CHAP. I. Of Fortune.

THE Ancients, who gave to For­tune the same power which Atheists are wont to give to Nature, could not forbear vene­rating of her; they dedicated Temples to her, and adored her as the first principle of all things, and as the universal cause of good and evil. Thus their [Page 2]Ignorance was the reason of their Worship; they employ'd all their Moral Philosophy to find out a false Religion; and of their great­est Errors they made high Mysteries; and at last they could comprehend no other Deity but that which they thought blind, worthy of their Sacrifices. Among the Greeks, Vulpa was the first Man who erected a Statue to her in the City of Smirna; she was represented with the Poles upon her head, and a Horn full of Plen­ty in her Hand, to shew her power in Heaven and Earth; that she gave to Bodies the same motion and life, which Aristotle attributed since to spiritual powers; and that it was by her libe­rality, that Men use to enrich themselves. Aucus Martius, Grand-son to Numa Pompilius, was the first of the Romans that built her a Temple; many since imitated his folly, think­ing to imitate his adoration, and sought out in the golden Mines, and in the marble Pits, all that which could set forth the magnificence and glory of their zeal and worship to her. They made of this Fortune a Woman, and then a Man; they call'd her Liberal sometimes, and sometimes Covetous; she had as many several dresses, as there was opinions amongst them: and we read that they had no sooner represented her like one of the Graces, but they represented her like a Fury. When Co­riolan to revenge himself of his banishment, [Page 3]and of the ingratitude of his Countrey, brought with the Volsques the ruine of Rome; his enemies, who feared his wrath, began to be sensible of it: those whose justice he had im­plored without effect, implored his mercy; and there was not one of his Judges who was not glad to receive their pardon of him whom they had condemned. The overthrow of Rome, the death of his friends and kindred, and the outcries of his wife and children, were too feeble objects to move him; they were forced to make use of the tears and eloquence of his mother, to moderate his resentments. And as Coriolan could not yield to Reason, so he could not resist to natural Affections, but raised the Siege which he had laid before his own City, and shewed his goodness where they expected nothing but his vengeance. The joy was so great at Rome, that the Romans thought them­selves obliged to leave some marks of this ad­venture to those in after-ages; and because they imagin'd that it was necessary to make appear their acknowledgments, as soon as their good fortune, they built her another Temple: she received another in the same Garden which Caesar made the Romans heirs of, as if it was by her means that this great Man made himself Master of so many hearts and Countries, and as if she had had the greatest hand in his felici­ties and victories. Sylla, to set forth his good [Page 4]fortune, said that he was her Lover; and Ser­vius Tullius had her in such veneration, that he said she came and lay with him every night, and dedicated a Temple to her in the Capitol, under the name of Fortune the eldest; and an­other in the name of favorable and obedient: in this place she was Fortune of adversity, and in the other of hope. Upon Mount Palatine she was Fortune private, and in other places a Virgin; and the Heathens superstition was so ri­diculous, that they made her a Beard, and were of opinion that those young men who wor­shipped her, should have a well-grown Beard; and those who should scruple at it, should have as little as an Eunuch. Some Men being mind­ed to make a Moral representation of her, have made her without feet, and not without hands and wings; others have made her of glass, to signifie that as there is nothing finer, so there's nothing more brittle. Archilochus put fire in her right hand, and water in her left, to no other end, but to persuade us that as those two Elements are almost the whole support of life, so she disposeth absolutely of all those things which are needful for us, and that she alone was worthy of our acknowledgments and prai­ses. But let us come from Sculpters and Limn­ers to our Poets; Boccace feigns her with ar­dent eyes, with an horrible face, and hair han­ging over her mouth, with an hundred arms [Page 5]and hands, to bestow and ravish Presents from Men, to cast down and to raise them again. Others make her a smiling countenance, as that of a Mermaid, to allure and surprize us, with a lock of hair upon her forehead, to learn us how to make use of her. Some have placed her upon a Globe, with a horn of plenty in one hand, and a scourge in the other, to in­struct us that it is in her power to reward and punish; that she bestowed and took away all things, and that it was she alone we ought to hope in, and fear. Pausaunias did not think fit she should be alone, he associated her with Love; and as he had (may be) read that it was by Love that the world began, so he would have it govern'd by Fortune: but the opinion he had of her power, was not a par­ticular sentiment. Salustus and Virgil have made her a Sovereign, who penetrates in all the orders of Nature; and the Romans, above all Nations, went so far in their Idolatry, that they built her to the number of 600 Temples. It was a custom to put her Statue in the Empe­rors Presence Chamber; and as soon as he was dead, it was carried to the Conclave of his Successor, to let him understand that she was still above him; that she gave Scepters and Crowns, and bestowed Honours and Dig­nities; that she was the Arbitrator and Mi­stress of his Life; and that her Decrees of all [Page 6]things were irrevocable. Some, to raise her power, have chained her to Destiny, thinking by that means to attain to the design they had to persuade Men that she was above all the Deities: That's the reason that in Homer, Ju­piter complains of the murther of his son Sar­pedon whose death he could not prevent; and that he asketh his daughter in Ovid, If she alone thinks to avoid the inevitable Destiny? And this is the cause that she is represented on Horse-back pursued by Destiny with a Bowe and Arrow in his hand. But because we al­ledge these Examples but as so many Errors, which we reject and that we point at them but by the same reason that we point at Shelves and Rocks in the Sea, to make Mariners avoid them, it is time to come from darkness to light, and from error to verity. The Stoicks gave to that Destiny which brought all things to a cer­tain point, the revolution of things. And De­mocrites, who was one of the famous Men of the Sect of Epicures, attributed it to that which we call sometimes Chance. Plato saith, That this general change is a cause by accident in that which happens in the counsels of Men. And his Disciple Aristotle assures us, That it is the same Cause which is performed for some End which is not apparent, but hidden. But to speak more intelligibly without leaving his opinion, I understand by this word Fortune no­thing [Page 7]else but something whose End hath not answered the expectation of him who intended it: And thus every accident is a Fortune, as well to him who should find a Treasure hid in his field, who had no other End but to Till it, as him who should be stung with a Serpent; though they have both divers subjects, the one of joy, and the other of grief. But we must not conclude that all things are done by Chance; as an Elder hath it, that the wheels of Fortune had Eyes: we must be persuaded that all things that fall out by Chance, are ac­cidents against Mens expectation; but that doth in no wayes diminish the Prescience of God. When we have said all, Fortune is no­thing but a Chimera, 'tis to our fancy that she oweth her power. We make her partake in Burning and Shipwracks, though she neither knows Fire nor Water. We bring her in Com­bats, and give her thanks for Victories, though she is without arms or sentiment. And to speak in right terms of her, 'tis a shadow wherewith weak Souls are kept in awe, a Being without subsistence, an operation of our Idea, and a Monster, of whom we think we receive favors and disgraces. But since I treat of this Subject more like an Historian, than like a Philoso­pher; and that I am less understood by reason­ing, than by examples, I must describe the ef­fects, without discovering the nature of it; [Page 8]and that reason is not more essential to Man than misery; that he begun almost as soon to complain, as to speak. To prove this strongly, it is requisite to lead our wits by certain de­grees, and to consider overthrown Empires, and Abysses where great Cities stood in times past. Then we will pass from dead things, to living. We will shew that the highest situati­ons of Men are but precipices; that the fairest dayes are sometimes followed by tempestuous nights; and that the most eminent lives are not alwayes the happiest; thus we shall confess that the greatest glory is but a dream; that Oak-trees are oftner beat down by the Thun­der, than Bushes; that Misfortunes hang over great mens heads, as the Thorn amongst Ro­ses; and that all the felicity of this world is no solid happiness.

CHAP. II. Of the Ruine of the first World, and of the Empire of the Assyrians.

