesse we put the interrogatorie point at Anabaptists, and so A. S. to take unto him and them, hee ranks himselfe with all, calling them us, I say, to take to him and them the Brownists and Anabaptists to be of his partie. Reader, view his sixth Consideration, whether you can make sense of it, I cannot, nor any thing of consequence; therefore answer not unto it) his seventh Consideration, I say, interrogates thus: Many are desirous to know whether this Apologeticall Narration published by you five alone, be in the name of your five alone, or of all those also, or apart of those whom ye pretend to hold your tenets: if in the name of you five onely, whether ye five can arrogate a power unto you selves to maintaine these tenets as the constant opinion of all your Churches; having no generall confession of their faith thereabouts. If in the name of all the rest, we desire you would shew your Commission from all your Churches, &c.
M. S. Good Reader doe but turne about these interrogatories, and put them to A. S. and put A. S. in stead of the five Ministers, and you may kill Goliah with his owne sword; if five Ministers have arrogated in the Apol. one A. S. much more in his Reply. If A. S. doth not like the conversion; we answer positively.
1. It's no arrogating for any Christian upon just occasion to make his confession of faith.
2. The confession of faith in doctrine that is in all the best reformed Churches is theirs; For one touching pure Discipline, it was not found in Scotland whiles the tyrannie of the Bishops prevailed. Whiles things [Page 22] are in fieri, a wise man will not expect them in facto esse. Faith may bee when confession dares not appeare. A. S. is angry with that confession of faith in the Apologie, and hath opened the mouthes of many others (as we heare) ready to barke too at it, they doe but stay their turnes, why then doth he call for more confession?
3. The godly learned Fathers, Tertullian, Justin Martyr, &c. produced no authority from men to Apologize for the truth; the Scripture they Apologized for, bore them out.
4. The Parliament allow the five Ministers more, viz. to shew their reasons; therefore the lesse, to shew their opinion.
5. A thousand and a thousand good Christians were glad to heare how the five Ministers dissented from the rigid Separation, and closed with the best reformed Churches (the sole businesse of the Apologie in effect) and thought that no good Protestants would have beene sorry for them.
A. S. His eight Consid. interrogates the five Ministers thus; Whether yee desire a toleration for you five alone in your (marke your) Religion, for all the rest? Item, if a toleration in publick, in erecting of Churches apart? or to live quietly without troubling of the State? As for the last, appearingly ye may have it unsought. But for the rest, the Parliament is wise enough, and knoweth what is convenient for the Church of God.
M. S. An Apologie for the Apologists Church-way. Toleration, properly so called, is (saith learned Capel) of things unlawfull: His words are, The Law I know permitted usury to the Jewes, to the stranger, what of that? It followes the rather, yet it is of it selfe a sinne, because permission is of sinnes, not of duties. Cap. Tempt. of Vsury. We are not, friend A. S. come to that yet. To yeeld the one, or beg the other. Wee challenge it as your duty that are Protestants, to allow us our liberty that are Protestants, and hold with you, in Doctrine and Discipline, also in substance; the difference being an accident. 1. The quantitie; you would have it extended to Colloquies, provinciall Classes, &c. over every Church, which appeares not in Scripture, either name or thing. Wee would have it bounded within every particular Church made up to competent hundreds, with a sufficiencie of Church Officers for parts and number. And 2. Necessity of constraint, for in appeales you would cite and constraine men to appeare before the said Colloquies & Classes, &c. For which there is not the least in the Scriptures; we would have a free voluntary recourse out of conscience to the brotherly advise of neighbour Churches, or a Synod, dogmatically to declare Christs minde unto us, and in case of refusall to submit to their judgement, having no ground in Scripture to refuse; the Advising Churches to renounce communion with the offending Church; and the particular Church to pronounce excommunication against their offending [Page 23] brother. So that the difference is not in ente, sed modo: not in the thing, but the manner rather. We say therefore, it is your duty to give us our own, our liberty, as much (if not more) as we to let you alone, whiles both parties avouch that they are unconvinced as yet, of a possibility of a neerer agreement. We know not of the least clause of a sentence, or peece of an example in all the Scriptures, for any to constrain mens consciences by outward violence, positively to act contrary to their principles conscientiously held, or for any to yeeld thereunto. We have many passages to the contrary in Scripture.
The Amorites gently intreated Abraham and his family, and were confederate with them, Gen. 14. 13. So did the Philistines, or men of Gerar, Gen. 20. And before both, the Egiptians, Gen. 12. 19. So did the men of Gerar deale with Isaac, Gen. 26. The Sechemites said they would kindly intreat Jacob and his sons, because they were peaceable, Gen. 34. 20, &c. The Egiptians appoint Goshen for the Israelites, to dwell peaceably in the midst of Egypt. The Chaldeans or Babylonians at length allow the Jewes the libertie of their religion, with all accommodations thereunto, Nehem. and Ezra throughout. Compare 2 Chron. 36. The Romans likewise bare with the Jewes, and their Judaisme for many yeares both before and after Christs time. How much more therefore should Protestants beare with Protestants, who have spent their estates and blood in winning their joint liberty from the common enemy, Atheists, Papists, Neuters, Prelats, &c. Christs rule is to win men by instruction, and not to force men with destruction in matters of religion, Matth. 10. 14, 15. & v. 27, 28. Luke 9. 54. 1 Cor. 7. 23. 2 Tim. 2. 24, 25. & 2 Tim. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4. with infinite more places. Nor doe we find in Scripture persecution to be raised by the Iewish Church against Religion, but onely when the divinely instituted ceremonies, which had got such esteem in the Iewes hearts, were about to be taken downe by the preaching of the libertie of the Gospel, and a spirituall worship, unknown as yet to the whole world. For in the Iewish Church before, and in Christ and the Apostles times, 1. were the Sadduces, Matth. 16. 1. who denied the resurrection, Angels and Spirits, Acts 23. 8. 2. The Pharisees, Matth. 23. who (though they confessed those) held Fate, Free-will, and humane Traditions. See Ioseph. lib. 3. and Chem. in exam. Conc. Trident. part. p. 20. on 1 Tim. 5. 23. 1 Tim. 4. 3. Coloss. 2. 3. The Assideans, Chasidim, or Good men, Rom. 5. 7. (which Assideans mentioned in the Apocrypha, 1 Maccab. 7. 13. are translated by Joseph, [...], Good men, lib: 12. cap. 16.) who studied to adde to the Scriptures, and professed to be holy above the law. 4. The Essenes, who held it unlawfull to drink wine, forbad marriage, and commanded those dogmata, (therefore Coloss. 2. the Apostle useth [...], and [...], being the Esseans words) Touch not, tast not, handle not; because the junior Esseans [Page 24] might not touch the Elders or Seniors, nor might tast, save onely bread, salt, water, and hyssop. 5. The Pythagoreans, who held that the soule of the last departed, rose in the body of the next that was born. Herod seems to be of this opinion, Mat. 14. 1, 2. See the Geneva notes on that place; yet we find no publick persecution raised by the Jewish Church against these, or of these one against another. So in the Church of Corinth were divers odde, and some dangerous opinions, as doubting of the resurrection to come, conceiving it to be past already, yet no persecution moved against them. So in the Church of Galatia, so in the 7. Churches of Asia. The Churches force not them that are without, by persecution, but are rebuked for not excommunicating, or neglect of convincing and reproving them that are within. For later times, if the Turks allow Christians that are peaceable, the liberty of their conscience, both Greeks, English, &c. and the Spaniards, Germans, &c. permit the Jewes; no wonder if the Low-countrey-men permit severall opinions of Protestants among them. We are worse then the Indians, if we should not deale kindly with orthodox Christians.
We justly abhor the ten persecutions, against the injustice whereof Aristides, Justinus, Mileto Sardensis, Apollinaris, Athenagoras, Tertullianus, and others wrote Apologies in behalfe of Christian religion. And we justly abhor the Spanish inquisition, the English Marian persecutions, and the Bishops high Commission; against all which many worthy men have writ learnedly. And we have seen the event of endevouring to force conscience in matter of opinion or worship. On the one side, in England it made many thousands of hypocrits, Church-papists, time-servers, &c. And on the other side, in Holland and Scotland it justly caused State-insurrections; and for the same reason wee also are legally now up in arms to obtaine assurance that we shall have the liberty of conscience and law.
I speak not this as if on the one hand I did now charge this upon the intentions of the State, God forbid. His meliora spere. But onely I seasonably answer A. S. and prevent what I can anyes turning A. Ssians in their opinions or instigations. I hope it shall never be known in the world, that ever any persecuted the miscalled -Separatists or Independents, that are sound in opinion, pure in discipline, and holy in practice, save onely Papists and Prelaticall men. These were the first, and I hope shall be the last that ever persecuted the Saints of the most high. Nor on the other hand do I speak this as to intimate that I a prove a toleration of the broaching of all opinions, or any toleration of some practises.
1. The least venting of any opinion against fundamentalls; as Judaisme, denying Christ to be the true M [...]ssi [...]s; Arrianisme and Socinianisme, opposing the Deity of Jesus Christ; Arminianisme, that questions the [Page 25] person of the Holy Ghost: Papisme, holding Justification by works; or that Anabaptisme that denies the derivation of Adams originall corruption to us, and the power of Christs grace to be conveyed to us without any spirituall power of our free will, (falsly supposed to be in us) or of the like opinions, ought to be suppressed by due proportion, to that rule That no man, or Prophet, &c. might intice his kindred, friend, or neighbour to Idolatry, on pain of death, Deut. 13. 1. to 12. much less is the practice of Idolatry or any impiety by proportion to the prohibition of blasphemy on pain of death, Levit. 24. 11. to be tolerated. Yet to prevent Idolatry, the sword may be taken up, Josh. 22. 11. Negatively, the outward act, either of speaking such evill opinions, or doing such evill facts, may be restrained, and yet no violence done to the conscience to act contrary to it's inward dictates and perswasion, being not yet convinced they are evill. This being only a suspension and intermission of the outward man from acting towards others, not a coaction or subversion of the inward acts of judgement and understanding in himself. And so Jewes, or &c. may be permitted among Christians; so as they do not manifest their errors and defiance against the fundamentall truths; that so they may hear, and believe, and be converted, or how else shall they be won to the truth; and the promise of God fulfilled touching their call?
2. The spreading and practising of opinions that apparently tend to Libertine-licencious ungodliness, ought not quietly to be permitted. They cannot be suffered, but with sinne and reproof from Christ to the sufferers of them, Rev. 2. v. 14. to v. 21. where two Churches, viz. Pergamos, and Thyatir [...], are charged with sinne, and reproved by Christ for having among them and suffering Balaamines, Nicolaitans, and Jezabellians to vent such opinions, viz. 1. That under pretence of liberty and charity, wives were to be common. 2. Vnder pretence of avoiding scandals and perils, it was lawfull for Christians to be present at the the sacred things, Idolatries and joviall banquettings of Pagans, as Vide Port. in 2 Revel things indifferent. These in the Churches ought to have been excommunicated (if refractory) out of the Churches. These, not of any Church (if they will not be convinced by conference with the Churches) ought to be restrained from their evill practises by the Magistrate, according to the examples of the pious Kings reforming abuses, upon the ground of Moses penning of politique laws to punish them that could not be accounted me [...]t members of a Church, for their lewd lives.
3. For those opinions that are neither against fundamentals, nor tend to licenciousness; but strive to beat out truths, thereby to creep closer to the rule, to walk more evenly, in the path, both of Doctrine [Page 26] and Discipline; and will in both by a strict bond amongst themselves walk as exactly as by any power Ecclesiastical without them, set above them a (their own will shall be in stead of others lawes) I say, such opinions are not to be restrained, either from all divulging or practising, that wee can finde by any Scripture. We wave the question now; Which is the only true form of Discipline? and put the case in generall, What opinions and practices that are conscienciously taken up ought to be left unrestrained? To which our answer is, that this sort here are they; or else how shall there be a trying all things, a trying of the spirits, a discovery of new light and present truths prophesied to be revealed in their severall periods of times? If any be contrary-minded, we shall be glad to hear their grounds; till they produce those, and make them clear to the Churches, wee ask our due, a quiet permission to injoy that liberty which Christ hath bought, and the Gospel brought; and not to be jeered by any A. S. as here; who tells the five Ministers that to live quietly without troubling the State, they may have it appearingly unsought. Let the world judge, whether here be not a saucy jeer, both in matter and form of speech. I would A. S. had made use of that toleration, and then he had not so intolerably troubled a Kingdome. Or else if he had no stomack at first to be quiet, if for some days he had but had somewhat appearingly allowed him to bite upon, somewhat appearingly to quench his thirst, he would have had a stomack rather to eat and drink, then bite and jeere. He is so passionate, that hee doth not remember what he says in one page, so as it may be reconciled to another. Here he saith, the Parliament is wise enough, and knoweth what is convenient for the Church of God: (you may perceive his meaning by reading his Interrogatory) yet in his Annotation upon the inscript of the Apologie, pag. 5. He supposeth that the Parliament should arrogate, if it should take upon it any directive power in matters of Religion. If he hath any Scholastick quillet to reconcile this within himself, it is more then the common people and weak brethren he writes to know of.
M. S. Note that A. S. bath one Consideration more; But were it not that it it did answer it self, I should have been too weary of his former inconsiderate considerations to have staid here, being eager to come to his book.
1. He saith, that they ayme at separation (he meanes the five Ministers, though they disclaime it in their Apologie, unlesse to separate as our brethren the Scots did from Prelaticall coaction) should tolerate some small pretended defects (they are but pretended) yet he saith not approved by those from whom they desire to separate.
2. He saith, the Church (from which the five Ministers would separate) testifies a great desire to reforme defects, yet those defects, saith he, are but pretended to be in it.
[Page 27] 3. Hee thinkes that the five Ministers should doe better to stay in the Church, to reforme abuses, then by separation to let the Church perish in abuses. Now he supposeth, destroying abuses; and would have the five Ministers stay to helpe reforme; yet he is angry with their Apologie, that doth but sigh forth an intimation of neede of reformation. And so angry that he would (as ye heard in his second consideration, its so long since that he hath forgotten it) have the five Ministers quit the Assembly.
A. S. his Annotations upon the inscription of the Apologists Narration.
M. S. If I thought A. S. had any skill in Physick, I would aske him whether by Annotations, he meanes, as the Physitians speake, Annotationes incompressas, becticarum febrium indicia, violent annotations are signes of an hectick feaver in his vitall parts.
A. S. All Apologies suppose some accusation, which here appeares none.
M. S. Not to meddle with your English, which is scarse grammaticall, you are intreated to speake true. Doth not the Apologie begin and end with sad complaints? Remember our answer to your fourth Consideration.
A. S. If intended for an Answer to that which hath been written against your opinions, it comes very short, weake, and slender.
M. S. Why then would you fight with a fly? The Mouse told the Elephant, that he would never get honour in killing a silly Mouse. Why did you bestow so much Oratorie and Logicke, to clap it and fisticuffe it?
A. S. Neither is it a meere Apologeticall Narration, but also a grievous accusation against all our Churches, as destitute of the power of godlinesse.
M. S. This indeede is a false accusation, as we have cleered it in our Answer to your fift Consideration.
A. S. The Apologie saith, humbly submitted &c. So humbly submitted to the honourable Houses of Parliament, as if they submit not themselves to your desires, &c. for any thing I can see, yee seem no wayes minded to submit your selves to theirs.
M. S. I am sorry your eyes should be so dim, or your selfe so to doat. All indifferent men can see in the Apologie abundance of propensitie to submit to them according to truth; farre more then there is in one A. S. to submit to five Ministers, whose holinesse you admire, and whose learning you extoll.
A. S. You being Divines, ye should rather first have consulted with the Assembly of Divines, your brethren, then so ex abrupto gone to the Civill Magistrate, that arrogates not to himselfe any directive power in matters of Religion, [Page 28] this is more convenient to the spirit and power of godlinesse, that the spirit of the Prophets in such matters should be subject to the Prophets, then unto the spirit of the Civill Magistrate.
M. S. Marke how this fellow A. S. 1. supposeth it arrogancie in the Parliament to have any directive power in matters of Religion, in case the Assembly (which God forbid) should mistake. Surely by this bold expression he would not have the Parliament judge of the reasons of the Assembly in case of dissent. Least of all doth A. S. consider that the Parliament are Members of many excellent Churches; That they laid downe the Common Prayer book in their houses before some Presbyterians could see reason to doe so. That the Parliament so looked on the Assembly chosen by them, as not to take things meerely upon trust, but see with their owne eyes.
2. He dreamingly supposeth that either our Assembly is like the Assembly of Scotland for breadth and strength; or else hee takes them for a Church, and in the act of prophesying; which last I wonder A. S. being a rank Presbyterian should in the least allow of, and call the five Ministers to the rule thereof.
3. A. S. supposeth that it is lesse convenient to the power of godliness for the wronged five Ministers to appeale to the Civill Magistrate in Parliament.
4. A. S. supposeth, that because the Parliament have chosen the Assembly, that therefore some men in some cases at least, should wave the Parliament, and goe to the Assembly. This is A. S. his fine intimation prompted to all scandalous and false teaching erroneous Ministers, to take up and learne, in their cases relating to Religion, to wave the Parliament, and to goe to the Assembly.
5. A. S. supposeth that the Assembly would bee so unwise (see what a silly fellow A. S. is) as to goe beyond their Ordinance, to judge one anther. When as they will take upon them no such thing, not so much as to cast out, or take in one member, without the Parliament: much lesse will they judge persons that shall wrong the five Ministers that are not of the Assembly.
The rest of his Annotations on the Inscription are but meare paper blots, and therefore I omit them.
A Preface to the READER, by way of Introduction, to the insuing part of the Discourse, which respecteth the Book it self.
HAving diligently perused the Cacologeticall or rough commentaries of A. S. upon the smooth Apologeticall Narration of the five Ministers, I finde the greatest difficulty, that hee is like to encounter, who by a sober Answer shall desire to make the world amends for that injury, which that writing hath done it, is this, how to make his answer soft' enough. For the truth is, that here is much more anger or passion, then reason, to turn away, and the Wiseman informs us, that it is A soft Answer that turneth away wrath, Prov. 15. 1. If A. S. could be but redeemed out of the hand of that great jealousie, wherewith he burns over his present apprehensions in re Presbyterali, though all the arguments, and strength of discourse, wherewith his judgement is supported therein, were left intire to him, he would be found in a sufficient posture himself, to do himself the right of giving satisfaction unto the world, for the wrong he hath done it, in that discourse, and to make his atonement with his own pen. Though in many cases Anger is able to do more then reason can undo; yet in matter of argument or writing, the little finger of a mans reason is commonly able to pull down what the loins of his passion hath in a tumultuary way and method built up. Any man that shall but diligently observe the endless variety and multitude of keen expostulations, imperious interrogations, the importune, peremptory, and insulting charges, criminations and aspersions, the wrigglings, wringings, wrestings, wranglings, the strainings, stretchings, stingings, stinglings, the captious, crooked, and cross-grain'd Interpretations of things, wherewith that piece is farced in an unreasonable proportion to the bulk of it, cannot lightly but conclude, that Indignation was the chief Oracle consulted with, about the framing of it.
But because I would willingly decline all occasions of heat and recrimination, as far as a sober and just vindication, not so much of the persons, as of the cause so evill-intreated therein, will bear, I shall chiefly confer with A. S. about his Reals, and leave men of common civility to determine and judge of his personalls; unless (possibly) somewhat [Page 30] in this kinde shall now and then occasionally fall in. I make no question but that the Apologists will be well able to bear it, that the cause which they maintain, should have the preeminence of their persons, in point of defence; nor are they so scanted in the consciousness of their own worth and innocence, but that they are very well able to be out, and bear the want of so much of their reputation for a time, as the Observations and Annotations of, I know not who, have unjustly taken from them; especially, in case they shall see it bestowed by their friends upon the accommodation of that honourable cause wherein they are ingaged and declared.
Since the former impression of this Discourse, I perceive there is yet more anger and indignation broke forth into the world against that harmless, gall-less and Dove-like Apologeticall Narration; concerning which, that may be truly said (though in a different sense) which Ausonius said of none of the worst Emperours in his Epitaph: Marcus Antonius. Auson. de duodecim Caesaribus, &c.
All the harm it hath done to the World or its Country, only is this, it hath begotten, and that not in its own likeness, children of sweet, sober, and temperate spirits, but rough blustering Borean Observations and Annotations, Aelian. lib. 1. cap. 29. ghastly Anatomies, with some such other Heterogeneall fiery impressions. Aelian makes report of a strange prodigie once happening in a Grecian Island, viz. That a Sheep brought forth a Lion; This Lion brought forth with this remarkable and eminent contrariety to the course of nature, presag'd (as the same Author relateth) tyrannie. I had much rather be a benefactor to the world by the communication of my hopes to it, when I have any that may befriend it; then to draw any man into pain or trouble with my self, by imparting my fears. But when Sheep bring forth Lions, and Doves Serpents, and calm Christian-like spirited discourses, invective, bitter, and high rising raging Answers and Replies, Difficile est prophetiam non scribere; Who can but prophecie? God of his mercy destroy the sign, and make the prediction vain.
As for the Author of the black Observations and Annotations, [...], he hath his wages well paid into his bosome for his work, in the precedent and subsequent of this Discourse:
[...]!
As for Levi the Anatomist, who hath joyned himself with his brother Anatomie of Independencie, &c. Simeon the Annotator, to massacre the innocent Narration, though for the present hee hath taken sanctuary under the shadow of the Figure Anonymi, and for fear of the worst, I mean dishonour and disgrace, (for fear of authority in this case, swimming with the Presbyterian stream, hee could have none) playes least in fight with his name, yet I make no question but [Page 31] his day also is in coming, wherein his false translation of streight actions into crook'd reports, will be corrected and amended according to the originall, and the mysterie of his intentions in that translation, truly translated into the knowledge and understanding of all men. This Anatomicall or cutting Discourse, according to my A. S. his calculation, wants nothing of a perfect libell, but only that it hath the formality of an Imprimatur to cover that nakedness of it; otherwise, as well in the Privatives of it, as Positives, I mean, as well in respect of the want of the Authors name, as of the matter and content of it, quantus quantus est, sapit libellum eúm (que) famosum. Suppose his Narrative of Independent infirmities and miscarriages, would abide the touchstone; yet was it a grand over-sight in a man pretending to so much knowledge and wisdome, as hee seems to do in this piece, not to consider, whether the dung-hils of Princes as well as of Peasants do not afford rags to them that will rake in them: whether the independent story, though written by an adversary, yeelds that proportion in weakness, which the Presbyterian Commentaries, if but unpartially penn'd, would do in wickedness. I am not afraid to refer it to the conscience of the Anatomist himself to judge and say, under which of the two governments, the throne of Satan is lift up the higher; and whether thefts, rapines, murthers, drunkenness, blasphemies, sorceries, witchcrafts, &c. reign (and are like to continue reigning) more in the Independent, then Classique territories. But I trust the men, upon whose faces that dirt is cast, will wipe themselves clean in due time, and wrest the dissecting knife out of the Anatomist's hand. I hear a bird sing, that the bird in their breasts sings a note of innocencie from those aspersions: For the present, I shall leave this Author to the reward of those that intend to do God service in persecuting his Saints.
There is another Advocate for the Presbyterian cause step'd forth lately upon the Stage, who adventures his name upon the confidence (it seems) which he hath of his work: 'Tis intituled, A Confutation of the Anabaptists by T. B. This man with a party of his discourse, faces the Anabaptists, whilest with the main body of it he falls in upon the quarters of the Independents; in which respect, though I cannot justifie him in his intentions, yet, as touching matter of execution, I judge him innocent: Animum nocentem, calamum innocentem gerit, Independencie (if I mistake not very much) will never fall by the edge of his sword.
But (Reader) when shall we see an end of these disputes in the world? and when shall the names of Presbyterian & Independent (with all others of the like troublesome and jarring importance) cease from amongst us?
I cannot prophesie unto thee the justness of the time, when this great wonder shall be; but some few signes of this time approaching (if ever it [Page 32] shall approach) I conceive I am able to inform thee.
