THe Histories of Englands late o­pressours have already cloyd and overladed the exuberant Press, whole Volums daily coming forth, either of the Actions of the late long Parliament, or the life of their aspiring Generall Crom­well, which though adorn'd with all those flatteries, that could possibly proceed from the most beneficed pens, yet cannot in the least justifie their actions to the more so­ber sort of people; for though their me­mories [Page 2]may here smell sweet to some, who have rather tasted of their favour, then suffered under their opression, yet do they but render them to the sufferers more in­famous, and to the Neuter ridiculous, like the extolling of Don Quixot's Chivalry.

And though there have been some who have adventured to set them out to the life, and paint them in their own colours; yet have many of these as farr exceeded the bounds of Truth, as the others came short of it, rather exasperated by their own, or to please their fellow sufferrers, into so great extreams have either side been lead, out of fear or flattery, anger or passion.

Moderation and Impartiality are the chiefest virtues of an Historian, and there­fore he who writs an History, should chuse such a subject to write on, where neither fear nor gain can induce him to flatter, anger or passion, or to too much bitternesse.

Most of our modern Historians have pro­posed to themselves either profit, advan­tage or employment by their Works, [Page 3]which hath made them run into their so many grosse errours and flatteries; whilst had they only endeavoured to represent things, persons and actions impartially, they had gained to themselves farr great­er honour of true Writing.

I have chosen a subject to write of, which I conceive may lead me to a mediocrity, the Persons afflictions may induce me to pity him, but they will in most mens judg­ments restrain me from flattery. Nor need I out of fear, I being now (though un­willingly) out of his reach, mince the truth of his (if any) bad actions.

I confesse the Task I undertake is high­ly adventurous, my pen may slip, times may change, however my heart shall guide me to an impartiality.

CHARLES the II. Heir apparent to the Crown of Great Britain and Jreland, and crowned King of Scots, whose History I in­tend to treat of, was born on the 29. of May, 1630, to the great joy of the King, Queen, and indeed the whole Nation; for never [Page 4]yet had England a Prince born of so noble an extract and grand Alliance, his father by lineal right & desent King of Great Bri­tain and Jreland, his mother daughter to that thrice illustrious Prince Henry the Fourth, King of France, and worthily sir­named the Great, and Maria de Medicis. By his Grandmothers side was he near al­lied to the Kings of Denmark, by the mar­riage of his Aunt, the noble Princesse Eli­zabeth, to the Elector Palatine of Rhene, & King of Bohemia; and afterwards by the marriage of his Royal Sister the Princesse Mary, to the Prince of Orange. Thus was he allied to most, of the most potent Prin­ces in Christendome. And happy might this Nation have been under his Govern­ment, if we may believe the vogue of that wisest of men Solomon, who pronounces that Kingdome blessed whose Prince is the son of Nobles.

He was some years after his birth (ac­cording to the ancient Customes of England for the Kings Eldest Son) invested Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Earle of [Page 5] Chester, and was in his minority brought up under the care of the Earle of Newcastle, till in the year 1646. the Lord Hopton's Army, in which he was, being near inclo­sed by Sir Thomas Fairfax, Generall of all the Parliaments Forces in the Devizes of Cornwall, and the King his Fathers affairs being in a desperat condition all over Eng­land, he was by the serious advice of his best friends, perswaded to take shipping, and depart for the Scillies, from whence he was by the Parliament invited to return to London, but he thought it safer for his Person to depart from thence to his Sister at the Hague, till the Royall affairs in Eng­land might gain a better posture, which he did, and there found a reception an­swerable to his Birth.

Not long after the King his Royall Fa­ther, being in danger to be inclosed in Ox­ford by General Fairfax, who returning out of the West, had designed to block it up, took care for his safety, and attended only by Mr. Ashburnham (or as some say, attended on him) went privily our thence, [Page 6]and threw himselfe upon the Scotch Army then at Newark, who shortly after notwith­standing his confidence of them, for a sum of money delivered him up most perfidi­ously and traiterously to his implacable Enemies; the English Army. These, after many pretences of Treaties, and seeming willingness to come to an accord with him, on that black day the 30. of January 1648. most villaniously and trayterously, beyond the imagination of the World, murder'd him.

Thus far is a short view of those hard­ships and afflictions undergone by this no­ble Prince, during his Fathers Life & Reign, we will now proceed to those he hath since ran through, which we may more pro­perly and particularly call his Own.

Among which the Chief and greatest, and from whence all his other miseries flowed as from their spring head, was the deprivation of his Kingdome & Royalties; For that part of the Parliament of England which had usurped the whole power or more, were not onely content to take a way [Page 7]his fathers life, but by their Proclamati­on, deprive him of all right in the Govern­ment of those three Kingdomes, which they take upon themselves contrary both to the Word of God, the Fundamental Laws of the Nation, and his own undoub­ted right by birth, he being lineally desen­ded from that Family, which had succes­sively governed England for above three hundred years.

He was at that time of his Fathers death, at the Court of his Sister the Royal Prin­cesse of Orange in the Hague, in expectati­on to hear rather of the Conclusion of a Treaty then of his murder, to which effect he writ by the Lord Seymour the following Letter to him some short time before his Death.

And here he staid till he heard the heart breaking news of his Fathers Murther, then shortly after he took his Iourney to the Queen his mother in France; hoping there to get aid, but found none which might render him in a capacity to revenge his Father's Death, or demand his own right by force; and in vain it was to think of any fair means to attain it. Yet there [Page 9]wanted not some friends of his in England, who willing to demonstrate how ready they were to adventure themselves for him & his right, (as far as their weak abilities would strech,) caused under hand a Pro­clamation to be printed, proclaiming him King of England, Scotland, France and Ire­land, and advising all his good Sub­jects to give all due Allegiance to him; but the low condition of the Royalists then in England, and the great strength and po­tency of the Parliaments Army, made this Proclamation unvalid, and those who at a fit opportunity would willingly have complied with it, were forced to direct their Obedience to the contrary Goal.

But though England prov'd thus defe­ctive to his interest, not so much I dare say in Allegiance as power. Yet Jreland is at his Devotion, for the Marquess of Ormond and the Lord Inchiquin, having made a peace with the Quondam Rebels, he is by joynt consent both of Papists and Prote­stants proclaimed King in most towns of that Nation, Dublin, and London-Derry on­ly [Page 10]excepted, which were kept from their Allegiance, the one by the Lieu. General Iones, the other by Sir Charles Coote, who joyntly strove to justifie the Parliament of Englands late actions.

He being thus proclaimed there, is so­lemnly invited to come over to them, to which invitation, his Mother earnestly adds her desires, but the best of his friends and Counsellours, as earnestly disswaded him, upon reasons drawn both from pru­dence and Policy, since in probability the design not succeeding, it would utterly ruine his hopes, with all the Protestant party then stedfast to him both in Scotland and England: or that if he would needs ven­ture himselfe with this party, they desired him at least to attend, whether by any good event of theirs, there might be a­ny probability of successe.

'Tis supposed that this Council swaied with him more out of his real affection to the Protestant Religion then any other Po­litick reason. Yet he immediately after took a journey to the Isle of Iersey, which [Page 11]startled some as though he had intended to have proceeded thence for Ireland, but that suspition proved unnecessary: he was ac­companied hither by his Brother the Duke of York, (who was lately come to him out of Holland) and many other Nobles & Gen­tlemen; the Islanders immediately upon his arrival most joyfully proclaimed him King; and the Lord Iermyn Earle of Yar­mouth was made Governour of that Island, who constituted Sir George Cartwright his deputy Governour.

The King sends from hence his Royal command to the Governour of Gernsey Island, which was then wholly subjected ( Cornet Castle only excepted) to the Par­liaments sorces requiring him to surren­der the said Island to him, and that his good Subjects there might have liberty to return to their due obedience: but his com­mand proved ineffectual.

Many affirm, but how true I know not, that the reason of the Kings removal to this Island was out of design to surprize Dartmouth and some other places in the [Page 12]West, by the Levellers help, who having then made a defection from the Parlia­ments Army in England were (say they) to have joyned with the Royalists for the intents and purposes a foresaid, but whe­ther so or no I cannot affirm; though I can certainly tell this, that were it so, it proved uneffectual, for the Levellers were soon o­verpowred and quell'd.

Whilst King Charles was hear expecting a Messenger from the States of Scotland, came news of the unfortunate overthrow of the Marquess of Ormond his Army, by Lieu. General Iones before Dublin, which caused a generall sorrow among all his fol­lowers, for there had been great hopes & expectations of that Army, it amounting to no lesse then twenty two thousand men, & was esteemed able not onely to have taken Dublin, but likewise to have resisted Crom­well's then new comming Army in the field: yet whether by the carlessness of the Commanders, or security of the Souldiers, I am loath to judge: this mighty Army. then beleaguring Dublin, was beat from [Page 13]before it by the besieged, and utterly rou­ted by the third part of its Number.

This overthrow, the repulse of Sir Robert Stuart and Col. Mervin from London-Derry by Sir Charles Coot and Cromwell's suddain landing in Ireland, whose motion now there was no field Army either to attend or oppose, made his Majesties affairs grow almost as desperate in Ireland, as they were before in England.

But the Scots Kirk who had sold their King into the hands of the Independant English Army, after they heard that they had condemned him to death, repent them of their Wickedness, wash their hands from any guilt in his bloud; Expostulate with the English siting in Parliament, a­bout their so severe proceedings, and pro­test against having any hand in his Mur­ther; and to make the world believe they had yet some touch of loyalty within them, they had just after his death pro­claimed Charles Prince of Wales, eldest Son to the late murthered King Charles the first, and his lawfull and undoubted Heir, King [Page 14]of Great Britain, France, and Ireland; and had immediately resolved in the Commit­tee of Estates then sitting to send some fitting persons to treat with his Majesty about sundry Articles; before his recepti­on to the Crown, but long debates and de­murs there were in the businesse before they could resolve what & whom to send.

For some there were in this Grand Com­mittee of Estates, who, fee'd or seduced by the Sectaries in England, impeaded to the utmost of their power and endeavours all proceedings in the businesse, so that once in stead of debating what or whom they should send to his Majesty, it came to be a debate whether they should send or no, but at length a Letter and Propositions was by the prevailing part concluded on, and Mr. Windram Laird of Libberton, ap­pointed to be the Messenger, who on the 25. of September 1649. received his dis­patches, and some time after arrived be­fore his Majesty at Iersey. The chief of their desires was to this effect.

That his Majesty would gratiously be pleased himselfe to sign the Solemn League & Covenant, and that he would passe an Act in Parliament that every person in that Kingdome might takeit.

That he would passe divers Acts of the Parli­ament of Scotland, which was concluded on the two last Sessions.

1. For approving of their disclaiming Duke Hamilton 's last return. 2. For receiving se­verall Acts made by English for the Militia. 3. That the Kings of Scotland may have no negative voice.

3. That his Majesty would recall the late Commissions given to Montrosse.

4. That he would put away all Papists from about him.

5. That he would appoint some place about Holland to treat with their Commissioners. An honourable Company of the most noble Lords in Scotland, being to be appointed to attend his Majesty, to whom likewise they would send a sufficient provision to maintain him, a train su­table to his birth and deserved greatnesse.

6. That he would be gratiously pleased to give a speedy answer to their desires.

These Propositions were very stifly de­bated Pro and Con, some were so firce that they would have his Majesty utterly reject the Scots Propositions as dishonourable & disadvantagious to his affaires. Others were of opinion, that it would more con­duce to the Kings interest to accept of such Conditions as he could agree with the Scotch Commissioners, which would be a readier way to attain the Crown then by Montrosse his designs (who had lately re­ceived Commissions from the King to as­sault the North of Scotland with what force he could raise, however the business was still demurred and delayed, and no answer for a good while given to the Lord Libberton, who earnestly prest it, till such time as answer could come from Montross, then in Holland: and out of France, touch­ing their opinions concerning these Pro­positions, concerning which Montross re­turned answer to his Majesty, desiring him to harken to the Scotch Commissioners whilst they would propose & agree to any thing which might stand with his Majesties honour for the restoring [Page 17]him to his Rights and Dignities. That for him­selfe he should rather be content to endure banish­ment from his highnesse sight and person, then in the least prejudice his affaires. Thus this faithfull and loyall servant courted banish­ment, (as the late famous Earle of Strafford had done death) for his Masters good & service, but too generous was he, and had too great a sence of goodnesse & gratitude to grant his request, but returned him this answer, That he had so high a sence of his fide­lity and loyalty all along, and that he had per­formed so many signal services both for his Fa­ther and himselfe, that he could not in honour leave him, and therefore desired him to press him no farther.

The Queen Mother likewise earnestly presses her son to the acceptance of the Scotch Propositions for a Treaty, as the one­ly and readiest way for the establishing him in his Kingdoms. These resolves of his Mother and the Marquess of Montross, wrought strongly with his Majesty; yet notwithstanding they are as stoutly oppo­sed by the Lord. Cleveland, Byron, Gerard, [Page 18]& others; whose chief opposition proceed­ed from the alledged Treachery of the Scots to his Father, That they were Scots still, and might practice the same upon him. But the majority of voices carrying it for­a Treaty, it was resolved on, yet in regard it would require some time to frame an answer, Sir William Fleming was sent Agent to the Committee of Estates in Scotland, 'till such time as the Laird Libberton could be dispatc't.

Short time after Mr. Windram returned into Scotland with a Letter and instructions by word of mouth, whereby he gave the Committee of Estates (who having long expected were therefore more desirous to hear what he now brought) an account how much he found his Majesty compliant to their Propositions, viz That as to what acted to the two last Sessions of Parliament he was content a Generall Act of Oblivion should be passed, but could not approve it. That neither those of Montrosses nor Duke Hamilton 's party in his last engagement should bear Office in State without consent of Parliament. That he had ap­pointed [Page 19]Breda in Holland for the place of a solemn Treaty, for the making a full accomoda­tion and agreement between him and his loving Subjects of Scotland.

The Contents of his Letter were as followeth.

This is the full of his Majesties Letter to the Cōmittee of Estates in Scotland, & much to this effect was there another writ by him to the Committee of the Kirk. But this I the rather fully insert in regard of the many Calumnies cast upon it, and by it upon his Majesty: His enemies here by taking occa­sion to carp at him, by pretending his inveterate desire of revenge, which was so contrary to the last precepts given him by his dying father. I think, I need not answer his enemies objection, they by those carps, only condemning themselves of a self-guil­tinesse, but to the more sober sort of peo­ple I shall refer it, and let them seriously consider whether the begining, progresse and end of the Latter, demonstrate him not a man more addicted to peace & qui­etnesse, then to revenge and destruction.

The principall Objection which his e­nemies have against him, is, that he de­sires the aid of his Scotch Subjects, to bring [Page 23]the Murderers of his Father to condigne punishment; does this shew him a lover of Revenge or of Justice? I would fain know which of his enemies or of his Fathers Murderers, would not, should I have done the same to any of their so near Relations, have endeavoured to have brought me under the utmost censure of the Law.

But to proceed, these Letters are seri­ously debated both in the Committee of Estates and Kirk the first order its consi­deration to a select sub Committee of their own, consisting of nine Lords and others, who present their opinions upon it to the grand Committee, and these provide rea­dy a state of the Case to be presented to the Parliament of Scotland which was shortly after to assemble. But mean while a select number of the Kirk and State made up a Committee, who by common consent were to consider what was to be done a­bout sending Commissioners and Proposi­tions to his Majesty; these had strong and serious debates; for the arrogant Kirkmen would not have his Majesty admitted into [Page 24] Scotland, but upon Conditions which should make him wholly subservient to their commands: but the State would have such tart Conditions wholly waved; and (though their own were rough enough, yet) at length a mediation is concluded on between theirs and the Kirk. And the Earl of Castles, the Lord Louthian, Burley, & Lib­berton, Sir Iohn Smith and Mr. Jeoffreys for the Estates. Mr. Broady, Lawson and Wood are appointed Commissioners for the Kirk.

These having received their Commissi­ons and Instructions, took their journy for Holland and arrived at Breda, some few dayes before his Majesty got thither. On the 16. March 1649. he also arrived there, and on the 19. the Lord Wentworth Master of the Ceremonies conducted them to Au­dience, being come before his Majesty, who in a large Chamber purposely provid­ed, expected them, The Lord Castles in be­halfe of the Estates, and Mr. Lawson in be­half of the Kirk, having made their Spee­ches, declared the occasiō of their coming, [Page 25]and shewing their Commissions, they de­livered the ensuing Propositions in the be­halfe both of the Kirk & State of Scotland.

To these Propositions his Majesty demanded,

‘Whether this were fully and wholly all that the Committee of Estates and Kirk in Scotland had to desire or pro­pound? & whether these Commissioners had power to remit or recede from any of these particulars; and further, what they had to propound concerning his affairs in Scotland.’

To whch the Commissioners replied,

and so dismissed them for the present.

But let us thus leave his Majesty and Councel debating about the Scotch Com­missioners propositions, and discourse a little about his affairs under the conduct of the thrice noble and Illustrious Mar­quess of Montrosse, who having (notwith­standing the opposition which Hamilton gave to the design) obtained Commissio­ners from his Majesty to leavy what force he could on that side the sea, endeavoured to the utmost of his power to effect it, but chiefly among the Princes of the German Empire, where he found large and fair promises, but very little real assistance, onely the Duke of Holstein supplied him with four ships well arm'd and mann'd, though these were likewise by some strange neglect delayed a long time at Am­sterdam, which much retarded the service. Colonel Cochram likewise who had been sent agent into Poland to the Scottish Mer­chants [Page 28]there for assistance of men and mo­ney, having received a considerable quan­tity of money, and good supply of corn, disposed of the first to his own use, sold the other, and himselfe revolted from the ser­vice. General King, who was expected out of Sweden with a party of Horse, came not at all; so many crosses there were in the be­gining of the business as had Omens to it's future ill successe. But at length the Mar­quesse fearing least if the King should con­clude with the Scots before he had attempt­ed any thing, his Cōmissions would be re­called, fatally resolved to depart Scotland as he was. So with four ships indifferētly well armed, (but with not above six or seaven hundred men, & those most stangers) besi­des a small Frigat of sixteen Guns, & one thousand five hundred good Armes given him by the Queen of Sweden; he set sail, & this was all the strength he carried with him from Hamburgh to assault that potent Kingdom. Two of these ships, and those the biggest; were sent before, & directed to steer their course for the Orcades, but [Page 29]these unfortunately met with a storm; and where amongst those rocky Islands, their men, arms & amunition was cast away, so that a third part of the Forces raised for this expedition was lost.

But notwithstanding these fatal disas­ters, the sad presages of his ruine, the no­ble Marquess proceeds, and with the small number that was left him, lands amongst the Islands where he gets together a pret­ty considerable number which had almost the face of an Army, but was for the most part composed of raw and unskilfull fel­lows, a party of these he sends out, who without resistance enters the Isle of Orkney, there being no Garrison there; from thence he dispatches Commissioners to Scot­land, and the Island adjacent, for the levy­ing of Horse and Foot, which because the inhabitants of those places to which they were sent could not resist, obeyed; and not long after the sending of those Com­missions, Montrosse himself; with those forces he had, and those Gentlemen, resolved to engage in partaking of his for­tune, [Page 30]landed in Scotland. at the point of Cathanes, the very farthest land to the North­west of that Kingdom.