THE first Men abandoned themselves so entirely to Evil, that each action they committed was a Patricide, and each word a Blasphemy. They were not content to add Pride to Ingratitude, the joined Insolence to both; and made use of their liberty, as of an [Page 9]instrument fit to execute their Passions, and to make their power seen in their Crimes; as if all the waters of the world had not been capa­ble to cover the horrors, and take away the memory of them. God, after he had preser­ved Mankind in eight persons, rained other waters for the space of 40 dayes; and this Deluge was so great, that Men, Birds and Beasts perish'd by a common death, and all the world became a dreadful Sea. Those which God pre­served from this universal Inundation, began to serve their Maker, and to fear him, knowing that this general confusion was a work of his Justice, and their life was as good as 'twas hap­py; and to condemn their Divertisements, a man must condemn Innocence. Their Age was call'd the Golden Age, whose beauty resem­bled the Spring, as well as its continuance. As this people grew in number, they increased al­so in malice; the rest which they possest was burthensom to them, and ambition was the principal cause of their change and ruine. Nem­brot, to whom Pride and Diffidence were natu­ral, did soon diminish the felicity of this Age; he employ'd men about a work as ridiculous as it seem'd commendable; he began the build­ing of the Tower of Babel, to begin their Mis­fortunes; and would have raised it to Hea­ven, thinking to carry his Pride there. Teme­rity was soon follow'd by Ambition. Bellus, [Page 10]the son of Nembrot, carried by an insatiable desire he had to possess all, and to reign alone, envied Sabarius Saga his fortune, whose sirname was Saturn, whom Noah had made King of Ar­menia. He engaged Ninus in his enterprize, and made use of policy and arms to attack and surprize him. The success answer'd their hopes, Sabatius was weaker or less fortunate than his Enemies; he was forced to refugiate himself with his Grandfather Noah, to defend himself of their Tyrannies, and to seek his safety in his flight. Some Men are not of opinion that the first Wars were begun by this Bellus, first King of the Assyrians, they say it was by Ninus his son, who made himself so insupportable after the building of Ninive, that he declared War against Babylon; and could not suffer that those who should publish his magnificence, should not likewise publish his courage. He marched against them with a resolution to fight them. He raised as many Soldiers as he thought there were Inhabitants in Babylon, and was not at all surprized at their defence and resistance, but rather made use of their stub­bornness, to sharpen his ambition and his cou­rage. He fell upon the first he met withall; he cast a fright in all hearts, and left every­where bloody marks of his strength and fury. The Babylonians troubled at this, seeing that their own defence was to no purpose, grew [Page 11]fearful, as they grew weak; they left their Town in the night, and abandoned it to the mercy of their Conqueror, for fear of his cru­elty and insolence. Ninus went in it the next day, proud of his victory; his Men found no body to oppose their plundering, and every one might satisfie their ambition and avarice. The Assyrians, by a long process of time, made themselves redoubtful, and especially by the malice of the Medes, who they had made their Subjects: but these at last finding their obedi­ence shameful, and that they thought them­selves mighty enough to contend for authority with their Masters, they put themselves in a posture to usurp from their Prince, that which they had conquer'd for them, and took from them that which they had suffered them before to take. Arbaces knowing that Sardanapalus's Table did empty all the Treasures of the State, and that his Luxury was greater than his Re­venue, could not live any longer under the Reign of a Prince who signalized himself but by his debauches; and thought himself not ob­liged to obey him, who never had the power to command himself. This bold Captain, to clear his doubts, inquired and sought for him, and at last found him amongst a company of Women. He saw he had taken their habit, as well as their effeminacy; that he had no other Counsellors but Misses; and no [Page 12]other arms than a spinning stick. He ran im­mediately to his companions, and recites to them the sight he had. He persuaded them that they owed no obedience to him, who thought he ow'd nothing to their services; that they might change their condition, since he had changed his Sex; and that every way their Re­bellion would be more commendable than his Infamy. He is made Head of the Party, and draweth as many Men to him as he thought generous, and consults with them the loss of the King, whose Vices he could not bear, and for whose Crown he had an infinite esteem. He is followed by every one of them, and they all promise to imitate him. He conducts and en­courages them, and carries his Arms and Victo­ries so far, that Sardanapalus was constrained to burn himself with all his riches; and shew'd less cowardize in his last action, than he had shew'd in all his life before. During this Reign, several Kingdoms were overthrown by Wars; That of the Caldeans, amongst the most remark­able, was overthrown by the Israelites; That of the Ethiopians, by the Ancients Kings of Egypt; That of the Trojans, by the Greeks; That of the Amazons, by Hercullus and Thessus; That of Cholcos, by Jason; That of Israel and Juda, by Nebuchadnezar; and some others, of which Historiographers and Poets can give us a perfect knowledge. But because that the [Page 13]most Learned doth not look upon the Reign of the Babylonians and Medes as a Monarchy, but as a particular power; it is only necessary to know that Astiages was their last King, and that it was impossible for to avoid his ruine, what industry soever he used. He having drea­med one night, that out of his daughters Womb, came forth a Vine, which covered all Asia, sends for all those who had a repute in di­vination; he enquired of them the meaning of his dream, being uncertain whether it would turn to his glory or to his shame. The Wise men answer'd him, That his daughter should have a son, who would spoil him of his Kingdom, and whose actions should surpass his birth. Astiages, to turn away the misfortune that threatned him, married his daughter to Cambyses, who was not at that time very considerable, neither for his virtue, nor his family; thinking there­by to smother the greatness of his Grandchild, by the meanness of his birth; and make his ambition cease, by the consideration of his low fortunes. To come from diffidence to cruelty, he fancies that the Child must no sooner be in the World, but he must be sent out of it; and that he must meet with a grave, instead of a Cradle. And for this effect, as soon as his daughter was deliver'd, the infant was given charge of to Harpagus, who did the most important affairs of the Kingdom, and [Page 14]who was the most judicious of all his Coun­sellors; but he was not at this time the most faithful. This Man, fearing that the Mother, who was to be one day his Soveraign, should revenge the murther upon her Subject, that she could not do upon the King, chose rather to disobey the King, than to be a Murtherer; and secure himself by deceit, than hazard himself by a crime. Therefore he caused this young Child, whose name was Cyrus; to be brought up by a Shepherd, who had an extraordinary care of him; and who, to appear no less pitiful than a Bitch had been who suckled him, when he himself was abandon'd of all the World, did out of compassion, that which another would have done out of interest, and was for a certain time a Father and Governor to him. Astiages having notice of Harpagus's Treason, took his son, and commanded him to be killed in his presence, and forced Harpagus to eat him; that is to say, to eat his own flesh, and to drink the blood which was issued out of his own veins. Harpagus, in whom the horror of this action had not changed his countenance apparently, altered his humor extremely; from regret, he fell to revenge; and made so good use of the occasion, that he discovered all the business to Cyrus, who at that time dwelt with the Persians: he acquainted him with the diffi­dence and cruelty of Astiages, and represented [Page 15]to him Royalty so glorious, that Cyrus resol­ved to perish, or to make himself great. Seeing then that the Throne was not so high but he might scale it, he raised a potent Army, gave Battel, and won it; took Astiages, and devests him of his Kingdom, and made himself so pow­erful and absolute amongst the Medes, that he became at last the Master of the first Empire of the World. And thus it is very apparent, that Fortune makes use of the same steps to descend, as to ascend. She casts down from the Throne a lawful King, and exalts up­on it an ambitious Man. She takes a Childs part against him whose Will alone should be powerful enough to restrain the greatest pow­er, and at last it appears, that to command, and to obey, are two extremes, between which there's no more distance, than between joy and sorrow. Here ends the Empire of the Medes, by the generous ambition of one Man, who begins another. But it is necessary to know that as Empires as well as days have their Sun­set, as well as their Sun-rising; and that the fairest beginnings have not alwayes the best success.

CHAP. III. Of the Empire of the Persians.