First, when men shall begin to grow to a clearness, singleness, honourableness and Christian-like greatness in their ends, making themselves and their own interests, their foot-stool, and the glory of God, and the publike accommodation of the world, their throne; this is one great sign that that golden age we speak of, is at the door. The reason is, because there is no hope (scarce a possibility) of a general accord amongst men in any degree conscientious, but in the truth, or mind of God revealed in the Scriptures. No other band is like ever to gather them all, or hold them longer fast together. The reason of this is, because in a great society or communion of men, worshipping God aright, (I mean with uprightnesse of heart) it is seldome or never sound, but that some of them, fewer or more, have the truth of God revealed to them, some in one point, and others in another, and that with such assurance, or evidence of understanding, that no arguments or reasonings to the contrary whatsoever are able to remove them, or alter their judgements therein. So that except all the rest shall come over unto them, and joyn with them in such particulars as these, there is no possibility of a thorough union in judgement between them. Now there is no way, means, or method more probable and hopefull to bring men to the knowledge of the truth, or (which is the same) of the mind of God delivered in the Scriptures, in all things, then that simplicity or Christian nobleness of spirit (which we spake of) in their ends. The reason is, because the tenour, frame and constituting principles of the Scriptures are cast, moulded and ordered by him that is the great Author of them, on purpose to comport and fall in with such ends, as were mentioned, viz. his own glory, and the publike accommodation of men from every particular: and on the contrary, to oppose, thwart, and cross every man in all his personall and particular ends whatsoever, which have not a perfect & intire consistence with those other. So that he that is inspired, acted, and led by those high and noble ends, the magnifying of God, and doing good to the community of men, can have no occasion or tentation at any time upon him to bow, strain, force, or wrest any Scripture, because in their native and proper sense and tendencie, they comply with him, and (as the Hebrew phrase is) speak to his heart; whereas on the contrary, if men be ingaged in self-ends and aims, which are incompliant with the glory of God, and the general good of men, as when they make these their foot-stool, and their own honor or greatness, their throne, they have a strong tentation, amounting to little less then a necessity upon them, to deal violently with the Scriptures, to bend and strain, and force them out of their owne rectitude and streightness, because otherwise they wil not countenance or comply with them in their crooked ends, but condemn them.
He that intends to make hoops of a clean streight-bodies tree, must in the working of it alter the comely shape and streightnesse of it, wherein it grew, and bend, and crook, and bow quite round, all that he imployeth of it to such a purpose, whereas he whose Art and intent is to make Javelins, Lances, Pikes, or the like, of such a tree, hath no occasion to alter the native shape or figure of it in point of streightnesse, because Nature it self had fitted it to his hand in this respect for such uses and purposes as these; nay, this man should do against himselfe, if he should alter them: In like manner, they who seeke themselves in wayes and ends which contradict the lawfull peace and comforts of other men, if withall they desire to have their proceedings countenanced and attested by the Scripture for just and good, they must of necessity suborn them, and make them speak what the holy Ghost never meant they should speak; whereas those men who value not, regard not themselves but in their order and due subordination, and are willing to gird themselves and serve, til God and men have first eaten, and can be content with the reversions and broken meat of their table, be they never so mean; these men (I say) need not solicit or importune the Scriptures for their testimony or compliance with them in their way, because their native inspiration from God, leads them willingly, yea rejoycingly, yea triumphantly hereunto. Such men should but prevaricate with themselves and their own ends, if they should go about to make one haire of the head of the Scripture, either black or white, which the holy Ghost hath not made such to their hand. Therefore whiles some men shall seeke to adorn their own names and reputations with the plunder and spoyls of other mens, and lay the foundations of their owne greatnesse in the rulnes of the lawfull comforts and peace of others, there is no hope of a generall or through accommodation in matters of religion. It is impossible that such men should comport with the truth in their way, and consequently with those who embrace the truth. Nor will any method of violence, as either imprisoning, fining, crushing, suppressing, banishing cutting off by death, or the like, be able to advance that unity and accord which we al lust after, though some in Gods way, others in their own: the very ghosts, and shadows, and memories of those that shal suffer in any of these kinds, for conscience towards God, will be as so many spirits of divisions, dissentions, and distractions amongst those that will chuse no other Arbitrators to comprimize, their differences, but the Sword and Blood.
Another figne of those Halcyon days approaching, so much desired by us all, wherin all gusts, and winds, & storms of contrary doctrines, opinions, and Sects in religion, shal be turned into a sweet calm of an universal unity and accord, is this: when Apostles, Prophets, Evangelists, Pastors and Teachers, shall be no more turned into Councels, Synods, and secular Armes: I [Page 34] mean, when men shall be freely permitted, without feare or danger of molestation, to consult with the Apostles, Prophets, &c. of what religion it were best for them to be, without having their judgments emancipated, forestalled and over-awed by the definitive, and compulsory determinations, and allowances of other men▪
The reason hereof is, because the writings of the Apostles, Prophets, & Evangelists, with the Ministery of faithfull Pastors and Teachers, are sanctified and set apart by God, for this very end and purpose, namely, the perfecting the Saints, &c. till they all come into the unity of the Faith, &c. Therefore whilst Councels, Synods, &c. shall intrude, or step in, as new Apostles, Ephes. 4 13. Prophets and Evangelists, of another order, between those Apostles, Prophets and Evangelists, and those Pastors and Teachers, which Christ hath given for the setling of an universall peace and unity throughout all the Churches of his Saints, in due time, to interrupt & intercept them in their work and way, so that they can never have the judgments & consciences of men in their native ingenuity and freedome to work upon, but still upon the disadvantage of Synodical impressions and forestallments, partly with fear, partly with favour, partly with hope and conceit of the truth, there is little hope of seeing the vision of joy and glory in the world, I mean the Saints and Servants of Jesus Christ universally kissing and embracing one another in the armes of unity, truth and peace. It is in vain to wash in Abanah or Pharphar, when onely the waters of Jordan are sanctified for the cure. To commit adultery, is not the way to increase, though flesh and blood should determine for it. They shall eate (saith God) and not have enough: they shall commit adultery and not increase, because they have left off to take heed unto the Lord, that is, because they had substituted their own wisdome and inventions in stead of his, for bringing their desires and ends to passe, Hos. 4. 10.
Thirdly (and lastly) when the generality of men professing godliness and religion, shall be content to furnish themselves with religion (I mean with knowledge in religion) by smaller parcels, as the stock of their own judgements and understanding shall be able from time to time to accommodate them, and shall make scruple of taking it up by whole sale from Synods, Councels, and Books, only for ease and cheapness sake: this also is as the putting forth of the Fig-tree, which shewes the Summer of an universall accord amongst the Saints, to be at hand. The reason is, because God hath promised (and will perform accordingly) that if men shall apply their heart to understanding, and shall cry after knowledge, and seek her as silver, and search for her as for hid treasure, they shall then understand the feare of the Lord, and find the knowledge of God, Prov. 2. 2, 3, 4. But there is no promise made, that they who to favour themselves, and to gratifie the flesh, and to save the [Page 35] labour of seeking and searching after knowledge, shall take in the dictates and resolutions of men, and call them knowledge and understanding, without any more adoe, shall either find the fear of the Lord, or true knowledge of God. Now till men shall generally find the fear of the Lord, and the true knowledge of God, (which is not like to be out of that way, which the promise of God mentioned hath sanctified thereunto) there will be little hope of the generall meeting of men in the bond of peace, as was formerly argued in another of these signes.
Fourthly and lastly, when Christian States, and men of soundest judgment, greatest learning, parts and abilities therein, shal give free liberty to men look'd upon as opposite in judgment to the truth, to publish and openly declare the grounds & reasons of their judgments in each particular, and not compell them either to keep them burning or glowing in their own breasts, or else to propagate and vent them privatly, and amongst persons that have neither learning nor abilities in any kind, to encounter or oppose them; this is another hopefull signe that the dayes of a generall accommodation in matters of religion, are comming upon the world.
The reason of this is plain, because till truth reigne among the Saints, Peace is not like to reigne, (the reason whereof hath been already given) nor will Truth ever reigne like unto herself, till all her enemies (I mean errors and misprisions in matters of Religion) be subdued and brought under her feet. Nor is there any likelihood in a way of reason or ordinary providence, that such enemies of the truth should ever be subdued, til they come to look those sons of Truth in the face, who are anointed by God with a spirit of wisdome and understanding, for the confutation and utter abolishment of them. Doubtlesse one main reason why errours, and fond and foul opinions do still propagate & prevail with so high an hand amongst us, is, because these Ministers and Teachers are suffered to have none other vent for them, but only amongst people that are children in understanding, and not furnished with strength of knowledge, or parts of learning to withstand them. The common proverb hath somwhat in it to this purpose; Inter eaecos etiam luscus potest regna [...]e, A man with one eye will make a goodly King over those that are blind.
Reader, the Preface hath done with thee, and recommends thee to the Booke, where it wisheth a happy greeting between thy judgment and the truth.
Chap. 1.
Concerning the directive power in matters Ecclesiasticall, and which concern Religion; whether, how, or in what sense, it may be conceived to reside, in the civill Magistrate, Synods or other men.
Sect. 1. A. S. Pag. 5. hath this left-handed expression concerning the civill Magistrate, That he arrogates not to himself any directive power in matters of Religion The Reader must do him a courtesie in finding him out a very soft sense for the word arrogate; otherwise, he will be found in a misprision of a foul insinuation against the Civill Magistrate, as, viz. that he arrogates, i. (in the ordinary construction of the word) proudly assumes to himself, when he claims or exerciseth [Page 36] that executive, coercive, & externall power, in and about matters of Religion, w ch yet A. S. himself in the very next page, knowing on which side to butter his owne bread, ascribes unto him: For, as he that should say of A. S. by way of commendation, that he never corrupted a matron, or woman in marriage, should yet hereby reflect a shrewd suspition upon him, that his innocency in this kind could not so well be avouched, in respect of Virgins, or others of that sex, out of matrimoniall relation: in like maner, A. S. himself intending an honorable purgation or vindicatiō of the civil Magistrate in these words, That he arrogates not to himself any directive power in matters of Religion, doth he not by the same rule of Antithetical relation (or implication) imply that he doth arrogate another power, which stands in a Relative opposition to it, which (according to his own distribution) is an executive, coercitive, & external power, in & about matters of religion? but I marvel, that the man should here so cleanly wipe the civil Magistrate of a directive power in matters of Religion, when as but a few pages before, in his 8. Observ. he had pleaded wisdome enough in the Parliament to know what is convenient for the Church of God. If the Parliament be wise enough to know what is convenient for the Church, I know no reason why that Directive power here spoken of, should be derogated, or taken from them, especially by those, who (it is much to be feared) are much straitned in respect of a spirit of that wisedome themselves. Surely A. S. in saying that the Parliament is wise enough to know what is convenient for the Church, hath sifted the Synod or Assembly, with a sieve of vanity, and broke the head of the necessity thereof; & so is guilty of a far higher misdemeanour against it, then the Apologists are in any thing that they have done, or said, yea or then himself layeth to their charge; which yet is his rod of scorpions to scourge them from place to place.
Sect. 2. But let us consider a little more narrowly, whether A. S. hath quited himself like a Doctor of the Chaire, in stripping the civill Magistrate of a Directive power in matters of Religion, and putting on him in stead thereof, the purple robe of an executive, coercitive and externall power only. pag. 6.
1. By such an umpirage and decision as this between the civill Magistrate, and himself, with his fellow Presbyters, hath he not made the one Iudex, and the other Carnifex: the one must give the sentence, the other must do the execution? The Civil Magistrate is much beholding to the Presbyter, for giving of him a consecrated sword to fight the Presbyterian battells; and for perswading him to pull out his own eys, upon this presumption, that he shall see better with his. I perceive Presbyterie is policy in the highest: and seeks to put the Magistrate between it self, and the envie and discontent of the people; and yet nevertheless, hopes to gain from the hand of the Magistrate such an interpretation of this practice, as thereby to be esteemed the best and faithfullest friend it hath in all the world. This cunning of the spirit we now speak of, puts me in minde of the Ape, that took the Spaniels foot to pull the Chess-nut out of the fire. Surely the frame and constitution of Presbyterie is exactly calculated for the meridian of this present world; but whether it will indifferently serve for that which is to come, totus dubito, I am in doubt all over. And indeed, A. S. himself is somwhat ingenuous in acknowledging, that this government hath litle or no relation unto, or compliance with, the world which is to come, professing, p. 13. the externall peace of the Church, to be the adaequate end thereof.
[Page 37] 2. I would gladly be informed, whether A. S. thinks it reasonable, Sect. 3 meet, or Christian, that the civill Magistrate, should immediately, hand over head, without distinction, without searching (for his owne satisfaction) into the equitablenesse, and lawfulnesse of what a Presbyterie or Synod shall commend unto him for execution, interesse himselfe in the execution of whatsoever shall be so recommended and presented unto him? I presume A. S. will not arrogate unto himselfe, nor to his Assembly, an infallibilitie, though (in some places) I find him very loath to abate this in the reckoning (if it would be allowed;) and the truth is, that the whole fabrique (well-nigh) of his discourse, to make it rationall, and any thing to purpose, requires such a supposition for the bottom and foundation of it, as this. Yet pag. 8. he condescendeth so low, as to number himselfe amongst those, who know that they know but in part: and pag. 9. amongst those that are conscious of their owne infirmity: which principle if he would please to follow home, it would teach him to cast away the greatest part of his discourse with indignation, and to say unto it, get thee hence. If he grants a possibility of errour or unrighteousnesse in the results and awards, whether of his Presbytery or Assembly, which are supposed to be transmitted to the Magistrate for execution; he cannot, speaking like a man, deny him a lawfulnesse of power, no nor yet a necessitie by way of duty, to examine and judge them, whether they bee lawfull or meet to bee put in execution, or no. And he that hath a power to judge and to determine, what is meet to be done, or not done, executed, or not executed, in matters of Religion, may bee said to have a Directive power in such things (at least in the common sense and notion of a Directive power) as well as an Executive. But
3. A. S. should be friend my intellect very much, to tell me plainly Sect. 4 and distinctly, what he means by a Directive power in matters of Religion; being (as it should seeme) a daintie morsell, which hee would faine complement away from the Parliament and civill Magistrate, and snatch away from all others, for himselfe and his friends (Presbyteriall Ecclesiastiques) to make merry with. 1. If by a Directive power, he meanes a liberty or power of considering, advising, and proposing of what may be expedient to be done in matters of Religon, and for the good of the Church; I know no man but is interessed in such a power: As when the Tabernacle was to be built, every man had power to bring and offer what hee had, and what his heart served him to part with for such a purpose, towards the edification and furnishing of it. But why this liberty or power should be denied unto the Parliament [Page 38] or Civill Magistrate, upon whom principally the charge lyeth to provide quietnesse and peace for the Churches within the verge of their temporall jurisdiction; reason (doubtlesse) on this side the Moone there lyeth none; and A. S. must be very Seraphicall to finde any.
2. If by a Directive power, he meanes an authoritative power, to conclude, Sect. 5 say, and set down, what shall, must, or ought to be done, against all contradiction, in matters of Religion, I know no subject capable of such a power, but onely he that is above all the Predicaments in Logique, or he to whom all power is given, both in Heaven and on earth. Certain I am, that neither the one nor the other can be invested with any greater power, then this. If the Presbyterians demand such a Directive power as this, let them ask the Crowne, Throne, and Kingdome of Christ also.
3. If by a Directive power he means, a prudentiall faculty or ability, Sect. 6 to direct, order, or prescribe, whether unto a mans selfe or others, what in a way of reason, humane conjecture, or probability, is best and fittest to be done, followed, or imbraced in matters of Religion, as I would not deny this power (and that in somewhat a more excellent degree) to A. S. his Presbytery or Synod, (alwayes provided that the constituting members of either, be of a sound constitution, as well for spirituall wisedome, as for meeknesse and humility) so is it not by A. S. to be denied to many private members of particular Churches; daily experience teaching us, that God gives of this prudentiall facultie unto many of these, by the Ephah, whereas to many Pastors it is given but by the Omer. And if this be the Directive power which he meanes, though he seeks to allure the Parliament from the claim of it, by fastening a complementall commendation of modesty upon them, by way of exchange for it, proclaiming it unto the world, that they doe not arrogate it to themselves; yet they doe claim it, yea, and exercise, act, and make use of it, from day to day, as occasion requireth. 1. In contriving and publishing their Ordinance for calling the Assembly (formerly mentioned) they exercised such a power, as we now speak of. 2. In limiting those that were to be of the Assembly, to the subject or Argument, on which it was permitted unto them to debate and treat (as appeares by the Ordinance they did) they did no lesse. 3. In appointing and ordering them not to determine or conclude of things as they pleased by plurality of votes, but to deliver their opinions and advices as should be most agreeable to the word of God (another proviso in the Ordinance) they did the same. 4. In injoyning them, in case [Page 39] of difference of opinions between them, to present the same, together with the reasons thereof, unto both Houses (another member of that Ordinance) they did every whit as much. 5. In their nomination and calling such and such Ministers or Divines by name, and not others, to bee of the Assembly, they acted the same power. 6. In framing the temper and constitution of the Assembly, allaying it with such and such members of their own, they steer'd the same course. 7. And lastly (to omit many other particulars of like consideration) in their messages or directions sent unto them from time to time, how to proceed, what particulars to wave for the present, what to fall upon, and to debate, to hasten the issue of their consultations, with the like, what doe they else but claim and exercise such a Directive power in matters of Religion, as we last distinguished?
If A. S. hath any other notion of his Directive power in matters of Sect. 7 Religion, besides these three, my soule hath not yet entred into that his secret; but waits for his opening a doore unto me by which it may. He taxeth the Apologists once and again for generalities, and obscurities in their expressions: But he that saith, A man should not steal, commits sacriledge himself.
4. Whereas harping still upon the same string, (the sound whereof Sect. 8 is so melodious in his own eares, how harsh soever in other mens) he chargeth the Apologists, for going against the Parliaments intention, in case they think, that they should judge of questions in debate between them and their brethren; surely he speaks rather as he would have it, then as he hath any ground to speake. If he had plowed with their Heifer, consulted with their expressions of themselves in reference to their intentions in this kind, he would have assoyled their riddle farre otherwise. For to what purpose should they injoyne the Assembly (as we lately heard they doe in the Ordinance mentioned) in case of difference of opinions between them, to present the same, together with the reasons therof, unto both Houses of Parliament, if they had no intention to umpire or judge between them? Have they a desire to look upon such differences as some rare sight, or pleasant spectacle, onely to solace and delight themselves with them? And why doth the tenour of their delegation of power to the Assembly, run in this strain, To deliver their opinions and advices, as should be most agreeable to the word of God? Do's any man desire the opinion and advice of another in any matter that concerns him, without any intention of considering or judging of them?
But A. S. is as cunning as A. C. and would fain commend his care Sect. 9 and tendernesse over the Parliament, in the things of their honour and [Page 40] peace, by insinuating unto them a non-vocation from God, to doe any thing with their judgments and understanding in matters of Religion, but all things (without exception) with their hand and power, that the Assembly, whether out of their judgments or affections, shall propose or dictate unto them. A. S. (I believe) is a brother of the stronger side of the Assembly; otherwise it is every whit as much to be feared, that he would have Arminianiz'd as much, if not far more then the Apologists have done. But if the Parliament hath no calling from God, to judge of matters between the Apologists and their Brethren (the Assemblers) I would willingly know who hath? or whether it be reasonable, that the Apologists matters yet remaining undecided, and unjudged between them and their Brethren, should suffer as men convicted, only because their adversaries and accusers (the Brethren yee wot of) are more in number then they, and will needs continue adversaries to them? Our Saviours testimony concerning himselfe and his own cause, was a thousand times more authentique and valid then the testimony of never so many men, take the best of the whole generation, is in theirs; and yet he said, If I beare witnesse of my selfe, my witnesse is not true, (Joh. 5. 31.) That is, it is not formally, or in a legall interpretation, true; it is not true upon any such termes, but that you may reasonably wave it, if you apprehend that you have grounds to do it. But (saith he) there is another that beareth witness of me, &c. The testimony of a thousand men in a case which equally (or though it bee with some inequality) concernes themselves, is of no more validitie or authoritie, then of a particular man, in a case relating onely to himselfe. Yea, a good mans conscience, in matters relating unto himselfe, is never in more danger of suffering, then in a crowd, concern'd in the same manner with him. It is the saying of one, that etiam ex timidissimis animalibus acris multitudo cogi potest, that is, you may make a fierce company of the fearfullest creatures that are, if you put enough of them together; so frequent experience sheweth, that etiam ex aequissimis hominibus iniqua multitudo cogi potest; you may make a bad assembly, of the best men.
Besides, A. S. himself affirms, p. 38. That to be both Judge and Party in Sect. 10 one cause cannot be granted to those that have no authoritative power one over another: and that Par in Parem non habet imperium. Therefore why should the Apologists fall in judgement by the hand of those that are parties, and but equall to them? Again, It is his own reasoning, pag. 45. If all Churches were equall (as for ought I know, or that A. S. alledgeth to the contrary, they are) there can neither be superiours nor [Page 41] inferiours, and consequently no obedience or disobedience. And if Justice consisteth not in an Arithmeticalls but Geometrical, proportion (which is his own saying, pag. 70. and somewhat more rationall and less Presbyteriall, then most of it's fellows are) then is there no reason, that peremptoriness of vote, how Arithmetically so ever priviledged, but weight and worth of argument, should carry it against them. Which how it may fall, when God shall cancell or reverse the Sciptures that now are, and make a new revelation of himself unto the world, I know not; but whilest these stand, confident I am, that they will never so fall.
But why the man should deny the Parliament a calling to judge of Sect. 11 matters between the Apologists & their Brethren, when as every other man in the Kingdome hath a calling, yea, and somewhat more then a calling, a speciall and weighty necessity to do it, (though not after the same manner in respect of the consequence of their judgement) I see as little reason, as I do for twenty and ten things more asserted by him. Would A. S. have even the meanest of men to sing obedience and submission to the Assembly without their understandings? Alas, they could make no melodie in their hearts unto God with such a singing. Nor would the song be either honourable or comfortable to the Assembly it self, if themselves and others would but please to bestow a few serious thoughts upon it. The glory of a Synod lies not so much in the strength of their conclusions, as of their premisses: nor is it any thing worthy to be presumed, in comparison of what it is to be known, to be wise and upright men. Me thinks an Assembly of conscientious and learned men, should rather count it a prophanation of their conclusions and resolves, then otherwise, to have them swallowed without chewing; to have them subscribed and consented unto only in such a way, and upon such terms, as fools are wont to believe, subscribe, and consent unto all things: But,
5. To make the Apologists out of love with so much as looking towards Sect. 12 the Parliament for any relief from them against the severe devotion of their Brethren, in case they vote contrary to them (under which hope A. S. injoyes himself with much contentment) hee tells them, that by such a course or expectation, they will joyn themselves with the Arminians, of whom he is pleased to tell this Story. That hoping the civill Magistrate would have been for them, they gave this Directive or Decisive power unto him; and afterwards repented themselves when they found him against them. Leaving the truth of the Story upon the credit. of the Relator; I answer:
1. That Jesus Christ was never the more a sinner, for being numbred [Page 40] [...] [Page 41] [...] [Page 42] by the Jews amongst transgressours, or for being crucified btween two thieves. Nor are the Apologsts, or men of their judgement ever the more culpable or blame-worthy for being bound up in the same bundle of condemnation with Delinquents, by their adversaries. Quis enim laudaverit hostem?
2. Neither did Paul count it any disparagement to him, to preach Sect. 13 that Jesus Christ was the Son of God, because the Devill had preached the same Doctrine before him. Nor doth A. S. himself think himself ever the more a Papist, because the Papists (as himself confesseth afterwards, pag. 18.) believe all that he believeth (though for my part I think any man as good a Protestant as himself, that believeth as much as he) And pag. 64. in his 18 th reasonless Reason against a toleration of men better then himself, he insinuates this as a choice commendation of his Presbyterial Government, that in it their Churches are not exposed unto the calumnies of the Papists, who pretend to be nothing but one Church; meaning, that a compliance with them in unity and uniformity, will be an exemption to them from their calumnies.
3. It is an old piece of subtilty of the old Serpent, to oppose God in Sect. 14 his Saints, and in his wayes, by teaching his Prophets and Agents to make parallels between, to sort and to suit Gods servants with his, and Gods wayes or works with his, that so the foolish and inconsiderate world might be brought to think, that God and hee are but one, and that there is little or no difference between them. How did Jannes and Jambres withstand Moses, but by doing the same things in appearance by the help of the Devill, which Moses did by the finger of God? By this they hardened Pharaoh and the Egyptians with this confidence and conceit, that God was no more with Moses then with them. A. S. parallels the Apologists with the Arminians, hoping to catch the foot of the simple in this snare, to make them think that they are both baptized into one and the same spirit: you shall finde a further strain of this malignity in him, pag. 22.
Fourthly (and lastly) if the Arminians gave that power to the Civill Sect. 15 Magistrate which they are here charged to have done, upon hope they would have beene for them, they are no Antipodes to A. S. and his fraternitie, who deny this power to the Civill Magistrate, for feare they should not be for them, if they were left free to judge of their owne actions. All the lineaments in the face of Presbyterie demonstrate this to be in the heart of it; a willingness to conferre all, and all manner of power whatsoever upon the Civill Magistrate in matters of Religion, which they may be secured will be used to serve their turnes, and not [Page 43] to the prejudice or disturbance of them in their way. And so A. S. after hee had laboured in the very fire, and had ingag'd himselfe to the uttermost to prove the negative, he fals off with this glozing close at the last, (pag. 51.) that if the King and Parliament should finde [any thing contrary to what he had delivered] expedient, he had nothing to say against it. Therefore of the two, Arminians are more charitably affected towards the Civill Magistrate, in casting a power upon them, out of an hope they would use if for their good, then the Presbyterians are in denying this power unto them, out of feare they will use it to their damage.