The people here whom he expected to have joyned with him (were so sensible of the miseries of the former war, and now more terrified with the name of Forraign­ers,) deserted their dwellings, and fled a­way, some never stopping till they came to Edenbrough.

The Parliament of Scotland who were now assembled, though they had former ad­vice of the Marquess's designes, yet could not tell the place of his landing, but now alarm'd by the flying Countrey: David Lesley is commanded with the body of the Army to march directly towards them for feare Montross should grow too numerous: and Colonel Straughan, whose valour the States highly approved, is ordered with a party of select Horse to advance before, to hinder the Marquess's levyes, and if he saw oportunity to fight him.

Montrosse in the mean time to satisfie the World, and because the people should not [Page 31]be startled at his Invasion, whilst the King was upon Treaty, publishes a very pa­theticall Declaration, ‘declaring the just­ness of his cause, and to clear himselfe from the aspertion of sinister ends, and that his intention was only against some particular persons, who had against the Laws of the Kingdome, raised and main­tained a war against his Majesties father. and did now by their wiles and subtile practices endeavour to destroy the Son also; & therefore exhorting all Subjects of that Nation to endeavour to free them­selves from the Tyranny of those who then by an usurped power ruled over them.’ But notwithstanding this Decla­ration, the Countrey came very slowly in.

Straughan in the mean time advances with all possible speed towards the Royall party, whilest Montross had not (for indeed he could not effect) any thing Material be­sides the fortifying of Dunbath Castle: but the Marquess hearing of the enemies ap­proach, made his whole Forces march at a great rate to recover a pass; yet neverthe­less [Page 32]before they could come at it, the front of the Army discovered Straughan's forlorn hope, who marching with hast upon the Marquesses Army, found them both almost tired, & out of breath & Order; howevera forlorn hope of a 100. foot are drawn out to meet them, who giving them a resolute Charge forced them to an Orderly Retreat, but being seconded by Straughan's whole body of Horse they again maintained their ground resolutely Charging upon the Mar­quesses main body: the Islanders immedi­ately threw down their Arms and cryed for quarter, but the Holsteiners and Hamburgers made an Orderly retreat for the present in­to some bushes, which having a short time defended, they were at last enforced to yeild.

This was a sad blow to his Majesties af­fairs in Scotland, there being great hopes, that had Montross succeeded and kept them in play, both Kirk and State would have come to milder Conditions with him: Yet the Marquess himselfe escaped for the present out of this Battel, Though there [Page 33]were hear two hundred slain, and twelve hundred taken in the field (for the Coun­trey coming in upon them, few escaped, (Amongst the Prisoners of note, there were taken Col. Hurry, the Lord Frenderick, Sir Francis Hay of Dalgettey, Col. Hay of Nough­ton, Col. Gray and several other Officers; together with the Kings Standard, which contained this Emphaticall Motto, JUDGE AND REVENG MY CAUSE O LORD; and whereon was pourtrayed to the life the Effigies of his Majesties Father beheaded.

But long it was not ere this thrice Heroick Marquess fell into the hands of these cruel, Obdurate & inveterate enemies; for though when he saw the Battell at a losse, he had saved himselfe by escaping out of the field, and had afterwards to disguise himselfe changed his habit with an Highlander, yet all could not prevail to his Escape, for the whole Country was raised up in armes in search after him, and a price set upon his head by the States, but espetially the Pres­byterian Ministers exhorted the people to [Page 34]endeavour his atachment, as a thing ne­cessary to their Salvation.

At length the whole Countrey being up in armes about him, and no way left for this distressed Marquess to escape, he thought it better to throw himselfe upon the Lord Aston, formerly a friend of his, and now out in the search with some of his Tennants, then fall into the hands of his more inveterate and implacable enemies. But this Lord, notwithstanding he had for­merly been Montross's follower, either out of fear or covetousness durst not con­ceal him; but sent him with a strong guard to David Lesly; by whom he was directly sent to Edenbrough, & shortly after brought to his Tryall before the Parliamant of Scotland: where all the while notwith­standing those many ignominious affronts and disgraces thrown upon him (as his be­ing intriumphant manner brought through Edenbrough bound in a Cart) yet he carried himself with so much Magnanimity and Courrage, That those of his Enemies, who did not pity him, yet were almost asham­ed [Page 35]of their vilainies towards him.

The Parliament of Scotland upon the first newes of this Noble Marquess being made a Prisoner, met, and resolved to pass a sentence upon him before either he was come up, or had at all answered for himself, & though, when they allowed him to speak somwhat for himself, (which he pronoun­ced with gravity void of passion,) yet he had as good have held his peace; for the sentence being agreed upon, it was past to this effect.

‘That he should be carried to the place from whence he came, and from thence (to morrow being the 21. day of May 1650.) be carried to the high Cross in Edinbruogh and be hanged upon a Gib­be thirty foot high, and there hang for the space of three hours in the sight and view of all people, with his History and Declaration hanging about his Neck; after which he should be taken down, beheaded and quartered; his head to be placed upon, he Talbooth or prison house in Edenbrough, and his legs & arms over [Page 36]the gates of the Cities of Sterling, Glas­cow, S. Iohns town and Aberdeen. And in case he repented (by which means his sentence of Excomunication might be taken off by the Kirk) the bulk of his bo­dy might be buried in Grayfriers, if not, to be buried in the Common burying place for thieves and robbers.’ Thus far did their unparallel'd hatred and malice extend even to his dead Corps.

This Sentence being aggravated by the Chancellour in the utmost terms of hor­rour that his spleen could invent, was yet mildly and unpassionately received by this Illustrious Marquess, who answered no­thing to it. But, ‘That he took it for a greater honour to have his head stand on the prison gate for this quarrel, then to have his picture in the Kings Bed-cham­bers; and least his loyalty should be for­gotten, they had highly honoured him, in designing lasting Monuments to four of the chiefest Cities to bear up his me­morial to all posterity; wishing he had flesh enough to have sent a piece to every [Page 37]City in Christendome, to witness his loyalty to his King and Countrey.’

The next day being the day appointed for his execution, richly habited, in a scar­let Cloak laced with gold, but his soul a­dorned with constant Loyalty the far rich­er Ornament of the two, he marched along the street with so composed a Courrage & Gravity, that most of his Enemies either pityed or admired him: being come to the place of execution, he was some time de­tained with many frivolous questions of the flea-bitten Clergy, being ready to mount up the lader, he said it was Jacob 's Lader by which he should mount to Heaven.

His Speech to the people was short and much to this effect. ‘That he was sory if his end should be scandalous to any good Christian: but that it often happened to the Righteous according to the wayes of the wicked, that they who knew him should not disesteem him for his ignomi­nious death. That he confessed it was the judgement of God upon him for his pri­vat sins; but as for his condemners, they [Page 38]were but instruments. That they had perverted judgement and justice and op­pressed the poor: yet he desired God to forgive them, for he heartily forgave them. That what he did in that King­dome, he did it in obedience to the just commands of his Sovereign, to assist him against those which rose up against him. That it was not his fault that he lay un­der the sensure of the Church, since 'twas only for doing his duty. That for what was said of him that he should blame the King, he said, 'twas most false, for (saies he) the late King lived a Saint, and died a Martyr. That if ever he should wish his soul in any mans place, it should be in his. That for the King now living, he was a Prince under whom any people might live most happily, his commands were righteous, his promises saithfull, and his dealings just. Finally, that he commended his soul to God, his service to his Prince, his good will to his friends, and his name & charity to all good peo­ple.’

This was the sum of his speech on the ladder, which, and some private prayers being finished: he mounted up the top of that prodigious Gibbet, where his Histo­ry and Declaration being tied about his neck, and his hands bound by the Executi­oner, he turned about and gave him some gold, asking; If they had any more dishonour, as they conceived it, to put upon him, he was ready to accept it, and then with a great deal of magnanimity, biding the Executioner turn him off when he should hold up his hands, it was accordingly performed.

Thus nobly lived, and thus ignomini­ously & yet nobly died: the truest of friends, the loyallest of Subjects, the faithfullest of Servants, the best of Masters, and the va­liantest of Captains. Iames Graham, Mar­quess of Montross Earl of Rindardin, Lord of Groaem and Baron of Montdieu, whose death was not only lamented as a private but rather as publick loss: most of the Prin­ces in Europe deploring the unfortunate fall of so Noble and Heroick a person; for he was endowed with such winning graces, [Page 40]that whereever he came he was both ho­noured and esteemed, and whereever he Commanded, both feared and loved.

His enemies Mallicce, though he was dead, kept still alive; for after they had be­headed him and cut off his quarters, they would not permit that bulk of his body which remained to be buried in any other place then the Borough Moor.

But this Noble Marquess suffered not a­lone, for soon after Col. Hurrie (notwith­standing he pleaded the benefit of Quarter, young Spotswood of Daersie, A most com­pleat Gentleman) Sir Francis Hay, & Col. Sibbalds, two most accomplished persons, though they had all the favour to be be­headed.

There was likewise one Captain Char­ters, who being put in hopes of life by the perfidious Kirk, upon his recantation, made a long speech upon the Scaffold, ac­knowledging his Apostacy from the Cove­nant, and desiring to be reconciled to the Kirk but had notwithstanding his head struck off,

This was the fatall and Tragicall Event of his Majesties affairs in Scotland under Montrosse's Conduct: let us now turn to see how the treaty at Breda went on in the mean time.

But before I proceed any further, give me leave to speak a word or two, concerning the Magnanimous Col. Will. Sibbalds, who (say some) confessed himselfe guilty of the Murther of D. Dorislaus the English Agent at the Hague, which I must ingeniously confesse I believe upon good ground to be only a Calumny and scandal raised from the so far extended Marice of his enemies; for I can find nothing either in his speech at Death, or in any Records of credit tending to such a confession, though much against any likelyhood of it: nor can I ima­gine that any man could with so much re­solution as he dyed with, part from this world, and have so great a load and blot upon Conscience. But to proceed, Great debates there were in the mean time be­tween his Majesty and the Scotch Commis­sioners concerning the Treaty, and great [Page 42]demurs there were upon it; for besides the striving of some Lords who had a kind of a serious Antipathy to the Scots perfidious­ness, and endeavoured to perswade his Ma­jesty not to trust them who had betrayed his Father. The King himselfe stuck high­ly as he had reason, about the business of of taking the Covenant; For, 1. There was no reason why he should be enforced to relinquish the Religion of his Fathers, and whilst he per­mitted to his Subjects Liberty of Conscience, it would be very inconsistent with their so earnestly pretended desires of a peace and agreement, to deny him the same priviledge which he gave them. 2. That Covenant tendered, and so earnestly prest upon him by them, was an Obliga­tory Covenant to bind the Subjects to him, and not for him to swear to; and therefore he judg­ed it sufficiently satisfactory to pass an act for the peoples taking it.

Whilst these demurs and delayes were in the Treaty, the Scotch Commissioners give a visit to the Illustrious Prince of O­range, whom they intreat to be a Mediator between them and their King. His Majesty [Page 43]likewise withdrawes himselfe for some time from Breda to the Hague, there to ad­vise with his Aunt the Queen of Bohemia, the Prince of Orange and other friends, a­bout what he were best to resolve on, or de­termine.

But the Estates of Scotland though their proposed Conditions were already unrea­sonable, yet resolve to add more weight to the scale: the Earl of Carnworth and Mr. Murrey are sent over to the Commissioners at Breda with new instructions and propo­sitions; As, 1. That his Maiesty should confirm all Acts done in some late Sessions of Par­liament, without any exception. 2. That neither Montross nor any of his adherents be admitted to come into the Kingdome of Scot­land.

But notwithstanding the harshness of the Conditions, the King is earnestly pressed to come to a full conclusion with the Scots, Though many Lords of the contrary facti­on pleaded for an utter rejection of their propositions, alleadging to his Majesty, That the Covenanters horid perfidousness to his [Page 44]Father might be a sufficient motive and induce­ment for him not to trust them; That the more willing he was to condiscend to their Propositiōs, the more impudent they were still in proposing things most unreasonable; That should he accept of their Conditions, they would so tye up his hands that he would be then but a King only in Title, which he was without them. On the o­ther side, the Earl of Lauderdale, the Lord Wilmot, Piercy, and others of his Majesties Council who stood for an accomodation with the Scots, urged, That his Majesties affairs both in Ireland, under the Marquess of Mon­tross, and in the Navy under Prince Pupert, were in so weak and tottering a Condition, that no helpe could be expected from them; That all the Princes in Europe were so imbroyled in Wars of their own, that it was in vain to crave any Forreign aid; & that therefore there was no way left for his Majesty to regain his lost Rights and Kingdoms but by complying with his Sub­jects of Scotland, and though it were upon such Conditions as would at first seem harsh, those Curbs might in time (possession got) be thrown off by degrees; these reasons swayed with his [Page 45]Majesty, & the Treay went on with a clear­er face then formerly.

But now there happens a strong demur, or as most supposed, a business that would wholly break off the Treaty, for the newes of Montrosse's ignominious death being come to Breda, extreamly incensed the whole Court, and those who were against the Treaty, bestirred themselves strongly, still endeavouring to avert the King wholly from it, by telling him, ‘That they had by thus murthering his Leiutennant, De­monstrated to the World what they would do to him if they had him in their power; That it was an act of rashnesse and desperation to trust them, or to have any more to do with such a perfidious generation; That they only cunningly and subtilly endeavoured to entrap him that they might destroy him.’ But notwithstanding their heat, his Ma­jesty conceals his anger, (which doubtless could not but be great, for the death and the so Ignominious death of so good and loyal a subject and Servant; and that too in [Page 46]his quarrel, and for obeying his just com­mands (only he expresses his resentment of their so strange proceedings to the Committee of Estates by a Message sent by Mr. Murrey to this effect.

‘That it could not but grieve and perplex him to hear, that whilst they pretended to conclude a peace, they proceeded in the way of War; and that whilst they treated of an accord with him, they shed the bloud of his best Subjects, and that in such a manner, that if true as report­ed, they could not imagine but it must extreamly incense him, he therefore de­sired them to give him an account of their businesse.’

To this they return Answer.

‘That their affections were still reall to him, & that it rejoyced their very soules, to hear that he would be willing to con­cur with them in a peace and agreement, That as for the Death of Montross, they desired it might be no obstacle in the way, for that they did nothing in it but with a reall intention to promote his interest.’

Thus they endeavoured to excuse them selves, but it was not their excuse, nor their so many reiterated Protestations of fidelity, but the necessity of the Kings af­fairs, which drew him not long after to conclude the Treaty at Breda (notwith­standing the violent opposers of it) by con­descending to most of their desires

The conclusion of the Treaty was soon carried to Edenbrough, where the Parlia­ment being met, it was yet by some of those who favoured the Secterian party in Eng­land made a debate, whether they should make any more addresses to the King. So impudent were they even after the treaty was con­cluded with him, but there were found but thirty of these malevolent persons; so the major part of the Votes carrying it in the affirmative, it was resolved that ano­ther message should be sent unto him, to invite him to make all possible speed to his Kingdome of Scotland, protesting that they would venture Lives and Fortunes in assisting him to regain his Rights & King­doms; but they not only debar him from [Page 48]having those whom he chiefly favoured to wait upon him, but likewise prohibit the Duke Hamilton, the Earls of Lauderdale & Seaforth, and many other persons of quali­ties return to Scotland, and they nominate such persons as they thought fit out of their own Gang to be officers of his hous­hold there.

The Juncto then siting and Govern­ing in England, had certain intelligence all along of the proceeds of the Trea­ty between his Majesty and the Scots, toge­ther with their Propositions to assist him in the recovery of his Rights in England by some who sate in the Parliament of Scot­land, betrayed their counsells, and ear­nestly solicited the English to assault Scot­land, before they were themselves assault­ed and invaded, to which effect they pre­pare an Army without any just pretence, which they give to Oliver Cromwell to com­mand, making him Generalissimo of all the Forces of that Commonwealth in the room of Sir Thomas Fairfax, whose Com­mission was between taken away and laid down.

Some time before his Majestie's depar­ture from Holland into Scotland, newes was brought of the unfortunate loss of all Prince Rupert's Fleet, most of his ships be­ing either taken, sunk or burnt by General Blake, Admiral to the English Navy; so though the Treaty was concluded with Scotland, his Majestie's affairs went every where else to wrack.

At length all things being in a readiness, his Majesty about the beginning of Iune 1650. took shipping at Sheveling in Hol­land, and after a tedious storm, and nar­row escape of some English Vessels which lay in wait for him, arrived at Spey in the North of Scotland. Some Lords are sent down to receive him, and to accompany him to Edenbrough, where two stately hou­ses are richly provided and furnish't to en­tertain him.

He was all along the Countrey enter­tained with the General joy of all the people, severall presents being given him by the Towns as he came along. Aberdeen presented him with 1500. l but the Com­mittee [Page 50]of Estates and Kirk fearing that such diet would prove too unwieldy to their pleasures, sent an injunction to several places, requiring them that what ever moneys they had to bestow, they should bring it to such treasuries as should be ap­pointed by them. Thus they permit not the Subjects to shew their good will to their Soveraign, nor him to receive it.

Nor were the States & Kirk as yet con­tent with those hard conditions: but they send him new propositions to Dundee to sign, which after some reluctancy he per­formed; for indeed he could do no other­wise, being now in their clutches.

The Parliament and Committee of Estates in Scotland had while they ex­pected his Majesties arrivall been consult­ing about the framing of an Army, every fourth man in the Kingdome is ordered to be trained; and sixteen thousand foot, and six thousand horse to be raised for his Majesties present service. Of this Army the Earle of Leven is made General of the Foot, and Holborn Major General, David [Page 51]Lesley Lieutenant General of the Horse, and Montgomery Major General: the place of Generalissimo was reserved for the King, though he never went into the field with the Army.

His Majesty being come to Edenbrough, is received by the Parliament and Com­mittee of Estates & Kirk, with infinite complements and expressions of fidelity & affection, and with great acclamations of joy from the people, and on the 15. of Iu­ly is again solemnly proclaimed King at Edenbrough Crosse, but his coronation yet defer'd by reason of the then troubles.

For the English Army, notwithstanding the Scots had expostulated them the un­justness of invading their Countrey, was advanced upon the borders, & at Mus­cleborough the Scots under Montgomery with a small party, set upon the English Army, but were worsted, and so the two Armies moved at a distance one from the other, till they came as far as Dunbar, where the Scots had got a considerable advantage, by rea­son of a passe, and brag'd they had got the [Page 52] English in a pound: but whether by their own carelesnesse and over security; or the over-reaching, courage and valour of the English, I cannot tell, a totall losse they had there, the passe gain'd from them, & themselves wholly routed and dispersed.