AS long as Empires flourish, and subsist by their own Forces, they weaken those whom they have made Tributaries; and they make themselves Masters of those, whose al­liance at first would have contented them: they do no less than the fire, which consumes all that which is fuel for it. But if the same vigour which they confided in, begins to de­cay, they are ruined by the same Maxims which they ruined others. Their weakness is the principle of their confusion and disorder, and all that they can do, is to employ for their security the same Arms which they made use of to exalt themselves. The growing and uniting of Provinces, are the first seeds of War, saith Sir Francis Bacon; and as soon as a State becomes too powerful, and of too great an extent, one may compare it to a great Ri­ver, which is often subject to some remarkable floods and inundations. The Persians, who under the Reign of Cyrus, of Cambyses, of Darius and Artaxerxes, had laid waste the King­doms of Lydia, of Babylon, of Syria, of Ju­dea, of Arabia, of Egypt, of Phrygia, and of Grece, had all that which carried terror and [Page 17]submission in the hearts of their Neighbours; they had no Enemies left but secret ones, but yet powerful: and they acknowledged at last to their confusion, that all Empires had their Bounds, as well as their Extent; and that time brought an end to all things. Alexander was made King of Macedonia, the same year that Darius the son of Arsanus, the 14th King of Persia, was made Emperor of Asia; and as if one Kingdom could not suffice this ambitious young Prince, he was minded to shew that the execution was as easie to him as the underta­king of great things; and that he was to be the Master of those who were his Rivals; and that it would not be amiss to count his Conquests as soon as his Enterprizes. In effect, after he had gotten some advantage over the Greeks, he came to Thebes, which he intended to preserve; but as soon as he knew that the Inhabitants had railed against all their friends and all their gods, and counted him a Tyrant, he tur­ned his patience into fury; he storm'd it, and destroy'd it with the sword and fire, and made a Desart of one of the finest Cities in the World. He signalized his ambition by o­ther actions which were no less considerable; and because that he was of opinion that there should be but one King upon earth, as the Hea­vens have but one Sun, he passed into Asia with an Army which saw no danger, where there [Page 18]was Plunder; and who desired nothing more than Combats, because it had no greater desire to enrich it self. Alexander knowing the for­wardness of all his Soldiers, makes use of such a fair occasion; he attack'd the Persians, took from them Sardus, Milletus, and Tyr: and con­sidering the number of his enemies less than his own glory, gives battel to Darius, and won the field. This, Darius did not so much look upon for the loss, as for the disgrace. He made a second attempt, to smother the number of the Conquest which Alexander had by his death, and in that of all his men: he tells them that they ought to defend their lives and liber­ties, and animates them to the revenge of their companions, and persuades them that the Ma­cedonians fought with less valor than despair; and that it was better their burying places were theirs, than their Countrey. These ex­hortations which were not without zeal, were nevertheless without fruit; the second Com­bat was as unfortunate to him as the first, and nothing was left to him, had he lost courage or his hopes. He did not alter his resolution, though his condition was alter'd; he lookt up­on his defeat, with the same countenance as he would have done his victory; he thought it better to make good use of ill Fortune, than to grieve at it; and never did any King turn greater Philosopher in his disgraces: Not that [Page 19]he was insensible, and ignorant of the chains which were preparing for him; but he always hoped to break through them, and thought that he was still to be fear'd, though he was to be lamented. Alexander, to overcome him by Courtesies, as well as by Arms, sollicits him to yield, and promises him his friendship, so he will acknowledge him to be his Master, and not use him as an Equal; and let him understand, that this was the only condition upon which he could cease to be unhappy, and his sister and daughters slaves. Darius refuseth him that su­periority; misery was pleasanter to him than subjection; he had much rather yield to neces­sity, than to the offers of an Usurper; and re­mit to Destiny, rather than to an Enemy, the choice of his loss or safety. Alexander at the hearing of this, neither gives him time to con­sider, nor to defend himself; he tells his Soldi­ers that those who they were to fight, were the same who they had so lately vanquish'd; that they were not strengthned in their flight; and that it was not the beauty of Arms in which victory did consist, but in virtue. In that per­suasion the Macedonians charged the Persians, amongst which some fled, and the rest followed soon their example; and as Alexander pursued them, an Asian met with Darius in a Horse-lit­ter wounded in several places; who knowing the man by his habit and language, Go, said he, [Page 20] to Alexander, tell him from me, that I dye his debtor, for giving liberty to my mother and chil­dren; and that my friends who had received of me whole Provinces, have kill'd me; that he hath used me rather like a King, than a Tyrant; and that death hath not taken away my resentments of his favours: if my voyce is but strong enough to be heard of the gods, I'll beg of them to make all the world his Empire, and to make him as great as he is generous; and all the favour I beg of him now, is only a burying place. These were the last words of Darius: which when Alexander heard, and that he saw him dead, he lamented his misfortune with unfeigned tears; he was sorry for his victory, and caused him to be bu­ried with a pomp more like a Triumph, than a Funeral. Some say that Alexander saw him dye, and that Darius had the satisfaction to hear him utter these words: O too magnanimous and too generous Prince, I confess that he who hath caused thy misfortunes, begins to lament them, and thou hast struck thine enemies heart with a bro­therly compassion. I will take more care for thy mother and daughters, doubtless than thy friends have done for thee; they shall praise my Clemency, though they cannot my Arms; and as it is not in my power to do more for the present, know that I partake of thy sorrows, though I cannot partake of thy wounds. It was this way that Alexander conquer'd the Empire of the Persians; and [Page 21]because good Fortune is never accompany'd with diffidence, and those who have good suc­cess are undaunted, he went further in his Con­quest, and usurped all Asia. Who would have thought that a King of Macedon could have vanquish'd one in so little time, who comman­ded 17 Provinces, besides those which he had made Tributaries to himself; that 184 ships should have cleared the whole Ocean of Con­querors and Pyrates; and that 36500 men should have so prodigiously increased a little Kingdom; that it had no other bonds than those of the world: nevertheless 'tis a pub­lick truth. 'Tis the sentiment of all the world, that Alexander acted great things by small means; and that he raised himself to that heighth of glory, to which no other man could ever attain; and that he left but little ground unconquered which was known to him: not­withstanding as the same earth produceth poy­son and aliments, so it came to pass that the same Fortune who raised the Greeks to their glory, brought them also to their shame and confusion; and that their Empire for all its ad­vantages, had none particular as for its conti­nuance; and it was no more remarkable for its growth, than for its overthrow.

CHAP. IV. Of the Empire of the Greeks.