6. (And lastly, for conclusion of this first Chapter) concerning such Sect. 16 a Directive power in matters of Religion, as A. S. (it seemes) would here sequester for the honour and service of his Presbyterie, when Jesus Christ had declared himselfe willing to divest himselfe, and make a delegation of it unto them, I shall as willingly acknowledge and adore their patent, as any other. In the meane time, (God supporting me) I shall with the utmost of my power, and in the presence of all discouragements, dangers, deaths, vindicate the rights and prerogatives belonging to the crowne of my great Lord and Master: what shall become of me in so doing, ipse viderit. As for such a Directive power, which with the honour and safety of the rights of Heaven, is attributable unto men, whose character and cognizance is this, not to be compulsorie unto men by any externall violence, whether directly or indirectly, to subscribe against their judgements and consciences to it, I can freely allow as much of it to A. S. and his Presbyterial Assemblies, as will stand with their peace with God, with their honour in the sight of unpartiall and intelligent men, with the peace and edification of the Churches of God: if they would have more (let them looke to it) this desire of theirs will in time finde them out and slay them.
Cap. 2.
Concerning that executive, coercitive, and externall power in matters of Religion, which A. S. ascribes unto the Civill Magistrate. pag. 6.
A. S. in this sixth page, to perswade with the Parliament and Civill Magistrate, that they shal do God good service to resigne up their eyes patiently into the hands of his Presbyterie, feeds them with the commendations of Constantine the Great, in refusing an unjust and exorbitant power, which the Councell gave to him. Where (by the way) it is somewhat observable, that it is a thing incident to Councels and Synods, to [Page 42] [...] [Page 43] [...] [Page 44] give unjust & exorbitant power unto Civil Magistrates. So that it stands the Parliament & civil Magistrate in hand, before they part with their eyes upon such terms, to look about them, and to consider twice over, what power they receive and accept of from the hand of Councel and Synods, especially in reference to matters of Religion, and the Churches or servants of Christ. It is a terrible saying of Christ, enough to make both the ears of Kings and Princes, and Parliaments, (yea, and of Synods and Assemblies too) to tingle. Whosoever shall offend one of these little ones, that believe in me, it were better for him that a milstone were hanged about his neck, and that he were drowned in the depth of the sea, Matth. 18. 6. It is dangerous medling with Saints in any other way, then of tenderness and love, be they never so few in number, never so weak in power, or otherwise (one of these little ones, saith Christ); All the 21. Reasons, with 41. more put to them, whereby A. S. incites the Parliament against a toleration of the Apologists, with men of their judgement, in the sequele of his discourse; will not deliver either the King or Parliament out of the hand of that threatning, if they come under the dint of it, by offering any violence (shall I say?) yea, any offence to the least of these little ones. The Holy Ghost (1 Cor. 15. 24.) prophesieth of the putting down of all rule, and all authority and power by Christ: the reason thereof, in the words immediatly following, hee sheweth to be, their enmity unto him; for hee must reign, (saith the Apostle, Vers. 25.) till he hath put all his enemies under his feet. The truth is, that it is a very hard matter, even for the best of men, in places of rule, authority and power, to move regularly in their own orb, and not to mistake, or strain beyond the tenour of their commission, to intermeddle in the affairs of Christ, considering, first, that they are compassed about with their own infirmities, as well as other men: secondly, in respect of their callings, they are compassed about with more tentations this way, then other men: thirdly, (and lastly) which is as much, or more then both the former, (if they be Christians) what between the insinuations and flatteries of the baser, and the inconsiderate affections and favour of the better sort of Teachers, they are taught to dash their foot against this stone, as if it were another crown of glory to them.
But let us first see, what that executive, or coercive (if it be lawfull to Sect. 2 cut A. S. a syllable shorter) power is, which the man with both hands, and an importune bounty, will needs bestow upon the Civill Magistrate. 2 By what authority, and upon what grounds he doth it.
For the first, hee describes and states this power, after this manner, [Page 45] (pag. 6.) The Parliament pretends no Directive power in matters of Religion—nor any executive power that is intrinsecall to the Church—but only an executive, coercitive, and externall power, which is not in, but about the Church, and for the Church, whereby it compelleth refractory men to obey the Church. And this authority belongs actually and in effect, in actu exercito, (as they say) to true Christian Magistrates; but to others potentially, in actu signato; and jure in rem only, till they become true Christians, &c.
In this description the man is to me a Barbarian (his own phrase to Sect. 3 the Apologists) in the word, Church. I have bestowed thoughts more then a few to be partners with him in his notion of the word; but quanto plus cogito, eo minus capio. For shame A. S. out with the beam of obscurity from your own eye, before you tiffle again to pull the moat of obscurity out of your brothers eye. A man in reason would think, that the same word, being used four or five times (and that without the least intimation of any variety or difference of signification) almost within the compasse of so many lines, were still meant, and to be taken in one and the same sense. If so, then ha with you. The Parliament, by that coercitive power, which you are pleased here to bestow upon it, by way of compensation for that directive power which you take from it, compelleth (say you) refractory men to obey the Church: I presume that by the Church here, you do not mean all the particular Churches and Congregations in the kingdome in the folio of their respective members, but in the decimo sexto of their Synod, representative Assembly. If you take the word in the former sense, you only say, that the Parliament hath power to compell the refractory to obey all the particular Churches, with their severall members in the Kingdome; which is a sense (I conceive) at as much defiance with your ends, as with your and our understandings. If you take it in the latter (which I doubt not but is your beloved sense) then your meaning is, that the use and intent of that executive coercive power in matters of Religion, which you put into the Parliaments hands, is to compell the kingdome, in case it be refractory, or tot quot, to obey the Presbyterie, and Presbyteriall assemblies in all their Canons, Determinations, and Decrees whatsoever, without bail or mainprise, without mercy or compassion, whether a man findes sap, sense, savour, reason or Religion in them or no.
But yet secondly, I know not well how you should mean the Sect. 4 Church contracted in her Grand Presbyterie or Generall Assembly neither; first, because you affirm in this coercive power in the Parliament, to be not in, but about the Church, and for the Church. And I doubt your [Page 44] [...] [Page 45] [...] [Page 46] meaning is not that the Parliament should, either only, or chiefly work or act with this their coercive power, upon your Ecclesiastique Assemblies, to restrain and keep them within compass; though I confess, if it should move only or chiefly in this sphere, it would be more for the Church, i. for the good and benefit of the Church in generall, then to suffer such assemblies to fit and impose oaths upon men to obey their acts, orders, and decrees, (which you tell us, glorying in your shame, pag. 42. is done in your Presbyteriall Government) and to punish or crush those that shall have more conscience, then to inslave themselves unto them in such a way.
And 2. if by Church you should here mean the Church representative (as it is more commonly, then properly called) in her generall Assembly, you would be a little more open, then (I conceive) will well stand with your principles in such cases. For then your meaning is plainly this, That the Parliament hath that executive coercive power, which you ascribe to it, not for the Church, i. the benefit of the Saints and servants of God throughout the kingdome, but for the benefit and behoof of the Ecclesiastique Presbyteries and Assemblies only. Now however, I can easily believe, that thus you would have it, yet I conceive it somewhat eccentricall to your other motions to profess it.
And yet 3. when you immediately adde; that in vertue of this authority, when parties pretend to be effended by the Church, or if the Church judge any thing amiss, hee (the civill Magistrate) may command the Church to revise and examine its judgement, &c. You must needs mean your transcendent Church of Presbyters; otherwise you should prevaricate, and grant a judiciary power to particular Congregations.
4. (And lastly) in the very next page (pag. 7.) to represent the voluntary Sect. 5 exile of the Apologists, with as hard-favour'd an aspect in the eyes of men as he could, his indignation against it utters it self in this Patheticall strain over the poor Church of God in this Kingdome. And if they all had fled away, what might have become of the poor Church of God in this Kingdome? &c. Here, by the Church of God in this Kingdome, he cannot mean the Ecclesiastique Church of representing Presbyters, because, if these had all fled away, there had been no Church of God (in such a sense) in this Kingdome. By the Church of God in this place, if he means any thing like a man, hee must needs mean the godly part in the Kingdom, and that considered, without their Presbyters or Pastours. And oh that hee, and his coopinatory party would but grant that that executive coercive power which is in the civil Magistrate, is for this Church; I mean, for the benefit and peace of this Church of [Page 47] God. But in the mean time you see, that his Trumpet in the Description he gives of his executive, coercive, externall power in the Magistrate, gives no distinct sound; perhaps he blew wild on purpose, lest an enemy should know how to prepare to battaile against him.
But is there never a blessing, of reason, or truth, in all this cluster? Come and see.
In vertue of this authoritie (saith he) when parties pretend to be offended Sect. 6 with the Church, or the Church judge any thing amisse, he (the Civill Magistrate) may command the Church to examine its judgement, &c. In these few words he hath plainly plundred and undone a very considerable partie of his owne beloved notions elsewhere. For,
1. What reason hath he to be so invective against the Apologists (as he is pag. 49. and 50.) for holding that Kings or civill Magistrates are above the Church, when as himselfe here professeth, that they may command the Church; especially his own Maxime elsewhere, being this, that Par in parem non habet imperium; and that Where there is no Superiour or Inferiour, there can be no obedience or disobedience.
2. If the civill Magistrate hath power to command the Church to revise Sect. 7 her judgment, when she judgeth any thing amisse, surely he hath power to examine and judge of her proceedings, whether they be regular, equall, and just, or no; except you will say, that he comes to the knowledge of your it regular and undue proceedings in your Presbyteries, by immediate revelation. Suppose either the one or the other, what reason have you to deny him part and fellowship with you in that Directive power in matters of Religion, which you ingrosse and appropriate to your selves, as we have formerly seen?
3. If so, then your Presbyteriall Assembly, or judging Church, may determine and judge amisse. And if so, 1. how dare yee compell or make the people under your government to sweare obedience or subjection unto your orders, which yet by your own confession (pag. 42) ordinarily you doe? 2. Why are you not satisfied with that subjection to your Presbyteriall Decisions, which pleadeth no exemption, but only in the case of non-satisfaction, about the lawfulnesse or truth of them? You give men a good foundation, a liberty to beleeve that you may erre; but you will not suffer them to build upon it, to refuse you, when they think in their souls and consciences that that you doe erre. They that will separate between such premisses and such conclusions, [Page 48] will hardly make good Christians themselves, or suffer others so to be. And if you be but ingenuously willing to goe along with this your own principle, That you may erre, as farre as it would gladly lead you, me thinks I durst undertake that the Apologists and you shall comprimize before to morrow next.
4. (And lastly) if parties may have cause to be offended, and not Sect. 8 onely pretend to be offended (as A. S. would minde it) with the Church (as out of all question they may, if the Church may judge amisse) then have they power to judge of their actions, as well as they of theirs. No man is justifiable in his complaint or offence taking, but he that hath a power to examine and judge of that which gives the cause, or ministers the occasion of the offence. And if a single partie, which is no Presbyter or Prophet (in your sense) hath a lawfull power to examine and judge of the acts and orders of a Presbyteriall or Propheticall Assembly; and may possibly by means of such an examination, take them tardie; do not so far magnifie the spirits of your Prophets against the spirits of our Saints, as to think these good for nothing but to swear homage and vassalage unto them.
But A. S. (surely) pleaseth himselfe highly with a parcell of distinctions, Sect. 9 w ch he presents us within the prementioned Description; and hopes (perhaps) to make an atonement with them for his confusion [...] otherwise.
First, He distinguisheth of that executive, coercive power, wherewith he invests the civill Magistrate, as not being in, or intrinsecall unto the Church▪ but externall, and about the Church. Secondly, he distinguisheth the subject capable of this power, the civill Magistrate, into truly Christian, and not truly Christian. Thirdly, upon this distinction, he builds a third distinction, concerning the manner of the competencie of this power, to the one kind of subject and the other; telling us, that this power or authority belongs actually and in effect, in actu exercito, & jure in re to true Christian Magistrates; but to others potentially, in actu signato, and jure in rem onely, till they become true Christians.
The man (you see) hath much adoe to find, or come at that power, Sect. 10 wherewith he would so fain gratifie the civill Magistrate, in matters of Religion: He adjures three unclean spirits of distinctions, to tell him what, and where it is; and yet they doe but peep and matter in their answer and make no man the wiser by it. Here he seeks for the coercive power of the civill Magistrate in matters of Religion, in the same black sea of darknesse and confusion, wherein he seekes (and would make the world beleeve he finds) the Presbyterian government afterwards. [Page 49] But if the one and the other be cloz'd up in such an ammunition of rockes of distinctions, as A. S. represents them in his story, certainly they are inaccessible to the judgements and consciences of persons of mean capacity; and much more inaccessible to the judgments and consciences of more understanding and considering men. The very darknesse it selfe of the distinctions which he is necessitated to use, to make his way to come at the one and at the other, is a light sufficient to discover, that neither the one nor the other is any where to be found within the territories either of reason or of truth. But let us see the distinctions play a little before us, for their Masters credit.
For the first: The Magistrates power (saith he) viz. in matters of Religion (for so he must necessarily be understood, by the Antithesis in the former clause or member of this Distinction, where he denies a Directive power unto him, in matters of Religion) is not in, or intrinsecall to the Church, but extrinsecall and about the Church. Is it in, i. intrinsecall to matters of Religion; and but extrinsecall in respect of the Church? So then (it seems) A. S. his Presbyteriall Church, is somewhat more inward, intimate, and intrinsecall, then the religion of this Church; otherwise, how should the power of the Magistrate penetrate into the Religion thereof, and yet not reach into, but onely unto the Church it selfe? By this distinction he hath utterly disgrac'd his Presbyteriall Government, by making the Churches under it, more internall and inward, then the religion that is to be found in them. If the Apologists had but whispered one tittle of such a saying, though at never such a distance, it had been enough to have produced seven reasons more (at least) against their toleration, then are yet levied or brought forth into the world.
But 2 ly, though you seem to deale very bountifully with the Magistrate Sect. 11 in giving him a power extrinsecall and about the Church, and to content your selfe and your compresbyters with an intrinsecall power onely; yet by somewhat that hath been lately printed, it appeares, that you mean to eate at the same Table with him, which you pretend to spread for him alone. For hath not the Presse very lately been delivered of this peece of Presbytery, that the Classicall Presbytery hath Reformation cleared, p. 23. the authoritative power of Citation, just as the Bishops had? And is not such a power externall, and which is not in, but about the Churches? For if a Classis shall cite or excommunicate a member of a Church, against the judgement and consent of the Elders of that Church, let all the world judge whether that be not an act of externall power without the Church.
If it be replied, No; because that Church did implicitly consent in yeelding their Elders for members of that Presbytery; We reply, That if either your publick Law constrains that Church upon penalty, Invitum dicitur, quod quis vel coactus, vel per ignorantiam admittit. Arist. Eth. l. 3. c. 1. Kecker. Praecog Syst. Eth. against their light, to suffer their Elders to sit in the Classicall Presbytery, then that Church doth not freely consent; or if that Church without constraint doth consent for want of light (as it must be supposed, if a Classis upon debate be found to be besides the word) this ignorant act of that Church, is an unwilling or involuntary act, and so no free consent. And so the Classis, according to A. S. his distinction, is like a Magistrate, which is a Bishop without, and about that Church.
But good A. S. we know it is an easie matter to distinguish the Magistrate Sect. 12 into such an executive, coercitive, externall power as you speake of; but we would fain see you demonstrate him into it: and then A. S. and M. S. should be no more two, but one S. We know not how to transform distinctions into demonstrations.
His second Distinction, is of the Subject of this power, the Magistrate, whom he makes two-fold, truly Christian, and not truly Christian. But,
1. I would faine know by what Touchstone A. S. will try his gold in this case; I mean judge of the truth of Christianitie in a Magistrate. It appeares (from page 50. of his discourse) that he hath no mind to grant his truth of Christianity unto a Magistrate that is either Lutheran, Anabaptist, Socinian, or Papist. Any of these misprisions in Christianity, are as sufficient in A. S. his judgement, as in ours, to keep the sword of that power we speake of, out of the Magistrates hand. And as for a Magistrate whose judgement shall be infected (perfected, reason and truth would say) with Apologisme, (or the great hatred of his soule) independencie) I make no question but he (in the Comique terme) should bee exclusissimus from this capacitie or right above all the rest.
But let us goe on with the man in the termes of his own addresse to Sect. 13 the Apologists, in the same place. If he saith that by a Magistrate truly Christian, he understand an orthodox Magistrate; what if he had one or two errors? would he yet permit him to be orthodox, and truly Christian, or not? Till A. S. here specifies, Sermones generales non movent (his own rule) for my selfe, untill I shall be otherwise informed by himselfe, I shall make use of my reason to beleeve, that by a Magistrate truly Christian, A. S. onely mean [...] a Magistrate, who in his judgement is Presbyteriall: and that this qualification of Presbyterialisme, and truth of Christianitie in a Magistrate, are against all contradictions, and [Page 51] counter-poysings whatsoever, termini aequipollentes in his Logique. And if this be his meaning, the king (to be sure) hath none of his power as yet, in actu exercito, and jure in re; nor hath the Parliament (at least for ought A. S. or the kingdom knoweth) any whit more of it then the King. And whatsoever it hath done hitherto, by any executive, coercive, externall power about the Church or Church-affairs (in which kinde it hath done very much) depends as touching the validity and justifiableness of it upon this supposition, that it Presbyterializeth. Whence it followeth, that he that cannot, or doth not believe that the Parliament is of a Classique inclination, cannot (with the leave of A. S. his distinction) judge them to have done lawfully or warrantably any thing that they have done hitherto, about, or for the Church.
The truth is, that till A. S. will please to define, what manner of Magistrate hee must be, that shall pass the test of his distinction, for truly Christian, wee are constrained to suspend our bounty in conferring that executive, coercive, externall power about the Church upon any man. Nor do I make much question, but that wee shall have twenty Distinctions more, before we shall obtain that Definition.
But of all the three distinctions here upon the stage, the best dancer Sect. 14 is yet behind. This Power or Authority (saith he) belongs actually and in effect, in actu exercito, & jure in re (it's very long, me thinks, ere wee hear, to whom it belongs) to true Christian Magistrates: but to others potentially, in actu signato, & jure in rem only, untill they become truly Christian.
1. Though I have many times heard of the distinction, in actu exercito, & in actu signato, yet I never heard of any thing belonging to a person in actu exercito, but that belonged to him, and that per prius, in actu signato. Hee to whom the principle or power of acting doth not belong, cannot stand ingaged for the exercise or acting of such a power.
2. My soul longs for the Summer fruit of a good reason from A. S. Sect. 15 why any power about the Church, and for the Church should not belong, actually, and in effect in actu exercito, & jure in re, (and with as many other, proper, unproper, necessary, unnecessary, sober, ridiculous expressions as he pleaseth) as well to a Magistrate not yet truly Christian, as to him that is such. Hath not an Heathen or Heterodox Magistrate a lawfulness of power, to do presently, this day, this hour, to morrow, and so forth, toties, quoties, as much good to and for the Church or Churches of Christ within his jurisdiction or dominion, as he could have, if he were truly Christian? Do acts of justice, bounty, grace towards [Page 52] the Churches of Christ, any whit more defile a Magistrate how far from truly Christian soever, then acts of the same nature performed unto his other subjects? The Kings, and those that were in authority in Pauls dayes, were generally (all the kings without exception) far from being truly Christian; and yet was it not lawfull for them to interpose with their Authority or Power, that the Churches of Christ in their dominions, might lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty? If not, then was that exhortation of his, 1 Tim. 2. 2. to be laid up in Lavender for some hundreds of yeers after it was given; or else the benefit and blessing, the obtaining whereof by prayer is made the ground of the exhortation, must have been made over in the intentions of those that had so prayed, unto their posterities after many generations. A. S. may choose which of the two hee will believe: for my part, I shall not be his corrivall in either.
Yee have heard A. S. his Distinctions for a coercive power about the Church in a Civill Magistrate: Demonstrationes autem ubi? But where are his proofs?
I have searched, and that somewhat narrowly, throughout the Sect. 16 whole volume of his Discourse, to finde something, that with any indulgence of imagination might be conceived to look like a proof of this his opinion, and can finde none, save only that poor one, of the examples of the Kings of Juda (pag. 63) inforc'd after this manner; It is the Civill Magistrates part to take away Heresies, Superstitions, and corruptions in manners after the examples of the Kings of Juda. Wherefore then is it not his duty likewise to take away all Schismes which are the high way to (and sometimes from) Heresie, and consequently to deny Toleration, which is a way to both?
Reader, neither you nor I, must be offended, to have a mole-hill of proof given us for a mountain of conclusion. You must know it is the manner of the Presbyterian School, to hang great weights upon small wyars. For what need Dictators argue? But,
1. If it be the Magistrates part to take away Superstitions, Heresies, &c. Sect. 17 sure it is his part also to make himself able to discern superstitions and heresies from the true worship and truths of God. Hee is to serve God in such a practice, with his own understanding, and not by the Proctorage of Presbyterie (as you tell the Apologists, pag. 48. that they must not serve God by a Proctor) and if so, you must untruss, and [Page 53] deliver back again to him that Directive power in matters of Religion, which you lately took from him.
2. When the Magistrate takes away Superstition, Heresie, &c. hee Sect. 18 had need have better security then a Synod can give him, to save him harmless, in case he should mistake, and smite the truth of God, in stead of Heresie, and the true worship of God in stead of Superstition. Gamaliel Act 5. 24. 28. 38, 39. might have had the full Vote of a Synod or Councell, for persecuting the Superstition, Schisme and Heresie of the Apostles; but this was not security enough to him; he was afraid of fighting against God, this notwithstanding. And for my part, when the civill Magistrate shall be far enough out of this danger of fighting against God, I have nothing to say against his fighting with Superstition, Heresie, Schisme, corruptions in manners, &c. Only my prayer for him unto God is, that hee would give him a wife and understanding heart, to consider and discern, whether usurpation over the judgements and consciences of the Saints of God, in matters of Religion, be not as grand a corruption in manners as a Church or Kingdom is lighly incident unto.
3. Because the examples of the Kings of Judah for want of better Sect. 19 arguments, are so much importun'd to speak a good word for that executive coercive power in the Civill Magistrate, with which A. S. would truk with him for that Directive power (before spoken of) let us consider with a little more freedome and ingenuity, what they contribute thereunto.
1. We do not read that any of the good Kings of Judah ever offered any violence to the true Prophets, or people of the Lord, except it were in passion, as a Chron. 16. 10. where Asa is said to have been wroth with the Seer, that admonished him, and to have put him in prison. Which fact of his I think A. S. himself will be asham'd to present either to Kings or Parliaments for imitation. Therefore whatsoever besides may be prov'd from the example of the Kings of Judah in matters of Religion, towards the rearing up of a Presbyterie in the perfection of its glory; certain it is, that nothing can be proved, for the persecuting, annoying, crushing, disgracing, banishing, fining the Apologists, whom himself (more then once or twice) acknowledgeth for very pious, godly, and learned men.
2. Neither did any of these Kings ever compell any man to be of the Jewish Religion; nor yet to profess the Jewish Religion against their judgements. It was permitted to persons of other Nations to live amongst them, without being circumcised, yea, or without smarting for want of it.
[Page 54] 3. Nor do we reade, that ever they attempted any thing against any Sect. 20 Sectaries or Schismatiques (as A. S. would call them) which yet abounded in great variety and numbers amongst them. We do not finde, that ever they finde imprison'd, banished, put to death, either Scribes, or Pharisees, or Herodians, or persons of any other Sect in the profession of the Jewish Religion, that lived peaceably in their State. Idolatry and Idolaters were (it seems) the adaequate object of their coercive power in matters of Religion.
4. Nor did they, nor were they to inflict any outward punishment, Sect. 21 upon every kinde of Idolater, though of the Jewish both Nation and Religion; as first, not upon covetous persons, who yet are a kinde of Idolater, Epbes. 5. 5. Nor secondly, upon those that worshipped the true God of Israel, though with some violation of the second Commandement, as when they sacrificed in the high places, &c. But, first, upon such only, who apostatiz'd from the God of Israel, to serve strange gods, the gods of other Nations: And yet secondly, not upon such neither, simply as such, but as attempting to intice and draw away other of the people of God unto the same Idolatries with them, Deut. 13. 5, 8, 9.