I am the shorter in relating the passa­ges between these two Armies, in regard that though the King was made Generalissi­mo; yet he had no influence upon the Ar­my, which might rather be called the States or Kirks then the Kings; for though he was there present; and bore the title of King, yet they had the whole power, and made and revoked Lawes and Orders.

The King was then with the States at Saint Iohnstons, when the newes of this losse, and that of the Death of his Sister the Princesse Elizabeth arriv'd much about the same time, and some have been bold to affirm that the latter grieved him more then the former, in regard of the imperi­ousness which 'twas probable the States of Scotland would have usurped, had the successe answered their minds.

And sufficiently imperious were both they and the Kirk already, notwithstand­ing the ill fortune of their affairs; for, so great was their insolency towards his Ma­jesty, in their earnestness to purge his house, in extorting Declarations from him against his own party and proceedings, & in usurping the whole government of af­fairs to themselves, in placing guards of their own creatures upon his Person, &c. That his sacred Majesty no longer able to suffer such intollerable affronts & abuses, went secretly away, accompanied only with four horse towards the North of Scotland, where the Marquess of Hunt ley, the Earls of Seaforth and Atholl, the Lords Ogilby and Newburgh, with the Gourdons were ready to appear for him with a considerable party.

Scotland was at this time not only perple­xed with a forreign enemy in her bowels, but with civill distempers & divisions; for in the West there was a party under the cō ­mand of Straughan & Kerr; who declar'd against the actions of the Committee of E­states, [Page 54] ‘for their too much hast and pre­cipitation in the Treaty with the King for their receiving him before he had given any evidence of a real change. That they believed his profession of the cause and covenant was counterfeit, and there­fore refused to submit to his power;’ These men were purely for the Kirk a­gainst the King's Authority.

Another party there was in the North under the Command of Huntley, Atholl, Seaforth, &c. who declared purely for the Kingly Authority disclaiming and dis­owning all power or order of the Kirk, Parliament or Committee of Estates. These having gotten together a considera­ble party, it was supposed by the Com­mittee of Estates that his Majesty was gon to them, whereupon to quiet & alay them if possible, an Act of Indempnity was pas­sed by Parliament for what they had done; but they sleighted it, fell upon Sir Iohn Brown's Regiment, and slew and took pri­soners many of his men; Whereupon Lieut. Generall David Lasley was sent a­gainst; [Page 55]him; but the whole business after the Kings return to St. Iohnston's ended in a Treaty.

The third & greatest party were the Par­liament & Committee of Estates & Kirk, who were equally for King & Kirk; these were highly perplexed and discontented at the King's going away from S. Iohnston's and the more because they feared he was gon to the Athol men, many con­troversies & consultations were had about it; some were so ridged as to propose, that since he had deserted them, they should look no more after him, but let him take his own wayes: Others were more mild, and would yet have him understand their resentment for his leaving them; nor wan­ted there some sticklers for his Majesty; at length it was concluded that Major Gene­rall Montgomery should speedily march af­ter him, and earnestly intreat him to re­turn to S. Iohnstons.

Montgomery according to his order went, and having had secret information that his Majesty was at the Lord Dedup's house [Page 56]in the North confines of Fife, he first sur­rounds the house, and then sends in a Mes­senger to acquaint the King with the ear­nest desires of the Committee of Estates; that he would gratiously be pleased to re­turn with him to St. Johnston's; but his Ma­jesty at first absolutely refused, as scorn­ing to endure that slavery which they had subjected him to, he was in the mean time earnestly solicited by Huntley, and the Gordons to adhere solely to them, which he so much seemed to incline to, that he had almost made the breach implacable between that party and the Kirk; but at length upon severall propositions granted him, he returned with Montgomery to St. Johnston's.

The King being thus returned, and Huntley's party come in by admitting those with him to bear publick Offices, a general Meeting was resolved on to be held at St. Johnstons, which should consist of King, Lords, Barons, Burgesses and the assem­bly of Ministers; whereupon the Com­mittee of the Kirk are summoned to meet, [Page 57]but stand off, alledging that Sterling was the more convenient place to meet in; To which the States answer'd, that they e­steemed S. Johnstons the fitter, that if they would not meet, they should consult for their own securities, but at length they consent; The grand Assembly meets, & all parties seem now agreed. Severall Lords formerly in disfavour with the Kirk, are received into Command in the Army, or have liberty to sit in Parliament, such as Hamilton, Lauderdale, Lieth, Bucheim, Dedup, and Crawford, Major Generall Massey of the English was admitted to a command in the Army. Thus did their divisions begin to be cemented, which else must necessarily have hastened their Ruine.

About this time the King received the sad newes of the death of the thrice illustrious Prince of Orange, Brother-in-law to his Ma­jesty, & who had demonstrated himselfe a true & faithfull friend to him in his neces­sities; his Lady the Royall Princess Mary was by him left great with Child, and soon after his death was delivered of a Post­hume [Page 58]son.

And now on the first of January the day appointed by the Grand Convention at S. Johnstan's the solemnity having been re­moved to Scone the usuall place for the Co­ronation of the Kings of Scotland; First his Maiesty in a Princes Robe, was conducted from his Bed-chamber by the Constable and Marshal to the Chamber of presence, where he was by the Lord Angus Chamberlin placed in a Chair under a cloth of Estate; Then the Nobles and Commissioners of Baronyes & Burroughs entred the Room, and having shown themselves to his Ma­jesty, the Chancellor spake to this effect. ‘Sir, your good Subjects desire you may be crowned, as righteous and lawfull Heir of the Crown of this Kingdom, that you would maintain the present professed Religion the Nationall Cove­nant and Solemn League and Covenant. That you would gratiously be pleased to receive them under your protection, to govern them according to law, to de­fend them in their rights and priviled­ges [Page 59]by your Royal power, they offering themselves in humble manner to your Majesty with their vowes to bestow Land, Life & what else is in their power for the maintenance of Religion, for the safety of your Majesties sacred person, and maintenance of your Crown, which they entreat your Majesty to accept, and pray Almighty God that for many years you may enjoy the same.’

The King to this made Answer.

‘I do esteem the affections of my good people more then the Crowns of many Kingdomes, & shall be ready by Gods assi­stance to bestow my life in their Defence; wishing to live no longer then I may see Religion and the Kingdom flourish in all happiness.’

This ceremony performed, the Nobles and Commissioners of Baroneys and Bur­roughs accompanied his Majesty to the Church of Scone; the Spurs being carried before him by the Earl of Eglinton, the [Page 60]sword by the Earl Rothes, the scepter by the Earls of Craford & Lindsey; the Crown by the Marquess of Argyle; immediatly be­fore the Kings Majesty; who followed supported by the Constable & Marshall; his train born up by the Lords Montgomery, Ereskin, Newbottle, and Machelene; under a Canopy of crimson Velvet, supported by the Lords Drummond, Carnegie, Ramsey, Iohnson, Brechin, and Yster; which six were supported by six Noble men's sons.

Thus they went to the Church, which being fitted for the purpose, the Honours were laid upon a table provided for them, and his Majesty ascended on a stage 24. foot square, & seated himselfe in a Chair to heare the sermon; upon this stage there was another smaller stage erected whereon the Throne stood. His Majesty being sea­ted on the Chair, a Sermon was preached by Robert Douglas moderater of the Com­mission of the General assembly: Sermon being ended, the National Covenant of Scotland, and the solemn League and Co­venant were distinctly read, which done, [Page 61]the Oath was ministred in these Words.

‘I CHARLES King of Britain, Frence and Ireland, doe assure and declare by my Solemn Oath, in the presence of Amighty God the Searcher of all hearts, my allowance and approbation of the Nationall Covenant, and of the solemn League and Covenant; and faith­fully Oblige my selfe to prosecute the ends thereof in my station and calling; and that I for my selfe & successurs shall consent & agree to all acts of Parliaments enjoyning the Nationall Covenant, and the solemn League and Covenant: and fully establish Presbyterian Government, the Directory of Worship, Confession of Faith, and Catechismes in the King­dom of Scotland, as they are approved by the General assemblies of this Kirk, and Parliament of this Kingdome, and that I shall give my Royall assent to acts & Or­dinances of this Parliament passed, or to be passed, enjoyning the same in my other Dominions. And that I shall observe these in mine own practice & Family, & shall [Page 62]never make opposition to any of those, or endeavour any change thereof.’

The King having thus solemnly sworn, the Nationall covenant, the solemn League and Covenant, with the oath subjoined, was by him under written in the presence of them all; which done, the King ascend­ed the other Stage, and sat down in the Throne. Then the Lords great Constable and Marshall went to the four corners of the Stage, Lyon king at Arms going before them, who spake these words to the people, Sirs, I do present unto you the King, CHARLES, the Rightfull and undoubt­ed Heir of the Crown & Dignitie of this Realm; this day is by the Parliament of this Kingdom appointed for his Coronation. And are you not willing to have him for your King, and become subject to his commandements? At this Acti­on the King stood up, and shewed himselfe to the people round about, who expressed their consent by their joyfull acclamati­ons, crying, God save King CHARLES the Second.

Then his Majesty descended from his [Page 63]Throne into the Chair, where he sat to hear the Sermon, of whom the Minister accompanied with some others of his tribe, demand if he were willing to take the Coronation Oath, according as it was contained in the eight Act of the first Par­liament of King James the VI. his Royall Grandfather. The King answered he was most willing. Then was the oath read a­loud by Lyon king at Armes, in these words.

‘Because that the increase of Virtue, & suppressing Idolatry craveth that the Prince and people be of one perfect Reli­gion, which of GOD'S mercy is now presently professed within this Realm: Therefore it is statuted and ordained by our Soveraigne Lord, the Lord Regent, and three Estates of this present Parlia­ment, that all Kings, Princes, and Magist­rates whatsoever, holding their place, which hereafter at any time shall happen to reign & bear rule over this Realm, at the time of their Coronation, and receit of their Princely Authority make their faith­full [Page 64]promise in the presence of the eter­nall God. That enduring the whole course of their lives, they shall serve the same Eternall God, to the utmost of their power, according as he hath required in his most holy Word, revealed and con­tained in the new and old Testaments, & according to the same words shall main­taine the true Religion of Christ Jesus, the preaching of his holy Word, and the due and right ministration of the Sacra­ments, now received and preached with­in this Realm, and shall abolish & gain­stand all false Religions contrary to the same, and shall rule the people commit­ted to their charge according to the will & command of God revealed in his fore­said Word, and according to the lauda­ble Laws and Constitutions received in this Realm, no wayes repugnant to the said Word of the Eternal GOD, and shall procure to the utmost of their pow­er, to the Kirk of GOD, & whole Chri­stian people, true and perfect peace in time coming: The rights and rents, with [Page 65]all just Priviledges of the Crown of Scot­land, to preserve and keep inviolated, neither shall they transfer or alienate the the same. They shall forbid and repress all in all estates and Degrees, Leases, Oppression, and all kind of Wrong in all Judgement. They shall command and procure that Justice and Equity be kept to all Creatures without excep­tion, as the Lord and Father of mercies be merciful unto them. And out of their Lands and Empire they shall be careful to root out all Hereticks and enemies to the true worship of God, that shall be convict by the true Kirk of GOD of the aforesaid Crimes; & that he shall faith­fully affirm the things above written by the solemn Oath.’

The Oath thus read, the Minister ten­dred it to the King, who kneeling & hold­ing up his right hand, sware thus: By the Eternal and Almighty GOD who liveth and reigneth for ever, I shall observe and keep all that is contained in this Oath.

Then was the King disrobed by the Lo. Cham­berlain [Page 66]berlain of the Princely Robe, with which he entred the Church, and vested with his Royal Robes; and so supported as before, he removed to the Chair placed on the North side of the Kirk, whither the sword was first brought from the table by Sir William Cockburn of Langtown Gentleman­usher, who delivers it to the great Cham­berlain, and he making a short speech, de­livers it to his Majesty, by whom it was given into the great Constable's hands and by him girt to the King's side.

Then his Majesty sitting down in the Chair, the spurs are put on him by the Earl Marshall. After which Archibald Marquesse of Argyle takes the Crown into his hands, and after a short prayer made by the Minister, put it upon his Majesties head,

which done, Lyon King at Arms, the great Constable standing by him, called the Nobility one by one, who came all, and kneeling, and touching the Crown upon the Kings head with their right hand, Swore thus: By the Eternall and Al­mighty [Page 67]God, who liveth and raigneth for ever, I shall support thee to the uttermost. The obli­gatory Oath was likewise read to the peo­ple, they holding up their hands.

Lastly, after the Earls of Craford & Lind­sey had deliver'd his Majesty the Scepter, he returned again to the Stage, where he was installed in the Throne by the Marquess of Argyle; and after a short exhortation of Master Robert Douglass, returned to the Pallas with the Crown upon his head in the same manner as he came.

This is a full relation of the ceremonies performed at his Majesties Coronation at Scone, on the first of January 1650, which I the rather fully insert, because the World may take notice of those hard Covenant Pills which the Kirk-men made him swal­low.

Presently after the coronation, the King & Nobles return'd in a most solemn man­ner to S. Iohns town; the Kings Majesty having a guard to attend him, confisting of most Lords and Gentlemens sons, and the Lord Lorne son to the Marquesse of [Page 68] Argyle was made Captaine of it.

And now his Majesty intends with all possible speed the raising of an Army (for the Scots having had all this while no Ar­my on the other side the Fife to oppose the English proceedings, they had reduc'd all places there under their force, even Eden­brough Castle it selfe) to which effect he orders his Standard to be set up at Aber­deen, himselfe nobly resolving to be Gene­ralissimo of this army; the other general commands were now given as well to the Royallists as Presbyterians; For Duke Hamilton was made Lieut. General of the Army, and Middleton Lieut. General of the Horse.

The Levies came in a pace to the gene­ral Randezvouze, which was appointed on the East part of Fife, whither his Ma­jesty in person went to encourage his Soul­diers, whom he found both increasing in their numbers, and much rejoyced at his presence.

The Parliament of Scotland, which had adjourned to give time for his Majesties [Page 69]nation; being met again, there were strong endeavors of the King, that several Lords of the Royal party should be admit­ted to their seats in Parliament; but, the assemblies of the Kirk at Sterling & Aber­deen as strongly oppose it, and shew them­selves discontented both at this proposal, and likewise at the new levies, in regard they were there admitted to commands in the Army: as they now desired to have place in Parliament; yet notwithstanding these murmurings, they were upon their reconciliation to the Church; and passing the stool of Repentance, re-admitted to their places in Parliament; such were Duke Hamilton, the Marquess of Huntley, the Earls of Calendare, Crawford, & others.

But stil not only many of the Ministers (notwithstanding there was a select Com­mittee appointed to examine and punnish such persons who any way confronted and murmured against any designs or acts of State) rail against these proceedings; but some of the Nobles too are discontented, insomuch that the Earl of Sutherland utter­ly [Page 70]refused to concur with them, and if he could possibly, would have opposed them by force.

And indeed very many or most of the Presbyterians were discontented; For the Royal party by the Admission of those Lords and others, was grown stronger then the Kirk's, and now bore all the sway; which made the proud Marquesse Argyle and other Covenantier Lords, murmur at: being afraid least in time they should wholly be laid aside, they having already seen one of their party begun with; for the Earl of Louden who customarily had the Lord Chancellorship of the Kingdome, was removed from his place, and the Lord Burleigh constituted Chancellor in his stead.

Yet on the Covenanters side there want­ed not some Ministers, such were Mr. Ro­Bert Douglass, and Mr. David Dicks, who endeavoured to beget a right understand­ing in both parties, that these sparks of discontent might not at last burst out into a flame, as 'twas very much feared [Page 71]they would; but rather that in this time of danger they might lay a side all animosi­ties, and unite together against the Com­mon Enemy, who else would be the Ruine of them both.

And now his Maiesty to keep a corespon­dency abroad, sends the Earl of Dumferlin Ambassador to the States of Holland, he had likewise at the same time several other Ambassadors oragents abroad in the courts of several Princes, to require aid; but ne­ver found more, then what fair and sugar'd promises produced

And about this time, Sir Henry Hide, be­ing sent ouer to England from Constantino­ple (whither he had been sent as Ambassa­dor from his Majesty to the Grand Seigni­or) by Sir Thomas Bendysh his means, who was then Ambassador for the republick in England (but yet deem'd a person of more loyalty to his Prince, then to have sent his Ambassador to be murder'd, if he could have avoided it) after somewhat a formall tryall, he suffered death on a Scaffold be­fore the Royal Exchange in London, for [Page 72]having taken Commissions from his So­veraign.

And not long after him Captain Brown-Bushell, who though he had formerly been an enemy to his Majesties father, yet now suffer'd death upon the Tower-hill London, for having done some signal services by sea for his present Majesty.

But to return to the Kings affairs in Scot­land, where the special businesses in hand were, the compleating the Levies to 15000 foot, and 6000 horse, which went on a pace; and the fortifying the town of Ster­ling, which his Majesty intended for the place of his chief residence; to the hasten­ing of the which his Majesty went often in Progress to view the Works, & encourage the Pioneers.

And time it was to hasten those Works, for the English drew every day nigher and nigher towards them having already taken the Fort of Blackness, which lay btween Sterling and Edenbrough; which was never theless not accounted so great a loss, as the surprizsal of the Earl of Eglinton and one [Page 73]of his Sons by a party of English horse at Dumbarton; for this Earl was a person of a great deal of power in that Nation, and his taking very much obstructed the going for­ward of the Levies.

But Sterling being almost fortified suffi­ciently, his Majesty removed his Court hither; where whilst he was, his birth day being the 29 of May, was kept through Scotland, with such tokens of joy as are usuall upon such occasions; but the town of Dundee exceeded all the rest, for besides their equal expressions of joy, they pre­sented his Majesty with a rich Tent, six pieces of Field Ordinance, and set out a Regiment of horse towards his assistance at their own charge.

At Sterling likewise were the head Quar­ters kept; most of the Scotch Army Quar­tering about it, whither Middleton's levies from the North being come, and amoun­ting to about 8000 men, it came to be a dispute whether these should be a distinct Army by themselves, or be joined with Lesley's Southern levies; but at length it [Page 74]was thought most conveniēt to joyn them: and his Majesty to prevent those animosi­ties which might arise between Middleton and Lesley for the General-ship, tooke up­on himselfe the Command of the whole.

From hence his Majesty sent a messen­ger to the Parliamet still sitting at S. John­ston's with these demands.

1. That the Act about the Classis of malignants should be revok'd & disannul­l'd, and that an Act pass for its repeal.

2. That there may be no more any mention of the name of malignants among them.

3. That Duke Hamilton, the Earls of Seaforth, and Callendare, &c. might have as full commād in the Army as any others.

The demands were strongly debated pro & con in the Parliament; the Marquess of Argyle and others of the Covenanted strain, endeavouring by all means possible to oppose them; yet at length, though with much difficulty, they were carried in the affirmative, it being urged by the more mo­derate sort too, that the granting of these [Page 75]would be the only way to take away all a­nimosities, between those parties which they intended to unite.