WHEN Alexander saw that there re­mained nothing for his Arms to con­quer, he resolved to go to Babylon to crown all his exploits and felicities, choosing this fa­mous City to celebrate the triumphs and victo­ries he had gained over all the rest. He pro­posed to himself to make some stay in it, to taste some rest after so many labours, that he might judge which of the two was the swee­test, the tempest, or the calm. Certain wise men opposed his design by their predictions; they represented to Alexander, that the stars had some ill aspects for him in that place, and that he should rather end his life there than his enterprizes; for this cause he lost at that time the thoughts of Babylon, and carried them upon Byrsia, which was situated upon the banks of Euphrates, which had been formerly an a­greeable Desart. In this ancient solitude, A­lexander had some conference with Anaxarcus the Philosopher, and demanded of him whether the opinions of the Astrologers were an effect of their ignorance, or of their malice? Anax­arcus replied, That there were certain fatalities which prudence ought not to oppose; and [Page 23]that foresight could not alter destiny; that it was impossible to man to avoid it, and to the most judicious to make a discovery of it. He persuaded him that this Science was as uncer­tain, as it was unprofitable; and that it was bet­ter for pastime, than for the mind to be taken up with; that it was by it that falshood had been first authorized. Alexander after this, was persuaded that the greatest knowledge of the wise men was nothing else but doubts; he fancied that to seek truth out of their mouths, or in their writings, was to seek for light in darkness; and that to believe them, was to de­ceive ones self. He had no sooner entertain'd these thoughts, and fallen in that opinion, but he took the way to Babylon: and though he had lost the memory of his former debauches, yet he resolved to follow them again, and make once more a tryal of Wine, that's to say of the greatest enemy to his glory and reason. All his repasts were riotings, and there was not so much Wine drank for thirst, as out of excess; and this great Conqueror made his fe­licity of the ruine of his rest, and of his life. Some who thought themselves suspitious to him, thought this too fair an occasion to lose, and made advantagious use of it, not consi­dering whether it was not a disgrace for them to secure themselves by a crime. Antipater, amongst the rest, who feared Alexander's great­ness, [Page 24]and who never looked upon him without trembling, took up all his mind to lay am­bushes for him, and carried on his design with so much prudence and industry, that those who Alexander did most confide in, were the first who wrought his ruine. He had no sooner drank half of the Wine that his Steward gave him, but he was constrained to rise from Ta­ble; the pain that he felt was so great, that he had many times a mind to seek for remedy at the point of his sword, if he had not been hindred by some of his attendance. Those who knew Alexander's disposition, made no great matter of this accident, out of opinion they had that his intemperance had caused his di­stemper; that he had defects as well as other men, and that he would recover his health. In effect, drunkenness was counted his chief vice; and if Histories are true, he took such delight in it, that he ordain'd a price for those who could resist Wine most, and he himself would pass whole Nights in drinking: but how­ever he dyed six dayes after in great tor­ments; but he shew'd no less courage against death, than against those Nations he had van­quish'd. His constancy was as great as his pain, and he never acted more like a King, than at the last moment of his life. The loss of it, was together the loss of this potent Monarchy, it was divided afterwards in four; and if Alex­ander [Page 25]employ'd all his arms to extend it, his Successors employ'd all theirs to ruine it. Cas­sander, Antipater's son, had Macedonia, Greece, and all that was in Europe. Ptolomeus was made King of Egypt. Assyria fell to Seleucus. And Antigonus had all the rest of Asia. But as Kings cannot suffer any companions, and that these were of opinion that they had courage enough to make their Neighbors their Subjects, they made War likewise one with another, and each of them recommended their designs to the gods, and to fortune. Seleucus's ambition was the most successful, he usurp'd all Antigonus's Territories in Asia, defeated him and all his men, and took his son Demetrius, who dyed in Prison. After he had carried fear in the Indies, where he could not carry love, then there was left but three Principalities, who were at di­vers times weakned by Roman Consuls, and who at last were destroy'd by Sylla's good for­tune, by the valor of Lucullus, and the invinci­ble courage of Pompey. Mithridates King of Pontus, in whom those three members of that great Empire struck admiration as well as emulation, lookt upon them no otherwise than upon a thing which he can easily make his own; and as he had no less design than the conquest of Asia, he took Bithinia, that he might have the freer passage. He had no other reason for this War, but his will. His taking of [Page 26]this Kingdom made all the rest fear; all that he liked, seemed easie to him; and the terror he struck in Asia, opened him a way in Europe so successfully, that by the means of Lieutenants Archelaus and Neoptolemus, he became Master of the Cyclades, of Delle, of Negrepont and A­thennes: he was so proud of all his proceed­ings, that he went almost as far as the gates of Rome. But Lucius Sylla overcame violence by violence, chas'd him out of Italy, took Athenes in his way, expelled Mithridates's Garisons out of Boetia and Negrepont, defeated him near Charonia and Orchomenia, in two Battels, and might have taken away from him all hope, if Lucius had not been readier to embrace his tri­umph, than to assure himself of victory. This forced Mithridates to treat with him, and to yield Asia to the Romans, after he had been forced to render Cappadocia to King Ariobar­zanus, and Bithinia to Nicomedes. Nevertheless Mithridates resolved either to command or to dye in Asia, he marches in it with new Forces, besiegeth Cyzique, which was as famous in fair marble Towers and Riches, as by its strength and rampars: and had carried it doubtless, if besides the enemies he had so opposed, he had not had Famine and the Plague to fight with. He had no sooner raised the siege, but Lucullus followed that which was left of his Army, of whom he made such a slaughter, that the blood [Page 27]of his Soldiers changed the colour of the Ri­ver Lazarus and Aesopia, and would have ruin'd him absolutely, if his men had been as mindful of their glory, as of their avarice. Mithrida­tes fled with those which the Romans had given over pursuing; but his ships were so vehe­mently beaten by the winds and the waves, that then he counted his life amongst his other losses; and if he survived after the Tempest, he received this favour of the Heavens as a good which he thought he could not reasona­bly hope for. This danger, which was capable to shake the greatest resolution, did not waver his at all; he carried the same face in his los­ses, as well as in his designs, and he never was abandon'd by constancy and ambition; as if his intention had been to outbrave the pride of the Romans, and the power of Fortune. He draws to his party the Iberians, the Caspians, the Epirats, and those of high and low Arme­nia: He raiseth his hopes with a powerful Ar­my, and is persuaded that it is in his power to sacrifice to his vengeance, those who were like to sacrifice him to their glory. Before his For­ces were united, Pompey to prevent him, made a Bridge of Boats, over which he passed Eu­phrates, pursued and attacked him, against the counsel of some who advised him to the con­trary; and by a marvellous surprize, or an in­credible fortune, defeated him quite in one [Page 28]Battel. This was performed by night, and the Moon favoured the courage and design of Pompey, because it shin'd at that time behind his Enemies, and in the Romans faces; so that Mithridates's men deceived by their own sha­dow, which appeared very long, and ta­king it for their enemies, charged them to no purpose, whil'st they deprived them of their blood and also of their lives. This last misfortune was but a bait to his virtue, he put himself in a posture to raise his hopes a­gain which seemed dead; and to make appear that great men are sometimes worthy of admi­ration, at the same time that they are the ob­jects of pity. And to give a proof of it, he raised as he fled all those that dwelt upon the Sands of Sicily, endeavouring to carry the ala­rum as far as Colchos, that he might carry on his design through Thracia, through Macedonia, and through Greece, and to fall into Italy, to sur­prize the Romans: But the rebellion of those of Pontus, and the ingratitude of his son Phar­nazius, confounded all his projects; and him who thought himself invincible, was forced to yield to despair. In fine, Mithridates who had suffer'd with more constancy his ill destiny, than his sons ill nature, made an end by steel, of that which he had vainly attempted to do by poyson; and run his body through with his Sword, to testifie that as he dyed unfortu­nate, [Page 29]so he dyed at liberty. This accident which was the shame of Mithridates, was the loss of the Usurpers; Pompey made use of the ruine of them for the foundation of Rome; and enricht it of their spoil. In effect, this great Com­mander, who brought Spain to the subjection of the Romans again, vanquish'd twice Mithri­dates, and Tigranus thrice; brought under Herod King of Albania, and Artaxes King of the Iberians; he conquer'd with their King­doms Syria and Phoenicia, overcame the Ituri­ans, Arabians, the Jews, and six other Neigh­borly Countries; defeated to the number of 22 Kings, took 1638 Cities, and employ'd all his life but in subduing or making others mise­rable, who were enemies to the Republick. Thus he came in the world in a glorious time for him, as Leosthenus had reason to say, That he resembled the power of Alexander after his death, as Alexander resembled Poliphemus af­ter the loss of his sight, when he felt about with his hand, not knowing which way he should take; and his dominions were no sooner di­stributed, but they were lost. In fine, there is nothing certain in the world; Thrones, the best supported, fall, as well as those that totter of themselves. The greatest Empires are as subject to Revolutions, as the least. And the life of Gyants is neither longer nor more cer­tain than that of Dwarfs. Whatsoever policy [Page 30]and industry we take to preserve that which we have acquired, or which is acquired for us, we may very well say that Fortune, though she is not the Mistress of our will, is so never­theless of our adventures. And Caesar never appeared so full of vanity, as when he said that he carried Fortune along with him, since it is she absolutely who causes the changes that hap­pens in our lives and conditions.

CHAP. V. Of the Empire of the Romans.