5. There are two reasons very considerable, why the Kings of Judah Sect. 22 might be invested by God with a larger power in matters of Religion, then Kings or Magistrates under the Gospel have any ground or warrant to claim from them. First, they were types of Christ, which no King under heaven at this day is; Secondly, not the people only, but the very Land over which they ruled, were typicall also; the one of the spirituall Church of Christ, the other of the heavenly inheritance of that Church: both of them holy and consecrate in speciall manner unto God. If Kings and Magistrates under the Gospel can plead either these reasons, or any other of equall consideration with these, I shall not scruple an acknowledgement of an equality of power in them. But otherwise, to alledge the power of the Kings of Judah in matters of Religion, for an investiture of Kings and Magistrates under the Gospel, with the like, justifies the arguing of the Prelaticall School, which pleads the order of the Aaronicall Priesthood, to demonstrate the necessity of a Metropoliticall soveraigntie.
6. It no where appears that any of the godly Kings of Judah ever Sect. 23 had, or exercised any power to suppress, banish, imprison, trample upon, crush or grinde the faces of any godly persons among them, were they few or many, only because they were for a while tender in point of conscience to concurre with the major part of the Priests, Scribes, [Page 55] or Levites in some things disputable between them, and others in the Land. Vntill A. S. shall dig such a treasure as this out of the Scriptures, hee will never have sufficient wherewith to finish that tower of a Magistraticall coercive power in matters of Religion, which he hath begun to build.
7. If A. S. (or any other) will needs make the Kings of Judah tributaries Sect. 24 to his opinion, concerning that coercive power we speak of in the Civill Magistrate, he must first prove, that these Kings were invested with that power which they exercised in matters of Religion, by a morall Law, and which is of perpetuall obligation and ingagement upon other Nations. For such a weak man as I, will rather incline to think, that it was conferr'd upon them by a Law Politique and Judiciall; and which no more concerneth or obligeth Kings and Magistrates of other Nations, then that Law mentioned in the same place with it, (and which indeed is part of it) (Deut. 13.) which injoyneth the slaying of the Inhabitants of the Idolatrous City with the edge of the sword, and the destroying of it utterly with all that is therein, and the cattell thereof, with the edge of the sword; and the gathering of all the spoil thereof into the midst of the street thereof, and the burning of the City with fire, and all the spoil thereof every whit; and the making it an heap for ever, and the not building it again. I think A. S. himself doth not conceive Christian Kings or Magistrates ingag'd in conscience to observe all the particulars in this Law.
8. (And lastly) if you consult with those passages in the Law Sect. 25 where that power which the Kings of Judah exercised about Idolatry and Idolaters, (for they went no further; they meddled not with the crushing of Sects or Schismes, as we heard) you will finde, that it was the generality or entire body of the Church or Nation of the Jewes, and not their Kings, that was invested with it by God: See Deut. 13. from the beginning to the end: and again, Deut. 7. 5. and Chap. 12. 2, 3. with many of like consideration. So that what they did in this kinde, they did it, or were to have done it, in the Name, and with the consent of the Body of their people.
But the grand Pillar and supporter of this coercive power in Magistrates, is this angry and discontented argument. What? Would you have all Religions, Sects and Schismes tolerated in Christian churches? Should Jewes, Turks, (and Papists especially,) be suffered in their Religions? What a confusion must this needs breed, both in Church and State? Give me leave to demulce and pacifie this argument; and then we advance to a new subject. I answer by distinguishing.
[Page 56] 1. If by a toleration, the argument means either an approbation, or Sect. 26 such a connivence which either takes no knowledge of, or however no ways opposeth such Religions, Sects, or Schismes, as are unwarrantable, they are not to be tolerated. But first, orthodox and able Ministers ought in the course of their publick Ministery, and otherwise upon occasion in a grave, sober, and inoffensive manner, soundly from the Scriptures to evince the folly, vanity, and falshood of all such wayes. Secondly, others also that have an anointing of light and knowledge from God, are bound to contribute occasionally the best of their endevours towards the same end. Thirdly, in case the Minister shall be negligent, or forgetfull of his duty in this kind, the Magistrate may and ought from time to time to admonish him, that he fulfill his Ministery in that point also. Fourthly, if a person, one, two, or more, being members of a particular Church, shal be infected with any hereticall or dangerous opinion, and after two or three admonitions, with means of conviction used to regain him, shall continue obstinate, he ought to be cast out from amongst them by that Church. Fifthly and lastly, if it be a whole Church that is so corrupted and infected, the rest of the neighbour Churches, in case it hath any, ought to admonish it, and to endevour the reclaiming of it. If it be refractory after competent admonition, and meanes used for the reducing of it, they may and ought to renounce communion with it: and so set a mark or brand of heresie and obstinacie in the forehead of it. But,
Secondly, if by a toleration the argument means a non-suppression Sect. 27 of such Religions, Sects and Schismes by a strong hand, as by fining, imprisoning, disfranchising, banishment, death, or the like; my answer is, that they ought to be tolerated, onely upon this supposition, that the professors or maintainers of them, be otherwise peaceable in the State, and every way subject to the Laws, and lawfull power of the civill Magistrate. My reasons are,
First, because God hath anointed and sanctified his word, and the Sect. 28 Ministery hereof, for the casting down imaginations, and every high thing that exalts it selfe against the knowledge of God, and for the bringing into captivity every thought unto the obedience of Christ, 2 Cor. 10. 5. The Apostle in this place, v. 4. affirms, that the weapons of his warfare (meaning the knowledge which he had of God, and of Jesus Christ in the Gospel, and his abilities of utterance and preaching) were mightie through God, for those ends and purposes. When God hath appointed a means, and that of so much efficacy and power, either to prevent an [Page 57] inconvenience, or to accomplish any end or effect whatsoever, for men to wave this means, and to interesse another of their own, is both to put an affront upon God, and to consult frustration and disappointment to themselves. And for my part, I am all thoughts made, that the true and adequate reason why those Sects and Schismes, and wild opinions which are lately started amongst us, gather so much strength and head, and grow so fast upon us as they doe daily, is this; that we reject the wisedome and counsell of God for the opposing and suppressing of them, and have recourse to our owne arm, hoping by disgracing, displacing, way-laying, impoverishing, suspending, imprisoning▪ and other weapons and ways of the flesh, to ease our selves of the burthensomnesse and trouble of them. Besides the Scripture mentioned, there is a passage of full importance this way, Ephes. 4. 11, 12, &c. And he gave some Apostles, some Prophets, and some Evangelists, and some Pastors and Teachers, for the perfecting of the Saints, for the worke of the Ministery, for the edifying of the body of Christ, untill we all come into the unity of faith, and of the knowledge of the Sonne of God, &c. We see here that Gods designe and desire, as well as ours, is unitie, and perfect agreement amongst the Saints, in all matters of faith and knowledge. But how, or by what means, or by whom hath hee projected and purposed the obtaining of this his desire? Mark, he doth not say, that he gave some Kings, and some Princes, and some Judges, and Justices of the Peace, some Pursevants, and some Jaylors, &c. to bring us into the unitie of the faith; No, but he gave some Apostles, & some Prophets, and some Evangelists, and some Pastors and Teachers, to bring this desirable end of his to passe. And if we would make more use of these agents and instruments of God, of the Apostles, Prophets, Evangelists, of Pastors and Teachers, and lesse of those other (which are our owne) for the quenching of those flames of divisions and dissentions that are amongst us in matters of Religion, we might in all likelihood see our desires in this behalfe, many years sooner then by any other course we are like to do. The word of God, especially in the hand of an able Minister (among other ends) is given by God on purpose for the conviction and stopping of the mouths of gain-sayers, Tit. 1. 9, 11. And therfore this will doe it, when a thousand other meanes, not having this anointing oyle upon them, though never so plausible, and promising in the eye of humane wisedome, will rather open them yet wider, then otherwise.
2. It is the expresse order and command of God to Ministers of the Sect. 29 Gospel, upon whom chiefly it lies, by way of office and duty, to instruct [Page 58] and convince gainsayers, and men contrary-minded to the The servant of the Lord must not strive but be gentle unto all men, apt to teach, in meeknesse instructing those that oppose themselves, if God peradventure wil give them repentance to the acknowledgement of the truth. 2 Tim. 2, 24. 25. truth, to performe these offices unto them with meeknesse; and therefore not to threaten them with delivering them over to the Secular powers, or to incite the civill Magistrate against them. And if it bee not lawfull for the Minister to encourage or put on the civill Magistrate to use any externall violence or compulsion against such, certainly it is not lawfull, much lesse any point of duty for him to proceed in any such way against them. And if such meeknesse be to be used towards those that are professed enemies to Christian Religion in the main (of which the Scripture in the margine evidently speaketh) much more is it to be shewed towards those, who it may be are as cordially affected to this Religion, as our selves, onely dissenting from us in some apices or iota's of this Religion.
3. Repentance to the acknowledgement of the truth, being (as we see) a speciall gift of God, and no man capable of it by his own industry or seeking, it is very unreasonable that the want of it, being in it selfe a judgement upon a man from God, and withall no wayes prejudiciall or hurtfull unto others, (at least not necessarily or unavoidably hurtfull Sect. 30 unto any) should expose him to further punishment and misery from men. I conceive a reasonable man will think it very hard and unreasonable to punish a man for not doing of that, which is onely proper and in the power of God to doe.
Externall compulsion in matters of Religion, is of a proper and Sect. 31 direct tendencie to make men twofold more the children of sin (and so of wrath) then they were before, or would be otherwise. Now that which directly tends to increase sin and iniquity in a Land, cannot bee lawful, or from God. Suppose the State-Religion, and manner of worshipping God, which the Magistrate practiseth and professeth, be agreable to the truth; yet if I, having no such faith of either, but judging in my soule and conscience, that both State and Magistrate, are polluted in both, should make profession of either as the truth, I should be a notorious hypocrite and dissembler before God and men, wounding my conscience, and condemning my selfe in what I allow in this case. And yet such a profession as this, is that which the compulsive power of the Magistrate seekes to extort from me. In which case I must suffer, because I will not sin to the ruine and destruction of my soule.
If it be objected, That the intent of the Magistrates compulsion in this case, is not to extort a profession from me against my judgement and conscience, but to ingage me to rectifie and reforme my [Page 59] judgment according to the truth, and so to make profession accordingly.
I answer, First, that I stand already ingaged by a farre greater band hereunto, viz. my peace with God, and the safety of my soule, then suffering temporally from the Civill power. Nor can it reasonably be here replied to me, that many will doe more for feare of a present temporall punishment, then of the future losse of their soules; because they that will doe this, will be ready enough to comply with the Magistrate in his Religion, what ever it be, without compulsion. Secondly, if the intent of the temporall compulsion bent against me, be my engagement to rectifie my judgement according to the truth, & then to profess accordingly, why is it discharged upon me before it be known whether I have not discharged such my engagements to the uttermost of my power, and yet am not able to call that truth, which the Magistrate would have me so to call? Many (saith Pro. 29. 26. Solomon) seek the face of the Ruler: and who would not gladly second the Magistrate in his Religion, if he had his judgement and conscience in his own hand or power?
5. If the civill Magistrate hath an actuall coercive power to suppresse Sect. 32 Schismes, Heresies, &c. because he is truly Christian, which he had not before, then truth of Christianity alters the property and tenour of Magistracie, and that for the worse, in respect of those that are in subjection to it; yea, and (possibly) in respect of the best of those that are in such subjection. Before he was truly Christian, he had (saith A. S. and Presbyterians generally) no power to punish, fine, imprison, banish, crush any of his Subjects for the exercise of their conscience towards God: but by vertue of that great mercy vouchsafed unto him by God, in giving him part and fellowshship with the Saints in Jesus Christ, he is invested with a new power to persecute the Saints, and to make them pay dearly for having consciences better (it may be) then his own, at least better then to comply outwardly with what they cannot inwardly digest and approve. If this be the case between a Christian, and the Civill Magistrate under whom he lives, he hath small incouragement to pray for the conversion of such a Magistrate to the truth, in case he were for the present, Heterodox, or Pagan; it being farre better for him to live under such a Magistracie, which hath no power to mis-use him for his conscience sake, then under that which hath; yea, and is made to beleeve, that it ought to use it accordingly.
6. That power is very dangerous for a Magistrate to own, in the [Page 60] exercise whereof, he may very easily (and commonly doth) run an hazard (at least) of fighting against God, or of plucking up that which God hath planted, or of pulling down that which God hath built up. But is that power of suppressing Schismes, Heresies, &c. which A. S. Cum multis aliis, are very earnest to fasten upon him. Ergo, The Proposition (I conceive) is too much every mans sense and consent, to be A. S. his dissent. The Assumption I demonstrate by this reason: Because those practices and opinions in Religion, which the Magistrate is born in hand by those, with whose eys hee sees in such cases, are schismaticall, erroneous, and contrary unto God; may very possibly be the ways of God, and truths of God (such mens judgements of them notwithstanding.) For first, the judgements of these men are not Apostolicall, or infallible. A. S. himself, who makes his demands for Presbyterian soveraignty, as high as another, yet dares not lay claim to this crown. Therefore it's possible for them to be in a misprision about some Question, or controversall point in Religion. Secondly, frequent experience shews, that a minor part (yea, a party for number inconsiderable) of godly persons in a Church or State, may have the minde of God and of Christ among them in some particulars, before the generality or major part of this Church, comes to be inlightened or interessed in it. For a proofe whereof ad hominem, we need go no further, then to that party of godly persons in the Land, who stood up in Queen Elizabeths & King James his days, for Presbyteriall Government, when as the far greater part, both of Magistrates and Ministers in the Kingdome, were in their judgements opposite hereunto, and wholly Episcopall. So that had that Queen or King, or any Parliament under them, gone about to suppress that party, which yet was then look'd upon as schismaticall, sactious, and erroneous, they had (according to A. S. his judgement, touching the judgement of those men) fought against God, and sought to pluck up that which he hath planted. Yea, thirdly, (and lastly) it seldome or never falls out, that any truth which hath for a long time been under hatches, and unknown to the generality of Ministers and other learned men in a Church or State, hath been at the first, and on the sudden, discovered by God, either unto the generality, or major part of them, but unto some few only, yea, and sometimes but unto one (for a season) by, and from whom, he is pleased to propagate the light and knowledge of it unto more afterwards. If then the Magistrate should rise up to suppress this truth, or those that hold it forth unto the world, because it hath few friends and many enemies amongst the Masters in his Israel, and is generally [Page 61] look'd upon as a schismaticall and erroneous opinion, should he not (in Gamaliel's sense) fight against God? The housholder in the Parable forbad the plucking up of the Tares out of his field, for fear of plucking up the Wheat with them, Matth. 13. 29.
7. That power which was never attributed to the civill Magistrate, Sect. 34 by any Christians, but only by those that had very good assurance that it should be used for them, and on their side, is not like to be a power appertaining to them by divine right, or conferr'd upon them by God. The reason of this Proposition is, because it is no wayes credible, that within the compass of so many ages as are by-gone, no one man of that conscientious generation of Saints, which hath been wont so frequently to deny it self even unto death, should acknowledge such a power in the civill Magistrate, as did by divine right belong unto him, only because such an acknowledgement was like to make against himself. Therefore I assume: But that coercive power in matters of Religion, for the suppressing of errours, schismes, heresies, &c. was never attributed to the civill Magistrate by any Christian, but only by those that See for the further proof of the minor Proposition, M r Io. Robinsons Essayes, p. 49. 50, &c. were very confident, that it would be used for their turns, and to effect their desires. Ergo, A. S. himself is wary and tender above measure in conferring it upon him; distinguishing once and again, and the third time also upon it (as wee heard) before he dares let him have it; yea, and in the close, doth as much (in effect) as tell him, that except hee be Presbyterian right down, and will accommodate him and his party with it, he ought not to claim it.
8. That power which in the exercise of it, directly tends to prevent, Sect. 35 hinder, or suppress the growth and increase of the light of the knowledge of God, and Jesus Christ in a Church or State, and the Reformation of such things, whether in Doctrine or Discipline, as are unwarrantable therein, is not (questionless) of any Divine right or Institution. If A. S. deny this Proposition, at the perill of his modesty and reputation be it. So then I assume; But such a power in the civill Magistrate as we speak of, directly tends to all the mischief and inconvenience mentioned. Ergo, The evidence of the assumption is this: when men are obnoxious to the stroke of the civill power, and in danger of suffering deeply from the Magistrate, for any thing that they shall hold or practise in Religion contrary unto him, it must needs be a great tentation and discouragement upon them, from searching and [...]nquiring into the Scriptures, after a more exact knowledge of the good and holy, and perfect will of God in things; because in case hee should discover any thing contrary to what the Magistrate professeth, hee [Page 62] must run the hazard, either of with-holding the truth hee so discovers, in unrighteousness, and so of having both God and his own conscience his enemy, or else of having his bones broken by the iron rod of the civill Magistrate, for making profession of any thing contrary to that which he professeth.
9. That power which in the use of it plainly and palpably tends to Sect. 36 the gratification of Satan, carnall and prophane men, is not (certainly) derived from God. To prove this Proposition, would be but the lighting up of a torch to see the Sun. I assume; But that power in matters of Religion, to crush schismes, heresies, &c. which is by A. S. and many others, pinn'd upon the Magistrates sleeve, is a power of this tendencie and importance in the use of it. Ergo. This latter Proposition shines clear enough with this light. First, a very great part (if not far the greatest) of those that are like to suffer by it, are men of good conscience, and truly fearing God. This is manifest in the Apologists and men of their judgement, whom A. S. himself, over and over (though condemning himself, toties quoties) acknowledgeth for very pious and godly men. Nor is it like that (ordinarily) men of loose or no conscience, should delight to swim against the streams, either of greatness or plurality, in matters of Religion. Now then it cannot but be conceived to be matter of solemn gratification to Satan, who is a murtherer, and blood [...] enemy to the Saints, to see them disgraced, crushed, troden and trampled upon, especially by those, whom God hath appointed to be their protectours, and most of all, that this grievous measure should be measured out unto them for the goodness of their consciences towards God.
Secondly, It is the impatient and importune desire of all ignorant, loose, luke-warm and carnall professors, to have all Religions, (as they call them) all wayes, sects, opinions, and practices in Religion, wholly silenc'd, suppress'd, and abolished where they live, excepting only that one way and practice, which shall be authorised and practised by the State. Because by this means, they hope they shall not be distracted about their Religion, nor be put upon that sore trouble of seeking it they know not where, or amongst whom; but shall have it put into their mouths by the hand of Authority; which they hope likewise will stand between them and harm, in case it should not prove a Religion of that purity and goodness, which God requireth.
10. (And lastly) That power which in the use of it, directly tends Sect. 37 to defile and pollute the consciences of men, either by destroying the softness, tenderness, and ingenuity of them, or by disturbing the lawfull [Page 63] peace and comfort of them, or by both, is a power from beneath, not from above. (This Proposition also, a conscience any whit ingenuous, cannot lightly deny) But such is the coercive power in matters of Religion, wherewith A. S. would fain befriend himself, in the civill Magistrate. Ergo. The truth of the Assumption appears in this consideration: When the conscience of a man hath once broke the bands and tie of its own light, and prostituted it self to the desires and pleasures of men, against the grain of its own judgement and inclination (whereunto it is sorely tempted and urged, when the man is threatned deep, in case he shall not comply with the State in their Religion, his judgement and conscience being wholly averse to it) one of these two great evils or miseries commonly befalls him. Either 1. God takes no more pleasure in such a conscience afterwards, but withdrawing himself from it, leaves it unto it self, whereupon secretly (as it were) resenting the departure of God from it, it falls upon a course of hardening it self, and by degrees contracts a boldness, impudence, and desperateness in sinning; as a woman by suffering a breach to be made upon her modestie or chastity once, often becomes facile and prone to that kinde of sinning afterwards; or else, 2. by reflecting upon what it hath done in such a case, and feeding night and day upon the sad thoughts of its own act, and casting it up between God and it self, how grievous a sin it is, to trample upon its own light, for any mans sake, or upon any consideration whatsoever, it brings it self into grievous agonies of perplexity, and horrour, out of which it never recovers afterward.
Thus I have given A. S. an account of my present thoughts, touching that coercitive power in matters of Religion, which hee is so importune to put into the civill Magistrates hand, with both his own; making it as strange and uncouth a matter, as a new Independencie amounts unto (pag. 60.) that any man should not give the right hand of fellowship to his conceit herein. Which yet notwithstanding I shall be most willing and ready to do, if the man will but do mee the courtesie solidly and theologue-like, by reason, and not by vote, that is, unanswerably to answer the ten arguments propunded. For I profess ingenuously, there is nothing separates between mee and his judgement in the point in hand, but only those ten reasons, with their fellows; and if I were able to answer them my self, I would abate the condition required to the bargain, and purchase my agreement with him by mine own labour.
Chap. 3.
Concerning Presbyterie, or Classique Government of Churches, whether it be founded upon the Scriptures, or what foundation it hath otherwise.
IT is easie to observe (and yet well worth the observing) how A. S. his hand trembleth and shaketh in drawing the line of the descent and pedegree of his Presbyteriall Government; hee knows not well where to finde the sourse, first spring, or originall of it. Hee is between the Scriptures on the one hand, and the law of nature on the other; as the Poet describes a fierce Tygre between two droves or herds of cattell.
He knows not which he had best fall upon, but hath a great minde to fasten upon both. When he hath occasion to skirmish with the Apologists upon this point, me thinks I see him traversing his ground, as if he trod upon hot Irons; he treads daintily and tenderly, and shifts his steppings to and again, off and on, as if he felt no ground under him, but that whereof he was jealous. And it seems, that for the whole family it self of persons ingaged in A. S. his judgement about Church-government, though they be but one, resolutely enough agreed for the government it self; yet there are great divisions of heart amongst them concerning the parentage and descent of it. Some out of a desire to have it the more adored and reverenced in the world, will needs have it to be of the house and lineage of Johns Baptisme, viz. from heaven, from the Scriptures; Others of them, fearing that genealogie to be so perplexed and intricate, that it is fitter to make strife and questions of, then demonstration and satisfaction, think it better to wave that title, and claim, and to content themselves with a Meropean, in stead of a Phoebean parentage for it; to rise no higher then the liberty or power of the Church it self, to seek its originall. Which cleft in the house considered, it was a very prudent spoke put into the wheel of the Apologists, by him that gave counsell (if all tales be true) at no hand to have it put to vote, whether Presbyteriall Government could be proved from the Scriptures, or no. Such a vote as this might very possibly have prov'd of as interruptory a consequence to the builders of this Government, as the confusion of tongues sometimes did to builders of another fabrick.
But A. S. is A perse A, for ought that ever yet I could hear (save only Sect. 2 from his own pen) in making subordination, between superiour and inferiour [Page 65] Ecclesiasticall Judicatories, i. (in plain English) Presbyteriall Government, to be partim juris divini, partim naturalis aut mixti; partly of divine right, partly of naturall or mixt: which yet is his Decision, pag. 27. When he affirmes pag. 36. that his Presbyteriall power needs not any pattern formally, and expressly from Christ, it sufficeth that it hath one from nature; would not a man think that he waves the Scriptures in the question, as being compleatly furnished otherwise to make good his standing? And yet within a few lines after, he glories too in the superfluous and over-abounding contributions of the Scriptures to him: And yet (saith he) we can shew a patent for it, not onely from the Law of Nature, which should suffice, but also from the Law of Grace, in the old and new Testament. In other places, hee seemes wholly to decline the Law of Nature, as if men by their prudentials or power in any kind, had nothing to doe to institute or set up any power in the Church, but by expresse order and warrant from God in the Scriptures. It is onely in God (saith he pag. 48.) who is a King in this spirituall Kingdome, a Master in this House, a Father in this Family, who can give power therein unto any man; we dare not be so bold, &c. and pag. 61. Veritie consisteth not in the middle of this or that, which yee imagine, but in a conformity of our conceptions with their object, and due measure, which in this matter is onely Gods word revealed in the Scriptures: and according to this rule I take Presbyterian government rather, &c. And yet one more, page 34. Combined Presbyteries (qua tota, sed non qua totaliter considerata, i. no man can tell how or which way) judge of points of doctrine, and discipline already revealed in the holy Scriptures, and give us new Ecclesiasticall Laws of things indifferent, and so teach and rule the Churches, &c. Come A. S. let you and I conferre lovingly of these affaires before we part.
1. I wonder much, that having two Nations (at least, if not more) Sect. 3 in your own bowels, such materiall differences as have been touched in your Presbyterian Tribe; nay, that having line against line, page against page, leafe against leafe in your own book, you should be no more compassionate towards your brethren the Apologists, then to bebrand them with differences amongst themselves, as you doe more then once, and that with much bitternesse, pag. 69. and elswhere.
2. The differences that are amongst the Apologists and men of their Sect. 4 judgement, about the way of their government, are nothing considerable in respect of yours. They differ but in their haire, and you in your heads. They differ among themselves, but as one starre differeth [Page 66] from another; you differ between your selves as much as heaven & earth. They all as one man unanimously affirm, that their way of government is Canonicall, and of Divine assertion; you are divided about the authority of your way, some making it Canonicall, others Apocryphall, some fetching it from the starres, others from the dust.