The Parliament having granted these things to his Majesty, & given large com­missions & instructions for the compleat­ing of the Levies, about the begining of Iune dissolved, leaving all things (in rela­tion to civil and intestine distempers in a calm & quiet) all parties seeming to be pleased, and their actions united towards the opposing of their common Enemy Cromwell.

Whilst these things were thus transact­ed in Scotland, a great and terrible plot was discovered against the Juncto then ruling in England, and their government in assistance of his Majesty to his just Rights. This design was chiefly laid by those Pres­byterians who had been such dire Oppo­nents of his Majesty's blessed father of happy (yet unhappy) memory, viz the greatest part Presbyterian Ministers, who had most of them formerly belcht out such fire-brands from their Pulpits as had set [Page 76]both Church and State in a combustion; but now whether out of a reall sence of their Errour (which I have the charity to believe it was) they had a desire to return to their Allegiance to his Son their law­full and native Sovereign; or out of an am­bition, by joining with their Scotish Bre­thren (which I am loath to judge) to get the Power again into their hands, which was snatch'd from them by the Inde­pendant English Army, and the Juncto of Sectaries in England, they had laid a de­signe to raise both a contribution of mo­ney; and levy men for his Majesty's assist­ance here; but their Plot was betrayed by the intercepting of Letters in a ship forced by foul weather into Ayre in Scotland; but bound with provisions for the Isle of Man, whereupon the chief undertakers in Lon­don were apprehended, viz. Mr. Cook, Mr. Gibbons, Mr. Christopher Love, Mr. Jen­kins, D. Drake and others, of which two. viz. Mr. Gibbons and Mr. Love was con­demned by a high Court of Justice; and suffered death on the Tower hill, for that [Page 77]cause against which they had once so strongly declar'd.

But to return again to the cheif Scene in Scotland. The English Army had long had a desire to bring the Scots to a field battel, which his Majesty upon sundry good rea­sons & serious advice declin'd; so Cromwell endeavoured to the utmost of his power to force them to it, & therefore several times fac'd his Majesty's Army which lay en­camped at Torwood, within three miles of Sterling, but could not yet draw them out of their trenches, the chief reason being imagin'd to proceed from their stay for Argyle, Huntley, and Seaforth, who were gon into their several Territories to com­pleat the King's Levies.

Cromwell perceiving that he could not draw the Scots to a field-battel, upon a sudden draws off his Army, and transports fixteen hundred Foot; and foure Troopes of Horse over unto Fife on such a sudden, that it startled his Majesties whole Army; And Cromwell with an unparallel'd expe­dition, faces again the Royal Army with a reso­lution [Page 78]to fall upon their rear if they should attempt a motion thetherwards; but they offered not to stir, for already order had been given to Sir Iohn Brown Governour of Sterling to march with four thousand Horse and Foot to drive out that party of Cromwell's which were already landed in Fife; of which, intelligence being brought Lambart and Okye with two Regiments of Horse and two of Foot, are with all possi­ble haste wafted over to reinforce the par­ty already there; with which additionall supply of men they routed Sir Iohn Brown, who expected none but the first landed party, taking himself and several other officers of quality prisoners, and killing two thousand upon the place, and taking near 1200. prisoners: and shortly after Cromwell transports most of his Army over the Fife, and resolving to stop the passage which the Scots had over by Sterling, mar­ches to S. Iohnstons and takes it almost up­on summons.

Hs Majesty seeing the English Army was advanced so far Northward, thought it [Page 79]in vain to attempt the forcing them back; & knowing that the Scots naturally fights better in anothers then in their own Conn­try, resolves toadvanc with all possible sp­eed into England, where he yet hoped, not withstāding the discovery of the design, to find some Loyal souls to joyn with him for the Recovery of his right and Kingdomes.

Many were there who opposed this in­tention of his Majesty, and among those Duke Hamilton was one of the chiefest; whose dislike may sufficiently appear by his Letter to Mr. Crofts after their Advance to this effect;

We are now laughing, (sayes he) at the rediculousness of our present State; We have quit Scotland being scarce able to maintain it: and yet we grasp at all, and nothing but all will satisfie us, or to lose all. I confess I cannot tell whether our hopes or fears are greatest? but we have one stout argument Despair: for we must now either stoutely fight or dye: all the Rogues have left us, I shall not say whether out of fear or disloyalty; but all now with his Majesty are such as will not dispute his Commands.

But notwithstanding his dislike: & his & other oppositiōs, yet the Kings resove takes place, and on July the 31. 1651. his Ma­jesties Army began to advance from Ter­wood near Sterling steering their course di­rirectly for England, which they entred six dayes after by way of Carlisle; This march of the Royall Army made Cromwell with the greatest part of his forces immediately recrosse the Frith, and forth with send Ma­jor General Lambert with a select party of Horse and Dragoons to fall upon the Rear of his Majesties Army, whilst they hop'd that Major General Harrison, then lying neer the borders with about three thousand Horse and Dragoons, would attach them in the Front; shortly after himselfe fol­lowed with the rest of the Army which could be spar'd, amounting to about eight compleat Regiments of Foot, and two of Horse.

But then this greater preparation is made against him in England, for the Juncto then fitting at Westminster, not onely interdicted all aid or assistance either of [Page 81]men or moneys, to be given to his Majesty under the penalty of High Treason; but also in all or most of the Countrys had cau­sed a numerous force to be raised, the Church-Militia of the City of London being likewise sent out against him; and for the present impeading of his march, two thou­sand of the Country- Militia of Stafford­shire, and four thousand out of Lancashire and Cheshire, under the command of Col. Birch, had joyned with Harrison.

But be sides all this, many of the Royal Army had in their march deserted their co­lours, & neer a fourth part of the army was wanting; but these were most of them such, as were not very well affected to the busi­ness, nor cause they went about; and there­fore there was but little miss of them, for the rest of the Army marched on chear­fully, and continued to the utmost push stedfast and loyal; & were so contentedly obedient to all Military Discipline, that 'tis believ'd that in al their march through all that part of England they hardly took the value of six pence forcibly.

But notwithstanding this unwonted evility of the Scottsh Army, and his Ma­jesties earnest invitations, the Country came very slowly in, whether besotted, dulled and contented with that slavery they then lay under, or over-aw'd by an armed power, I cannot tell, but such was their backwardness, that few or none be­sides the Lord Howard of Estriche's son with a Troop of Horse came to him, during his long tedious march through England.

Nor did his Majesty with his Army take that course which was expected by most he should; for the great fear of his Ene­mies, and greatest hopes of his Friends were, that he would march directly for London, but he contrary to their expectati­ons, being come into Lancashire, struck off at Warrington, either doubting the en­terprize for London too hazardous, or out of the hopes had of the Forces, it was ex­pected Major General Massey might raise in Glostershire which was the then general­ly voagu'd reason.

But before his Majesty could pass over War­rington [Page 83]Bridge, he had occasion to try the stoutness of his Souldiers; for there Har­rison was resolved if possible to stop him, and was endeavouring to that purpose to have broken down the Bridge; but his Majesties forces by a swift march from Charley, prevented his design, and forced him to an engagement, The dispute was somewhat hot and long, but at length his Majesty got the better; for he gained a free passage over the Bridge, though with the loss of some men.

This Bridge gained, his Majesty march­ed on towards the West, without any op­position: & indeed with as little assistance or increase of numbers: yet being all along as he came proclaimed King of Great Bri­tain France and Ireland, by an English-man whom he had created King at Armes.

Being come to Tong-Norton, his Majesty sent a Trumpet with his Royall summons to Colonell Mackworth Governour of Shrewsbury, which ran thus.

This summons was accompanyed with a Letter from his Majesty exhorting him as he was a Gentleman to return to his du­ty [Page 85]and Alleigance, upon promises of par­don and reward.

To both which Col. Mackworth return­ed answer thus;

Thus flat a denyall did his Majesties Royal summons receive here; nor did his Commands to Sir Thomas Middleton Go­vernour of Chirk Castle in Flintshire, for the levying of men for his service, find better success.

But from hence his Majesty directs his course for Worcester, where he arrives on the twenty second of August, and notwith­standing some resistance made by the Par­liaments souldiers, quickly enters by the help of the towns men, who joyfully re­turned to their Aleigance & Duty; here 'twas again solemnly debated whether they should remain here or march for Lon­don, and was at length concluded that in regard of the long and tedious marches that the Souldiery had had, it would be much better to tarry hear: that after some [Page 87]refreshment they might be able with more vigor and courage to endure the brunt.

The Earl of Derby who had some few dayes before his Majesties Arrivall at Wor­cester, brought him a supply of two hun­dred and fifty foot and sixty Horse, which he had brought with him out of the Isle of Man, and was returned back into Lanca­shire, out of hopes that by his influence upon that County he might get a more nu­merous Force there, having got together a considerable party, was routed by Col. Lilburn, who was there with a party to watch his motions; and was first engag­ed by the Earl, out of a design he had to hinder Lilburn's joyning with a Regiment of Cromwells; which was sent for the same purpose towards Manchester, but the en­gagers themselves were defeated; & most of the Earls chief Commanders and Gen­tlemen of note with him taken prisoners, such were the Lord Witherington, Sir Tho­mas Tilsly, Sir William Throgmorton, Col. Boynton, and sundry others.

His Majesty being now at Worcester and [Page 88]solving there to stay and endure the utmost brunt, all preparations possible are made, for the fortifying the place and gaining all advantages possible; to which purpose a Line and several Mounts were quickly rai­sed by the Pioneers, and all passes about the Town and towards it secured.

But Major General Lambert on the Re­bulick's side, sending suddenly a party of Horse to discover the difficulty of the passe at Upton, (where Major General Massey (for his Majesty) lay with a party about 300. Horse and Dragoons) those desperate fellows being not above fifty in number, adventured over upon one piece of Timber, which had been carelesly left, from arch to arch.

And though Massey's men took the al­larm, yet was Lambert so quick in sending over relief to his Souldiers (whom the Royal party had beleagured in a Church) that the pass was clearly gain'd, & Major General Massey forced to retreat (though as honourably as ever man did) for him self still brought up the, Rear in which [Page 89]service (though his Horse was slain under him, and himselfe shot in the arm) yet he got off with a very inconsiderable loss.

And now Cromwells Army began to joyn with all those parties, which had conspi­red there to ruine his Majesty, whom they accounted already like a bird in a Cage; for this Royall Army consisting (at the most) of not above 10000 fighting men, where­as the Army that then beleagur'd and en­compassed them, was one of the greatest that had (during the whole time of the late War) been raysed in England, amount­ing (according to common computation (to some 50. or 60. thousand Horse and Foot, so that (as I have been well inform­ed) this Army, though in a more sancti­fied strain brag'd and insulted more over his Majesty, then the French Army at A­gincourt did over the thrice Illustrious King Henry 5. Yet notwithstanding their assur­ance of making him their prize: it plea­sed God (though not to give him the suc­cess that Henry the 5. had) yet to deliver him out of their bloud thirsty hands.

When I speak of the Armies insulting o­ver his Majesties misery; I hope the Rea­der wil understand me in the generality; for though many and perhaps the major part were glad of these his straits; yet many no­ble and candid loyal souls there were, whom nothing but a tyrannicall impulsi­on could have forced to have born Armes against their lawfull Soveraign. It being well known that thousands were forced out of several Countreys to serve against their wills, & them too put into the brunt of the battle, as though destined for the slaughter.

But for all these numerous forces which encompassed the Royal Army, they were chearfull & resolved to sell their lives at a noble rate, his Majesty by the Example of his undaunted courage, principally en­courageing them: so that many vigorous sallies were made upon their Enemies, & though their supernumeraries forc't them to a retreat, yet was it very seldom and never ignobly.

But now the fatal day draws nigh, a day [Page 91]before so eminently auspitious to Crom­well, and as unfortunate to the Scots, viz. the third day of September. The fight was occasioned thus, Cromwell, Fleetwood, & o­thers of the Republick party, had, after the gaining the pass at Upton, endeavoured to make themselves a clear passage to the City, that their Army might joyn in the Leagure, to which end and purpose they ordered the making of two Bridges, the one over the Severn, the other over Thame, over the last of which passes Lievt. Ge­neral Fleetwood went to attach the West side of the Town, which so allarm'd the Royall Army (who then lay within their Leagure at St. Jones) that to prevent their drawing nigher, they salyed out with the greatest part of their Horse and Foot and a stiff en­counter there was, till over powred by numbers more then by valor, which they demonstrated to the utmost of mens strength, they were forced to retire again into the Leagure, leaving more of their Enemies dead bodies in the field then of their own.

But whilst the encounter was on the West side of the Town. Cromwell having pass't his Army over Severn, he march't direct­ly to the Town on that side, whereupon his Majesty in person, and in the head of the Horse, sallied out upon him, and that with so much valour and courage, that Cromwel's own life-guard, and the best of his old Souldiers, who were thought al­most invincible) were forc't to retire, 'till seconded by those numerous supplies of fresh Souldiers, who served only like the Turkish Asapi, to blunt the Royal swords, so that their wearied arms no longer able to hold out, were forced to retreat, and at Length (notwithstanding the generous ex­ample of his Majesty who performed things worth wonder) to a disorderly flight, and notwithstanding his Majesties earnest endeavours (in which he had his horse twice shot under him) to bring them again to a rally, yet it proved fruitless, for the Cromwellian Army pouring forth their numbers upon them, permitted them not so much time, but following them [Page 93]close at the heels to the Town, towards which they fled, entred pelmel with them.

And now notwithstanding their flight, and the danger of their own lives; yet had they so much care of their soveraign, that the whole cry throughout both Town and Army was nothing else but Save the King, Save the King; for him they knew it was that the Junctoes army chiefly looked after, & in­deed in great danger he was; for notwith­standing the earnest desires of many of his friends, & particularly Duke Hamilton, who pressed him to have a care of his safety, & reserve his person to a more fortunate day; yet his Majesty was hardly induced to quit the field, nor would he till he saw all abso­lutely lost; for Cromwell's Army having as I said followed the Royalists into the Town, and got possession of one side of it, and af­ter by two or three strong assaults upon the fort Royal where the Cheshire men (never before found so disloyall to their Prince; & therefore found now their due,) who out of three thousand men sacrificed the lives of 1600 to the Ghosts of those [Page 94]new Royallists which were all put to the sword in it, it was taken by storm; and now when it was almost too late, his Sa­cred Majesty thought it high time to pro­vide for his safety; and so with some No­bles and Servants not without a great deal of difficulty, (for how could it be other­wise where there was such hard search made for him,) he quit the field, and by the most unfrequented roades that they could possibly find out, rode to the Farme­house of a noble Gentleman on the borders of Staffordshire, where they no sooner ar­rived but his Majesty disroabed himselfe of his Princely Ornament & accoutrements; and particularly of a Chain of Gold or spannar-string worth three hundred pounds sterling; the Present of a Scot­tish Lord, which he bestow'd upon a Ser­vant of his there present: which done for his farther disguise, he proceeded to the cutting of his hair, and the Cote affording neither shears nor scissars to perform it, it was by the Lord Wilmot cut off with a Knife.

And now every one is commanded to shift for himselfe, & this poor Prince left alone to the sole protection of the Almighty, he choosing none but one friend to accompa­ny him, with whom he wandred into a Wood, within four miles (say some) of Wolverhampton, where finding a hollow Oak, he was now content to make it his Pallas; for here he for some daies conceal­ed himselfe, his Friend still towards night going out to provide him some refreshmēt dureing this his solitary confinement.

In the mean time the Lord Wilmot who was commanded with the rest to seeke his fortune, was by chance pursued by some Souldiers, but meeting with a Country fel­low for merly a Souldier in the old King's Army, he was by him secured though som­what strangly, for he carries him into a Malt-house belonging to Mrs Jane Lane, & having no other convenient place to hide him in, clapt him under the Kilne, though there were then some fire in it, & the Malt smoaking on the top. In the mean time the Souldiers then in pursuit of him, entred [Page 96]the house, and having made about three quarters of an houres search every where else, but not at all suspecting the Kilne, where they saw the fire they departed, & the Lord Wilmot was taken out of the Kilne almost ready to faint with the extreamity of the heat.

The country fellow having thus secured this Lord, acquaints Mrs. Lane with what he had done, and she extreamly glad of it, gets him to her house, where in conference she enquires of the Kings safety. The Lord Wilmot gives her the former relation of his miseries and distress, which forces tears from the tender hearted Gentlewoman, she earnestly entreats him to take some course for the finding out of his Majestie, and conducting him to her house, she be­ing resolved to venture her life, had she ten thousand, for the saveing of his Royal Majesties.

The Lord Wilmot glad of so happy an opportunity to serve his Majesty, and so great a ptobability of secureing him, the next night finds him out, & conducts him [Page 97]from the Royal Oak to the House of Mrs. Jane Lane, where after a large condoling of his hard fortune, consultation was had for a conveniency for his Escape beyond sea, at length it was concluded, that Bristoll would be the most convenient place to take shipping, That his Majesty should ride before Mrs. Lane by the name of William, servant to Mr. Lastel her father in Law, who was likewise to go with them; & thus it was immediately given out, that Mr. Lastel and Mrs. Lane were to take a journey into the West, to visit some friends, and shortly after they set forward.

In this journey there happned many ac­cidents worthy commemoration, and first the Kings Majesty riding now as a servant to one of the faithfullest of his subjects, in a Livery cloak, though not without that respect that durst be given to him; com­plaines to Mrs. Lane that the Cloak wea­ried him, whereupon she desires Mr. Lastel to carry it, & long they had not rid so, but they met upon the road her Brother in law, who amongst other questions demanded [Page 98]of her, if her Father must carry her mans Cloak, to which she readily answered, that it was so big that it often endangered the throwing her off the Horse, and that she had therefore desir'd him to carry it.

The next and most important accident of all was, that coming into a Town which they were to pass through, there was a Troop of horse there to be quartered, drawn up, which at a distance caused some fear, but at length with a resolution they passed on, and the Captain taking them for honest Travellers, made his Troop o­pen to the right and left, and so permitted them to pass.

Another accident there hapned, which one may say was almost comical in this Tragedy; Mrs. Lane coming into the Inne, leaves his Majesty under the name of Willi­am her servant, in the Kitchin, with whom the Maid enters into discourse, she asks him where he was born, and what trade he was; he answered at Brummingham, & a Naylor's Son; and after a great deal of o­ther discourse, the Jack being down, the [Page 99]Maid desires him to wind it up; which he willingly undertakes, but goes the wrong way about it, and somwhat prejudices it; at which the Maid grew angry, asking him where he was bred, and telling him he was the veryest clownish booby that ever she saw in all her life; which railing of hers made his Majesty notwithstanding his present misery, go out of the room smil­ing.