SIr Francis Bacon, who compares a State to a Man, saith that Learning is his Infancy, that he employs his young age in arms, and that in a more solid age both are maintain'd together, that in its old age it affects nothing but mechanick things. But since I am left at liberty not to be of every mans opinion, I will not constrain my self to believe him, and I will shew in few words, That Learning was not the infancy of this Empire; and that it ended rather by Idleness, than by Traffick and Trades, as great Rivers are often in their head, but small Rivolets which run from some Foun­tain. These Men, to whom all others were either subjects or slaves, were in their original but a company of shepherds, who notwith­standing [Page 31]had not the simplicity, though they had the habit; and who made known since by their ambition and dexterity, that there was nothing so difficult, but the courage of man can overcome when it is led by prudence. Romulus, who was the first founder of Rome, found means to draw the Phrygians to his side, who before had engaged themselves in the good fortune of Aeneas, and the Arcadians who before had followed that of Evander: but because they wanted women, and that they could not continue long without them, they lookt upon their Neighbors daughters as their Mistresses; and being not able to acquire them by their addresses, they enjoyed them by force and policy. Numa Pompilius, who affected Religion and gentleness, better than violence and slaughter, was Romulus's Successor, and he that followed him, whose greatest care was to make his generosity and courage seen, rather than his zeal, shew'd the Romans by example and precept, that a man fought without danger that fought with policy; they were after­wards happy in the choice of their Wars and Soveraigns; they executed under them great projects and exploits; they had both together boldness and good success; and their arms brought them much benefit and glory. This people in their first age were under Kings, which lasted near 250 years, and did do much, [Page 32]but promised much more; they undertook to crush down those who were of opinion, that they had enough to do to sustain themselves; but as their weakness did not permit them to go so far, they proportioned their ambition to their power, and measured their enterprizes to their Forces. Since the Consulate of Brutus and of Colatin, till that of Apius Claudius, and of Quintus Fulvius, which lasted the space of 200 years, and that one might count the ado­lescence of the Empire, they limited their Territories, and brought into their subjection those who they only thought to weaken, and converted all Italy into a Country of Conquest. Since this Age to that of Augustus Caesar, there was 250 years, and because the State was then in its vigor, one may term it its youth, since its felicities did leave it nothing to wish for, that all the earth was the prize and the subject of its victories, and there remained no more to conquer but the imaginary places of the world. Since Augustus Caesar to Severus, one may count 200 years, and this was the begin­ning of its old Age, since it began to weaken and languish; and the space of these two Ages did not turn so much to its advantage, as to its ruine: but besides, its last overthrow, which some may behold without astonishment, is it possible that any man can look upon its first wounds without compassion? That it should [Page 33]find allurement in its own disgraces, and that it should turn its rest into a Scaffold for its own execution? The glory which it acquired in the rich Provinces of the Gauls, in Thracia, in Ci­licia, in Capadocia, in Armenia, and in England, was not so great as the shame it suffered to fight with Allies, Slaves, Gladiators, and against it self: in effect, what was not seen in the Greeks times? what did it not suffer in this general Conspiracy, in which the Tuscans required of it the right of Citizens, which had been promis'd them by Drusus? what affront did it not re­ceive in the War they had against slaves, and men of nothing? And what quantity of blood did it not lose by the ambition of Marius and Cylla? it was a small matter that this last had slain at the chief gate of Sacryport 60000 men during the War; that in peace he had put to death in the field of Mars 4000 Citizens, who yielded themselves to his mercy; and that amongst so many men whom he commanded, there was 2000 which he had taken out as the flower of the Nobility and Senate, if his cruel­ty had not been so ingenious, and if he had not invented new wayes to make men languish and lie in their pain. There's no inhumanity which was not at that time practised, nor no sacrilegi­ous persons who were not recompensed; as they had severally divided the inclinations of every one, so that friends fought against [Page 34]friends, brothers with their swords would dis­pute for courage and authority with their bro­thers, and a son had not been look'd upon by his Companions or his Commander, if he had not signalized himself by a Parricide; the end of this confusion, was not the end of its trou­bles, Catalina raised new ones soon after, and without the arms of Anthony, and industry of Cicero, who both hindred the execrable attempt which he had devised against his Countrey; it is most certain that his saying would have pro­ved true, That he would quench the flames of Rome in its ruines. But what perturbations hath not this poor people suffered? And how many dangers was it not in, by the Leaguers of Caesar and Pompey? What Families have not been dispersed by those Factions? And what decrees were maintain'd in their discords? Did they not make a lawful quarrel of their suspi­tions, their violence past for Justice, and their will for a Law, though it was neither to defend their Walls nor their Altars; but only because Caesar was too rich, and Pompey too potent, that this could not suffer to have a Master, nor the other a Companion: it was notwithstanding by this division, that the Romans bought the liberty of all other Nations; all the world be­came their Countrey; and their power who had no equal but their pride, was so great, that they have made those wear Chains, who had [Page 35]worn Crowns and Scepters. This happiness for all that was not durable; but as the Vices of Princes are often the disasters of their Sub­jects, so it hapned that the effeminacy and cru­elty of Augustus's Successors, made them be counted Women or Monsters; and that they have got the hatred, or the scorn of all those where they made themselves known. From this indifferency and hate, began to arise re­volts in the utmost Provinces; the Parthians and the Persians were the first who cast off the yoke in the East, in the West the Gaules imita­ted them, and in the North the Goths and the Vandals were not content with their liberty, they marched to Rome to make themselves Sove­reigns; and evidenced enough, that those who slept upon Thrones, did not merit the com­mand of them. The last division which hap­ned in this great Empire, was between Charle­main King of France, and Hyrenna Imperatrix of Constantinople: and though Rome had been taken divers times by Athalarick King of the Goths, and by Genserick King of the Vandals, and by the Almains, under the conduct of Odo­acer, yet this City was never so near its ruine, as when Totilla beheld the ashes of it with the same pleasure which Nero beheld the flames of it through an Emerald. But what wonder is it to see a State tumble, in which Learning and Arms are held in derision, where Sloth and Vo­luptuousness [Page 36]are in credit, and in which Vices receive the same commendation and reward as Virtue? Since Augustus, Trajan was the first who bestirred himself for the Republick; he reconquered the Province from the Parthians which they had ravish'd from the Romans; he took away both the Crown and the Kingdom from him who had usurp'd Armenia from them; he brought the men of Russia, of Bosphorr and Colchos to their duty again; he invaded the Sarazins and the Arabs Countries, brought in subjection the Marcomedes and the Cordvenians, and made himself Master of Artemusia, the best and most important Province of Persia, besides the Towns of Selucia, of Ctesiphont, and of Babylon, which he took; he marched his For­ces upon the frontiers of the Indies; he fitted a Fleet out upon the red Sea; and, by the means of several Channels, he made that land which lieth between Euphrates and Tybre, as good a soil as Egypt: Those who succeeded him, had neither his ambition nor his courage; though they had the same dignity, they had not all the same glory; their government were as different as their humors; and most of them were remarkable but for their Cowardize, for their Tyranny, and for their ill Fortune. Thus time had no sooner separated their Forces, but it dissolved them; some of them lost whole Kingdoms, as others had gained them; and [Page 37]every Prince took possession of those States of which they had been spoiled: but by reason that this misfortune was followed by that of Rome it self, we will speak of it anon in parti­cular, and shew you that Fortune tyrannizes as well over Empires as Emperors, and over Cities as over men.

CHAP. VI. Of the Kingdom or Empire of Mexica.

IN the East-India there are well-founded and governed States, as the Kingdoms of Syan, Bysnega, China, and others, which are able to raise to the number of 200000 men apiece; but in the West-India, there is but two Empires or Kingdoms, namely, that of the Ju­gals in Peru, and Mexica in New Spain. Amongst some difference that's found between them, these be none of the smallest, that the Jugals are more ancient and wealthy than the Mexi­cans, and these more lofty and opulent; that Emperors were made by election in Mexica, as anciently among the Romans: and in Peru the Crown falls to the highest of the blood, as it is in France and Spain; these, for a mark of Royalty, wear a red Ball of extreme fine wooll, which hangs in the middle of their fore­head; but the Diadem of the Mexican Kings [Page 38]was proportion'd in the forepart like a Mitre with the hindmost Horn cut off, so that it was higher before, and drew up taper to a point. Martial offices were alwayes amongst them the most honourable; their chief Commanders were of great extraction, and those which were not, could not attain to Nobility but by Virtue; their Arms were two sharp Flints, which they made fast to a Stick on both sides, great and heavy Clubs, and Lances, in the man­ner of a Pike, and some kind of Darts which they darted with a marvellous activity, and fought for the most part with stones; they had some shields of a little compass to cover them­selves, and head-pieces almost like ours, cove­red with feathers; they cloathed themselves in Lyons skins, Bears skins, and other wild Beasts. Matecuma brought the Chivalry to its highest perfection, when he instituted cer­tain Military orders, which were much like ours, and assigned marks of honour to his Of­ficers and glorious Standards. The most ho­norable was a Crown of their own hair, which some Knights wore fastened with a red Ribon to a Plume of Feathers, which shot other Feathers that reached down to the shoulders; and every Knight had as many of these last kind of Feathers that shot out of others, as he had done Actions of Valor and Remark; and who made himself worthy of the love of his [Page 39]Prince who was also of this order. There was a second mark, which was Lyons and Tygres represented, which the most resolute and vali­ant wore. And a third, call'd Grys, and every one of them had their Apartment at their Princes Palace.