By the way, the ingenuous dissent of that party amongst you, who cannot say that they see any lineament of Heaven in the face of your Government, being yet wel-willers, and friends of affections large enough unto it, is unto me as little lesse then a demonstration as may be, that your way is but from men, and not from God. For as the saying is, Quid non sentit amor? If there were any thing in the Scriptures that did but look merrily, or cast a plausible glance upon your way, would not they that are so entirely devoted both in their judgments and affections to it, find it out? yea and double and treble the sympathy and strength of it with their imaginations? As it is the propertie of Love, to cover a multitude of sinnes or trespasses, that are, (Prov. 10. 12.) so is it a property likewise of the same affection to discover a multitude of pleasing accommodations which are not.
Besides, it is somewhat more then a mote in the eye of your unitie, that in some Churches (of your Presbyteriall calculation) particular or Parochial Senats or Consistories, have power to suspend from their communion, those that be members thereof; yea also to excommunicate them, &c. This is your own bounteous acknowledgment, p. 26. I thought that such a misdemeanour as this in the State Presbyterial, had been of Classick vindication, at the least.
3. If Presbyterian government needeth no formall or expresse patterne from Christ, then either it hath none such from him, or this patterne Sect. 5 wheresoever it is found, is but a superfluitie or impertinencie of Scripture. But that there is nothing superfluous or impertinent in the Scriptures, is a glory asserted unto them by the holy Ghost himselfe, 2 Tim. 3. 16. All Scripture is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable▪ &c. Therefore by A. S. his own confession, his government hath no formall or expresse pattern from Christ. In one sense it may be granted, that Presbyterian government needeth no formall, nor yet materiall pattern from Christ, viz in such a sense, as it may truly be said, that Castles in the aire need no reparation. But,
4. If your government needs no formall or expresse pattern from Christ, Sect. 6 [Page 67] we would gladly know whether it needs any material or implicite pattern from him, or what it needs from him, whether something or nothing. But if you understood, or would please but to consider the necessities of it, I verily beleeve you would confesse that it did stand in need of that formall and express pattern from him, which you speak of. You see that for want of such a pattern it drives but heavily, and is long in Ptov. 8. 12. getting up into its throne; it hath lost many a merry day already, & yet daily meets with such contestations, oppositions, contradictions, from sober, wise, learned & religious men, that it is like to reigne but in the fire of contention, and with the sorrow and sadnes of many such hearts as Christ would not have made sad. And all this calamity befalls it for want of a formall and expresse pattern from Christ: And yet hath it no need hereof? Surely it is very magnanimous, and high-spirited, to be able to beare all this heavie pressure of misery upon it, and yet professe that it stands in no need of that which would ease it.
5. If it needs no formall express pattern from Christ, we would willingly Sect. 7 be informed, what pattern it is, which (you boast) you can shew from the Law of Grace for it in the Old and New Testament. We suppose that it stands in need of all that you can shew for it, either from the Law of Nature, or of Grace, either from the Old Testament, or from the New, and much more. You tell us, you can shew pattern upon pattern, but shew none. Surely you would be thought to doe very nobly; Posse & nolle, nobile. You do not shew us, but only tell us, (p. 41.) that if we will, we may see it in the ordinarie practice of the Church of the Jewes in the Old Testament. It seems that sight you have of your Presbyteriall Government, either in this practice of the Jewish Church, or in any other passage, or part of Scripture, depends upon your wills: you are willing to see it, and therefore you see it. Otherwise, why should you tell us that we may see it, if we will? you are happy men, who have your eyes dependant upon your wills, and so can see what you please, or have a mind to see: Nobis non licet esse tam disertis; our wills depend upon our eyes; we dare not will any thing, but what wee first see, to be the will and mind of God. It is no marvell, that you cast it as a sore aspersion upon the Apologists (p. 4.) that you saw them no wayes minded to submit themselves (in these matters of conscience) to the desires of the Parliament. I verily beleeve, that did their judgements depend upon their wills, as it seems yours doe, they would have been as freely willing to have submitted in all things, unto the desires of the Parliament, as you are. But,
6. If our wills be weak, and thereby are hindred from seeing that Sect. 8 goodly vision of Presbyterian Government in the practice of the Jewish [Page 68] Church, which you see, what doe you contribute or afford us towards the healing and strengthening of them? Nay, doe you not rather occasion that which is weak in this kind, to be quite turned out of the way? For when you tell us (as you doe pag. 13.) 1. that the adaequate end of your Presbyteriall government, is the externall peace of the Church. And 2. that the power thereof consists, first, in the creation, suspension and deposition of Church-officers: secondly, in determining matters of Doctrine: thirdly, in making Ecclesiasticall lawes concerning things indifferent, &c. (all which you tell us on a heap, pag. 42.) you both make us very loth and unwilling to find your government there; and withall very confident that there it is not to be found. For,
First, was the adaequate end of the government of that Church, the Sect. 9 externall peace of the Church? Had it nothing in designe, for the spirituall good, for the edification of the members of it in knowledge, faith, and holinesse? Was the power of the high Priest given him only to keep the Church in externall peace? I thought that to provide for the externall peace of the Church, had rather appertained to the civill Magistrate and government, then to the Ecclesiastick; and it is the Apostle himselfe that thus thoughteth me, 1 Tim. 2. 2. where he enjoyneth; that supplications, prayers, &c. be made for Kings and all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godlinesse and honesty.
Secondly, neither doe I find in the practise of that Church, any power given to the combined rulers and governours thereof, for the creation, suspension, deposition of Church-officers. I read of the deposition of a Church-officer (and no mean one neither) by the Civill Magistrate, 1. King. 2. 27. So Solomon cast out Abiathar from being Priest unto the Lord, &c. but of any such deposition by the combined rulers of that Church, I remember not that I have read. But,
3. As for any power of determining matters of Doctrine, this is further Sect. 10 out of my ken in the practice of that Church, then any thing else. I know not well what A. S. means by his phrase of Determining matters of Doctrine; but in my notion, and in the Grammaticall and proper sense of the word, Determine, the claim of such a power riseth up as a high partition-wall between me and his Government. If by a power of determining matters of doctrine, he meanes nothing else but a liberty or ability of discussing and arguing such matters, and of recommending the issues and results of such discussions, unto the Churches, as consonant (in their judgements) to the truth, with a proposall of their desires unto the Churches, to consider well of them, and to embrace [Page 69] them, if they can so judge and conceive of them, I have nothing to oppose against this power. But if by his power to determine matters of Religion, he means a power of concluding or defining, what men shall be bound in conscience to receive and beleeve for truth, and shal be look'd upon as sinning, in case they doe it not, whether they see sufficient ground for what is so concluded, and obtruded upon them, or not, (which I partly beleeve to be A. S. his sense, I am sure is the proper sense of the word) such a power is, (and I think ever will bee) the first-born of the abhorrings of my soul. I confesse I cannot be overconfident that A. S. intends the residence of such a power as this, in his Presbyterian Assemblies; partly, because he speakes somewhat like a man in this behalfe elsewhere, supposing it to be safe even for a few men to dissent from all the world, in case they have very strong reasons for their Paget Defence of Church government. pag. 29. dissent, pag. 22. and requires no subjection in particular Congregations unto the judgment of Senats or Assemblies, but according to Gods word, pag. 28. (I trust he means, so apprehended by the congregation; without this there is no subjection according to Gods word.) And again, pag. 68. acknowledgeth it as an undoubted maxime, that the church hath no absolute power in her judgments, &c. with many savoury expressions in this kind; partly also, because I find this indulgence generally subscribed with Presbyterian pens, That the authority which Classes and Synods exercise, is not absolute, nor their Decrees held to be infallible, but to be examined by the word of God, and not to be received further then they do agree herewith. And yet on the other hand I confesse, that I cannot conceive, or comprehend how A. S. his government can hold up her head like her selfe, if this Iron-mace be taken out of her hand. For my part, if this one Article of a liberty to wave Presbyteriall Injunctions and Decisions, in case of a non liquet from the word of God, to him, to whom they are tendered, will bee but assented unto, and candidly kept and performed, it would be the best Mediator I know to reconcile my thoughts and judgement to it.
4. Nor can I in the practice of the Jewish Church, find either vola or Sect. 13 vestigium of a power granted unto the Rulers thereof, to make Ecclesiasticall laws concerning things indifferent; I rather find a prohibition served upon them for making any such laws; Ye shall put nothing unto the word which I command you, nor shall you take ought therefrom, &c. Deut. 4. 2. So again, Chap. 12. 32. If A. S. can but produce one example of any such Law or Constitution made by them, he shall be a good benefactor to the penury of my notions; and in consideration thereof, I will bestow upon him a dashing out of this peece of his charge.
[Page 70] 5. And lastly, in the practice of the Jewish Church, the Prelaticall Sect. 12 Schoole sees a vision or platforme of her government also. And A. S. by your leave, the High-Priest as well in his Authoritie as in his robes and holy accoutrements, did farre more plausibly sympathize with Metropoliticall state and greatnesse, then with Presbyteriall. For my part, I am not able to discern in all the practice of the Jewish Church, from the one end of it unto the other, any peece, straine, or veine of such a patterne as A. S. speaks of. Surely the vision is so condition'd, as not to be seen but upon Presbyterian ground. The man did wisely in granting that he had no formall or expresse patterne for his government either from the Old or New Testament: but he should have done more ingenuously to have added, no nor yet any materiall or implicit patterne neither. For if he hath any materiall patterne, it is so purely materiall, that it may contend with materia prima it selfe for the prize of Invisibilitie. If he hath any implicit, it is wrapt up under so many folds and pleights of obscurity, that no seeing eye is able to pierce through to it.
But doe we not give sentence too soon? It may be his pattern from the New Testament will carry it, though that from the Old refus'd to meddle with it. But where shall we seek this? He tells us, pag. 41. That we may see it in the History of the New Testament, in the judgement given out at the Synod (either truly or untruly so called) of Hierusalem, concerning the businesse of Antiochia. What possibly we may see in length and time, is not easie to determine for the present; but I have both more hope and feare of seeing a thousand other things (which yet I cannot certainly say, that I shall see) then I have of either, ever to see Classicall proceedings demonstrated out of that passage of Scripture. Nor doth A. S. so much as put forth his little finger towards such a Demonstration, but contents himselfe (for the present) to threaten us with his own hope, of seeing the busines clearly demonstrated to us by a better hand ere long. Clear demonstrations of any thing from the Scriptures, shall be very welcome to us at any time; but me thinks I see such insuperable difficulties in the way, that I feare that Demonstration will never come out cleare. Yet because I would help forward the clearnes of it what I can, I shal make bold to propound unto him that either is, or shall be the undertaker thereof, a few particulars, which (I humbly conceive) must be substantially prov'd to make the Demonstration clear, at least to me, and many others.
1. It must be prov'd, that the Apostles in that meeting at Jerusalem, Acts 15. 6. sate there onely in the capacitie of ordinary Elders, [Page 71] or Presbyters, and not as Apostles. i. that they wav'd or silenc'd the spirit of infallibilitie which was given them, and fell to worke with the weak and fallible spirits of other men; which is, as if a man should pull out his eyes to see with the holes.
2. It must further be prov'd, that this Councell at Ierusalem had their state and set times of meeting, as weekly, monthly, yearly, or the like, and that they did not assemble occasionally onely. For this is one of the high characters of Presbytery by A. S. his owne calculation, pag. 39.
3. It must yet be prov'd, that they had Authoritatem citationis, an authoritative power to cite and call before them whom they pleased within the pale of Apostolicall jurisdiction, that is, within the compasse of the whole world.
4. It must also be made cleere, that the Apostles and Elders that were members of this Synod, were sent hereunto, by those particular Churches, over whom they had right to claime Jurisdiction, or intended to include in their determinations.
5. The Demonstration will never bee cleare, till it be substantially prov'd, that there was none authorized to sit in that Councell, but onely Church-Officers and Ecclesiasticall men; the contrary hereof seeming (at least) very apparent, from ver. 22. & 23.
6. That like wise must not be left unprov'd, that this Councell had power, as well to make new Laws of indifferent things, as to impose things necessary upon the Churches. ver. 28.
7. The Demonstrator to make his worke cleere and clever, must prove that the Churches of Syria and Cilicia, had their Commissioners or Delegates, fitting authoritatively in this Synod, because they are included in the Determination, ver. 23.
8. It must be prov'd likewise, that Paul and Barnabas sate as Commissioners upon the same terms for the Church of Antioch in this Synod.
9. It must be made to appeare, either that this Synod or Councell would have proceeded as now they did, whether they could have said, It seemed good to the Holy Ghost, and to us, or no, or that ordinary Synods or Assemblies may lawfully proceed as they did, though they have no such assurance of a concurrence of the Holy Ghost with them, as they had.
10. And lastly, Proofe must be made, that those words in the close of the Epistle (sent from this Councell to the respective Churches) [Page 72] yee shall do well, ver. 29. are fulminative, & import some such threatning or intimation as this, that if they did not submit, some further course must be taken with them.
If all these particulars shall be substantially cleered and proved, I shall freely acknowledge that there is a plausible patterne for A. S. his Government, in the new Testament, but Hic labor, hoc opus est. I shall not pre-judge any mans abilities; but for the present, I doe as much expect the fulfilling of that Poeticall Prophecie,
as I doe ever to see that fifteenth of the Acts, safely deliver'd of the man-child cal'd Presbyterie.
Therefore A. S. must pardon us if as yet wee be not able to see any patterne at all of his Government, neither formall, nor materiall, neither explicit, nor implicit, either in the old or new Testament.
Well, but yet the man hath one string to his bowe more; though Grace wil not relieve him, it may be nature will. He hath (as hee saith) a patterne in the Law of Nature which will suffice. They must (I beleeve) have verie good appetites to Presbyterie, that will bee suffic'd with this pattern. The Law of nature is a very vast volume, and A. S. hath not quoted either page, leaf, or section of the book, so that I know not whither to turne, or where to look for his patterne. But me thinks the man himselfe hath given ample testimonie to the Law of Nature, that it is no ways guiltie of, or accessarie to his Presbyterian Government. For that which cannot be made out, to the judgements and consciences of men, without the helpe of such an host of scholastique, intricate, (if not inexplicable) distinctions, as A. S. is fain to leavie, and muster together, p. 29. 30. 31. 32. &c. before he can make either head or foot of his businesse, what other originall or descent soever it may claim, I know not, but (questionlesse) the Law of Nature will not owne. The Law of nature saith with one of natures sons; Odi difficiles nugas: she meddles not with subtilties, niceties, or curiosities of distinctions. A man that is unlearned, and but of ordinarie capacitie, that shall read the pages last quoted, may very possibly take his odde and uncouth distinctions for names of unclean spirits, and thinke that the man conjur's for his Government.
But will you please to heare the names of his beagles, with which he follows his game, and hunts classique Law out of those deep and dark caverns & tullians of the earth where Nature had hid it, stygiis (que) admoverat umbris. The first couple, Actus primus, senior, and Actus secundus, [Page 73] senior. The second couple; Actus primus, junior, and Actus secundus junior. The third, Actus primus, tertius; and Actus secundus, tertius. The fourth, Actus signatus, senior; and Actus exercitus, senior. The fift, Actus signatus, junior; and Actus exercitus, junior. The sixt, collectivè and distributivè. The seventh, formerly, and materially. The eight, Totum simpliciter, and totum & totaliter. The ninth, Omne simpliciter per omne, and pro omni & omnino vel omnimodo. The tenth Totum, totaliter, and totum modificatum. The eleventh, Divisim & conjunctim. The twelfth, per se, and per accidens: The thirteenth and last, Totum confusum, and totum ordinatum. Can any reasonable man imagine, that that conclusion or practise, which cannot be justified or cleared to the understanding and conscience of learned, pregnant and apprehensive men (for these are no lettuces for illiterate lips) but by the contributions and engagements of all these distinctions (and some others not listed) should be sufficiently contained in the Law of nature? The Law of nature is a book for every mans reading and understanding; but this volume of distinctions is scarce for any mans. If A. S. and his partie would but spare the vulgar and common sort of men (as there is neither reason, nor Religion but why they should) from putting their necks under the yoke of Classique Governement, untill they can plough with these heifers, I meane till he or they have made them capable of all these distinctions, for my part I should not feare much danger or inconvenience from it, except it were the intercepting or suspending of such a Governement, as might be a benefit and blessing to them, whilest they are in preparing for the other.
In the mean time we clearly see that all A. S. his foundations for his Presbyteriall building, fail him: neither the old Testament, nor the New, nor yet the Law of Nature, will consent to beare or to support any such fabrique. Nor is all that hath been here said by way of contest with him about his Government, any whit more then a first fruits of what is further opposeable to it.
Chapt. 4
Concerning the form of Church-government maintained by the Apologists, commonly called (nomine ad invidiam comparato) by the nick-name of Independency; by themselves Congregationall: and whether A. S. his exceptions against it, be materiall, or of that moment, that it should give place to its Competitor.
FOr the justification of this Government in a cataskeuastique or assertive way, I shall plead nothing further (for the present) then [Page 74] what the Presbyterian School it self grants, conceiving that to be a ground impregnable, especially quoad homines, to found the lawfulness of it upon. I shall rather address to my Antagonist A. S. and try whether he be any whit more dexterous at pulling down, then we lately found him at building up; it may be he is better at hiding, then at finding.
But first, towards the building up of the Congregationall Government, See M [...]st [...]r [...] H [...]le Independency &c. p. 2. th [...]s corner-stone is given us by our Adversaries, that where there is no neighbourhood of Congregations, or single Churches, whereby they may with conveniency be aiding each to other, there a single Congregation must not be denyed [...]ntireness of jurisdiction.
If wee cannot upon this advantage of ground, make good this government against all opposition, it is very ill bestowed on us, and wee deserve to be punished with that, which lifts up it self against it. But,
First, if entireness of Government or jurisdiction be not to be denyed to a single Congregation, when it is solitary, and without neighbours, then certainly it hath a lawfull right, title, or claim to such a Jurisdiction. For whatsoever doth not in a way of equity or right belong unto any man, ought to be denyed unto him. If then a single Church in this case, hath a right to an intireness of rule and government within it self, I would gladly know, by what right any other Church or churches, be they never so many, can take away this right or priviledge from it. Those whom God hath put together (saith our Saviour, in the case of marriage) let not man put asunder. Doubtless, if a single Church, under the circumstance mentioned, hath a right to an intireness of jurisdiction within it self, it hath this right conferred upon it by God, or Christ himself, there being no other fountain or foundation thereof imaginable. And if so, then who ever shall take away, or deny this right of Jurisdiction unto it, must shew a commission from heaven to do it, or otherwise be guilty of putting those a sunder whom God hath joyned together.
Secondly, if a Church yet single, be invested with a power of Jurisdiction within it self, and should be cashiered of this power, by the rising up of more Churches neer unto her, then that which is intended by God as a table, should become a snare unto her; she should suff [...]r l [...]ss, and have sorrow from those, by whom shee ought to be comforted.
Thirdly, If a single Church should suffer loss of so considerable a priviledge, as entireness of Jurisdiction is, by the multiplication of Churches neer unto her, then cannot this Church pray for the propagation of the Gospel in places neer to it, but she must pray against her [Page 75] own comfort and peace; which is a sore temptation upon her, either to pray very faintly, or not to pray at all, for such a thing.
If it be objected and said, that intireness of Jurisdiction is no benefit or priviledge to a single Church, but rather an inconvenience, or a diminutive priviledge at best, and that her condition shall be improv'd, not impaired, by combining her self in point of government with other Churches: I answer,
First, that the Scripture it self makes intireness of government, or subjection only unto those that are of the same society or body, a speciall mercy, favour, and blessing from God. And their Nobles shall be of themselves (saith God, speaking of that great goodness he meant to shew unto his people after their return from Babylon) and their Governour shall proceed from the midst of them▪ &c. Jer. 30. 21. So it is made a character or sign of the prosperous estate of Tyres, that her wise men that were in her, (i. of her own Nation) were her pilots, Ezek. 27. 8.
Secondly, subjection unto strangers, is still spoken of as matter of punishment and sorrow: Give not thine heritage to reproach, that the heathen should reigne over it, Joel 2. 17. The Nations of the Jews were expresly forbidden to set strangers to rule over them, Deut. 17. 15.
If it be objected; But Pastours or Elders of neighbour Churches ought not to be looked upon as strangers, but as Brethren: I answer, (in a word) though they be brethren in comparison of the unbelieving party of the world, and in respect of their spirituall descent from the same Father with them; yet have they more of the relation and consideration of strangers to them, then those that are (as it were) of the same domestique society with them. And therefore subjection to them, must needs have less of the blessing, and more of the curse in it, then subjection to their own.
Thirdly, the grant of Government and Rule within themselves unto Towns and Corporations, were ever esteemed matters of speciall grace and favour from Princes: and have sometimes been purchased with great summes by the Inhabitants.
Fourthly and lastly, reason it self demonstrates intireness of Government, to be a sweet priviledge and benefit to a particular Church. First, in case a man be questioned, he saves a proportion both of time, and labour of travell in respect of whath must undergo, if hee were to make his answer at a Consistory further off. Secondly, proceedings against him in his own society shall be regulated, managed and ordered by his owne Pastour, who is a Father unto him in the Lord, and who in all reason, and according to the course of (al most) all constant experience, [Page 76] is more tender, affectionate, and compassionate towards him, then the Pastors of other flocks, and those that are strangers to him. The Pharaoh that knew Joseph, dealt well by him, his kindred, and seed: but (saith the Text) There arose another Pharaoh that knew not Joseph, and he evill intreated our Fathers, &c. Thirdly, he shall be tried, and sentenced by those, who know not how soon it may be their own case to be tried and sentenced by him again; which in reason cannot but teach them moderation and equity, in whatsoever they shall act or suggest against him; whereas, a Consistory of standing Judges, whose fair necks have little or no cause to fear any yoke of being judged themselves, are in far more danger, through a confident and constant use of the Scepter, of having their hand hardened, and their little finger soon made as heavie as their loins. It is a good rule which A. S. himself prompteth us withall in this case, pag. 10. Nunquam satis fida potentia, ubi nimia est; power seldom yeelds any good fruit, where it is too rank and luxuriant. Fourthly, it is a great incouragement and confirmation of face, to a man that is accused, and is call'd to answer for himselfe, especially, if he be any thing tender foreheaded and bashfull, as many of inferiour breed and education are, to answer before those, whose faces are familiar to him, and with whose persons he is well acquainted; and the contrary is a kind of oppression to such a man. Such an advantage or disadvantage as this, may easily amount to as much, as either a mans standing, or falling in this cause. A Consistory of strange faces, especially the persons being all of superiour rank and quality to him, may be to a plain man, of as bad a consequence, a [...] the seeing of Medusa's head was (among the Poets) it may turn him into a stone, and make him able to say little for himself; whereas, if he be to make answer at home, the knowledge and interest hee hath, of, and in those persons before whom he is to speak, will be a soveraign antidote unto him against such fears, as otherwise might betray him in his cause. Fifthly, in this Government we speak of, by the Congregation, private Christians have the opportunity of seeing and hearing from time to time, all the carriages, debates, and judiciary proceedings in the Church, which will be not only matter of much satisfaction, but also as a school of wisdom and experience unto them daily; whereas, if these transactions be negotiated at a remote Consistory, the private Christian loseth his portion and interest in them. Sixthly (and lastly) Conclusions many times are very offensive and hard to be digested, for want of the knowledge of the premisses, that should allay and sweeten them. Classique determinations and awards, especially when they rise high, the reasons [Page 77] and grounds of them being (for the most part) unknown to the generality of men, and of hard construction with them: whereas the issues and awards that are brought forth in a Congregation, the whole series and storie of all proceedings, à capite ad calcem, being known unto all, must needs be much more satisfactory, and of a far better resentment with men. These reasons might have been inlarged with much more strength and weight, and many others likewise added to them; but for the present, desirous wee are that brevity should have the casting voyce.
Who then can lay any thing to the charge of this Government? That can I (quoth A. S. in effect, p. 38, 39.) I have sixteen reasons or objections against it. Yea, but A. S. your sixteen Reasons (or at least the greatest part of them, as far as I can see) have all but one head; and if that be struck off, all those reasons are but as so many dead corpses. You alledge against the Apologists, that the remedy in their way of Government, for the reducing of whole Congregations or Churches, in case they miscarry or be irregular, is not sufficient nor satisfactory. This you prove by laying pen upon paper, untill you had sixteen reasons (so called) in black and white. I shall not spend time in transcribing these your Reasons, but shall desire the Reader (though it may be some discourtesie unto you) to take your book into his hand, and to consider of them with what is repon'd in Answer to them.