Mrs. Lane notwithstanding his Majesty went as her Servant, yet had a greater re­spect for him before others, pretending him her Tennant's son; but on the Road she would alwayes ask what he would have to dinner or supper; & what piece of that he liked, which she would always be sure to get made ready, and give him, he still sitting at the lower end of the Table.

But to come to the end of their journey; being arrived at Bristol, they lodged at the house of a noble Gentleman there, and Kinsman to Mr. Lastles: the King finding it to be a house of great resort, feigns him selfe sick of an Ague, and so keeps his [Page 100]Chamber all the day, coming down only at nights; but one night coming down, & be­ing somewhat cold, he craves a glass of wine of the Butler, This Butler having before served his Majesties Father in the Wars, looking earnestly upon him, suspected him to be the King; so easily will Majesty ap­pear, though vail'd in the utmost disguises; and thereupon pulling off his Hat, told him very ceremoniously, That he might command what wine he pleased; of which the King tooke no notice, but drinking of his wine went out: Yet the Butler could not satisfie his suspition, but went up to Mr. Lastell's, and demanded of him how long he had had that servant? Whereupon Mr. Lastell's was very angry at his boldness in dareing to aske him such a Question, But the Butler still persisted, and whisper­ing told him, that he believed it was the King: Whereupon Mr. Lastell's seeing he was discover'd, sends immediatly up for his Majesty, whom he acquaints with the Butler's discovery of him, with whom the King was somwhat angry, in regard he [Page 101]did not first acquaint himself with his sus­pition, it not being impossible, but Mr. Lastles might not have known him to be the King: but upon pardon asked by the Butler, it was granted him by the King, and he afterwards proved very instrumen­tal in his Majesties conveyance through the Countrey.

But here at Bristol; the chief design they had in hand failed them; for though there were a little Bark lay there, judged most convenient for the business; yet the Master would for no reward transport a single person, though he was so honest as only to deny it, and made no farther search or inquiry concerning the Person, which might perhaps have tended to a discovery.

This design here failing, his Majesty desired to be brought some miles west­ward, to the house of a worthy Gentleman, whom he knew to be a trusty friend; where coming, he findes the Gentleman in the Field with his Servants: having discovered himself to him, he was by him conveyed to a convenient stand 'till night, (having [Page 102]first taken leave of his true friends, who had thus far conducted him with the dan­ger of their Lives & Estates) from whence he was in the dusk conveyed into the house, and there carefully concealed for a week, till such time as preparation could be made in some Western Port of a passage for him; but coming afterwards there where it was provided, chancing to dine with a Parliament Colonel then there, he thought it the safer to lose the benefit of that pas­sage, then adventure to imbarque himself singly, which might breed suspition, & perhaps have been the means after so ma­ny deliverances, to have betrayed him in­to the hands of his Enemies.

This passage then likewise failing him, he returned back to the place from whence he came, & there concealed himself three weeks longer, till in the end it being re­solved on, he by the assistance of Mr. Ph. was convey'd through the most by wayes they could imagine, to a Gentlewomans house in Sussex, where he lay some few daies, til a person of true worth & honour [Page 103]made provision of a faithfull master, who with a small vessel wafted him to a small Creeke in Normandy, to the great content of the Kings sacred Majesty, and all his loyal Subjects, and to the honour of the master with due reward, as in time may appear.

Perhaps the reader may think it tedious that I have given so large a relation of his Majesties escape from the fight at Wercester; but it was a work so full of wonder & pro­vidence, and so many false relations there are abroad, that I could do no less then recount all those miseries and hardships which this poor Prince endured for the sakes of us his Subjects, and more would he willingly have endured, even death it self, to the redeeming of us from the tyran­ny and oppression which we then groan'd under.

But let him that shall looke upon the several passages of his, read them over & over, consider the several difficulties he passed, the many dangers he was in to be betrayed, the countrey being up round a­bout, [Page 104]the summe of mony set upon his head, for which many hundreds out of covetousnes made it their business to search for him; & they will confess ingeniously, that God was never so merciful to any people, as to us, in delivering his sacred Majesty so wonderfully out of the hands of his Enemies, who breathed out nothing but his death and destruction, that we may yet have hopes to be a happy Nation.

But let us now returne to give a full ac­count of this dismal loss at Worcester, in which most of his Majesties foot were ei­ther made a prize, or a sacrifice to their enemies swords; of the horse there escap­ed 300. out of the field, but were most af­terwards either taken or kil'd by the coun­try people in their flight; three thousand were judged slain in the Field, and about seaven thousand taken prisoners; whereof the chief were, the Earles Derby, Lauder­dale, Cleveland, Shrewsburge, & the Lord Wentworth, and many other noble persons taken in the pursuit. And the chief of those taken in the battel were, the Earles of [Page 105] Carnworth and Kelly, the Lord Synclare, Sir John Packington; the Major Generals, mont­gomery and Piscotty; and the Virgil of this Age, that thrice worthy Mr. Richard Fan­shaw, Translator of the renowned Paster Fido, and Secretary to his Majesty. As for the thrice noble Duke Hamilton, he was taken, but not overcome; overpowred, but not vanquisht. For after having made a most Heroick resistance, he was reduced under his enemies power, more for want of strength then valour: but death entring in at those wounds which he so gallantly received in defence of his Soveraign, soon after released him. Major General Massey, though he escaped the field; yet his wounds being desperate, he was forced to surren­der himself to the Countess of Stamford, & was by her Son, the Lord Grey of Grooby, after the recovery of his wounds, sent up prisoner to the Parliament, and by them committed to the Tower, from whence he not long after escaped, and went to his Majesty beyond sea.

This strange and wonderfull Victory [Page 106](as the Juncto at Westminster gave it out to be, though they had six to one in the field) made that Sectarian party cock-a-hoop; & to make it the greater, publick days of Thanksgiving are appointed to make God the patronizer of their villanies, murders, tyrannyes and treasons; and now they boast in all their discourses how clearly it might appear that God owned their cause, and disowned their adversaries.

I think a modern writer hath sufficient­ly confuted that commonly received tenent of Politicians, See Modern Policy. That successe denotes actions to be either just or unjust. I shall therefore leave the sober Reader here to satisfie himself, & refer it to him, whether such do not justly deserve Ovid's wish:

But this Nation is so highly sensible of the injustice put upon them by those who pretend so much right in their Cause, that there's no loyal Subject but will thinke ac­cording to reason, that it was not the just­ice of their cause, but our own and the Nations sinnes which caused God to raise up these men as scourges both to Prince & People; & to the prince only for the peo­ples sake.

Some I have heard, which out of a spi­rit which I cannot well define, have endea­voured to brand his Royal Majesty with Cowardize in this battel; which from whence it could proceed, unless from their own coward nature, which would insimu­late another in that of which themselves are guilty, I cannot imagine; since Cromwell the greatest of his Enemies (because the most desirous of his Kingdomes) yet had so much of truth in him, as to give a high and noble Character of his valour.

But to proceed, we have now said enough of this fatall battel, the seeming ruine of the Royal Interest in England, unless God [Page 108]of his mercy be pleased to restore it for the good, peace and quiet of these Nations, since without it we cannot hope to enjoy any.

His sacred Majesty being landed in France near Havre de Grace; from thence with a Noble Lord in his Company, post­ed directly for Roan, where they stayed to alter their disguises, and furnish them with habits answerable to their qualities; his Majesty from thence having dispach't Letters to the French Court to acquaint his friends there of his safe Arrival, which doubtless caused no little joy in those who were real to him, and almost despaired e­ver again to have seen him. The Duke of Orleans sends his own Coach to fetch him, and several persons of quality go to meet him; by whom he was attended to Paris, and there received with all possible expres­sions of joy, lodgings and attendants be­ing forthwith provided for him in the Lou­ure; where, at his first arrival he was visi­ted by the Queen his Mother, & the Duke of Orleans, who of all persons in the King­dome [Page 109]exprest himselfe the most ready to do him service; and the next day visits him again, accompanied with his Daughter Madamoiselle. he is likewise courted by the Dukes of Beaufort, Langueville. Guize, the Marshall Thurine, and many other Peers & Nobles of France, who all congratulate his safe deliverance.

And now his Majesty having lost all hopes of any furthermeans of attaining his Dominions by force, leads here a retired life; yet living in regard of his high al­liance and extraction, in great esteem with all the French Nobility: Insomuch that notwithstanding his present low conditi­on, there was very great talk of a match to be made up between him & the Madamoi­selle de Orlians, the richest princess in Chri­stendome; yet by some means or other it came to no effect, though the Queen of England his Mother, was an earnest pro­moter of it, and also the Duke of York to Longuevelle's Daughter.

Whilst these things were transacting, hapned that lately reconciled Fracture be­tween [Page 110]the Prince of Conde and Cardinal Mazarine, most of the Prince of the Bloud siding with the first; & the King of France (who was newly declared of age to sway the Scpter himselfe) with the last. The cause of the quarrel was that extravagant power which Mazarine a stranger had u­surped in the government of the Kingdome, both depriving the Princes of the bloud of their Right, and oppressing the people; whose daily murmurings more encoura­ged the Princes against him: this power he had got into his hands in the Regency of the Queen Mother, whose grand Favourite he only was.

The Princes therefore, though they could not dureing her Regency who so much loved him, yet hoped they might effect somthing now the King himselfe is come to govern; to which intent they charge him with several miscarriages of State, which the Cardinal defends, & the King also enclines to his side by the instigation of the Queen his Mother; yet nothing but the Cardinals banishment will satis­fie [Page 111]the Princes, who join the Duke of Lo­rain to them, then in the service of the Spaniard, with an Army of ten thousand men; so that they intend with his assistance (if they could not obtain their desires by fair means) to have forc't it.

Thus these differences were arrived to such a height, that nothing but a Civil war was like to ensue; which made his Sa­cred Majesty of England use his utmost en­deavours to compose & stay this breach be­fore it came to an utter overflow; to which effect he dayly went to & fro be twixt the King & the Princes; endeavouring to bring them to a reconciliatiō, urging by his own example the miseries and calamities that must necessarily fall upon every mans head by a Civil War, telling the King that the late example of his Royall Father of happy memory, might be an inducement to him to be at peace with his Subjects, rather then embroil his Kingdomes in a bloudywar, by which though he might for the present gaine the better; yet in the end he would stil be sure to have the worse.

Yet these Arguments, and his Majesties earnest endeavours for peace and reconci­liatiō, produced nothing, but only contract­ed an unjust odium upon him from both parties for his good will; the Princes be­lieving that he counselled the King against them, and the Cardinal against him: So that he lost the love of both by endeavour­ing to mak them love one another; yet not­withstanding the ill successe he had, this Noble Prince still pursues his pacifick in­tentions, til such time as he gains a confer­ence between the King Cardinall & Prin­ces; but this proves ineffectuall; For the Princes heightned with the aid they ex­pected from the Duke of Lorain, instead of coming to an accord, only exasperate dif­ferences.

Yet his Sacred Majesty ceases not, but endeavours to bring them yet to a peacea­ble compliance; & in order threunto pro­cures another Conference, where he him­self would be Moderatour; but this proves as ineffectuall as the former; For the Prince of Conde was above all others outragious, [Page 113]and would come to no agreement, except Mazarine were first banished France, and the French King as violently persisted in his resolution against it, alledging, That he had approved himself both a faithfull ser­vant, and an able Minister of State. So in stead of agreement, both sides prepare for War, yet are both sides equally angry, & exasperated against his sacred Majesty for his good will toward them and the Nati­on, the one and other party imagining that both he and his Mother had given counsels opposite to their designes.

But that which above all exasperated the Princes against his Majesty of England, was the sudden luke-warmness of the Duke of Lorain in the business. For though he had drawn off his Army, as though he had complied with their resolutions to come to a battel; yet being sent for by the Prin­ces to advance towards Paris, he refused to come; which made the Princes believe there had been some underhand dealing with him; and that which most of all en­creased their jealousies that King Charles [Page 114]had a hand in it, was this; The Duke of Beaufort coming to the Camp of Lorain to desire him in the name of the Princes to come up and fight, found there his Maje­sty & his brother the Duke of York in pri­vate conference with Lorain, who with­drawing when Beaufort appeared; & Beau­fort finding the Duke's aversness to the en­terprize confirmed him, and he confirm­ed the Princes of the King of England's en­deavours, whereby he had withdrawn Lo­rain from their party: This coming to the peoples ears who were absolute favou­rers of the Princes, and inveterate enemies to Mazarine, so extreamly incensed them a­gainst the English Princes, that they threat­en violence and indignities to their per­sons, & are not afraid to affront the Queen their Mother in her Coach; which made his Majesty to avoid the popular fury, re­tire himself from the Lovure to St. Germane.

Nor is the Cardinal less incensed, though under a more politick vail; For though both Princes and People might imagine & believe that his Majesty had counsel'd [Page 115]things opposite to their intentions, yet the Cardinal very well knew that he had advi­sed the King as the best course, to consent to his departure out of the Kingdome; and that if he had endeavoured to draw Lorain from their party, 'twas only out of a de­sire he had to expedite their agreement; he therefore resolves to thwart him in all his designs.

And so he did to the utmost of his en­deavours: For his Majesty though suspect­ed by the Prince, in his several confer­ences with Lorain to have endeavour­ed to divert him from them, was only transacting with him for the recovery of his Kingdome of Ireland out of the hands of the English Republick; to which effect se­veral Articles were drawn up between the Duke of Lorain, and the Lord Taaff; two of which were: 1. That the Duke of Lorain should transport an Army of 10000. men at his own charge into Ireland, there to joyn with such as should be found Loyal, for the Recovery of his Majesties Rights in that Kingdom.

2. That the Duke of Lorain should by his [Page 116]Majesty be invested with the power and Title of Protector Royall of Ireland.

These Articles though drawn up, never came to be signed; the cause of which some have imagined to be the disability of the Duke to performe the Enterprise without the Aid of some other Prince; but we may in more reason guess, it proceeded from the strenuous endeavours of Mazarine (his Majesties so lately made-enemy) to divert the Duke's Army, then from any other cause.

Many in England upon hearing of these Propositions made to the Duke of Lorain, (which I must confess some believe to have never proceeded any farther then discourse of the Duks) feared his Majesties too great inclination to the Romish Religion, which fear his after retirement at St. Germain's, convinced there was no need of: For here he spent his time wholly in Piety and De­votions, according to the best worship of the Church of England, never forgeting to pray for those his Enemies who were not only content to have deprived him of his Kingdoms, [Page 117]but continually belched forth both slanders and maledictions against him.

His Majesty having staid at S. Germains till such time as the heate of the popular fury was over, which decreased still to­wards them as they found Mazarine more averse to him, returned again to the Lov­ure; where during his abode, his brother the Duke of Gloucester (who had a long time been detained by the Juncto of England in the Isle of Wight, and was lately permitted by them to go to his Sister the Princess Royal in Holland, came to him accompanied from the Hague by Sir Marmaduke Langdale and Sir Richard Greenvile; he was at his arrivall at Paris honourably received by the King of France, and Queen Mother; and courted according to his birth by the rest of the Grandees and Peers of the King­dome.

Likewise during his Majesties abode here, arrived his Quondam Preserver Mrs. Jane Lane, who after she had taken leave of his Majesty at Bristol, return'd home; and lived for some space in a great deale of [Page 118]security, not doubting she could be be­tray'd: Yet at length by what means I know not, (though indeed I have heard of many relations that I dare not relate a­ny) it came to light; yet she had some time­ly notice of it, whereupon she who had for­merly disguised his Majesty in a Serving­mans habit, now disguises her self in that of a Country Wench; and trots on foot (to save her life which she was like to lose for having formerly saved his sacred Ma­jesties,) quite crosse the Countrey to Yar­mouth, where she found shipping which conveyed her safe into France; great search after her departure there was made for her but in vain; which so incensed the Soul­diers that they burnt down to the ground that poor Cottage where his Majesty first took shelter after his escape from Worcester.

She being arrived in France, sends a Let­ter to the Court, whereupon his Majesty almost over-joy'd at her Escape who had been the cause of his, immediatly sends some persons of quality in Coaches to con­duct her to Paris, whither he being near [Page 119]come himself with the Queen his Mother, the Duke of York, Gloucester, went out to meet this Preserver of the life of their Son, Soveraign and Brother; the Coaches meet­ing, and she being descended from her Coach, his Majesty likewise descends, & taking her by the hand, salutes her with this gratefull expression, Welcome my life, & so putting her into his own Coach, con­ducts her to Paris, where she was entertain­ed with the applause and wonder of the whole Court: and she could indeed deserve no less; for I believe neither past or future Ages can or will ever parallell so great a pattern of female Loyalty and Generosity.

Whilst his Majesty was thus passing a­way his time in France, more in contem­templation then action, Oliver Cromwell made General of all the Juncto's Forces in England, Scotland, and Jreland, finding now a fit opportunity to put his long-laid am­bitious designs in execution, had dissolved that Juncto which had usurped the Kingly power or more, over England, and taken upon himself (though not the title) yet [Page 120]the Royall power and authority over these Nations, which the people, though un­willing, yet were forced to submit to; & though he had not at first any basis where­on to ground his new usurped Regality; yet in stead of one Juncto he pluckt down, he easily sets up another, which I may the more justly call so, in regard there was not one of them chosen by the free Votes of the People, but by his own arbitrary E­lection, and those such persons who knew well enough what they had to doe before they met: these after a short time sitting (without doing any thing besides the mak­ing of some impertinent laws which were forceably imposed on the people) surren­der their power (as dying men do their souls to God) into his hands that gave it, who by the help of the Officers of the Ar­my, and Lamberts instrument, makes him­self immediatly king of England, Scotland and Ireland (which government he had of­ten sworn against) though under the title of Protector.

This (I must needs say) Noble Tyrant, [Page 121]having got the Dominion of three such Kingdoms into his possession, made it now as much his study to preserve himself safe in his Estate and Grandure, as he did be­fore to acquire it; to which purpose he thought it most suitable to that design, to make some remarkable disturbance a­mongst the neighbouring Princes; then to continue that War (begun by the Juncto of Parliament) with the Dutch, to which purpose severall motions of a Treaty pas­sed.

His sacred Majesty, though he had sun­dry times before solicited the assistance of those United Provinces for the regaining of his Right in his Kingdoms, now more earnestly upon secret intelligence of the first motions of this Treaty, sends the Lord Gerard his Embassadour to the Uni­ted States more earnestly intreating them to own his Interest then before, proffering, that if they would set out a good squa­dron of ships under his Flag, he would command them himself in person.

His Sister, the princess of Orange and o­ther [Page 122]of his friends in the Low Countries, addicted to his Interest, earnestly prose­cutes his desires, and use their utmost in­fluence on the States of the United provin­ces for the performance of his propositi­ons. Nor are there five of these Provinces, nor Van Trump himself their Admiral un­willing to comply with him. Only the Province of Holland, the most potent at sea, stands out, chiefly out of the disgust they had lately taken to the family of O­range, whose interest and command they were fearfull might bee restored, should his Majesty, who was Uncle to the young Prince, be invested in his Territories.