To understand the foundation of this Em­pire or Kingdom, it is necessary to know that the first men which inhabited those Provinces, which are call'd New Spain at this time, were barbarous men, who never Till'd the ground, who passed their time but only in hunting of wild Beasts, Birds, Serpents, Lizards, and Worms themselves, which they used to feed on with Roots and Herbs. They made Bushes, Caves and Mountains their Lodging; their Wives went a hunting with them, and left their Chil­dren hanged in rush Baskets upon boughs of Trees, whil'st they were at this exercise; and had no God nor Religion, Laws nor Customs: As these men did not Till the ground, they left the fertilest part of this Countrey with­out people, which place was afterwards possest by some strangers, called Navaltacains, who came from the farthest part of the North, where there is two Provinces, one of them is call'd the place of Heroes, and the other, the Land of the Divine Ancestors. These are divi­ded in seven parts, and the Navaltacains repre­sent their original like a Cave, and affirm that [Page 40]they issued out of seven Caves in the year 902, according to our Calculation, to come and inhabit Medica. These seven Nations did not issue out all, at one time; the Suchy­milcofians, whose name signifieth in our lan­guage, Seed of Flowers, inhabited the Coasts of the great Lake which lieth South, and founded a City and several other Towns of its name. Those of the second Cave, called men of speech, made some foundation also, and partak'd their limits along with the former. The third sort of people, call'd men of Pont, peopled the West-side of the Lake, and multiplied in such manner, that they built themselves a City which they call'd Azcapuzalco, that's to say, a Swarm. The fourth inhabited in Texcuco, and thus they altogether encompassed the Lake. The fifth call'd by the name Thalucas, passed on the other side of Syerre, where they found a hot Countrey, large and fertile. And the sixth people went over Syerre towards the East, where there is that famous Vulcan, between the City of Medica, and the City of Angels. These last found some difficulty at first to esta­blish themselves; the old Inhabitants which History makes to be of a prodigious stature, could not suffer these Usurpers, and were not long before they declared War against them: but the others perceiving that policy would be more beneficial to them, than their strength, [Page 41]they invited to a great Banquet their enemies, stole their Arms from them, then fell upon them, and slew all those who had not time to make their escape, and so became Masters of their enemies and possessions. These six Na­tions kept one with the other a friendship which lasted long, and since this happy success they united themselves by marriages, and sub­mitted themselves to a government which they made, and so cast the first foundations of their Republick Three hundred and two years after the issuing out of these, those of the seven Caves came to New Spain, after a wonderful toyl passed through Mechoacan, which is 150 miles distant from Mexica, and through Malinalco and Chapultepec; overthrew an ene­my which opposed its progression, pulled out his heart, and threw it in the Lake, from which as they think proceeded a Plant they call Tunal, and in that place they laid the foundations of a City which they named Mexi, who had been heir Guide and Commander in their Travels.