And first, for that defectiveness you charge upon the Congregationall Government, for the reduction of whole Churches, under errours, miscarriages, &c. I answer:
First, Suppose that course or means which the Apologists insist upon, a with-drawing, and renouncing all Christian communion with such Churches, untill they repent, be not in the eye of reason or humane conjecture a means sufficient for such a purpose, and that not only sixteen, but six and twenty reasons, and those more plausible then A. S. his sixteen, could be levied against it, yet if it be a means which God hath authorized for the effecting it (as I verily believe it is, neither doth A. S. nor any of his, that yet I have met with, prove the contrary) it will do the deed, and prosper, when as seven other means that are greater of flesh, and more promising, will but beat the air, and do little of what was intended and projected to have been done by them. How many reasons may we probably conceive, that the disputers of this world in Paul's time, were able to bandie against preaching, whereby to prove it foolishness? yet this was, and still is, and ever will be, maugre all the opposition of ten thousand disputations and reasons [Page 78] against it, the wisdome of God, and the power of God, to save those that believe. The strength and power of sacred Ordinances do not lie in their natures, but in their relations or institutions. Now, that a with-drawing of Christian communion from persons walking inordinately, is an Ordinance or means appointed by God, for the reducing and reclaiming of them, is evident, 2 Thes. 3. 6. with the 14. We warn you Brethren, in the Name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that yee withdraw your selves from every brother that walketh inordinately, &c. and vers. 14. If any man obey not this our saying in this letter note him, and have no company with him, that he may be ashamed. Clearly implying, that to with-draw communion, and to deny Christian fellowship unto Christians walking inordinately, is both a means of Divine institution, and otherwise proper and commodious in it self, to reclaim and bring them to Repentance. There is the same reason of Churches in this behalf, which there is of persons; Churches being nothing else but persons embodied.
Secondly, suppose there were no such sufficient or satisfactory remedy for the inconvenience mentioned in the way of the Apologists, as A. S. conceives to be in his (which yet there is, as hath in part already, and will afterwards further appear) yet Lawyers have a saying, that a mischief is better then an inconvenience. A man had better run the hazard of a greater loss, then expose himself to a daily wasting and consuming of his estate. A man had better be wet through and through with a soaking showre once a yeer, then be exposed in his house to continuall droppings all the yeer long. The Delinquencie of whole Churches, (such I mean, as is matter of publique scandall or offence to their neighbour Churches) is not an every dayes case, no more in the way of Congregationall then of Presbyteriall Government: you acknowledge the rarity of it in your Government, and we affirm it in ours. Now then much better it is, to want a remedy against such an evill, which possibly may not fall out within an age, though it be greater when it doth fall, then it is to expose our selves to continuall droppings, I mean, to those daily inconveniences which wee lately shewed to be incident to the Classique Government.
Thirdly, they that implead the Congregationall way, for being defective, as touching the matter in hand, seem to suppose, that God hath put a sufficiency of power into the hands of men, to remedy all defects, errours, and miscarriages of men whatsoever. Else why should it be made matter of so deep a charge and challenge against the way of the Apologists, that it affords not a sufficient and satisfactory remedy either to prevent or heal all possible miscarriages in all churches? [Page 79] I would willingly know, in case your Church transcendent, your supreme Session of Presbyters, should miscarry, and in your Doctrinall determinations, give us hay, stubble, and wood, in stead of silver, gold, and precious stones, (a misprision, you know, wel-neer as incident to such Assemblies, yea, and to those that are more generall and oecumeniall then so, as obstinacy in errour is to particular Congregations) what remedy the poor Saints and Churches of God under you have, or can expect against such a mischiefe; or what remedy you now have in the way of your government, for the recovering of your selves out of such a snare, more then what the Congregationall way affordeth, for the reclaiming of particular Churches. Nay, the truth is, your Government in such a case is at a greater loss in respect of any propable or hopefull remedy against such an evill (which yet is an evill of a most dangerous consequence) then the other way of Government is for the reduction of particular Churches. That hath the remedy of God (as hath been shewed) though not the remedy of men, and yet that remedy of God which it hath, is appliable by men, and those known who they are, viz. the Churches of Christ neer adjoyning; but if your great Ecclesiastique body be tainted or infected, though never so dangerously, Corpora morbis majora patent. Sen. God must have mercy on you, and that in a way somewhat (at least) more then ordinary, if ever you be healed. For that Directive power in matters of Religion, which, had you left it in other mens hands, might in this case, through the blessing of God, have healed you, being now only in your own, hath not only occasioned that evill disease that is upon you, but also leaves you helpless and cureless by other men. A. S. makes the greatest part of his arguments against that way of Government which hee opposeth, of what iffs, I mean, of loose and impertinent suppositions, and cases, that are not like to fall out, till ursa major, and ursa minor meet (unto which kind of arguments, every whit as much as enough hath been answered already) but he shall shew himself a soveraign Benefactour indeed to the Presbyterian cause, if he can find out a remedy satisfactory and sufficient against that sore evill we speak of incident to his Government in the case mentioned: which is a case both of a far worse consequence then the obstinacy of a particular Church in some error; and (I fear) of a far more frequent occurrence then the world is willing to take notice of.
Fourthly, let us ponder a little, how sufficient and satisfactorie that remedie against the evill now in consideration, is, which the Classique politie, under the protection of A. S. his pen, so much glorieth in; let [Page 80] us compare the two remedies, of the two corriving polities together, as A. S. hath done, after this manner.
But the Presbyteriall Government (saith he, p. 39.) is subject to none of these inconveniences: For the collective or combined eldership having an Authoritative power, all men and Churches thereof are bound by Law and Covenant to submit themselves thereunto: Every man knoweth their set times of meeting, wherein sundrie matters are dispatched, and all things carried by pluralitie of voyces, without any schisme or separation. Not to be troublesome to the man about his Grammaticals, (wherein his pen slips oftner then Priscian will tolerate in such a piece) because in these he opposeth nothing but a mans conceit either of overmuch scholarship, or overmuch care, in him.
Here is a remedie indeed against some inconveniences; but whether the inconveniences be not much better then the remedie, adhuc sub Judice lis est. But what are the inconveniences?
The first is, that Churches being equall in authoritie, one cannot binde another to give any account, in case of offence given. Well, what is the remedie for this in Classique constitution? The combined Eldership having an authoritative power, all men and Churches thereof are bound by Law and Covenant to submit themselves, &c. What is another inconvenience? In case other churches were offended in the proceedings of a particular church, they could not judge in it; for then they should be both judge and partie in one cause, &c. Well, what is the remedie in Presbyterian politie? The combined Eldership having an authoritative power, all men and Churches, &c. What is a third inconvenience? That Congregationall Government giveth no more power or authoritie to a thousand Churches over one, then to a Tinker, yea to the Hangman over a thousand, &c. What is the Presbyterian remedie for this? The combined Eldership having an Authoritative power, &c. The combined Eldership with their Authoritative power together with a Law or Covenant whereby all men and Churches under them, are bound to submit unto them, are as bars of iron and gates of brasse to keep out al those inconveniences, irregularities, defilements, pollutions, out of the Presbyterian Temple, whereunto (it seems) the Congregationall temple, for want of such stoure and tight provisions, lies open. But,
First, what if your combined Eldership hath neither footing nor foundation in the Word of God? It is not the serviceablenesse of it against a thousand such inconveniences as were mentioned, that will justifie it. Souls offering sacrifice was a means to prevent the scattering of the people from him; yet Samuel told him that he had done foolishly in [Page 81] it; and it cost him his Kingdom. 1 Sam. 13. 9. 13. 14. So the putting forth of Vzz [...]h's hand to stay the Ark, was a meanes to keepe it from being shaken; but yet the doing of it cost him his life. Peters valour and zeale in drawing his sword, and laying about him, was a likely meanes of rescuing his Master; but the Lord Christ preferred the imminent danger of his life before such a rescue, and check'd the sword that was drawne for him againe into the sheath. That Law and constitution in the Papacie, whereby all men & all Churches thereof, are bound to submit their judgements in matters of Faith to the decision of the Papall Chair, is as soveraigne a remedie against all those inconveniences named, as that for which Classique Authoritie is so much magnified by you; and yet it is never the lesse abominable in the eyes both of God and men. The Question is not, which Government will serve most turnes; but which is most agreeable to the will and Word of God. If that of Presbyterie be defective this way, as there is extreame cause to feare it is, this defect cannot be recompenced or redeemed by any other commendation whatsoever.
Secondly, neither can we with any tolerable satisfaction informe our selves out of all your discourse, either what you meane by that Authoritative power, which you claime to your combined Eldership, nor yet how, or by what, or whose Authoritie, they come to be invested with it. As for the power, sometimes you deny it to be Magisteriall, or such, which may not lawfully be declin'd, when a man cannot submit unto it without disobedience to God; otherwise, you make it so irrefragably sacred, as if it were no lesser sin then perjurie it selfe, to detract it. Again, for the investiture of your Eldership with this power, whether they arrogate it unto themselves and are their own carvers, or whether the Civill State and Parliamentarie Law, or whether the free and joynt consent of those over whom this power is exercised, do conferre and derive it upon them, you informe us not, but count an ignoramus, better then a verdict. But till you do resolve us by what Authoritie or power this Authoritative power comes into the hand of your combined Eldership, we shall thinke it safer to stand to the hazard and dammage of all the inconveniences spoken of, then to subject to it.
Thirdly, if the Law of the State, be the first and most considerable band or tye upon men to submit unto the power of your combined Eddership (as you seeme here to imply, in saying that all men & all Churches thereof are bound by Law, &c.) then 1. you must acknowledge that the root and base of your Government is potestas secularis, secular [Page 82] authoritie; and then how is it Ecclesiastick or spirituall? A man may as well bring a clean thing out of an unclean (in Jobs expression) as make a spirituall extraction out of a secular root. Secondly, it will rest upon you to prove, that the Civill State hath a power to forme and fashion the government of the Churches of Christ. Yea, thirdly (and lastly) it will be demonstratively proved against you, that you resolve the government of the Churches of Christ (in the last resolution of it) into the humors, wills, and pleasures of the world, yea of the vilest and most unworthy of men. But,
Fourthly (and lastly) the Authoritative power of your combined Eldership being granted unto you, we doe not see how the inconveniences you find in the Congregationall way, will bee much better solv'd in yours. For first, what if a particular Congregation under the jurisdiction of your Eldership, reflecting upon the Oath or Covenant it hath taken for subjection thereunto, (as likewise upon all other engagements that way) as unlawfull, shall peremptorily refuse to stand to the awards or determinations of it, what will you do in this case? How will your combined Eldership remedy this inconvenience? What? will you excommunicate this Church? The Apologists in their way do little lesse; (and that by a power farre lesse questionable then yours) nay in your interpretation they doe every whit as much: Or will you deliver them over Brachio seculari? to be hamper'd and taught better then it seems you can teach them, by prisons, fines, banishment, &c. O A. S. remember you tar'd the Apologists, for comporting in a very small matter (in comparison) with the Arminians (in case it had been true) and will you comply with the Papists in a matter of this high nature? Churches had need take heed how they chuse men for their Guardians, that will so dispose of them if they please them not. Besides, you know what was said in the second chapter, touching the power of the Magistrate in this case. And what if in the Session of your combined Eldership there be no such thing as plurality of votes concerning excommunication of such a Church, (as it is very possible that in such a meeting the truth may find just as many friends as error hath, and no more) is not the remedy you spake of, now in the d [...]st?
Again secondly, (to touch upon the second inconvenience mentioned) when your combined Eldership proceeds against a particular Church amongst you, upon offence taken, is not this Eldership as well Party as Judge? If you think you have every whit the better of it, because your Eldership, though it be both Party and Judge, yet hath [Page 83] an authoritative power over those whom it judgeth: I answer first, that as our Saviour told Pilate, He could have no power against him, except it were given him from above; no more can your Eldership have over those whom it judgeth in this case. Now how uncertain and faint the probabilities are, that they have any power over them given them from above, hath been formerly shewed at large. And if that power which your Eldership claimeth, and exerciseth over the Church arraigned, be not from above, then the Apologists remedy is farre better and safer then yours. Secondly, to hold and maintain, that all those that have an Authoritative power over men, may lawfully by vertue of such power, be both parties and Judges, is to exalt all manner of tyranny, violence and oppression by a Law. Upon such a supposition, men invested with authority and power, whether in Church or State, may be their own carvers, and serve themselves of the estates, liberties and lives of those that are under them, how, and when, & as oft as they list. And why doe you not submit to the decisive judgment of the King in all controversies depending between you and him, if that be your doctrine?
For the third inconvenience (so called) I shall be your debtour to tell me plainly and distinctly, what power more your government giveth to a thousand Churches over one, then to a Tinker, or the Hangman, over a thousand. I doe not remember where either your selfe, or any of your party, have calculated the proportion; but I well remember a saying in Charron, That every humane proposition hath equall authoritie, Tout proposition humaine a autant d'authorite quel' autre, si la raison n'on fait la difference. Charron de sag [...]sse. Plus credend [...] est assertioni alicujus simplicis & non authorizati excellenter in Scripturis eruditi, quam declarationi Papae. if reason make not the difference: and another of Gerson (much commended by Protestant Authors, though the Author of it Pontificiall) The saying of a simple man, and no wayes authoriz'd, if he be well seen in the Scriptures, is rather to be beleeved, then the Popes own determination. But A. S. what makes you thinke (for I can easily guesse what makes you say) that the government of the Apologists gives no more power to a thousand Churches over one, then to a Tinker or Hangman over a thousand? Ʋbi, [...]uando, quibus testibus, did this government, or any son it hath, ever make any such comparison, or so farre honour either your Tinker or Hangman, as to make them equall in power to a thousand Churches. And yet I suppose, if a man should say, that the dust in the ballance hath as much life in it as the Sunne, it would be no disparagement to this excellent and glorious creature; because the excellencie of it doth not stand in any degrees or superiority of life above any other creature, but in the aboundance of light which it hath, and the height of its situation, and the serviceablenesse of it to the world by [Page 84] means of both. In like manner if it be supposed (which I think, upon what hath been delivered, may very reasonably be supposed) that the glory and excellencie of Churches doth not stand in any power or authority that one hath over another, or many over one, but in other farre more rich, and holy, and honourable endowments, relations, and qualifications, it can be no prejudice or disparagement unto ten thousand of them, to say they have no more authority over one, then A. S. his Tinker or Hangman hath over them. Therefore if A. S. his admired peece of Church-policie, hath no greater commendation, then to serve for preventing such Inconveniences as this, the world needs make no great lamentation over it, though it were in the condition of Rachels children, when she wept for them, and would not be Matth. 2. 18. comforted.
Some other inconveniences there are, wherein A. S. findes the Government which he opposeth, tardie, and thinkes he sets a crown of glory upon the head of his Presbytery, in vindicating the innocencie of it in respect of such guilt; But, alas! he washeth off this guilt with blood, or with water fouler then it (as hath been shewed) and condemneth his government in that wherein he mainly alloweth it. The guilt is innocencie, in respect of the purgation. There is one inconvenience (formerly opened and insisted upon in this chapter) very incident to Presbytery, the conscience whereof (me thinks) should make all the sons of that way, rather to cover and compassionate, then to complain or cry out of any inconvenience they either see, or rather think they see in another.
Chap. 5.
Whether the Apologists and men of their judgement, may lawfully and without danger or prejudice to the State, be tolerated: and whether A. S. his reasons to the contrarie, be of sufficient weight to perswade either to the banishment, erushing, or suppressing of them in any kind.
HE that hath read the precedent part of this discourse, and doth, though but with the lowest degree of impartialitie, consider what hath been argued between the two wayes, Presbytery and Apologisme, cannot lightly but mourne over the title of this chapter; and think him to be a man of iron entrails that should give occasion to such a Question as is there propounded.
Suppose the opinion maintained in the latter part of the second Chapter, were wav'd, and such a coercive power in matters of Religion [Page 85] as A. S. contends for, allowed in the Magistrates hand, yet that any man should plead for the drawing of this sword against those men, who first, have such a considerable strength, if not of evidence, yet of reason, for what they practise and professe: secondly, have a like (if not a more) considerable strength against that way of government which they cannot submit to. Thirdly, are by their fiercest adversaries and opposites themselves, acknowledged ten times over for very pious, godly, and learned men. Fourthly, have been (at least the generalitie of them) and so continue, men of the most affectionate, and withall the most effectuall activitie and forwardnesse to promote the great cause of Religion, Parliament, and Kingdome. Fifthly, are as deep in, or (if you will) as much out of their estates rateably, for the support of this cause, as any other sort of men whatsoever. Sixthly, have (many of them) such as were meet for such a service, adventur'd their persons and lives, in the face of the rage and furie of the common enemie, continuing still in the same engagements. Yea, seventhly (and lastly) have (some of them) exposed themselves to more danger, and harder termes from the adverse party, then ordinary (in case they should prevaile) by a publick vindication of the cause of the Parliament in print from the Scriptures, and that before any man of differing judgment from them in Church affairs, appeared in the cause upon such termes; that any man (I say) on this side of malignancie, should consult the sorrow, trouble, disgrace, suppression, ruine of men, so holy, so harmlesse, of such eminent desert in the cause of Religion, State, Kingdome, me thinkes should exceed the line of humanity, and be thought some inspiration or suggestion from the great enemy of mankind.
Neverthelesse, if either God, Reason, the peace or safety of the Kingdome, require the sorrows or sufferings of these men, I make no question but they will be willing to dispense with all considerations whatsoever that stand up to plead their immunitie, and will with Isaac patiently suffer themselves to be bound, yea and to be offered up in sacrifice also, if need be. Onely their humble request and suit is, that they may not be sacrificed upon the service of the ignorance, vain surmises, needlesse jealousies, bitter suggestions, whether of a few, or of many. Better a thousand times is it, that such distempers as these, though found in millions of men, should suffer, were it never so deep, then that the least hair of the head of one of those men should fall to the ground.
One A. S. (it seems) is come forth with a band of one and twentie [Page 86] Reasons, to attach the liberty of these men, and to seize the fredome of their consciences, and comforts for the use of the Presbytery, though his word be, For God and his Countrey. But let us give him an unpartiall hearing of what hee hath to say: If the Presbyterie hath right either to the liberties or comforts of these men, God forbid that any man should deny them unto it.
Wee shall take the Allegations into consideration, in that order that himself presents them, in p. 61. 62, 63▪ 64, 65. of his Discourse; desiring the Reader once more, to reade the tenour of them more at large from his own pen, because I intend my Answer with as little transcribing as may be.
To the first we answer: first, that we are no wayes able to comprehend, A. S. his first Reason against Toleration, Answered. why, or how the toleration of the Apologists and theirs, should open any doore to all sorts of erroneous opinions, any whit more then A. S. his entertaining of a sober and discreet servant to wait upon him, should open a door to all the Kings guard to become his houshold attendants: or then an allowance of provender to his friends horse, should open a door to all Prince Ruperts troops to rack and manger with him. Nay, secondly, wee are verily perswaded (and that upon good grounds) that the granting unto the Apologists a free exercise of their Ministery, will (under God) be an effectuall means both of chasing away of many erroneous opinions, which are (for the present) fighting against the truth of God amongst us; as also of preventing the coming on of further supplies from Hell unto them. A. S. himself gives them this testimony, pag. 70. that whoever knows them, knows well they want no abilities to dispute their opinion in any Assembly in Europe. Men of their abilities, being sound and orthodox in their judgements withall, are Carpenters prepared (as it were) on purpose by God, for the cutting down of the horns of false doctrines and opinions, if they be suffered to work.
Thirdly, (and lastly) if the worst should come to the worst (as the saying is) better a door opened to all sorts of erroneous opinions, yea, and to many other inconveniences greater then this; then that the guilt of any persecution, or of any evill intreatings of the Saints and servants of God should cleave unto a people or State.
To your second Alledgement, why no Toleration for the Apologists, Answer to his second Reason. we answer; first, that the very constitution of it is but superstitiousness of fear: The shadow of the mountains seem men unto you. It may breed factions and divisions between persons of whatsoever relation, &c. Judg. 9. May (the countrey Proverb saith) comes but once a yeer; but that May [Page 87] this Proverb speaks of, must come so oft; but A. S. his May, may possibly not come in an age, no nor in many generations. And would he have so many thousand of the dear children and servants of God, as do Apologize in the Land, actually and out of hand, be compelled to eat their bread in darkness, to be filled with heaviness, and many of them (it is like) to perish by hunger, nakedness, &c. for the honour and exaltation of his May be?
The man speaks as if he had been bred of rocks, and suck'd the milk of Tygres.
Doth he not deserve to be beaten with his own rod? and because his writing books may cause many troubles and distractions amongst us, not to be tolerated to have pen, ink, or paper any more?
Secondly, I would know of him, whether hee deemeth himself to be of another Religion then the Apologists, because he dissents in judgement from them about Church-government. If so, he must deem himself eithe Arminian, Papist, Socinian, or worse; if not, then Candorem tuum A. S. in that malignant expression, whereby you would make simple people believe, that the father and the son, and so the husband and wife, are of different Religions, when they do not walk in the same way of Church Discipline.
Thirdly, why should such a difference as this, at least a liberty thus to differ, without smarting on either side, breed factions or divisions between persons in relation? Doth the wilde Ass bray (saith Job) when he hath grass? or loweth the Ox over his fodder? Surely persons are never Job 6. 5. upon better terms of advantage to agree, then when contentment is injoyed on every side. Or in case of such a difference as we speak of, if it be matter of discontent to one party, that the other is not of the same practice with him, you may confidenly believe that the miscarriage in this kind rests on the Presbyterian side; the spirit thereof inordinately lusting after unity in practice, viz. whether either there be any unity in judgement or no, yea, or whether there be any ground for it or no, on the dissenting side. You may prophecie of troubles and distractions likely to arise in families and other relations, with somewhat the less danger of miscarrying in your predictions, if you animate or incourage those that are, or shall be of your party, to make the fray. As I have read a story of a Wizard in France, who foretold the death of the Duke of Burgondie upon a certain day; and to make [Page 86] [...] [Page 87] [...] [Page 88] himself a true Prophet, when the day came, murthered him himself.
4. Suppose A. S. should have the Apples given him which his soul lusteth after, and no toleration granted, would there not be as much, if not more, reason to fear factions and divisions between Magistrate and Subject, Husband and Wife, &c. as otherwise? If God should not incline the judgement, or not satisfie the conscience of the one of these parties in relation, concerning the lawfulness of that Government Presbyteriall, which wee suppose (for argument sake) to be established without a toleration of any other, would not the party agrieved and burthened in this kinde, be (in all likelihood) worse company for the other, more troubled, more discontented, and every whit as much divided, both in judgement and practice from him; yea, and more divided in affection, discontentment being one of the greatest enemies that are, to love, union, and peace? Were it not a thousand times better, and more conducing unto unity in affection and peace, rather to suffer the discontented party to marry then to burn, I mean, to injoy the freedom of their conscience, rather then to be perpetually kept in an iron chain of spirituall discontent? We cannot but know that relations were incumbred with such factions and divisions, as A. S. speaks of, even whilst the mountain of Samaria stood, I mean, when Episcopacy reigned, when yet there was no toleration of Pluralities of Church-government (though of Church-livings there was.)
5. Nothing is more frequent in and about the City, then for members of the same family, to address themselves to severall Ministeries from time to time, the husband to hear in one place, the wife in another, the childe in a third, for their better spirituall accommodations respectively, yea, and sometimes to communicate with severall Ministers, without the least breach or touch of discontentment on any side.
6. And lastly, It can hardly be expected, especially in this Kingdom, where the godly and understanding party have so long suffered, and that in extremity, from a peremptory imposed State-government, without any relaxation or mitigation, and have lately tasted the unexpressible sweetness of ease, peace, and liberty of conscience, that they should without extreme discontent be brought back into another house of bondage, where the furnace of peremptory subjection is like to be heat every whit as hot, as in the other. Excellency of teaching, and that abundant light of the knowledge of God, which hath shined from the Ministery amongst us, into the hearts of many thousands, have made the conscience very soft and tender in many. And where [Page 89] conscience is tender, a little violence is a great torment to it.
To A. S. his third reason, to prove the intolerableness of a Toleration, His third Reason Answerd. wee answer, that the inward parts of it are but vanity and falshood. For, 1. It supposeth that malignant supposition we spake of, viz. that Presbyterie and Apologisme, make two differing Religions. 2. That there is no State in Christendome, where there is one only Religion established, that will admit the publike exercise of any other; which is manifestly untrue, as is notoriously known in France, the Low-Countries, &c. 3. And lastly, it supposeth, that Apologisme, in case it be tolerated, must needs become a Schisme in that Religion which is established in the Land. Wee conceive, that every difference in judgement doth not make a Schisme in that Religion which is professed on both sides; we shall then finde abundance of the weed growing in the Presbyterian field it self. I my self know differences not a few amongst that party; and some not of the lightest consequence. Or, if his meaning be, that the practice of it, in case of a Toleration, should become a Schisme from the Presbyterian Church or Government, wee answer, 1. That as yet wee have no Presbyterian Church or Government amongst us; and so, if the toleration be granted before such a Government be established, it is apparently [...], out of the reach of such an imputation for ever. 2. If it be not a Schisme before, and without a toleration, I do not apprehend what influence or aspect a Toleration should have upon it, to make it one. 3. And lastly, I conceive him to be an incompetent Judge, uncapable of knowing or determining what a Schisme is, who acknowledgeth his ignorance or non-knowledge of what a Church is, which is a A. S. his Profession or confession (which you will) pag. 21. And in this also we confess our ignorance, that wee know not wherein consisteth its essence or being (speaking of a Church) I cannot believe that he should perfectly know the nature of darkness, that is ignoranant of what belongs to light; nor that he should know what death is, who is ignorant wherein life consisteth; nor that he should know what a schisme or rent means, that knows not what belongs to the unity and intireness of the body. The rule among the sons of Reason, in all such cases as these, is this; Rectum est index sui & obliqui; And again, that en [...]ia privativa cognoscuntur ex suis positivis. &c.