His Majesty likewise to advance his hopes of their assistance, when Monsieur Bortell came from those United States to negotiate a League with the King of France, used his utmost Interest to promote the Treaty, and in fine, brought it to a desired period: notwithstanding the United States sent no other answer to his Embassey then a cold Letter of Complements.

His designs thus failing him here, he [Page 123]directed himself to a more hopefull course, by interposing himself a Mediator with the Pope and other Catholick Princes for an accord and peace between the two mighty Crowns of France and Spain. And indeed two such potent Monarchs had been in bet­ter capacity with their joynt forces to have assisted him (had the peace gon forward, as there was great hopes) then the United States of the Netherlands; but Cardinal Mazarine by a piece of secret state-policy, endeavoured to obstruct all proceedings which might tend to a Treaty or accord.

Nor was this Cardinal's spleen to his Royall Majesty yet allayed; for his sup­posed Council against him in the fore­mentioned difference between the King & Princes; but farther to prejudice him and his affairs, he endeavours the promotion of a peace between the Protector of England and the French King his Master, which, though opposed by all the force and Inte­rest that either himselfe or the Queen his Mother had in the French Court; yet was by the Cardinall (whose will was a law, [Page 124]all other Government in that Kingdome being but a meer shadow) vigorously car­ried on, and an Embassadour sent over to treat of an accord: where having been sometime in England, his Majesty was by secret intelligence informed that the chief Article insisted upon in the Trea­ty (by the Protector of England) was the excluding himself, relations and followers out of the Kingdome of France and it's Ter­ritories; wherefore least the treaty should be suddenly concluded upon those tearms, & he ceremoniously excluded, he thought it more honourable himself to leave that Kingdome of his own accord; and having taken his leave of the King of France, and the rest of the Nobility accompanied with his Coufin Prince Rupert, he departed for Germany, where the Lord Wilmot had long been Embassadour for him to solicite aid and assistance.

Yet notwithstanding his Brothers, the Duke of York and Glocester, staid still in France. The first having under the Com­mand of the Marshall of Turine against the [Page 125] Spaniards performed such eminent services as had made him deservedly esteemed a most valerous and prudent Prince; in so much that notwithstanding his Youth he was made Lieu. Generall of the French Army, and thought so well worthy that Command, that when Turine (the most esteemed Generall the French have for a long time had) lay desperatly sick, and it was expected that he should breath his last; he was by the King of France sent to, to desire him, that seeing there were so little hopes of his life he would nominate such a Generall of his Army as he might judge fit to succeed him. To which Turine answered; that if his Majesty would have his affairs prosper, he should make choice of a Noble, Valorous, and fortunate Ge­nerall; which if he did, he could make choice of no fitter person then the thrice Heroick Duke of York.

As for his Brother the Duke of Glocester, he remained at the Palace Royall in Paris with the Queen his Mother; who short­ly after the departure of his Royall [Page 126]Majesty, endeavoured by all the bonds of filiall obedience and the most prevailing Arguments could be used, to perswade him to become Roman Catholick: (nor did she alone) but the Queen Mother of France, and the prime Nobility of that Kingdome, attempt the same: when the Retorique of the Court could not prevail, the most eminent for learning set upon him with that depth of reason, as long acquir­ed study and their own interest, could ob­lige them to use, or furnish them withall: nor were Arguments and Reasons only u­sed, but the highest temptations this world could present, to a Prince in adversity; such were a Cardinals Hatt, and a Reve­nue suitable to his Dignity: when these could not prevail, the indignation of a Royal Mother was poured forth upon him, which wrought him the deprivation of his Tutor, his Servants, and all Comforters in these temptations: But that Noble Prince was so far indowed (dureing this afflicti­on) with the Principles of the Religion of the Church of England, besides that na­turall [Page 127]piety and constancy, flowing from his most religious Father of blessed Me­mory, that by the depth of truth and Reason, he defended himselfe against these attempts. After this he is committed to the care of one Mr Walter Montague Abbot of Nantueil living at Pontoise, who keeps him in very closely, and works, and per­sists still in endeavouring to pervert him, using the Argument of Duty and Obedi­ence to his Mothers Commands, which she did enjoyn him to doe or never more to see her face, (which from that day to this he hath not seen.) This noble soul replyed with a sorrowfull heart, That as the Queens Majesty was his Mother, he ought her duty; but as his Brother was his King and Soveraign, he ought him duty and Allegiance, which he could not dispute. Whilst he is at Pontoise the most noble and religious Lord Hatton, takes occasion to go wait upon the Duke, according to private iustructions received from his Majesty (who to his great sorrow had advise of these particulers) he is ad­mitted with much trouble to the presence [Page 128]of the Duke, who embraces him as his Deliverer, and with some difficulty, urg­ing the Commands of his Majesty, & his own arguments; he is delivered to his care, who conducts him with a spetiall respect and diligence to his house in Paris, where he is entertained divers dayes with all ho­nour, and confirmed wih all diligence, by that Learned Lord, in his so well imbued Principles, untill the arrivall of the Mar­quess of Ormond, who by the Kings Com­mand, receivs, and conducts him to his Majesties Court.

His Majesty in his journy towards Ger­many came first to Catillon a Castle belong­ing to the Prince of Conde, whither he was accompanied by his Brother the Duke of York, and his Cousins prince Rupert and Ed­ward, Palatines; here Prince Edward & the Duke of York left them; the one going to Bourbon, the other returning to the Army: (where he continued a good while after) his Majesty & Prince Rupert continued for some few daies their journy together, 'till the Prince parted from him to go visit his [Page 129]Brother Frederick at Hidelberg; his Majesty passing through Cambray and Leige to the Spaw; where he tooke up the first place of his Residence in Germany, whither his Sister the Royall Princess of Orange came to visit him; and they no doubt during the time of their being there, were as merry as two such afflicted Princes could.

But let us a little leave his Majesty at the Spaw, and look into his Kingdomes, where Cromwell that he might secure him­self, in his ill-gotten Estate, endeavours by all means possible either to take away the lives or wholly impoverish & disable his Majesties loyall Subjects; who are con­tinually charged with somthing, which he by his usurped power takes hold of to de­stroy them: severall persons are apprehen­ded and charged with a design to have seized on the Tower, and Proclaimed his Majesty King of those Kingdoms which by right were his: for tryall of which persons, a High Court of Justice, (a thing we now in England know very well) was erected for the tryal of those persons, [Page 130]Col. John Gerard, Mr. Peter Vowell, and Sommerset Fox were condemned to be hang­ed, drawn, & quartered: (for no less then high Treason for-sooth, though there were then no Act in being making it Treason to conspire against the power then in being in England) but somwhat of the sentence was remitted, Col. Gerard was beheaded, Mr Vowell only Hanged, & Mr. Fox reprived.

I have alwayes observed that in all the tryals made by those high Courts of Ju­stice for plots (as they call them) there hath still been some one person, who though brought to tryal, have either not been condemned though look't upon by the people as eminent in the business as a­ny) and though condemned, yet have been reprived; what others guess of it, I will not determine, I know what I do.

The truth is, that his Majesty had al­waies the ill fortune to have such false ser­vants about him as have for the Lucre of money either betrayed any enterprize of his for the gaining of his right, (the Pro­tector especially being very prodigal in [Page 131]such expences: his intelligence as most af­firm, standing him in no less then two hun dred thousād pound per annum) or else those persons engag'd for him, being many of them deboist fellows, (and who often ran upon designes uncommissioned) have in a Tavern both lay'd and betray'd their own undertakings; or else some here in England, who have undertaken in such businesses, have either for fear or gain betrayed both their Prince friends and Countrey.

Thus much for England; let us now take a viwe of his Majesties affaires in Scotland; which Kingdome was not yet wholly con­quered, for the Lords Seaforth, Atholl, Glen­carne, Kenmore, and Glengary, and severall others who had some of them been for­merly followers of the noble Marquess of Montrosse, by Commissions to the Earle of Glencarne had levied sundry small parties in their severall Territories; which all joyned, would have made up a consider­able Army, besides the help which they expected Middleton should bring them out of the Low-Countries they therefore made [Page 132]all possible speed to joyn; but in their march the Earl of Glencarne is set upon by Col. Morgan, his party routed, himselfe hardly escaping.

This defeat of Glancarn's who was the chief, though it discouraged the rest, yet made them not wholly desist; for they had yet hopes of those supplies which they ex­pected Middleton to bring out of the Low-Countries, who at length arrives & brings with him Monroe to be his Lieu. General, he being Commissionated General, which highly displeased Glancarne, who had been the greatest instrument of his Armies raising (which was now joyn'd and made up a considerable body) who protested that he would not raise an Army for others to Command, so high a dispute there was between Glancarne and Monroe; in somuch that many affirm, though som say the con­trary, that it came to a Duell, in which Monroe was worsted & disarmed by Glan­carne; however the dissention still conti­nues, for Middleton pretended that he had not power to tak away Monro's Commis­sion [Page 133]which was given him by his Majesty, and Glancarne scorning to be under him, being of Noble bloud, & accounting him­self as good a Souldier, deserts the Army with five hundred Horse in his company, and goes in to General Monck with whom he makes his Composition.

Yet notwithstanding his desertion (cau­sed by those differences amongst them sel­ves for Superiority, the only way to ruine any designe) Middleton pursues his busi­nesse and Commission; and had made up a pritty Considerable Number, when Ge­neral Monck engaging him at Laugherry af­ter a not dispute totally routed him, scat­tered his party and had almost taken him­self Prisoner, but he escaping returned a­gain into Holland.

Thus his Majesties ill fortune still at­tends his affaires, God still permiting his Enemies to taper up in the World & ad­vance themselves, not that he in the want of us, but that we in the want of so Noble a Prince might be yet farther Miserable.

But let us return again to his Majesty at [Page 134]the Spaw where he having staid a while, courted by all the adjacent Grandees, at length takes his journey in company of the Princess Royall his Sister towards Colen, where being arrived, they were recieved with all possible honour and demonstrati­ons of joy & affection, the great Guns dif­charging at their entrance, and the Depu­ties of the City coming out to meet them in solemn maner, and conducting them in great pomp to the pallas provided for them by the chief Magistrate of the City.

Shortly after their Arrivall, the Gran­dees of the Place entertain'd his Majesty and his Royall Sister at a sumptuous Ban­quet or Collation, where they express in many ceremonious complements, the high resentment they had of his Ma­jesties condition, and the great honour which he did them, in being pleased to come and visit their City.

After a short time of abode here, his Ma­jesty was invited by the Duke of Newburgh to his pallace at Donzell-dorf, where he & his Sister were most sumptuously & Roy­ally [Page 135]entertained for some dayes; and here the Royall Princes took her leave of her Brother his sacred Majesty, and returned for Holland, the King accompanying her on her way as far as Redinguen, and from thence returned back again to Colen, where he was joyfully receiv'd.

And now more of his Majesties loyal Sub­jects are put to wrack in England by ty­rannizing Cromwell; a generall design must needs be laid over all England, and perhaps might be so, though Cromwell Knew it well enough before it was like to take any ef­fect, which apeared by his setling the Lon­don Militia in the hands of his own Criado's, his apprehending of Sir Henry Littleton, Sir John Packington, and many other of the Royall party; yet he lets it still go on, that he might have the better colour for keeping his Scaffold in use; whilst he hav­ing certain Intelligence of all proceedings from his hired Agents, had care to pre­vent them when they just came to the height, that he might then lay the surer hold on the undertakers: so now, though he was [Page 136]sure to prevent all risings which might be near London, yet he lets others in the Coun­tries more remote to go on so farre, as they might only raise to a head, but not have any secure place of strength to retreat to, in case of a defeat, where they might a­gain have made a head. The surprizal of Shrewsberry and Chirk Castles are to that effect now prevented. But a party in Dor­set and Wiltshier made a body, consisting most of Gentlemen who surprized Saliz­bury, took away all the Horses, and Mar­ched towards Cornwall, where they expe­cted a greater force to rise with them; but being eagerly pursued by Captain Crook with a party of Horse, were over­taken at Southmolton in Devon shire, and af­ter a hot dispute, most of them either slain or taken; but Sir Joseph Wagstaffe, the chief Commander of this small loyal party e­scaped. The Captains, Penruddock, Grove and Jones were taken, and afterwards be­ing tri'd by a Commission of Oyer & Termi­ner, were condemned to death: Captaine Jones was reprived, but Grove & Penrud­dock [Page 137]were beheaded at Exeter, The last of which parted nobly with his life, and di­ed with a resolution, worthy of the cause for which he suffered. Many others like­wise were hanged for his enterprize.

Yet these and their fellows might have come off better, had the Countries as they promised, risen to their assistance; for all the Countries in England had designed (as they say) to rise; but whether besotted, dull'd and fearful, or else prevented by a force upon them, I cannot tell; but sure I am they fail'd. Yet in Yorkshire there were two parties up in severall places, but dissipated by their own feares; at Hexam Moor the Gentry in that shire had a Ren­dezvouz, of whom Sir Henry Slingsby was taken, and remained prisoner in Hull, till such time as he was brought up to London, where he suffered death under pretence of another design; as shall in due time be de­clared.

But now the Protector findes another course to rid himselfe of all such English men as were loyall to their King & Coun­trey. [Page 138]Several of those who were active in the late design and had been taken, are out of the Prisons hurried aboard ships; and though they were free-born English men, and many of them Gentlemen, sent to be Slaves in the Forraign Plantations; nor were they alone served so, but many who though they had not actually stir'd, yet being by the Protector known as per­sons not very well affected to his Tyranni­call Government, were privately taken out of their houses and shipt away in like manner; it not being enough for him when he had impoverished them by taking a­way their Estates to look upon, and insult on their misery at home, but to make them as much as in him lay the scorne and deri­sion of the world, by selling them to those Plantations (a punishment inflicted usually on none but thieves and vagabonds.) Yet I hope those Noble soules who were thus dealt withall, account those miseries and hardships they have endured but little in respect of the cause for which they suf­fered them.

But to return to our Princes abroad. The Duke of Glocester in his journy from Paris with the Marquess of Ormond touched at the Hague, where he found his Sister newly returned from her journey with his Majesty; and having staid with her some time there, she accompanied him to visit their Brother the King, again at Colen, with whom she staid till after the fair at Frank­ford, whither his Majesty accompanied with his Royal Sister, the Duke of Glocest­er, the Marquess of Ormond, the Earle of Nor­wich, the Lord Newburg, and several La­dies and persons of Quality went in pro­gress; part of the way they went by Land, and the other part by water; being com­plemented in all Princes countries through which they passed, by their chief Minist­ers of State, and saluted with the great Guns from their Towns & Castles, but par­ticularly being come into the Territories of the Elector of Mentz they were saluted by his grand Marshall, who in the name of his Master the Elector, invited his Ma­jesty the Princess Royall & the Duke of Glo­cester [Page 140]to his Court; but in regard that the intent of their progress was to see that re­nowned Fair at Franckford which now drew nigh, his Majesty sent the Lord Newburgh back with the grand Marshal, returning thanks to the Elector for his civilities; but desiring to be excused till their return, when his Majesty with his Royal Sister & Brother would not Faile to come, and give him thanks in person, and so his Majesty with his Noble company continued their journy.

Being arrived at Frankford, advice was brought to his Majesty that the Queen of Swethland (who had some time before Vo­luntarily surrendered her Kingdom into the hands of Carolus Gustavus her Kinsman) was passing that way in her intended Journey for Italy, whereupon his Majesty sent a Noble Lord to acquaint her Royall Highness the Queen Christina, that he was ready to wait upon her at what place soe­ver she should be pleased to appoint for an interview; her Majesty received the mes­sage with a great deal of affection, telling [Page 141]the Messenger That she was highly oblig­ed to his Majesty of England for so great an honour, and that if he pleased, she would not fail to meet him at Conningstein a village not far from Frankford where his Majesty for the time resided.

And accordingly there these two Po­tentates, (both equally deprived of their Kingdomes, only with this distinction, the one Voluntary, the other by force and Ty­ranny) met; the Queen of Sweden being there, first attended his Majesty: & he being come, was immediately admitted in a room there purposely provided; and having had neer halfe an hours private dis­course with her, the Duke of Glocester was admitted, and presently after the Lords that attended his Majesty; there passing be­tween their two Majesties many ceremo­nious complements; & so after a little long­er discourse they took their leaves. The Princesse Royal being a little indisposed went not to this interview.

His Majesty having tarried at Franck­ford as long as seem'd convenient to that [Page 142]Royall Company, in his departure thence according to the promise he had before made by the Lord Newburgh; passed through the Elector of Mentz his Country, resolving to give him a visit, but that No­ble Prince had so much of honour in him that he met his Majesty a great part of the way, and conducted him with his Royall Company to a Pallace of his, where he sumptuously entertained them for three or four dayes; and then himself in person ac­companied them a good part of their way to Colen, from whence shortly after his Majesties arrival there, the Princess Royal departed for Holland.

In the mean time the Protector of England, having made a peace with the Hollander, fearing that the Nation should grow re­bellious to him, if they lay free from wars, which would fill their purses; resolves to keep them low, at a diet; to which effect he begins a war with Spain, at first in his Western Territories, but soon after (that business not succeeding) in his Europaean Quarters, which made Mazarine with all [Page 143]hast possible endeavour the concluding the Leageu Offensive and Defensive with the Protector, which being by him considered to be as beneficiall for his own interest as for the French, was easily and willingly assented to; but the chief Articles of this Peace was that his Majesty, the Duke of York and Glocester with all their relations and friends should be expelled out of, and no more admitted into the Kingdom of France.

Certainly had the French King had but the least touch or sense of honour, he would have counted this the hardest con­dition in the world, or indeed he would never at all have treated with the protect­or, but that he should yeild to such a con­dition, as to banish out of his Kingdome those who came to him for succour and re­lief in the utmost extreamity that ever Princes were put too, and these too his nearest relations, being Brothers & Sisters children: And this to make a league offen­sive with him who had murdered, their Father, & expelled them out of their Do­minions. [Page 144]What was this? but the owning of that murder, and aggravating their op­pressions instead of relieving them. But nei­ther honour nor relation can stand in com­petition with self-Interest.

His Maiesty had before fore-saw what the event of this treaty would be, and had therefore wisely wihdrawn himselfe from France to prevent a complemental expulsi­on. But the Duke of York, who in regard of the great command which he had in the Ar­my, had staid there til the conclusion of the League, was now warned to depart with al his retinnue (consisting of a gallant num­ber of young English gentlemen bred up un­der his valour & conduct) notwithstanding those many great services which he had performed for that Kingdom, in requitall of which he had only a complemental A­pology made him for the necessity of his departure, and a small time respited for his stay, during which he was visited by the Duke of Modena, then in France, and other French Grandees; but more espeti­ally by the Marshal of Turine, who extream­ly [Page 145]loved him and above all others expres­sed a sorrow for his dismisment; but at length the day perfixed being come, his grace having solemnly taken his leave of the King of France, the Queen his Mother, & the rest of his Friends at the French Court, he takes his journey towards Flanders, ac­companied by the Earl of Yarmouth, & se­verall other English Lords.