They overthrew since the Chalcasians, and chose for their Queen the King of Culchuacan's daughter, whom afterwards they sacrificed by the command of their god, who had a mind to possess her; they beautified and fortified Mexica as their god Vitli pultzi had ordain'd them; and began to divide themselves in Pro­vinces, and fill'd all the Countrey of the fame [Page 42]and glory of their Arms. But as they had a­mongst them some Traytors to flatter, and some Neighbors to oppose, and that the King of Culchuacan might have a just resentment for the murther of his Predecessors daughter, they resolved to alter their government, and to choose a King of the blood of Mexi, to send Ambassadors to the King of Culchuacan, to de­mand a Queen for Acamaspixly, whom they had chosen King by a common Suffrage. He was near of Consanguinity with the King of Cul­chuacan, who chose for him a very considerable Lady; and the Mexicans after some publick Orations, received him with great applauses; adorned his head with a rich Crown, and beg­ged of him to employ all his industry for their safety. In effect, he forgot nothing that could advance their greatness and his; he defended them as much as lay in his power against the King of Arcapusalco, and died after he had reigned 40 years, with as much policy as the greatest experience can produce. He left this commendation after himself, as well as Alexan­der, that he would appoint no Successor after him, but of him that should be thought most worthy, having no regard to his children; and shewed a great deal of regret not to have lived long enough to make his people more happy and free, notwithstanding they conse­crated one of his children whose name was [Page 43] Vitzilovitsy, either to testifie their acknow­ledgment, or to oblige him by this election to shew himself worthy of such a father: as he was a Batchelor, they sent Ambassadors to de­mand the King of Azcapuzalcos's daughter; of whom they depended, and who exacted great Tributes from them, and other duties which were very grievous to them. They were hap­py enough to obtain her, and their interest was soon joined together, Vitzilovitsy had a son by Queen Aymchigual: and as they were very superstitious about names, and that they followed much in this the presage of Oracles, ordained that his name should be Chirvalpopo­ca; that's to say, a Buckler casting smoke. By this birth they were freed of the greatest part of those tributes and duties which they for­merly paid: but this good fortune did not last long, the Queen dyed soon after; and they lost the year following the King, who reign'd but 13 years; they mourned for their 2d King, who had made all his Neighbors, Allies or Friends, and begun to make Mexica famous for its buildings and riches, although Chimalpopoca had but ten years of age, he was chosen King; but their ambition was not satiated by the new obligations they had to the Tapenecans, they would also force them to work at the Channel they intended to make from the Mount of Cha­pultepec to Mexica, because they could not [Page 44]drink the water of the Lake, they provoked them so by their demand, that they went one night in their Kings Palace, who slept without Guards, and slew him without any obstruction. Iscoalt Placaellec was chosen King over the peo­ple, and the murther of Chinalpopoca was in such an horror to the Mexicans, that they pre­pared themselves either to revenge it, or to lose in so just a resolution all their Lives and Terri­tories. They began to march in order towards the Tapenecains, attack'd and overcame them under the conduct of Tlacaellec their King, went into Ascapuxalco, plundered the Town, and spared neither old age nor children, and left behind them nothing but what was useless for them. Those that were fled into the Moun­tains, yielded themselves to the mercy of them that pursued them, gave them both their hou­ses and possessions to save their lives; and did not only offer to be tributaries unto them, but slaves. These dominions were divided amongst several under the King, and this victory made the Mixicans feared by those who before look­ed upon them with contempt and pity. They went on further with their Arms, and laboured so successfully under the command of their King, that he defeated those of Tacuba and Cuyoacan; that they burned down the Temple in which they had secured themselves, and made a prodigious number of Captives, took [Page 45]a great spoil of Cloaths and Arms, precious Stones, and gold and silver Vessels. After they had subdued in this manner the Tapenecans, they marched against the Suchimilcotians, who were the first of those seven which were come out of Caves to inhabit this Land, overcame them, made the King of Cuitlavaca their Sub­ject, and chose for theirs Motecuma, first of that name, after the death of Iscoalt Tlacaellec, who reigned twelve years, and signalized his Reign by all the actions that could make a Prince il­lustrious. Motecuma, Tlacaellecs's Nephew, was no sooner crowned, but he made War with all his Neighbors, who at last became his Subjects; and in his War against the Chalcasians, there hapned a remarkable thing, they had taken one of Motecuma's brothers, whom they would make their King, either to oppose him the more against the Mexicans, or else to hinder them from falling out with them. As this young Prince saw himself sollicited with much instance to accept of the Crown from their hands, and that he could not put it off no lon­ger neither by his reasons, nor his requests, he commanded them to erect a great Pole in the middle of the Market-place of Colchos, and place upon it a little Stage where one might get up upon. The Chalcafians soon followed his order, and being persuaded that it was a Ceremony used among the Mexicans. This [Page 46]young Prince, with a Crown of Flowers in his hand, got upon the Stage, and cast himself down headlong, and was taken up dead before all the people: But before he cast himself off, he spoke thus to the Mexicans that were there: These men require me for their King, but the gods do not suffer that I should get a Crown by the least Treason; and you ought to learn by me, that our enemies must be always subdued by us: and that there is more glory to dye, than to assist them. The Chalcasians startled at the resolu­tion of this young Prince, and troubled at that spectacle, fell upon the Mexicans, and slew them; but their punishment soon followed their crime. Motecuma did not only send a potent Army against them, but went there him­self; and as he had the aid of Tlacaerlec, and that he was active and valiant, he overcame them, and wasted all their Countrey, carrying his Conquest as far as the North Seas, brought in subjection several Countries in the South, ordained Military Officers and Magistrates for Civil government; built that marvellous Tem­ple which Acosta describes us in his History of the Indians in the 13th Chapter, and dyed af­ter he had reigned Eight and twenty years, al­wayes feared, and alwayes loved; alwayes fortunate, and alwayes prudent. Flacaellec was chosen King by the general vote of the people; but though they persisted in the reso­lution [Page 47]they had taken to crown him for their Prince, he did not look upon himself worthy of that honour, though the State had receiv'd its power from him; and that those who sup­port so well the weights of Crowns, and exalt them higher, deserveth to wear them: but he shewed less ambition than the Greeks and the Romans, who would slay their own friends that they might reign the more secure; and who little regarded how many perished, so they might raise themselves. He preferred the good of the Kingdom before his own glory, and con­demned by his denial the Maxim of that Ty­rant, who maintain'd that it was lawful for a Man to rob Justice it self, and oppose Reason, to win a Crown. He gave his vote for the choice of Ticoric, son to the last King decea­sed; but as this young Prince was heir to his father, but not of his virtue, he reigned but 4 years, because the Mexicans hastened his end with poyson, and that they thought themselves not obliged to obey a Prince who had nothing of great but his dignity, of which he had made himself unworthy. His brother Axayaca suc­ceeded him by Suffrage, and who recompenced worthily the services which Placaellec had done; for a little before he dyed, he made his son Lieutenant-General of all his Forces; as the Kings of Mexica were obliged before their Coronation, to do some act worthy of [Page 48]so great an honour. Axayaca marched with his Army in the Kingdom of Tequanteback, six hundred miles distant from Mexica, charged those people who expected him with undaunt­ed courage, razed their Temple and their City, came back proud of his victories and spoil, brought with him Prisoners of all age and sex, to sacrifice to his Idol, and made his Corona­tion and Triumph both one. He punished soon after some Rebels who had made a King over themselves in his Predecessors time, pursued him after he had overthrown him in single Combat; and precipitated him from the top of a Tower, burnt the Town, and its Cittadel, and compelled them to beg his mercy: And after this King had reigned eleven years, was very justly regretted by all his people. Autzol, who was one of the Electors of Mexica, was made King; after which, he went immediately as far as Quaxulatlan, for to punish some Rebels which stopped the Tribute which they were wont to receive from Neighbouring Nations, and that rob'd those who used to carry it. He was very successful in this War, and in all those which he undertook after, and dyed in the 7th year of his Reign, after he had spread the limits of his Empire as far as Gatilmalla, which is 900 Miles from Mexica. His Successor was the great Motecuma, who was cloathed in Royal Robes, and whose Nostrils were bored [Page 49]through, to hang on his Nose a rich Emerald, as the custom was. As soon as he was King, he reformed most part of the State; he assigned lodgings in his Palace for all the persons of quality, and would not be tended but by con­siderable men, which his Ancestors never ob­served; and commanded at that very time his Counsellors to take away from the common people those Offices which they had, and to be­stow them upon the Nobility. He began his Wars by the Conquest of a Province very far distant on the Coasts of the North Ocean; and as he got a high reputation, and that the cere­monies of his Coronation were to be magni­ficent; there was not so much as the very ene­mies of the State, who did not come disgui­sed, to be eye-witnesses of so glorious a spe­ctacle. He began to be respected as much as his god; and those amongst the people that had the confidence to look him in the face, was put to death. He never set foot on the ground. He was carried upon the shoulders of the greatest Lords; and when he came down, he did tread upon rich Carpets made for that use. He never wore twice the same Cloaths. Never was any of his Plate brought before him again. All that was for his use was alwayes new; and as he was very liberal, he was minded that his servants should partake of his riches. He was severe, and yet not cruel. He would not have [Page 50]pardon'd his brother, if he had transgressed a­gainst the Laws; and was so fortunate, that it is very hard to read the History which the Spaniards hath writ of him, and not think it a Fable. In the year 1517, which was the 14th of Motecuma, the Spaniards began to design the Conquest of this Empire, and whatever re­sistance he made against their landing, he was at last constrained to go and meet with the Mar­quis de la Vallé, and Don Fernando Cortez, 15 or 16 miles from Mexica, carried by four Lords, with a rich head-piece of gold on covered with feathers. Whatsoever pretext the Spa­niards had to authorize their cruelty, they took Motecuma, and put fetters to his feet which was a detestable action, saith Acosta though a Spaniard and Jesuite both, as well as the burning of their own ships, to resolve themselves either to death or misery. Cortez was no sooner departed about some business which seem'd to call him away, but his Lieu­tenant invited the Nobility of Mexica to [...] Ball in the Palace, where they inhumanely kil­led most part of them; the rest wondering at the barbarousness of these strangers, which had treated them as friends, beset them round in the Palace, and prest them so hard, that their Artillery became useless to them. Cortez hea­ring of this, came by great dayes marches, en­tred the Palace to help his companions, whil'st [Page 51]the people of Mexica slept (for they were wont to rest every fourth day when they had War) and comforted the desolate. The others resolved to revenge the death of their Peers, pressed them with so much resolution, that they forc'd them to leave the Palace in the night, and to seek their safety in their flight. That very night the Spaniards stob'd Motecu­ma, one of his children, and some of his Lords which they had taken Prisoners; but their flight could not be so secret, but the Mexicans kill'd 300 of them loaden with gold and pre­cious stones. Cortez not despairing of his good fortune, went and join'd with those of Tlas­calla, which had alwayes been the Mexicans private Enemies, whose friendship the Spani­ards sought, and demanded their assistance; fitted upon the Lake several Vessels, and be­sieged Mexica by Land and Water, and at last made himself Master of it in the year 1521. the 17th of August, after several bloody Com­bats, and above threescore cruel Battels. This is the end of an Empire which extended it self from the North Ocean to the South, and whose Tongue, to make use of the words of Acosta, run above 3000 Miles.

We shall treat in the ruine of Jerusalem, of the Signs and Wonders which foretold the desolation of this great City; and how States are ordinarily threatned by strange Prodigies, [Page 52]of their alterations. I will end this Chapter, by the recital of some which are able to con­found all the wisdom of men. The Idol of the Inhabitants of Cholcolla called Catzacoalt, spoke, as the Indians report in their History, and foretold Motecuma, that strangers drew nigh to take possession of his Empire. The King of Texcuco assured him, that he was in­formed by his gods, that he should shortly lose all his Dominions: And as he offered Sacrifi­ces, there proceeded a voice out of a great Stone which Motecuma had a mind to remove, that told him that they should not carry it very far; which thing hapned to be true, because it fell in the Lake, and whatever they could do, they could not find it again, nor fetch up with their Machines. A Piramid of Fire was seen for the space of a year, and their Temple consum'd by Fire, though there was no body seen near it, nor Thunder or Lightning. A Comet with three heads appear'd at Noon­day, with an exceeding long Tail. And the great Lake which was between Mexica and Texcuco, began to swell of a sudden, and was tossed without any wind stirring, or any earth­quake, and tumbled down all the houses that were near the banks of it. A sad and mourn­ful voice, as the voice of a Woman a dying, was heard to utter these words full of desola­tion and despair: The time of our Calamity is [Page 53]come, dear Children, where shall I hide you, to se­cure you from disasters? There was also seen several Monsters with two heads, which as soon as they were brought before the King, vanish­ed away. And Fishermen brought before him a great Bird, with some transparent thing atop of its head like glass, through which Mo­tecuma saw the stars, though at that time aday there was not one to be seen in the sky; And some armed people who made Fields of Bat­tel overflow with blood. It is reported that an Husbandman was one day carried by an Eagle in a Cave, where it laid him down gent­ly, with such like words, Most mighty Sove­reign, here is the man thou commandest me to bring away from his Tillage: And the man look­ing about, saw a man asleep, with a Stick scent­ed and perfumed very strong, and Flowers in his hand, and the Badges Royal, whom he per­ceived was the King of Mexica. Then said the voice to him, Wake him immediately; and to shew thee how insensible he is of his misfortunes, take that burning Stick which he holds in his hand, and touch his face with it, and he shall not feel it. The Husbandman obey'd after some refusal, and that some fears were over, and so was carried back again by the Eagle, to go and give notice of this strange Prodigy to Motecu­ma. The Mexicans report that the King was in effect burnt in the Face, but he did not per­ceive [Page 54]it, till the Husbandman had given him this Relation; which perplexed him so much, that he lost from that time all comfort and hopes. It is probable this was a Vision, as the Scripture informs us, that Sinners and Insidels have had such like Revelations, as the exam­ple of Nebuchadnezar, Balaam, and Saul's Witch persuades us of it. The Spaniard adds a great many Miracles to these, as they are wont to do; but whatever may be said of it, it is most certain that their Cruelty is greater than all those Prodigies: and that they have sacrifi­ced more men to their Avarice, than those men to their Idols.