Your 4 th Reason, is rather somewhat else then a Reason; a confession His fourth Reason Answered. of the dimness or weakness of your sight. I cannot see (say you) how (a Toleration) can well be denyed to other Sects, if it be granted to our Brethren: But,
[Page 90] 1. Do you remember, how you quip your Brethren (as here you call them) for a like expression us'd by them, pag. 41. If yee see no Scripture for it, yet others (you tell them) may see. So here wee tell you, that though you cannot see how a Toleration can well be denyed to other Sects, if it should be granted unto your Brethren, yet others may see how very well it may. Bernardus non videt omnia.
2. It is much that you should not be able to see such a thing as this, who have such command over your eyes (as was noted formerly) as to see what you will. Is it a matter of such profound and difficult speculation, to conceive, how hee that hath the keeping of a door with lock and key, and bolts to it, should let in one man that knocks, without letting in all comers?
3. Whereas you determine it to be a Question inextricable, to expound cleerly, what sects and what opinions are to be tolerated, and what not, do you not prevaricate with your own cause and confidence, and put the Magistrate to a stand, whether he should tolerate your opinion for Presbyterian government, or not? Nay, do you not put him out of all hope of ever coming to a cleer resolution of what is his duty to do in this kind? For what patent can you shew from heaven, why this opinion of yours should not abide the test and triall of that law, which here you impose upon others? I believe there are very few, either Sects or Opinions amongst us (in both w ch notwithstanding we abound more then is for our comfort) that either are liable to more considerable and materiall exceptions, or that have been dealt with by an higher hand of opposition and conviction, then this of yours. And why any one opinion which is in the same or greater condemnation of unsatisfactoriness and ambiguity, then others, should magnifie it self to rule all others with a rod of iron, and to break them in pieces like a Potters vessell, equity or reason, (for my part) I know none: and I fear A. S. himself is as poor in this commodity, as I.
4. If it be so inextricable a Question, to expound cleerly, what sects and opinions are to be tolerated, and what not, how will you do to sway your Presbyterian Scepter with judgement and equity? How will you know what opinions donare Ecclesiâ, to make free denizens of your Church, and what to disfranchise? By your own rule it is an inextricable Question, cleerly to determine what opinions are to be tolerated, and what not. And if the Question be so difficult above measure, to determine what opinions are to be tolerated, and what not, it must needs be yet of a farre more difficult and weighty consideration, to resolve what are fit to be countenanced, to be established, yea, and yet more, [Page 91] to be imposed, to be inforced upon the judgements and consciences of men, and what not; toleration being an act of a farre lighter importance, then either an establishment, or an enforcement.
5. And lastly, whereas he addes (in the close of this reason) that the lesse the difference be, the greater is the schisme, and addes no more; I marvell who he thinks will entertain such a saying, the old Writ of Ipse dixit being out of date long agoe: yet the saying somewhat confirms me in what I said before, viz that the man knows not what belongs to a schism. For doth he here by a schism understand any thing that is sinful? Then he makes the lesser difference from the truth, to be a greater sin, then a greater would be. If his meaning be, that the lesse materiall the ground or reason of any mans dissenting from a major part be, the greater is his fault, or sin, in dissenting; We answer, that his Argument proceeds, not onely a non concessis, but also a non concedendis: for to dissent from a major part, though the grounds of a mans dissent be no matters of deep consequence, yet if they be such wherein his judgement and conscience are not satisfied, his dissent is no sin at all, and consequently cannot be the greater sin. Gnats must not be swallowed for any mans sake more then Camels.
To his fifth Reason we answer. First, that suppose God in the Old His 5 reason answered. Testament granted no toleration of divers Religions, or disciplines, doth it follow from hence, that you should grant none neither? Dare you say in matters of knowledge, authority and power, Ero similis Altissimo, you will be like the Highest? Remember the fall of the son of the morning. Will you set your threshold by Gods, and compare with him for excellencie of knowledge, or infallibilitie of discerning? If you could assure us, after the rate of a divine assurance, that that Religion and Discipline which you would impose on us, are in all points sound, and justifiable in the sight of God, we could much better beare the height of your indignation against a toleration of any discipline or opinions but your own.
Secondly, though God granted no such toleration (as you speak of) in terminis, yet he straightly prohibited all manner of violence, oppression, and hard measure among his people one towards another; and in speciall manner charged it upon the consciences of the rich, not to take any advantage of the povertie of their brethren, to exact upon them, enslave them, and the like. Though such Lawes as these, in the letter of them, respected onely civill transactions and dealings between men, yet the equitie and spirit of them extends to spirituals also, men being every whit as liable to violence, oppression, and hard [Page 92] measure from men for their conscience sake, as in any other respects, or upon any other grounds whatsoever. Therefore in case there had been a minor party in that Nation, that had been of a peculiar judgement by themselves, about the sense and meaning of such or such a Law, relating unto practice (as Lawes generally doe in one kinde or other) and so had dissented in this practice from the major part of their brethren in their Nation; in case this major part had taken the advantage of their brethrens weaknesse, and because they were fewer in number, should have forc'd them, against the light of their judgments, to alter their practice, or if they refused, should have troden and trampled upon them, or any wayes evill intreated them, it had been as apparent a breach of the Laws we spake of, as any oppression or violence in civill proceedings. And the truth is, that for men that are truly conscientious, civill liberty (as it is called) i. freedome from illegall taxes, impositions, exactions, imprisonments, without libertie of conscience, is an accommodation of little value; yea, without this, such men are not capable of much ease or benefit by the other. They are still in danger of being in trouble and molestation from the State, for their conscience sake.
3. Though God gave no such toleration (as you speak of) by a law, yet he did actually tolerate for a long time together with much patience, not onely a minor, but a major part of the Jewish Nation, in a manner the whole Nation, and that not only in some opinions or practises, which were disputably false or sinfull, but even in such which were notoriously and unquestionably such. [...] (saith Paul, Act. 13. 18.) He suffered (or tolerated) their manners in the wildernesse fourtie yeares; and afterwards in the land of Canaan, many and many a yeare longer, even till there was no remedy (as the Scripture somewhere speaketh. So then, if you be willing to follow the practice and example of God (an honour whereunto you seem to pretend in this Reason) you must tolerate your brethren, not onely in some opinions and practises which are dialectically and topically evill, but even in those which are demonstratively such.
4. And lastly, whereas you adde, that the New Testament requireth no lesse union among Christians, then the old did amongst the Jewes, we acknowledge the truth of what you say, but the pertinencie of it to your purpose, we yet desire. Though the New Testament requires union amongst Christians, and that very ardently and pressingly, yet it doth not require him that is stronger to cudgell him that is weaker into the same opinion with him. If you be of a better growth and stature [Page 93] in knowledge then we, and comprehend such truths as wee doe not yet understand, we are most willing, as farre and as fast, as meat and nourishment will doe it, to grow up unto you; onely we would not be rack'd or stretch'd to the same stature or proportion with you. We shewed in our second Chapter, what meanes the New Testament hath appointed and sanctified, for the effecting of the unitie amongst the Saints, which it requireth of them.
For your sixt Reason (so called) wee can scarce see the face of a His 1. Reason answered. Reason in it. You say that if your brethren do assent to your Doctrine, and are resolved likewise to assent to your Discipline, which shall be established by common consent, they need no other toleration then the rest. If your meaning be, that in case they assent to your Doctrine, and are resolved to assent to your Discipline, viz. immediately and out of hand, as soone as it comes from under the hammer, and hath but the stamp of Presbyteriall Authoritie set upon it, we are clearly of your mind, and doe not conceive, how or why they should need any other alteration, then what others have. Onely we somewhat marvell that you should so farre forget your selfe, as to imply (by this your expression) that even your Presbyterian partie it selfe standeth in need of a toleration, as well as ours. Jam sumus ergo pares. Truth (I see) is sometimes too quick and cunning for her adversaries. But if your meaning be, that a resolution in your Brethren (the Apologists) to assent to your Discipline, viz. when, and assoon as they can possibly satisfie themselves touching the lawfulnesse of it, will exempt them from a necessitie of a Toleration, both they (we suppose) and our selves shall be very glad to heare such tydings from your pen. We make no question but they are as throughly resolved to assent to your Discipline upon such termes, as you can desire them.
That you adde, is very incongruous. It would first be discussed (say you) wherein they are resolved to dissent. First, we marvell who you meane should discusse that wherein they should be resolved to dissent: especially considering, Secondly, that they do not use to take up their resolutions beforehand, not so much as to dissent at all, much lesse wherein or about what they shall dissent. Thirdly, how should they resolve beforehand, wherein, or whereabout to dissent, except they could prophecie of your future thoughts and resolutions?
You would further have it considered (but you tell us not here neither by whom) whether it be of so great importance, that in consideration thereof, they dare not, in good conscience entertain communion with you. We scarce understand your English, or meaning, here; and therefore if we [Page 94] answer besides your mind, your words are in fault. We grant that other men of good abilities, consciencee and learning, may draw up a very satisfactory resolution concerning such or such a case, or practise, about which I am scrupled; but it will not follow from hence, that therfore this resolution wil be satisfactory unto me, or that I with a good conscience may walk by it. Though the particular reason or reasons, one or more, upon which the Apologists shall refuse to entertain such a communion with you, as you mean (or at least should mean, if you speak any thing to purpose) should be by never so many, and upon never so much consideration, adjudged as insufficient, or inconsiderable to cause any such refusall in them; yet this will not impose a necessity upon them to joyn in communion with you, except you can make them capable of a sufficiencie of reason in such a resolution why they may with a good conscience submit unto it.
To your seventh Reason we answer, First, that though the Apologists His 7. Reason answered. should not be pressed to be actors in any thing against their consciences, yet there is a necessity lying upon them to be suiters for a toleration, (I mean, in case it will not be granted them without suing for, which would be a greater honour to your Presbytery, then the contrary peremptorinesse is like to be) viz. that so they may be actors of good, according to their consciences. Suppose A. S. had bread and water, wherewith to subsist, but withall had a good sum of money due to him, and that from one that was very well able to make payment, or otherwise had an opportunitie to preferre himselfe to some place of profit, credit, or the like, if hee would but become a suitor for it, would he thinke that he had no need either to require his money of him in whose hand it lies, or to sue for such preferment? The Apologists conceive there is a necessity upon them, to save the souls of others, yea of as many as they can lawfully purchase an opportunity to save, as well as their own. But,
Secondly, we know not by what authority or interest you undertake to secure them, that they shall not be pressed to be actors in any thing against their consciences. It may be you are but of the ordinary Presbyterian stature and pitch; and so your mercies, though somewhat severe, yet possibly may not be very cruell: But (saith the Scripture) in those dayes there were Giants in the earth, as well as men of the common Gen. 6. 4. standard; so wee feare a partie amongst you of Hyper-presbyterian spirits, whose Spring-tides may swell beyond your Low-water marks. But,
Thirdly (and lastly) we conceive this promise of yours to them, [Page 95] that they shall not be pressed to be actors, &c. to be broken by your selfe seven times over in your discourse, and by others of your party from time to time. To consent unto your government, is (doubtlesse) to act against their conscience; otherwise they had no reason to dissent from it. And whether to threaten them with a non-toleration, together with all the evils and miseries attending thereon, yea with paying for it in their purse and persons, in case they will not consent unto it, (as some others of your party have done) be not a pressing of them unto it, we leave unto men, whose judgments are not wholly swallowed up in the gulfe of Presbyterian zeal, to determine.
To your eighth reason, we answer, that wee finde very little heart His 8. Reason answered. or face of reason in it. The strength of it (whatever it is) lies in this hypotheticall proposition: If it be against the nature of the communion of Saints to live in Sects apart, without communicating at the Lords table, then ought not the Apologists to bee tolerated. But, &c. But good A. S. doe you conceive the men would under a toleration, live without communicating at the Lords table? I know not what communion you have with their intentions of spirits, more then I: but for the present, I am no man of your beliefe herein. Toleration or no Toleration, I beleeve they will communicate at the Lords Table, and that oftner then twice a yeare.
Secondly, if living in Sects apart be so offensive to your zeal over the communion of Saints, why do you not rather mediate a Toleration for them, then oppose it? If you shall suffer them to work with you, they will be so much the more free to eat and drink with you, and to exercise all manner of Christian friendship and familiarity with you. But if you shall thrust them into holes and corners, and judge them unworthy of all part and fellowship with you in the publick Ministery of the Gospel, you impose little lesse then a necessitie upon them to live apart, and to enjoy themselves amongst themselves; and besides represent your selves unto them as no wayes desirous of communion with them. Therefore in this reason your premisses and conclusion are at utter defiance the one against the other
As for your ninth reason, it is every whit as wilde, and wide from His 9. Reason answered. the purpose as the former. For what if the Scripture exhorts us evermore unto unity, and this unitie cannot be easily procured by a Toleration of Sects; doth it therefore follow, that godly, learned, and orthodox men, such as being encouraged, though at an under-rate, are (as was formerly shewed) both able and likely to doe as good service against Sects, as any men, are to be barr-hoysted, quash'd, crush'd, onely because [Page 96] they cannot say, A vision, where other men say it? The Scripture exhorts unto many things, which are not to be procured by every thing that is lawfull, no nor yet by every thing that is otherwise necessary and fitting to be done. Were not this a ridiculous reasoning, The Scripture exhorts to live godlily in this present world; but this cannot be procured by eating and drinking: Therefore eating and drinking are not to be tolerated. Apagecruentas nugas!
Whereas you adde, that a Toleration of Sects cannot but daily beget new Schismes and divisions. We answer, first, that this allegation we have answered already once and againe: yet secondly, we adde, that many inconveniences, sicknesses, diseases, come by eating and drinking, yet are these to be tolerated in the world. Thirdly, we plead for no toleration of any Sect, (nor of any thing so called) but which may stand with the utmost that either A. S. with his pen, or his whole partie with theirs, can doe against them to suppresse them. Fourthly, we hav [...] [...] prov'd, that Apologisme is neither Sect nor Schisme, no more then A. Ssisme is. Fifthly and lastly, whereas you say, That a Toleration of Sects cannot but daily beget new Schismes, &c. We answer, first, that Gods toleration, or long-suffering towards sinners, doth not onely lead all sinners to repentance, but also bring many thereunto. And why should not mans toleration expect an effect answerable hereunto? Secondly, the disciples in the ship were as much afraid, that their dear Lord and Master had been a foule spirit, and would have sunk them in the Sea, as A. S. is afraid of a Toleration, that it must needs beget new Schismes and divisions daily. But as the feared Destroyer proved the experienced preserver of that ship and m [...]n, so may A. S. his feared propagator of Schismes and Divisions, bee found an experienced destroyer and dissolver of them. That means of all other, which hath God in it, is likest to doe the deed: And God (we know) was neither in the tempest nor in the earthquake, nor in the fire, but in the still voice.
His tenth reason, being help'd, riseth up in this forme, If there was a His 10 Reason answered. greater difference amongst the members of the Church of Corinth, in the time of S. Paul, and yet they communicated together, and that by the Apostles exhortation, then ought not the Apologists to be tolerated. But true is the former, therefore the latter also. We answer, first, that the fabrick of your Argument is built upon a false foundation, or supposition, viz. that the reason, why the Apologists refuse communion with you (you mean, I suppose, in your sacramentall actions) is, because of the latitude, weight or degree of the differences in iudgment [Page 97] between you and them: whereas the reason of their refusall in this kinde, is the nature or particularity of the difference, together with your practice depending upon your opinion in opposition unto theirs, not the height, weight, or importance of either. A difference in judgement about the lawfulness of stinted forms of prayer, is nothing so materiall or weighty, as a difference about the nature of Faith, Justification, &c. yet the lighter difference in this case, makes persons so differing, uncapable of joyning together in Communion, in the use of such prayers; whereas the greater difference would not.
Secondly, if there were so many and great differences amongst the members of the Church of Corinth, as you speak of; and yet Paul no wayes perswaded or incouraged the predominant or major party amongst them, either to cast out, cut off, or suppress the underling parties, but exhorted them unto mutuall communion, &c. Why do not you content your self with the line of the same process, and in stead of disgracing, quashing, crushing, trampling on, only exhort the Sects and Schismes amongst you unto mutuall communion; and to the forbearance of Sects and Divisions? a practice which you do well to take notice of in the Apostle, but do ill to think that your own of club-law is better.
Thirdly (and lastly) nor do wee know any ground or good bottome you have for your assumption, wherein you affirm, that there was greater difference amongst the members of the Church of Corinth, then is between the Apologists and you. Old Ipse dixit is made to carry this burthen alone.
Your eleventh Reason is very corpulent, but less active; the chief His 11. Reason answered. ingredients of it being Abbots and Priors, Convents and Monasteries amongst the Papists, S t Francis, S t Dominick, and the Donatists, with whose opinion and practice, you say, the opinion of your Brethren too much symbolizeth. We answer, first, that Theologia symbolica non est argume tativa. Angels and Devils agree in something: yet this agreement is no impeachment, either to the holiness or happiness of the Qui ut uni haresi suae ad [...]tum [...]fac [...]r [...]t, cunctarum haeres [...] bl [...]sph [...]m [...]as [...]ctabatur, Vincent. Lyr. cap. 16. Angels. A. S. himself symbolizeth with Nestorius the Heretique in one property; of whom Vincentius Lyrinensis reporteth, that to make way for his own heresie [or opinion] hee fell heavie upon all heresies beside. Secondly, whereas he affirmeth, that the opinion of his Brethren is not unlike to the Convents and Monasteries amongst the Papists; certainly the unlikeness between them is far greater, then that between an Apple and an Oister. We cannot but wonder, how, or in what respect, the man should conceive, that an inward, spirituall and notionall [Page 98] thing, as an opinion is, should be like a great building made of lime and stone, or a pack of die fellows in a fat Fraternity. Thirdly, whereas hee insinuates a hatefull similitude between his Brethren and the Donatists, who (hee tels us) separated themselves from other Churches, under pretext that they were not so holy as their own; We answer, first, that this insinuation will not so much as in shew touch all the Apologists however, because some of them (we believe) have no Churches of their own; and therefore they cannot pretend more holiness in them, then in others. Secondly, that neither in substance or truth doth it touch any of them, or their opinion. For, first they do not separate from other Churches, but only in such opinions and practices wherein they cannot get leave of their consciences to joyn with them; the one half (at least) of which separation, is made even amongst their Churches themselves, one from another; one dissenting from another, not only in many opinions, but in some materiall practices (as before was touch'd, and that from A. S. his own pen, no wayes partiall you may think in such a case.) Secondly, we would know whether A. S. himself and his party, doth not as much symbolize with the Donatists in that criticall property or practice we speak of, as the Apologists. For under what pretext do they separate from the Church of Rome, and from Episcopall Churches, but only this, that they think not their Churches, to be as holy as their own? If they separate from them upon any other grounds, it were not much materiall, though they held communion with them still. Yea, thirdly, if they do not think their Presbyteriall Churches more holy then the Congregationall, they are far more guilty of Schisme and Separation, then their Brethren here spoken of. For then they are at liberty in point of conscience, to come over and joyn with them; when as the other are in bands and fetters of conscience, and cannot pass unto them. Their Brethren would gladly come over unto them, but cannot: they can come over unto these but will not. It is the will, not the act, that makes Schisme and Separation. Fourthly, we do not see, as deep as you have laid the charge, wherein the Apologists do any whit more symbolize with Convents, Monasteries, or Orders, amongst the Papists, then you and your friends. You tell them, that all their Churches believe one Doctrine together with you, and that every one of these Churches hath one Minister, as the Popish Convents a particular Abbot or Prior. Wee pray you, do not all your Churches believe one Doctrine together? and hath not every one of your Churches one Minister? Wherein then lies the difference between [Page 99] you and them? or wherein do they symbolize more with Convents or Monasteries, then your self? Nay, (fifthly and lastly) as if you had quite forgotten your rhomb, you tacitely couple your self with those Popish Convents, Monasteries, and Orders, in one ignoble consideration, from which you acquit your Brethren. They only differ (say you to them) in this, that yee have no Generall, or any thing answerable thereunto, to keep you in unity and conformity; plainly implying, that your Presbyterians have, viz. their soveraign Judicatory. So that if this your reason should but take place, and be held valid, it is your Presbyterian party, not the party Apologizing, that ought to suffer the non-toleration you speak of; it being they, not these, that are the great symbolizers with S t Francis, and S t Dominick.
To your twelfth Reason, we have given answer upon answer formerly; His 12. Reason answered. as first, where we considered of the examples of the Kings of Judah, and shewed how little they contribute to the claim of coercive power in the Magistrate, to take away Heresies, Schismes, Superstitions, &c. Secondly, where we argued against such a power by severall demonstrations. Thirdly, where we gave an account also, how Toleration is no way either to Schisme, Heresie, &c. So that that there is not one apex or ieta of this Reason remaining unanswered.
The Logico-Divinity of your thirteenth Reason, consisteth in this His 13. Reason Answered. Enthymeme. If we have but one God, one Christ, and one Lord, one Spirit, one Faith, one Baptisme, (whereby we enter into the Church) and are one Body, we ought to have one Communion, whereby to be spiritually fed, and one Discipline to be ruled by: and if so, then ought not the Apologists to be tolerated. We answer, that neither doth your inference or conclusion here at all follow from your premisses. We have all you speak of, one, one, and one; and in regard of that multiplied unitie, we ought (as you say) to have one Communion, and one Discipline; But first, not necessarily that Communion, or that Discipline, which are of Classique inspiration, no more then those which are either of Papall, or Episcopall recommendation; because, though wee judge these two latter spirits more sphalmaticall, erroneous and dangerous then the first, yet wee cannot think, that either the Pope or Bishops, or both together, have so ingrossed the spirit of erreour and fallibility, but that they have left of that anointing more then enough to initiate all other Orders, Societies, and Professions of men in the world. Secondly, though wee ought to have one Communion and Discipline, yet ought wee to be led into this unity, by the hand of an Angel of light, not to be frighted into it by an evill angel of fear and terrour. Thirdly, that duty which [Page 100] lies upon all Christians, to have but one Communion and Discipline amongst them, is no dispensation unto any party or number of them, to smite their Brethren with the fist of uncharitableness, or to dismount them from their ministeriall standings in the Church, because they will not, or rather cannot knit and joyn in the same Communion and Discipline with them. Nay, fourthly, that very tye of duty which lies upon all Christians to have but one and the same Communion and Discipline amongst them, carries this ingagement upon them all along with it, to shew all love, to use all manner of gentleness and long suffering towards those that are contrary minded to them either in the one or in the other, since love is not only a sodering and uniting affection, but further commends the person in whom it is found, as one to whom God hath appeared, and who hath been taught by him. Therefore fifthly (and lastly) to make the ingagement that lies upon all Christians to have but one Communion and Discipline, a ground and reason why such as differ from others about these, should be evill intreated, suppressed, kept under hatches, or the like, is as if a man should plead that naturall affection which a parent ows unto his children, for a ground and motive why he should sharply scourge them when they are sick and weak.
His fourteenth Reason is of an unknown strength (at least to me) His 14. Reason answered. If I were a Magistrate, I should never the more know how to prepare to battell against the Apologists or any other godly person, for the sound of this trumpet. Surely, of all the rest, this Reason will never be accessary to the undoing of these men. However, let a poor man be heard in his cause. The Reason then with all the help it is capable of, riseth up but thus. If Churches have Disciplines or Governments different in their species, then the Churches must be different in their species also. But the consequent is false, since there is but one Church: Ergo, Apologisme is intolerable. They that can gather this conclusion out of the premisses, may very well hope to gather Grapes of Thorns, and Figs of Thistles. The consequent in this argument, which the Disputer saith, is false, is this, Churches must be different in their species. If the meaning of this consequent be, that there is an absolute necessity, that Churches should differ specie one from another, the Disputant is in the truth, in saying the consequent is false. Or if the meaning be, that Churches ought to differ specie one from another, the same verdict may still pass upon it. But upon that supposition which is made in the Antecedent of this argument, viz. that these Churches have Disciplines or Governments different in their species, the consequent is not [Page 101] only true, but necessarily true: and that upon the Disputants own ground, which is, that all collective bodies that are governed, are differenced (specie) by their different governments. But be the Consequent, or be the Antecedent, or be the Consequence, be any thing, be nothing, or be every thing in the premisses, either true or false, why sho [...]d not the Apologists be tolerated, notwithstanding? Be the Sunne in Aries, or be it in Taurus, or be it in Capricorn, why should not A. S. be tolerated to write more books for the cause Presbyterian notwithstanding? I heare that upon the applause and approbation of this by his party, hee hath since put forth his hand to another; as Herod seeing that his butchery upon James pleased the people, put forth his hand to Acts 12. 2, 3. take Peter also.