For upon the rupture of the Peace between Oliver Cromwell and the King of Spain, Don John de Austria, Governour Royall of the Low Countries, for his Catholick Majesty (commiserating our Kings unfortunate Condition, now that his Interest might stand them in some stead) had sent the Count D' Fuensaldaigne, his Embassadour to his Majesty of Great Britain, then resi­dent (as I said before) at Colen, inviting him into the Low Countries, and assuring him in the name of his Catholick Majesty all possible service and assistance: which invitation his Majesty gratiously accepted, and soon after took his journey from Colen towards Flanders, & being come to Bruges, [Page 146]the place appointed for his reception, he was received with all honours imaginable, and conducted to a Pallace purposely pro­vided for him, where he hath for the most part ever since remained.

Hither the Duke of York came, accompa­nied as aforesaid, having first in his way touched at Brussels, where he was magni­ficently entertained, and complemented by Don John, to whom he freely proferd his service in the Wars, which was accept­ed with a great deal of thanks; and though he had not at first a command given him corespondent to that which he left in the French Army, yet was his prudence, cou­rage, valour, & conduct in no less respect, as afterwards by the Spaniards esteem of him appeared. From thence he went to wait on his Majesty at Bruges, where he was received with an affection correspon­dent to the near Alliance with his sacred Majesty.

Before his Majesties departure from Colen, there hapned a discovery of one of those persons, who under pretence of [Page 147]waiting upon him. (Captain Manning by name) discovered unto the Protector all his Designes and Counsels, who being found out was by his Majesties Command sent to a strong Castle adjacent to Colen, there to be kept close prisoner: But all the Court being highly incensed against him for his perfidiousness, one of his Majesties Ser­vants (though contrary to order) pistol'd him as he was lighting out of the Coach at the Castle gate, giving him less then the due reward of his so abominable treachery.

The Duke of York being arrived (as I said) at Bruges, was highly carressed by all the persons of quality there resident; and his Majesty, who notwithstanding Cromwells earnest endeavours, either to dispatch, disable, or make slaves of his loyal Sub­jects, had nevertheless some true friends in England, who were still ready to ven­ture lives and estates for his so just cause) had got together a considerable number of such English and Scotch, whose Loyalty had banished them from their habitations, & who were ready at all occasions to assist [Page 148]both his Majesty and themselves for the re­covery of his & their just rights & estates; but the continuall advice which Cromwell alwaies had from those treacherous per­sons which he maintained about his Ma­jesty, made all enterprizes tending to the regaining of his Kingdoms, and redeem­ing of his subjects liberty ineffectuall.

This Army which his Majesty had quar­tered near the sea side to be ready on all oc­casions for transport, was afterwards (since there was no apparent hopes that his Majesty might make any successfull use of them) imployed in the service of the King of Spain.

For his Majesty of Spain had then great need of men in Flanders, the English Pro­tector having according to Articles agreed upon between him and the French King, sent over sixthousand foot for his assistance in his wars against Flanders, in considera­tion of which help the English were to have Dunkirk, which was agreed on to be be­leaguer'd by the joynt-forces of France and England.

Whilst in the mean time the Protector Cromwell is by a parcell of a Parliament, of which Sir Thomas Withrington was Speak­er, invested with his power, and installed in Westminster-Hall, and now he conferrs those dignities which were formerly the Kingly rewards of loyalty, upon his co­partners and followers, and whether in mockery of that Government which he had so violently endeavoured to abollish, or out of perjured intention to setle it in him­self, which he swore not to endure in ano­ther, he established a Pageant House of Lords; who though then made to rule and domineer over the Nation, yet were for­merly most of them persons not fit to be Servants to some mean Mechanicks. This was that Government which he had so So­lemnly sworn against; but when men have once forgot their Loyalty to their Sove­raign, what vices will they not run into.

But to return again to Flanders, The English and French Armies had according to the articles concluded on betwixt them beleagure'd Dunkirk which Don Iohn know­ing [Page 150]to be a place of great importance, and an inlet into Flanders by sea for English Forces, used his utmost endeavours to raise the sieges; to which effect he levied what Forces he could, either by his own or his Majesties influence, and having made up a considerable Army himselfe in person, ac­companied by the English Dukes of York & Glocester, together with those Forces for­merly addicted to his Majesties Service, ad­vanced towards the joynt-force of the French and English then beleaguring the Town, who understanding by their scouts of his approach, left such Forces in the leagure as might secure them within from a sally, and drew up towards Don Iohn, who had encamped near Evernes: the French and English were (notwithstanding those forces they had left in the trenches) much more numerous then the Spaniards both in horse and foot, which made them the more resolved in the Encounter; for though the others came to raise the siege, yet the be­siegers were the first Assaulters.

The first brush began with a Forlorn [Page 151]hope of English Infantry, consisting of a­bove three hundred, who desperatly charg­ed upon a party of the Spanish Foot (which had advantagiously drawn themselves up­on a rising ground, and seconded by Loc­kart's Regiment, commanded by Lieute­nant Colonell Fenwick, and some other ad­ditional supplies of English Infantry,) rou­ted not only them, but the other bodies of Spanish Foot drawn up on the same manner. In this charge Lieutenant Colonell Fen­wick received his mortall wound, & some other English Commanders were slain out­right.

The Spanish Cavalry seeing their foot so easily put to a rout, began likewise to flie, nor could by any endeavours be perswa­ded to stand; whereupon the French Horse who had all that while stood still, and seen the English do execution on the Ene­mies foot, with a full career pursue their flying Enemies, of whom they found lit­tle opposition, but only what was made by the thrice valiant Duke of York's Regi­ment, who for a time made the whole [Page 152] French Army to stand, and saved the lives of many of their flying Friends, which else had been sacrificed to the Enemies fury, whilst in the mean time they dedicated their own lives or persons to their safeties.

For after they had made a very noble & gallant resistance, over powred by numbers, & having no supplies to refresh their wea­ried bodies, they were forced to yeild to their Enemies numbers, or trust to the swiftness of their horses heels; but very few of them escaped, among which were the Dukes of York & Glocester, though the first was not heard of till three daies after, which made some suspect that he was tak­en by the French Forces but by Turine af­ter at a fit opportunity nobly releast.

I may particularly take occasion here to commend the valour of the Duke of Yorks own Troop, who indeed bore the brunt of the whole Battell though I cannot deny but they were seconded by some very noble Spirits of the Spaniards; but the personall Valour of Mr. Henry Bendish son to Sir Tho­mas Bendish Embassadour for the English [Page 153]Nation in Turky (who had the ill fortune to be taken prisoner) must not be forgotten.

Let us now change the Scence a little to England, where the Protector begins to die the Scaffold in as deep a purple as the Vest given him at his late installment bore; & that not only with the Bloud of those secu­lars that were loyal to their soveraign, but having as he thought now secured to him­selfe the Government, his hand reaches to the sacred Clergy, nor will he strike at a reed or a shrub amongst them, but imi­tating the Ancient fable of the Jubitrian Thunder, strikes at the Olympus the Atlas, the mainest piller and support of the Pro­testant Religion; for no lesse then the Re­verend Doctor Hewet's Bloud will now sa­tisfie his insatiate Cruelty; a man whose vertues and piety as they were beyond ex­pression, so I think was the manner of his death beyond example.

This Doctor and Sir Henry Slingsby (who had ever since the forementioned rising in Yorkshire lain prisoners in Hull Castle) with many others are accused of a design [Page 154]to have seized on the Tower of London, & the Magazine at Hull both in one day, the one by a Divine, the other by a Prisoner; but these persons must have severall others to be their assistants, and that espetially in London, who while the Doctor was secur­ing the Tower, must fire the City of Lon­don in severall places.

Those that make plots may as easily dis­cover them, and with as much ease pre­vent them; the Protector could do both: but to make some shew of a great deal of fear in the business; Worthy Alderman Tichburn then Lord Mayor of London is im­mediately commanded to settle the Militia, the Protector telling him (as he easily might) that there was a grand design in hand (probably of his own contriving) a­gainst his Government, that the Marquess of Ormond had lately been in England trans­acting about it; that the Common Ene­my (for so was his Sacred Majesty then styled) lay ready with a potent Army, & ships hired to transport them on the Sea coasts of England, and that therefore the [Page 155] Militia should be setled in confiding hands, meaning such either whose interest or fear must render them faithfull to the Protector; shortly after, according to the common course, the persons to be accused are ap­prehended, the chief of which were Dr. Hewet, Mr. John Mordant, brother to the Earle of Peterborough, Col. Ashton, Capt. Henry Mallory, Mr. Woodcock, John Betteley, Edmund Stacy, Henry Fryer, John Sumner, & Olliver Allen; who were all accused to be complices of this grand design.

And because no English Law could take away these mens Lives, the ordinary Ty­rannicall way of a high Court of Justice must do it; Sir Henry Slingsby (who was brought prisoner from Hull Castle) was the first who came before them, and is ac­cused for having endeavoured to draw the Governour of that Caste from his Alleigi­ance (excellently good!) to the Protector, and pleading not guilty, yet was, by two Witnesses found ready, convicted, and con­demned.

Dr. Hewet being come before them (ac­cording [Page 156]to the Example of his Royall Ma­ster King Charles the first) refused to plead or to own the jurisdiction of the Court, for which contempt (as they were pleased to interpret it) he had the same sentence pronounced against him, and was after­wards together with Sir Henry Slingsby ex­ecuted on Tower hill.

Mr. Mordant brother to the Earl of Pe­terborough disavowed likewise the Autho­rity of the Court; but at last being indu­ced to plead, was acquitted, so was Mr. Woodcock, Mallory, Fryer, Sumner, & Allen were sentenced but reprived; Ashton, Stacy, and Bettely were hanged, drawn, and quar­tered, in several places of London.

And here we must not forget the mag­nanimous death of John Betteley, who hav­ing made a Speech, clearing his Innocen­cy and the justness of his Cause, undaunt­edly leapt off the Ladder, and died a wor­thy Sufferer for the Royall Interest.

His sacred Majesty (during these strange Murders and Oppressions of his Subjects in England, by a power which had usurpt [Page 157]the Regality) is forced to sit still; his ur­gent necessities not giving him leave either to revenge their deaths or redeem the sur­viving, who heavily groaned under the yoke, his only remedy now was his pray­ers to God (which he pursues with an earnest devotion) that he would be pleas'd in his good time to deliver his faithful Sub­jects from those miseries and burdens they then strugl'd under, and without doubt God hath heard, and will perform his pi­ous defires.

As an introduction to which, it pleased the DIVINE MAJESTY to take out of the world the grandest opposer of his Majesties Right: OLIVER CROM­WELL, who from a mean beginning had raised himself by force to be the arbitrary Governour of these Nations, who is by the Almighty called to give an account of his actions before the High Tribunall of Heaven, where are neither false witnesses nor interesed Judges, and that on the same day on which he had gained two such sig­nall victories over his Majesties forces at [Page 158] Dunbar and Worcester, viz. on the third day of September.

Yet he thought he had certainly secur­ed the Government of these three Na­tions for himself, and nominates his son Richard for his Successour, a person, to speak the truth, as not at all endowed with his fathers courage, so not at all inclined to his ambition: one, whom if fame lies not of him, could have willingly been content to have surrendred his Protectorship to the King the lawfull heir, and (by law) un­doubted Successour of his royal Father. But those Officers of the Army, whose am­bition, (though not in so high a degree,) had so engaged them as Complices to Oli­ver Cromwell in his high late designes a­gainst his King and Countrey, had so great a load of guilt upon their consciences, that they could not hear of, much less agree to the admission of his Sacred Majesty.

Nor was it indeed only thus, but some ambitious spirits there were, and particu­larly Maj. General Lambert, whose high­flown thoughts made him fancy Idea's in [Page 159]his brain, & forc't him to attempt the en­terprising to make himself Commander of these three Nations, as Oliver (by his means) had done before, which designes of his in the sequell, ruin'd him, and dis­covered those grand cheats & abuses which that par [...] had put upon the Nation, en­deavouring to enslave them to their own arbitrary power, whilst they pretended those strangely mistaken names of Religi­on and Liberty as hereafter will appear.

And these passages I shall the more fully insert, as tending so much to his Majesties interest here, and to the undeceiving of his good Subjects, who are not blinded with Interest, which the Usurpers had endea­voured to make the most potent men in the Nation, i. e. such as had the greatest sums of money, by selling such cheap penni­worths of the Kings, Queens, Bishops, Deans and Chapters lands, which toge­ther with the purchases of the estates of such loyal subjects to his Majesty, as those in power were pleased to stile Delinquents had near infatuated a good part of the Na­tion.

But to proceed, let us now begin with these distinctions. 'Tis an old Proverb in English, When theives fall out, then honest men come by their Goods; may it now prove as true as old, (which God be praisd) we have some reason to hope.

Oliver Cromwell, the greate [...], though most heroick enemy of his King & Coun­trey being dead, his son Richard is pro­claimed Protector, and for some times seemingly complyed with; but Lambert's ambition which had long lain hid, begins now to appear, and something he whis­pers into the ears of the Army, which mixt with the great love they had former­ly for him, easily creates a dislike of Ri­chards Government, which afterward wrought to such a height, that by a joynt-Conspiracy the Protectorship is disjoyn­ted, and Richard deprived of his Govern­ment, the taking away of which he as willingly consents to, as they are ready to deprive him of it.

This was the first jarring which this Ge­neration had amongst themselves, which [Page 161]withstanding was composed by the Pro­tector's easie consent, without the shed­ding of one drop of bloud. But there yet remained to his deposers the greatest task, since they were sufficiently sensible that though they had pull'd down one civil Go­vernment, (they must be inforc't though never so unwillingly) to set up another.

For they very well knew, that they had already so much gul'd the Nation, that they could not but now be sensible of their many abuses; yet they fly to their old pre­tences of Religion and Liberty, and under that pretence (since they must at least esta­blish the face of civil government, they call a Parliament again (Resolving to have one like themselves) that Juncto which was formerly desolved by Oliver, was those that murdered their King, & had for some years enslaved their Native Countrey,

Yet I cannot tell whether it were their inclinations to the General, or Lambert's particular perswasions; which called these men even out of the grave of infamy to sit again in the House, and rule as Lords Par­amount [Page 162]over these Nations, though I have a great deal of reason to believe it was the latter, since Lambert's ambition might ra­ther prompt him to begin with those men, & con over an old lesson, exeperimentally taught him by his old Master Oliver, then hazard the venture of a new one.

But this Juncto being thus recall'd to their seats in the House, and the exercise of their former Arbitrary power and au­thority by their Quondam servants of the Army, accept of the invitation; and ac­cordingly met in the Parliament House, whether likewise there assemble severall of those Members which had formerly been secluded & debar'd sitting in 1648. These demand now an equall right with the others, either to Consult or Vote; but as they had been formerly violently thrust out: so they are now forcibly kept out by the Officers of the Army.

This causes another as great distraction of their affairs. For these secluded Mem­bers, doe not only dispute their right by Law and Reason (which could nothing [Page 163]prevail with sword-men) but Sir George Booth and some others levy Armes now more truly in defence of Parliamentary priviledges then those raised in 1642.

This small Army raised in Cheshire, gave Lambert as fair an opertunity to put in exe­cution his ambitious designes, as possibly could be; for he being sent with the grea­test force of the Army against Sir George, easily overcomes him, takes him prisoner, & retakes those Holds which he had pos­sest himself of, and so returnes victorous.

This fortunate success revived his an­cient credit with the Army, and now he begins to practise the ruin of those which he had so lately set up, that be might give full scope to his own Ambition. They found out his designs, but yet not being a­ble to hinder them, are forc'd shortly af­ter to submit to a dissolution.

Thus was this Nation hurried into chan­ges of Government, and Anarchicall con­fusions, by persons who endeavoured only to promote their own ends & self interest; yet by these strange endeavours of their [Page 164]own, they only lost themselves, for the people, now beginning to discover their juggles, do as much detest them; & though they might for the present force the peo­ple to a submission by sword-law; yet could no Government whatsoever, by them establisht, be firme or dureable, since it must be settled contrary to the Genius of the people.

For even those who were formerly such strong enemies and opposers of Monarchy and Kingly Government, undeceived by those many delusions which they see put upon the Nation (by those who pretended so much to Religion and Liberty, and the settling of a Free State or Commonwealth, whilst they intended only their own ends) are now as much affected as they were for­merly disaffected with Monarchicall Go­vernment, finding that those who adven­ture to change a settled Government before they have determined of another in its stead, run into fancies and Chymera's, and vainly endeavour to build castles in the air; But to proceed.

This party being thus divided among themselves, there were great hopes, and certainly, greater wishes that that power wherewith they had for some years past, arbitrarily governed the Nation by turns, might at length come to a period, which by the eye of reason was now in greater probability then ever, they by their intes­tine devisions running headlong to their own ruine.

Fleetwood, Lambert, and the rest of the Officers of the Army, have now the sole Authority, and having the longest sword, make their wills a law; yet somewhat to sa­tisfy the people, & to make at least the face of a civill government, they set up a new kind of a thing which they composed of themselves, & some other choice persons, which they call a Committee of Safety, and to these they give full Authority over these Nations, without ever asking the peoples consent

This Government is far more the scorn and derision of the people, then the the o­ther, yet notwithstandinding their spirits [Page 166]are by constant use so subjected to slavery, that their Asinine backs are forced to en­dure this as well as other more intolera­ble burthens, they not daring all this while to adventure the regaining of their Liber­ties, nor indeed do other then by their tongues express their hate and anger.

But all this while those divisions of theirs, and the peoples being weary of them, and extreamly for his Majesties in­terest, it being a rule in Politicks, that the peoples hatred to an usurper, doth alwayes produce their love to a lawfull Prince, nor had they before, 'till deluded by those Tyrannizers any time to consider the Mi­series of their lawfull Soveraign, which now they begin to compassionate, & see­ing him the only person whom these men endeavour by all means possible to keep down, hatred to their Tyrannies, makes the people naturally desire his restauration, and him whom before they thought justly expulsed, they think it both Justice and Charity to reinstate, as much considering it to be their own as his interest, expe­rience [Page 167]having taught them the difference between the Government by one gentle Prince, and many Rusticks.

Thus far did these mens devisions invest his sacred Majesty with the love of his people, who in the mean time lives reti­redly at Bruges, expecting either what the good will of his subjects might do for the restoring him to his right, or what the suc­cess might be of that Treaty which was then (the grand action of Europe) in agi­tation between those two potent Monarchs France and Spain, from whose joynt-forces he might expect so great a supply as might have reinstated him in his Dominions by force, a course most of all opposite to his Majesties nature, who even in private things never attempts any thing by vio­lence which he can obtain by intreaty.