But is there nothing more in the Reason then this? Truly, if A. S. hides the treasure of his minde so deep another time, digge for it who will for mee. For this once I have taken pains to finde it; and have found somewhat which I conceive is like to it, if not Identically it. The man (I take it) would be here conceived to reason after this manner: If the Church of Christ ought to be ruled or governed, only with one species or kinde of government, then ought not they to be suffered, who go about to pluralize this government, or to set up a kind of government in the Church, specifically differing from the government more generally practised and established. Sed verum prius: Ergo & posterius: and consequently the Apologists being men that would do such a thing as this, are not to be tolerated. If this be the argument, this is the Answer. First, the consequence is lame, and halts right down; because, though the Church of Christ ought to be governed with one and the same kinde of government throughout the world, yet it no wayes follows from hence, that therefore that government which is more generally established and practised in the world, should be that specificall government whereby it ought to be governed. If this consequence were good, it would highly be friend the government Pontifician, but dissolve and destroy the government Presbyterian; because the Pontifician government, is, (or at least not long since was) far more oecumenicall, and comprehensive, then the Presbyterian either is, or is like to be. Therefore in framing this consequence, the man hath given sentence against himself and his own beloved opinion touching Church-Discipline; and hath put a sword into the Popes hand to smite as well the Consistorian, as the Congregationall government. And,
Secondly, suppose the government more generally practised in the world, be that very kinde of government, whereby the Churches of [Page 102] Christ ought to be governed; yet, except this government, both as touching the lawfulness and necessity of it, be sufficiently cleered to the judgement and consciences of those, from whom submission to it is required (an honour whereunto A. S. his government hath not yet been preferred by all his great friends) they ought not to be scourged with [...]s Scorpions, if they demurre a while about their submission thereunto; and in the mean season, desire to live under such a government, wherein they have double and treble satisfaction, both in point of lawfulness and necessity, above the other. Thirdly, and lastly, though unity and uniformity in government be very fitting and necessary throughout the Churches of Christ, yet that the servants of Christ should fall foul one upon another, and the greater eat up the less for this uniformity sake, is no wayes necessary; especially considering that God (as hath been formerly shewed) hath provided other means far more gracious, honourable and proper, for the bringing of the blessedness of this uniformity upon his Churches in due time. So that if there be any thing in this Reason, it is altogether with, and not at all against the Apologists.
To your fifteenth, wee answer, first, be it supposed, (which yet His 15. Reason answered. wee shall presently oppose) that neither Christ, nor his Apostles ever granted any toleration to divers Sects and Governments in the Church; yet did he or they ever grant a power to a major part of Professours in a Kingdom or Nation, to grind the faces of their Brethren, partakers of like precious faith and holiness with them, either because they could not in all points jump with them in their judgements, or because they endeavoured to keep a good conscience toward God, for following the ducture and guidance of their present light? If you will take without asking that, which neither Christ nor his Apostles ever granted you, you may very well bear it at the hands of your Brethren, if they humbly sue and intreat for what they never granted; especially considering that that which you take is imperious and high, tending to the annoyance and trouble of many; whereas that which they sue for, is moderate and low, only a peaceable standing amongst you, that they may be able to do good unto many. Secondly, if neither Christ nor his Apostles (as you say) ever granted any toleration to divers Sects and Governments in his Church, how come you and your Government to be tolerated, your Government being specifically diversified from that of the Papacy (as is before observed) which is more generall and extensive then yours? If you have not a toleration for your government, either from Christ or his Apostles, we are doubtfull [Page 103] from whom, or whence you have it. Thirdly, doe you not by this reason build up the walls of Babylon, and strengthen the Papists in their bloody errour, against the reformed Churches, upon which they looke as schismaticall from their Mother, and in that respect think them no wayes fit to be tolerated, but to be suppressed both in their doctrine and government, yea and in case they will not be reduced to the principles of Rome, to be wholly extirpated and rooted out of the world? What can be spoken more to the heart of such apprehensions, and counsels, and resolutions as these, then that neither Christ nor his Apostles ever granted any toleration to divers Sects and Governments in the Church? Fourthly, whereas you say, that they granted no toleration to divers Sects, do you not imply, that they did grant a toleration to some one Sect at least, if not to more. And how know you whether the Sect of Apologisme (in your improperating stile) be not that Sect, or one of those Sects, to which Christ and his Apostles (it seems) granted a toleration? Is it not (I appeale to your judgement and conscience) as like to be this as any other? Fifthly, we willingly grant your conclusion in this Reason, sensu sano; that there is no reason why the Apologists should sue for a toleration, no nor yet properly, why they should be tolerated (toleration in propriety of signification, as was formerly noted, being rei malae, appliable onely to that which is evill) but rather why they should be countenanced and encouraged. Therefore if you think that they shall sin in suing for a toleration, you shall doe well to prevent that sin in them (and perhaps shall withall prevent a greater of your owne) by declaring them persons worthy not of a toleration, but of encouragement; or at least by procuring them a toleration, that they may not be put upon the tentation of suing for it. But sixthly and lastly, to the main frame of your Reason: what doe you think of Sinite utrunque crescere, Let both grow together untill the Harvest, Matth. 13. 30. Is not here the toleration granted which you deny to be granted? Non laclacti, nec ovum ovo similius; If it bee not this toleration, certainly it is somewhat as like to it as like may be. You know who the Housholder is, that gave this order, laid this restraint upon his servants; otherwise the 37. verse will informe you. And who doe you think should be meant by the tares? You will not say, the good sons of the Church, at least so acknowledged by their Mother. You cannot say (with reason) the loose, vicious, &c. morally disordered sons of the Church, because these were sown in the field before the Housholder sew that good seed therein (spoken of v. 24. and 38.) whereas the tares, which must be let grow to harvest, are expresly [Page 104] said to have been sown after, v. 25. And besides such wicked and vicious persons as these, at least as the danger and degree of their wickednesse may be, ought to be gathered out of the State (and then they cannot grow in the field till harvest) by the hand of the civill Magistrate. Therefore thirdly (and lastly) you must by the tares, of necessity understand, such in the Church as you call Sectaries, Schismaticks, Heretickes, such as corrupt the purity of the doctrine of the Gospel, by erroneous and false opinions, or at least are look'd upon by the greater part of the respective Churches of Christ, as such. Which yet appears further, by the reason which the Housholder renders unto his servants, why he would not have them pluck'd up, but grow untill the harvest, lest (saith he) whilest yee goe about to gather the tares, yee pluck up the wheat also. There is no danger of hurting or plucking up the wheat, i. the children of the Kingdome, v. 38. by punishing civill or morall misdemeanours of men; but if Magistrates or others shall be busie about plucking up Sectaries, Heretiques, &c. they will be in continuall danger of plucking up the wheat. First, because many truly pious and conscientious men, children of the Kingdome, may soon be drawne into some unwarrantable Sect and opinion: And secondly, such opinions as are sentenced by the generality or major part of a Church, as erroneous or hereticall, and so expose those that hold them to the reprochfull names of Sectaries, Schismatiques, Heretiques, very often fall out to be the sacred truths of God, and the persons holding them forth unto the world, the best and faithfull est of his servants.
For your sixteenth reason, it concerneth others more then the Apologists, His 16. Reason answered. to answer; the frame of it being an indignabund relation (whether true or no, caveat lector) of what hard measure the New-Englanders offered to some that desired to sit downe amongst them, because they differed a little from them in point of discipline. The men here charged, are of age to speak for themselves; and besides, want no abilities otherwise. I make no question, but if they had but the correcting of A. S. his Relation, they would be able to make more reason and equity of it, then without some correction or other, I am able to doe. But (to leave our brethren in New-England to their own Apologie) I would fain know of A. S. what he means to do with his story; or how he intends to bring it under contribution to his cause. For first, he doth not onely not approve of those proceedings, which he relateth, but is very passionate and intemperate in the very relation.
Is the man so full of the spirit of reprehension against such practises, and yet so full of the spirit of imitation also? Or what? Is his desire so great, to appropriate or ingrosse the power and practice of persecuting for difference in religion to himselfe and his own party, that he is not able patiently to beare the sight of either in others? If your brethren in New-England stumbled at the stone you speak of, persecuted (as you say) those that were approved by themselves both for their life and doctrine, meerly because they differed a little from them in point of discipline, you have a faire warning; take heed that you doe not stumble at the same stone also. They (it's like) justified themselves in themselves, in those proceedings, though they did not so in the fight of God; but if you, having condemned them in what they did, shall neverthelesse run the same course, you wil be both [...] and [...], both self-condemned, and God-condemned also, and so have no cloak nor shelter for your sin.
But you think it no wayes reasonable, that the Apologists, being of the same profession, (as you speak) should be suiters for a toleration in Old-England. We answer, first, if you speak with reference to those proceedings immediatly before reported by you, you are more of the same profession with them, then your brethren the Apologists. These doe not professe persecution meerly for a little difference in point of Discipline; the world knowes who they are that do little lesse. Secondly, what though men of the same profession with them, miscarried for want of such light, as should have directed them in a better way; must this be a band of conscience upon them, to bow down their backes without any more adoe, and to suffer Presbyterian greatnesse to go over them, as the stones in the street? Nay thirdly, they have the more reason and necessitie, in regard of such a miscarriage of their brethren, to sue for a toleration here; because by that miscarriage of theirs, they are awakened to expect and feare yet far harder measure from you and your partie, if they doe not bestirre themselves by some means or other to prevent it. He that feeles the smart of rods to be grievous, hath the more reason, not the lesse, to take heed of being beaten with Scorpions. Fourthly (and lastly) why should you any wayes be against your brethren suing for a toleration, when as there lies a necessity upon you to grant it or consent to it, unlesse you mean to steere that New-England course, which you have with so high a hand of indignation contested with, in this very reason? Except (haply) you have this ingenuous reach in it, for your reputations, that you would honest is precibus occurrere, prevent all honest and reasonable requests with the early forwardnesse [Page 106] of your bountie. If I could reasonably thinke this to bee your designe, I would seriously perswade with the Apologists to wave their suit for a toleration, and so to gratifie you with an honourable opportunitie of doing good, before you were provoked by any mans suit or motion to it.
But men that are subject to feares, are seldome sons of bounty. The bottome (it seems) of all that A. S. hath pleaded throughout his Discourse, against the Toleration of Apologisme, is a solemne fear that possesseth him, of being sent he and all his partie into some Isle of Dogs, if the congregationall men had but the upper hand over them. Omne timidum natura querulum. But I can hardly beleeve that the man is really afraid of what he here pretendeth; (in which case he were rather to be pitied, then roundly dealt with) first, because himselfe confesseth, that some of his brethren hold, that all Sects and opinions are to be tolerated, p. 6. So that in case these men should have the upper hand, he is assured of a partie at least among them, to secure him and his in that kind. Secondly, he confesseth again and again, that his brethren are very pious and holy men; and therefore certainly will not be so dogged as to send him and his into any Isle of Dogs. Thirdly, a poore toleration is as far from a superioritie of power, as rags are from the robe, or the dunghill from the throne. Fourthly, I doe not think that he knowes any such Isle as he speaks of, whereinto he fears to be sent, by the men of his indignation. Fifthly and lastly, if he should be sent into some Isle of Dogs, the soyle and climate might probably agree well with him; he hath learned (it seems) to bark and bite too, against his sending thither.
To conclude, for this Reason, Whereas feare indeed ordinarily makes men cruell, it is much to be feared, A. S. onely pretends feare, that so he may have a colour to be cruell.
To his seventeenth Reason we answer. First, that the Scripture doth His 17. Reason answered. not forbid all, nor any such Toleration as the Apologists desire. This was sufficiently shewed before in our answer to the fifteenth Reason. His proofe from Revel. 2. 20. holds no intelligence at all with his purpose; yea, it makes sore against himselfe and his Synedrion. For first, by the toleration or suffering of Jezabel, which is there charged as a sinfull neglect upon the Church of Thyatira, is not meant a Civill or State-toleration, but an Ecclesiastick or Church-toleration. This Church suffered false Doctrines to be taught in her very bosome, and her members to bee corrupted and endangered thereby, from day to day, without laying it to heart being a matter of that sad [Page 107] consequence) and without calling those to an account that were the sowers of such tares, broachers & spreaders of such opinions; yea without using any means, to have the truth soundly taught in opposition to such Doctrines. Both Pastour and people (it seems) slept together, whilst the envious man, by his Agent and Factress Jezabel, sowed these tares in their field. Such a toleration as this wee formerly shewed to be sinfull; and the Apologists are as much against it as you; so far are they from desiring it, or suing for it. They desire a Toleration for themselves and their Churches in the Civill state; not that the errours which spring up in their Churches, should be suffered to fret like gangrens, without being opposed by them, or be protected by the State. Secondly, whereas that particular Church alone is charged by Christ, with this toleration or sufferance of Jezabel, and not any more Churches, whether neighbours or not neighbours to her, nor any combined Eldership, or state Ecclesiasticall, made of the consociation of the seven Churches, much less any state civill, evident it is, that the care and power of redressing emerging enormities or evils in a Church in every kinde, is committed by Christ to every particular Church respectively, within it self. And so they that trouble the Church must (as you say) be cut off. But by whom? not by the civill Magistrate (if the trouble be spirituall) nor by the combined Eldership, but by the particular Church it self, which is troubled by them, in case there be no remedy otherwise. Secondly, when you say, that there must be no such speeches among us, as I am of Paul, I am of Apollos, &c. nor that some are Calvinians, some Independenters, some Brownists, &c. And again, that we must all be Christs, wee must all think and speak the same thing, otherwise men are carnall, &c. (with some other good words to like purpose) we joyn heart and hand with you in all these things, and are ready to contribute the best of our endeavours unto yours, if yee will suffer us, to make the Tabernacle of God amongst us, according to this pattern which you shew unto us. Such expressions, I am of Paul, I of Apollos, &c. together with the names of Calvinians, Independents, Brownists, &c. are as un [...]un [...]able in our eares, as in yours, &c. But,
First, every man that saith, I am of Paul, or, I am of Apollos, is not to be taught by Thorns and Briars, (as G [...]deon taught the men of Succoth) to speak better, by fining, imprisoning, unchurching, or the like; but by soundness of conviction, and wholesomness of instruction from the Word of God. The German [...] have a saying, That etiam in introne puniendo potest peccari. A man may sin in punishing him that most of all deserves it. It is not enough for us [Page 108] to correspond with God in his ends, but we must keep as close to him in his meanes also. Secondly, whereas you say, we must all be Christs; surely there is none of those Sects you speak of, but are willing to joyn with you in being his, and in being called by his Name, rather then by any other. We fear, these unhappie sounds, of Independents, Brownists, Anabaptists, &c. are more frequently made of your breath, then of the breath of any other sort, or sect of men amongst us. Thirdly, whereas you adde, Neither hath the Church of God a custome to be contentious; the Apostle indeed saith, 1 Cor. 11. 16. that the Churches of God have no such custome; but he doth not say, that these Churches of God had any custome, to erect a Presbyterian throne, or a combined eldership amongst them, to keep them from contentions. Fourthly, whereas you tell us, that neither permitteth the Apostle Schismes; we tell you, that we have already told you (and that once and again) both in what sense he permitteth them, and in what not, and have shewed you our concurrence with him in both. Fifthly (and lastly) in that you tell us, that we must not quit our mutuall meetings, as others do, and as must (you say) be done in a publique Toleration, we neither well understand the sense of your words, much less any purport in them to your pupose. We do not know what quitting of meetings there is like to be more, under a publique toleration, then is for the present.
Your eighteenth Reason is so Atheologicall, and unworthy your His 18. Reason Answered. cause, that the very naming of it might be Answer sufficient. A toleration (say you) cannot but expose your Churches unto the calumnies of Papists, who evermore object unto Protestants the innumerable number of these Sects, whereas they pretend to be nothing but one Church. Will you redeem your selfe out of the hand of Popish calumnies, by symbolizing with them? will you turne Turk, that you may not suffer Turkish insolencies and thraldome? Surely you forget your argument insisted upon in your eleventh Reason: There you make symbolizing with Papists, a reason against your Brethren and their Opinions, why they should not be tolerated; and here you make a defect or want in them of symbolizing with them, a reason likewise why they should not be tolerated. It seems contradictions, inconsistences, impertinences, unintelligibilities, sense, nonsense, any thing, nothing, will serve to make reasons against the poor Independenters (as you call them) why they must not be tolerated. Was not the consideration of your own, pag. 14. that the Devill evermore assaults more the true Church, the true Doctrine, and true Discipline, then the corrupted Church, her corrupted Doctrine or Discipline, a far better sanctuary for your Churches [Page 109] against those Popish calumnies you speak of, then a correspondence with them, to keep you in unity and conformity? But this Reason we have answered formerly.
Your nineteenth Reason, is very concise. In this you only say, that His 19. reason answered. of such a Toleration follows all you formerly deduced out of Independencie. And so it may without putting the world to much damage, or sorrow. When we cast up your deductions of inconveniencies out of Independency, wee found them counterballanced to the height with the exits from Presbyterie. If you poyse your wallet well, you will the end that hangs at your back the heavier. But for answer to this Reason, I refer the Reader to the former Chapter.
His twentieth Reason, is somewhat of a differing strain from the His 20. reason answered. rest. The ground and bottome of it seems to be, a desire of a plausible insinuation with the Assembly, under a pretence of jealousie over them, lest they should suffer in point of honour, in case his Brethren should obtain a Toleration. But first, good A. S. why must it needs be thought, in case it should be granted unto them, that it was extorted by force of Reason, or that all the Assembly were not able to answer your Brethren? This suggestion smels of worse blood about the heart, then all the Reasons hitherto; Fearing (it seems) that all ingagements upon the Assembly in point of conscience to deny the Apologists a Toleration, might fail, and prove ineffectuall that way; hee seeks here to ingage them in point of honour, by way of reserve; telling them (in effect) that howsoever their consciences might favour the Independenters in point of Toleration, yet their credits and reputations would suffer by it. Yet let the suggestion be but a little look'd into, and it will be found to reflect no great matter of grace or commendation upon the Assembly it self. For if no favour or courtesie can be thought to come from them, but that which is extorted by reason, and the deniall whereof they cannot answer, it is a sign that they are not, [...], i. easie to be intreated, full of mercy and good fruits, which yet the Holy Ghost makes the standing characters of that wisdome which is from above. James 3. 17.
Whereas hee adds, that their opinion and demands are against all reason, and that sundry of them could not deny as much, and had nothing to say, but that it was Gods Ordinance. Wee answer, first, that what A. S. his standart is, whereby he measures Reason, we are not so well acquainted with him, as to know, but according to ours, this assertion of his opens seven times wider against all reason, then either the opinion or demands of his Antagonists. First, for their opinion, we believe [Page 110] that somewhat more then non-sense or irrationalities, hath been argued by themselves in the Assembly for it: Is it like, that very learned men, and of abilities to dispute their opinion in any Assembly in Europe (which are A. S. own letters of recommendation on their behalf) should rise up to defend an opinion that is contrary to all reason? And somewhat like unto reason (at least so called, amongst our vulgar apprehensions) hath been said for it in the preceding part of this Discourse. And secondly, for their Demands; though A. S. doth not inform us what they are, or wherein that fiery contestation against all reason, which he findes in them, consists, yet we suppose, he means their suing for a Toleration, that high misdemeanor, for which he hath judged them now these ten times. Was it, or is it, or would it be against all reason, for the poor Protestant Churches in France, to sue for a Toleration in the state, if it were not granted unto them without suing? Or is it not much more agreeable to reason, that Protestant Churches should be tolerated in a Protestant State, then in a State Pontificiall; especially in such a Protestant State, of which they have so eminently deserved, as the Apologists and their Churches, and men of their judgement have done of this, as was briefly touched in the beginning of this Chapter? Or is it against all reason, that those persons in the Low-countreys, between whose judgements there is that known variety of differences in matters of Religion, and which concern the worship of God, being not able so well to accommodate themselves for livelihood and subsistence in any other State, with the freedome of their consciences should desire a Toleration in that? Suppose those men of your judgement, of whom you speak, pag. 10. who were (as you there say) condemned to death for their Discipline, ready to be executed, and were afterwards exiled into forrain countreys; Suppose (I say) these men had desired a Toleration in their own countrey, of those who thus unreasonably dealt with them, had they violated all Rules and Principles of Reason by such a desire? But the truth is, that the assertion is so notoriously against all reason, that it is scarce consistent with reason to bestow so much pen in answer to it. There is but one only supposition to make either reason or truth of it; if it be granted, it may passe for both. If the desires of some Presbyterians be All Reason, and nothing reason but they, then both the Opinion and Demands of the Apologists, must be acknowledged to be against all Reason. But otherwise I know no principle or rule of reason at all so much as discourtesied by either.
Secondly, whereas you say, that sundry of themselves could not deny it, [Page 111] and had nothing to say, &c. First, certain I am, that some of them have absolutely denied any such confession. Secondly, the acknowledgement it selfe looks no more like any of the rest, then a meer fiction doth the Relator. I beleeve that upon inquirie it will be found a misprision of truth. For doth it not sound aloud incredibilitie, that men of sufficient abilities to dispute their opinion in any Assembly in Europe, should confesse their Opinion and Demands to be against all reason? But such stones as these are fit for A. S. his building.
Thirdly, whereas you say, that they could never shew (their opinion) out of Gods word; we answer, that they have often shewed it; but God and men (it seems) are not yet agreed to have it so generally seen, as is to be desired: but our hope is, that the agreement will be concluded between them in due time.
Fourthly and lastly, you conclude this reason, with this undertaking, that if it (your brethrens opinion we suppose you mean, though it's hard both here and in twenty places more, to know your meaning clearly) be refused, it will help to confirm the Churches, and the people in truth. We desire to know in truth of what? It will indeed confirme both marvellously, in the truth of Presbyterian fastnesse to their owne cause; but in what other truth it should confirm either the one or the other, we wait for our intelligence from you to know.
Your 21. and last reason (save onely those which you say you omit) His last Reason answered. is but a slip of your ninteenth, being somwhat that follows out of Independencie. But here you tell us, that the Government so called, cannot but overthrow all sort of Ecclesiasticall Government. Is Saul also among the Prophets? Haec verba loquentis ab ore, Gaudens arripio, & st [...] factus Numine, adoro. I joy over these words, and reverence them so [...]hat I conceive to be of God in them. Wee know who prophesied when he was not aware of it. Indeed, by the beauty and perfect consonancie of this government with the word of God, it may very reasonably (yea and upon higher termes then of reason) be thought that in time it cannot but overthrow all sort of Ecclesiasticall government, and stand up it selfe in their stead. F [...]xit Deus, & festinet.
But that which you adde in the close of this Reason, plainly sheweth, that you had no mind to prophesie, though God had, or might have b [...] you: for here you say, that this order, by necessary consequence, will breed all sort of disorder. No, first, it will not breed the disorder of oppressing conscientious men for conscience sake: nor secondly, of discouraging men from searching the Scriptures more narrowly; not thirdly, of having recourse unto the word for the setting up of the government [Page 112] of Christs Kingdome; nor fourthly, of making men walk sundry miles for what they might have upon as good or better termes at home, besides a thousand other disorders, which the order of your Independencie will never breed by any consequence at all, necessary or unnecessary, being of a very soveraign importance to prevent them. And for your premisses (in the body of your Reason) by which you would fain make the match, between the order of Independencie, and all sort of disorder, they are but false brokers. The Independent Churches (as you call them) have no such custome, as for one to give entertainment or admission to any person, that hath been censured by another, without the censure first relaxed by that Church which inflicted it, or without the consent of this Church. This is their reproach, not their practice.
And thus we see that amongst A. S. his 21. Reasons, there is not one that will stand by their Master, when they are but a little put to it; there is none of them but with a little perswasion and debate, will willingly enough consent to a Toleration for the Apologists. If the Disputant himselfe, with his party, were but as tractable as his reasons, there need no more words be made about the businesse.
As for his after-birth of Reasons, (p. 65.) since he professeth himselfe that he omits them, we shall comport with him herein, and omit them also; I hope he will think himselfe a debtor to us for this compliance. It seems that himselfe placeth no great confidence in them, in that hee mentions them as if hee mentioned them not, and thought them not worthy to be numbred amongst his first-born. His Horsemen (you see) have been overcome, and yeelded themselves: his Infantery knows the manner of the field, and will, no question, surrender without incounter. Nor is there any thing for weight or substance in this Tail of Reasons, but what hath been broken already in the Head.