Yet great hopes had the Royalists both in England and aboade, that this Treaty would produce some good effects; yet it went on very slowly, & after a great deal of tediousness, came to a cessation, and from that to an interview between the two [Page 168]grand Officers of State, Don Lew is de Hare Count de Olivares, chief favourite to his Catholick Majesty, and Cardinall Maza­rine, chief Minister of State to the most Christian King; these being met upon the Frontier, his sacred Majesty of great Bri­tain, was invited thither by Don Lew is de Haro.

His Majesty received this invitation at Diepe in Normandy, whither he had pri­vately withdrawen himself (as likewise had his Brother the Duke of York to Calice) that they might be in a readiness to have come over into England, upon any fit opportunity, they having received many invitations from their friends here, about that time when Sir George Booth was up in Cheshire, and all England in a manner gap­ing for him. But Sir George being (as I said before) overcome, his Majesties and the whole Nations hopes fail'd, and the Pha­natick power still continued Paramount.

His Majesty therefore from Diepe begins his journey towards the frontiers of Spain, which journey he intended to make pri­vately, [Page 169]and being first come to Roan, he was there nobly entertained and feasted by Mr. Scot, an English Merchant, who ac­companied his Majesty to the Protestant Church, about three miles from the City, where with a great deal of Devotion and Attention he heard a Sermon.

From Roan, his Majesty accompanied with the Marquess of Ormond, the Lord Digby, Mr. Oneen took Post, steering their course directly for Bayonne (neer which the two great officers of state were to meet) not staying in any place, but endeavouring by all means possible to travel undiscovered as was before resolv'd.

Being come near to the end of his Jour­ney, advice was sent to Don Lewis de Haro of his Majesties approach, who immedi­ately (accompanied with a gallant Train) came forth to meet him, and being come near unto him, Don Lewis alighted from his horse, and notwithstanding the place where they met was very durty, kneeling down he clapt his hands about his Maje­sties Knees, and with a great deal of hu­mility [Page 170]kissed them.

His Majesty was from hence conducted with becoming Ceremonies, to the place appointed for his accomodation ( Don Lew­is riding all the way bareheaded by him) where he was entertained with all possible splendor and gallantry.

Many overtures and propositions there passed, between his Majesty and Don Lew­is de Haro touching what aid and assistance might be granted him by his Catholick Majesty, for the regaining of his rights & Kingdoms; his Majesty endeavouring by all means possible, to promote and fur­ther the present Treaty between France & Spain, and to bring it to a happy conclusi­on, by the Marriage of the King of France to the Spanish Infanta, it tending so much to his interest, that 'till the conclusion of it, nothing could be effected by those Prin­ces which might any way promote his right or possession.

To all his desires or propositions, the noble Count de Olivares returned pleasing answers, & carried himself with so much [Page 171]respect towards him, that he could not have been more submissive to the Catho­lick Majesty of Spain his Master.

His Majesty having some time been treated here, returned back again through France, being accompanyed some part of his way by Don Lewis, and repassing the rest privately by Post as he had formerly passed it, till he came to Charinton and Pa­ris, where his Mother was, with whom he staid some few dayes (though he was not now Courted and carressed by the French Nobility as formerly) and then re­turned to his residence at Brussels.

His Majesties private departure from Brus­sels, & his privacy during his whole jour­ny, made it certainly believed, that both he & his Brother the Duke of York, who lay at Callis, were come over into England, & that they lay hear concealed, expecting accord­ing to the event of things, either to disco­ver or secure themselves: nay so certain was the belief even those in power had of it, (who had not so good intelligence as Oliver Cromwell) that many persons were [Page 172]aprehended for them, and particularly one Mr. Colt was taken for the Duke of York, and kept in prison for him, till such time as certain news arrived in England of the Dukes return to Brussels. Several other persons likewise suffered impri­sonment forbeing suppos'd tobe like either his Majesty or his Brother.

His Majesty living retired at Brussels, the continuances of the differences in England among those who had usurped his power, doth still highly promote his interest. For though Lambert had routed Sir George Booth, and by it declared absolutely against a Free Parliament (for which, as the un­doubted right of the Nation, Sir George Booth and his party took up Arms) yet the people could not be content, but now once put in the way, they began violently to hanker after their long lost Liberty.

Nor could the turning out of the Rump (for so had the people out of disgrace term­ed the Juncto which then sate) whom they inveterately hated, any whit now sweeten them in their slavery, but they continually [Page 173]murmured out & agravated their oppres­sions one to another, & though they came to no violence, yet 'tis suspected it was more out of the hope they had that Gene­rall George Monck, (who was then march­ing with his Army out of Scotland) should assert their Liberties, (which somewhat allayed the popular fury) then out of any fear or Cowardise.

But in the mean time their expectations seem'd utterly to fail them, for the Rump had by their industry so inveigled most of the Army from Lambert, that by their help they return and take their seats in the House and dissolve his Committee of Safety, cōmanded the Souldiers of his Army to re­pair to their appointed Quarters, & Order Generall Monck to bring up his Army to London, in all which they are punctually obeyed; Lambert's Soulders deserting him, and Generall Monck according to their or­ders, marching up his Army quite through England.

Yet the Nation had so great hopes of the Noble General, that in all his pas­sage [Page 174]through England, he is courted with Addresses from the Gentry of every County, remonstrating the distractions they long had, and were still like to lye un­der, and intreating that he would be (as they hoped hee'd prove) the Delive­rer and saver of his Countrey; that to settle them in some way of Government, a Par­liament might be called by the Free Votes of the people, that they might no longer be Govern'd by such Wolves, as only made a Prey of them, nor their Governours be subjected to the awe & force of an Ex­orbitant Army. To all these desires he re­turned answers, promising such things as might be for the good of the Nation.

But being come to London (where he was received with a great deal of joy) he put the people almost quite out of hopes of him, nay rather into a fear, that in stead of proving their deliverer, he would be the means to enslave them; for by the cōmand­ment of the Rump, he enters the City with his whole Army, imprisons many of their Common Council, digs up their Posts, and [Page 175]breakes down their Gates, whilst the stu­pifi'd Citizens, having now fear added to their slavery, durst hardly murmur at it, but with sighs & nods bid adieu to their Liberty.

Yet notwithstanding this violence, the Noble Generall revives their hopes, & re­tiring himself into the City, refusing to be subject to the Juncto's command, shortly after he admitts those Members of the House of Commons which were in 1648. forceably excluded by the Army, (for hav­ing given their Votes that the Kings Con­cessions at the Isle of Wight Treaty, were sufficient grounds for a Peace and settle­ment:) who having taken their places in the House, we had now got a step towards our ancient happiness, one of the three E­states of the Kingdom viz. the House of Commons, being permitted to sit freely, a thing not known to us in twelve precedent yeares. God of heaven of his mercy to these Nations, grant, that the other two may, in his due time, be admitted to the dis­charge of their power and trust, that these [Page 176]Nations once so famous under that Go­vernment, may no longer continue to be the scorne and derision of foraign Coun­tries.

And great hopes there is now that these Kingdomes may again return to be hap­py, since disloyalty (the first cause of their miseries and distractions) begins, blessed be God, every day to be depressed, and loyalty to flourish, many of those who for­merly with a zealous fury broak their oath of Allegiance to their King, wishing now that they had a King to shew allegiance to; & perceiving that al innovations of Go­vernment are not what some would have them seem to be, viz. ways to liberty & freedom, but meer baits of ambitious self­minded men, to hook in the people to slavery.

But to return to his Majesty in Flanders; of whose jtenary life we have already given you a particular account: it will not be impertinent to say somwhat of his se­dentary & retired Living, that by his Aeco­nomy we may judge of his Monarchy, and [Page 177]of the Government of those few subjects in his Family, of that of his three King­doms.

His Majesty hath spent most of his time, wherein he hath been out of his Domini­ons in Flanders under the protection of the Catholick King of Spain; nor had he ever any where else so settled a Court and Ha­bitation, as here, where his chief Atten­dants are the Lord Chancellour Hide, the Marquess of Ormond, the Earl of Norwich, the Lord Wentworth, the Lord Digby, and many other Nobles and Gentlemen, whose loyalty to his sacred Majesty & his Royall Father hath made exiles to their Country; a particular number of which he makes use of for his Councill, doing nothing without serious & mature advice; and yet being of so sagatious a judgement, that whatever he sayes is seldome contra­dicted by the most Judicious of his Coun­cellours, not out of fear or flattery, but out of a reall assent to, and concurrence with his judgement.

And indeed those great opportunities [Page 178]which he hath had, by his so long being abroad, of diving into the great Councels of Forraign Princes and States, must ne­cessarily make him a person of a very per­spicuous understanding, endow him with all those qualities which may deservedly attain the name of Great, and render him as well an able Statist, as a King; he hav­ing during his expulsion travelled through & lived in the Countries of three the most potent Princes in Christendome, viz. the Emperour's of Germany, and the Kings of Spain and France; and so to the Germain resolution added the Spaniards prudence, and the Frenchmans expedition.

To these extraordinary helps which ne­ver a Prince in Christendome can boast of, we may yet add, those more then ordinary gifts, wherewith nature hath been pleased to endow him, which being so extreamly improved, we can hardly now discern; but that it may be known what they were, take the character of an Honourable Lord upon his death Bed, who speaking of him when about fiteen or sixteen Years of Age, [Page 179]hath these words: Truly I never saw greater hopes of vertue in any young Person then in him: Great Judgement, great understanding, strong apprehension, much of honour in his nature, & a very perfect Englishman in his inclinations. So that both nature & industry have seem­ed to use their utmost endeavours to make him a perfect Prince, his very affliction turning in this to his benefit, and making him in knowledge and sufferings (the Re­finer of knowledge) unparalleld. Some forreign Princes as well envying, as pity­ing his expulsion.

This perfect knowledge of his he hath indeed had but small occasion to practise, except a little in Scotland: where, I think, he demonstrated himself a person so pru­dent and careful in his affairs, that is be­yond my Pen's expression.

His Subjects good was his only care; nor did he ever act any thing but what might tend more to theirs then his own interest; still consulting whether it might benefit them, not himself.

His Letter to Col. Mackworth Gover­nour [Page 180]of Shrewsbury sufficiently demonstrates his affection to his very Enemies; he would win, not Conquer the Hearts of those who though they have broke their Allegiance to him, yet he would esteem still his sub­jects.

He would not conquer with bloud, lest he should be thought a Tyrant. He endea­vours by fair means to attain the love of his Subjects, that (what ever his very ene­mies think of him) he may approve him­self to be a just Prince.

And did Fortune give him power, yet would he rather attempt Curtesie then Force. He knows that whilst he kills a Sub­ject he weakens his Kingdom. Rebels themselves may be found usefull; and though justice cannot, yet his Majesties Clemency will admit their pardon; but if they resist to the utmost, their bloud is on their own heads, what man is not willing to destroy him, who he knows would be his mur­derer.

This is his justice and his Clemency mixt together; he would not Kill, where [Page 181]he might with safety save. Nor does his unspotted innocency raise fancies or fears in him. As he is guilty of nothing, so ther's nothing he fears. Whilst he endeavours to be true to his subjects, those endea­vours force a belief in him, that his subjects will be true to him.

His very nature enclins him to a com­passion. He pitties those that will not pitty themselves; and whilst they are con­spiring his destruction, his prayers pro­cure their safety. Nor can the utmost of their injuries provoke him to a retaliati­on. He hath learned not only of God, but of the King his father, to forgive his Ene­mies.

Nor is it his desire to obtain his King­domes that makes him willing to forgive his Enemies, but his desire to forgive his Enemies that makes him willing to obtain his Kingdomes: he counts the possession of his Royalties but as a transitory dignity, the pardon of his Enemies a Divine and lasting one.

Neither is his piety less then his Justice, [Page 182]they are both in the Superlative degree, he hates wickedness, not because the world should see him glory (that would make him an Hipocrite) but because God abhors it; 'tis Love not Fear makes him Religi­ous, he Fears God, only because he Loves him.

He hates not the Vicious, but abominates their Vices, his hatred extends not to per­sons, but to things; He dislikes not the Swearer, 'tis the Oaths he abhors, he hates not the Drunkard but his Drunken­nesse.

Yet does his mercy extend beyond their sins, as he is a King so he is a God, he is gratious to pardon, as well as just to pun­nish; nor can a remission or reformation but over take his remission.

His constant service of God excites o­thers to live by his example, he sleeps not without invoking the blessing of the Al­mighty, nor does his Eyes open with­out a returned thanks, he knows 'tis God a­lone which can restore & protect him: nor can the wickednesse of Man preval against him.

Nor does his publick devotion shew him lesse Zealous then his private, the one de­monstrates him full of Zeal, the other void of Hypocrisie; he would have others ho­ly as well as himself; he knows that saying concerns him, being a King, above all pri­vate Men, Non nobis solis nati sumus.

Private persons are not alone born for themselves, much lesse Kings, the publick concern is their duty: 'tis not enough for the Master of the house that he be Godly whilst his family is wicked. There must be Precept as well as Example: and if need be, correction as well as instruction.

This makes his Majesty deservedly fa­mous; he counts it as great a fault to suffer a sin in another whilst he hath power to correct it, as to commit it himself, he knows that what crime soever a Magistrate suf­fers willingly to be committed, he brings upon his own head.

He is therefore above all things careful not to father vice, least he should be ac­counted vitious: he detests that in another which did he commit, he knows he might [Page 184]justly detest himselfe for; and endeavours by Example to reform that in others which he knows were it in him, would seem odi­ous to him.

He abhors vice, as well because it is so, as because God abhors it: His nature in­clines him to vertue, and as he cannot ad­mit its contrary in himself, so he cannot in­dure it in another.

His constancy in Religon is no lesse con­spicuous then his piety. His discerning judgement knows what is truth, and that truth is followed by his settled will; Yet he hates not the Popish Religion, but their Idolatry; he abhors not them, but their false worship: He loves all that knows Christ at all, but wishes that they all might know him more.

His steadfastnesse in Religion proceeds not from self-interest; he sticks not so much to be true to Protestants, because he knows the English to be addicted to that Religion; nor because he thinks it for his benefit; & because he imagines that it would prove very difficill to obtain his Crown & leave [Page 185]it. But because he knows it to be true.

He knows the Prince is born for the peo­ple, as well as the people for the Prince. He knows their interests to be interwoven. He knows that without them he cannot stand; yet will he sooner loose them then relinquish verity.

He is the perfect pattern of Piety, but more of Patience, his Afflictions have not made him repine, he knows God to be just: he believes that as God restored Job twofold, so will he likewise restore him his Kingdomes.

Yet he thinkes it just in God to suffer them to be detained from him.

He Laments more his Subjects slavery then his own Exile, he grievs that they have been so long blind, yet rejoyses for their sakes that they have now a Glimmer­ing; he constantly prayes for the restoring of their sight, not so much because they should restore his, as their own Rights and Priviledges.

He is inwardly troubled and perplexed at the many Schisms, Sects, & Heresies that [Page 186]are raised in the Church of England, he is sory that their rise is from some mens en­vy towards him; he pitties, and his pitty produces his prayers for them. He is wil­ling that though they will not obey him, yet that they may serve God.

He was never heard to curse his Ene­mies, many times to pray for them, and desire God to forgive even his Fathers Murtherers; his good will surpasses their cruelty: And whilst they are conspiring his Destruction, he is praying for their Salvation.

He is a perfect Enemy to all Debauched­nesse, he is sorry those who pretend them­selves his friends in England are so great a scandal to him: He wishes that they would so carry themselves, that he might adventure to own them as Friends; for he understands not the good will of those who drink his Health for the liquors sake, nor wishes for their helpe who over their Sack only swear they will fight for him. He is noe greater a hater of vice then a che­risher of vertuous Actions, he loves them [Page 187]in his very Enemies, & often grieves when he findes occasion to think that many of them will rise up in judgement against his most pretended Friends,

He is most exactly just in all his Com­mands and faithfull in performance of all his promises Take the Character given him by the dying Marquess of Montrose. For his Majesty now living (saith he) Never people I believe may be more happy in a King, his Commands to me were most just, in nothing that he promiseth will he fail: He deals justly with all men &c. So punctuall is he, that when a word is once gon out of his Mouth he will rather suffer by it then break it.

To conclude, he is the pattern of Pati­ence and Piety, the most Righteous and Justest of Kings. The most knowing & ex­perienced of Princes. The Holiest and the best of Men. The severest punisher of Vice. The strictest rewarder of Virtue. The con­stantest preserver of Religion. And the tru­est lover of his Subjects.

This is a short Character of his illustri­ous Majesty, which I feare those that know [Page 188]him will rather think to come short of then reach his due praise, so sweetly ver­tuous is he in all his Carriages, so affable in his discourse, so void of passion & anger, that he was never yet heard or seen in Choller, the utmost extent of any passion that ever was discerned in him, being to­wards one of his Meniall Servants, who jus­tifying himselfe in what he had done a­misse, his Majesty with some motion told him that he was an insolent fellow.

Yet this is that Prince whose vertues we have given leave to Forraign Nations to admire, whilst we our selves have rested as well ignorant of his deserts, as destitute of our own Liberty, whilst either infatuated or blinded by those who have Tyrannical­ly usurp'd Governments over us, we have been contented to sit still & see him Expul­sed and exil'd from his due Rights & Roy­alties, and our selves from our Freedom & Priviledges.

Nor hath God alone been merciful to us in endowing his sacred Majesty with such Heroick Vertues, but he hath given us a [Page 189]stock of Noble Princes, who seem to Emu­late Virtues in one another, and growe up like Royal Oaks to maintain the Honour and Glory of this Nation, but are yet and have a long time been the disgrace of it, all the Nations in Europe laughing at the English folly, who slight that happinesse which they might enjoy.

As for the illustrious Duke of York his Fame is spread so far over the World, that my selfe have heard the very Turks com­mend and applaud his Vallour which was so esteemed among the French, that before he arrived at twenty one years of Age, he was by that King thought worthy the Command of Liu. General of his Armies, which he managed with such care & pru­dence, that seldom any affairs he took in hand, produced not its desired successe; & since, his being in requital of his services, complemented out of that Kingdome of France, though he hath not had such emi­nent commands confer'd on him by the Spaniard, yet have they alwaies thought him worthy the highest imployment and respect.

As for the Duke of Glocester, he is esteemed by most to be fitter for a Councellour then a Souldier: His Carriage is grave, & som­what severe; of a Sagace Genious and un­derstanding, and very much prying into State Affairs, which have made most judge him the fitter for a Councill board.

These three Princes, are like three Dia­monds or Pearls which we have ignorantly cast away, & not come to know the worth of them till we come to want them, Their vertues having made them resplendent throughout all the World, and rendred them, if we justly consider it, the only means whereby we can attain to happi­ness; for what Nation can be more blessed then that which hath for her Prince a just King to Govern, a Valiant Duke to Defend, and a Wise Counsellour to Advise.

May the God of Heaven then open our Eyes and let us at length see our Errour, and hearti­ly [Page 191]repent of it, by calling our Native Soveraign to the possession of his due Rights, which the Divine Majesty (I hope) will be Gratiously plea­sed to Grant.

Thus far the History.

March 1660.