CHAP. VII. The Ruine of Carthage.

DIdo had no sooner seen the cruel Massacre of Sychée her husband, by Pygmalion, but she fled from Tyre, to avoid the sight of that murther. This illustrious unfortunate Woman, could not suffer no longer the presence of her husbands Executioner, and thought that beau­ty was not safe with tyranny. She came to Lybia with some Tyrians, who because they would not be deny'd by those of the Country, demanded of them no more Land than a Hide would compass; and because the Inhabitants [Page 55]of the Countrey could not deny them such a small thing, she cut that Hide into so many Thongs, that it compast the place in which they built Carthage. Some men would have it, that it was founded 50 years before the de­struction of Troy by the Phoenicians and others, as Ignu Rachif, an African Historian, mentio­ned that it was built by a certain people that came from Barsha, who had been expell'd their Countrey by an Egyptian King. The first o­pinion of these is the most received, and seems better grounded, because it was first named Birsha; and if I may declare my opinion, all others were fitter for our Curiosity, than our Faith: but howsoever it was, it became so fa­mous, and so redoubtful, that she gave to all other Cities both admiration and fear; her power equall'd that of the Greeks; and her Riches were no less than those of the Persians: But it is needful to consider the beginning and progress, its End as well as its Birth, and look upon it in its Grave, as well as in its Cradle. The Romans were no sooner Masters of Italy, but the Messinians their Allies complained to them of the insolence of the Carthaginians: and as the Romans and Africans had both a de­sign upon Sicilia, the Romans were very glad of an occasion to come thither, and to be Ar­bitrators of a Nation they had a mind to be Masters of. Upon this complaint, the Romans [Page 56]that had never seen but Land-service, did nei­ther consider the Combats, nor the Dangers of the Sea: hopes of Booty makes Tempests in­different to them; and, as Florus saith, they consulted not whether it was upon Horses, or upon Ships they were to sight. They attackt Hieron first King of Syracusa, and overcame him. They set forth to Sea for the second time, and reduced at last all Sicilia to a Pro­vince. As ambitious mens desires are only to raise themselves, and that they are never more unsatiable, than when they should seem most moderate; these men prosecuting their Wars with more ardor than they had begun them, marched directly towards Sardagnus, and from thence over to the Isle of Corse, and fill'd the hearts of the Insulaires with fear and horror, by wasting the two Cities of Olbia and Valeria. This good fate gave them such great hopes, that they thought fit no longer to retard the African War, where they were not only oppo­sed by men in their Enterprizes, but found themselves also engaged in a Combat with hor­rible Serpents; but neither Men nor Serpents could hinder them to carry their Arms to the gates of Carthage: they were not fortunate before it, because the Carthaginians call'd to their aid the Lacedemonians, who sent them a brave Commander who defeated them; and who by the execution of the Roman General, [Page 57]repaired all the losses of those whose party he had taken. Thus the Carthaginians, proud of the confusion of their Enemies, made War upon Sicilia, but they were repuls'd in several Encounters. And as the earth had before rai­sed Monsters against the Romans, the Heavens now raised great winds and storms against the Carthaginians, who coming with a great Ar­my, which the Tempest deprived of Combat and Victory. They employ'd all their strength and courage to reunite themselves. This de­feat did not trouble them at first, but it occa­sioned at last their despair; they lost all their men, and all their ships: and because they had with them at that time all their best Soldiers, and had sunk their Treasures in this occasion, their loss was so great and so remarkable, that one would have thought that Carthage was ta­ken already. Notwithstanding four years af­ter, Hannibal, who had sworn at the Altar be­fore his Father, that he would be revenged of the Romans, who exacted from them the same Tribute which themselves exacted from others, besieged Sagunta, which remained free by an agreement made by the Carthaginians and the Romans; imagining himself more excusable in breaking of that Treaty, than his Oath; and that there was more glory to make Carthage triumph, than to suffer it to be brought to sub­jection. The Saguntains maintained the Siege [Page 58]nine months together, and rather suffer'd hun­ger than servitude: and seeing themselves without hope of relief, every man set fire to his own house, and left nothing to the Cartha­ginians but ashes for the prize of their victory. Hannibal, after some other exploits in Spain, made himself a passage through the Alpes: he found out wayes that the excessive heights of the Snow had stolen from all men, and so went over these mountains into Italy. Betwixt Pô and Tesin, he defeated the Romans; he gained a second Victory near the River Trelue, startled all the Romans by a third near the Lake of Pe­rouse, and quite overthrew them in another Battel much more bloody than the former. Forty thousand were kill'd upon the place, one of their Generals escaped, and the other was slain: the River of Ofiante remained dy'd with their blood for sometime, and Hannibal made a Bridge over the Torrent of Vergelle, of the dead Bodies that were kill'd in this Battel. He sent to Carthage two Bushels full of Rings, to shew how many Knights were kill'd in it; and might have gone within five dayes to the Capitol, if he had not chosen to enjoy ra­ther than to make his advantage of his victo­ry, that's the reason that he left Rome to go to Tarente and Capoua; and it was there that the Campagne, and the heat of the weather made that great man lose his courage, which the Alpes [Page 59]were not able to do with their deep Snows: that he quenched his ardor in Baths; and he who could not yield to Peril, was conquer'd by Voluptuousness. Nevertheless the Romans who had no other Arms than those that were hanged up in their Temples, began to take them down; they made their Slaves Soldiers, after they had made them free; marched di­rectly against Hannibal, fought him, and made him raise the Siege of Nole. As if their Ora­cles and Destinies had promised them the Em­pire of all the World; they send both the Sci­pio's into Spain to take it away from the Car­thaginians, and did not despair of their enter­prize, though the Africans had kill'd one of them whil'st he encamped his Army, and burnt the other in a Tower, where he thought him­self safe. The Romans no sooner heard of it, but they gave a Commission to young Scipio, as being most fit to revenge the death of his Fa­ther and Uncle; and in effect was so fortu­nate in it, that in four years time he recon­quered all Spain, from Mount Pyrenea to the hill of Hercules, and to the Ocean. Hannibal wondering that the Romans divided their For­ces in so many parts, instead of uniting them, and being not able to comprehend that they could conquer in so many places, thought it ea­sie to beat them out of their own Countrey; but in the mean while he saw himself beaten [Page 60]out of many Towns, that Tarente was brought to its former subjection, and Capowa besieged, which he had made his residence, and, as a man may say, his second Country. He made directly to Rome, but besides that a prodigious Rain made him turn back, he heard that Syphax and his brother Asdrubal's Army who came to his aid were defeated; that Scipio had conquer'd all Spain, and was at the gates of Carthage, and that it was his absence that the Carthaginians feared most. He quitted Italy with a great loss, passed into Africk, where he met Scipio, whom he attack'd with the resolution of a desperate Ambition; but his courage was less than the success of that young Conqueror: he kept al­wayes the same ardor, but not the same for­tune; and this great Commander was to be pi­tied, though not to be blamed. His loss was so considerable, that since nothing could serve but that of this proud Carthage, and most of the Romans were of opinion, that its ruine would serve to the establishment of their Em­pire. They knowing that they had had Wars with the Numides, and had incursions upon the King of Massinissa their Allie, they took that pretext for their reason, and rendred that War so much the more cruel, as it appeared just. The Carthaginians seeing themselves reduced to the last extremity, in hope of peace, yielded up their ships unto them, who burnt them before [Page 61]their faces; and desired them either to prepare themselves to dye, or to go out to save their lives. This message stirred the Carthaginians in such a manner, that they thought all tor­ments ought to be less sensible to them than this outrage; the Romans demands astonisht 'em more than their coming, and they thought their Ambition less tolerable than their Cru­elty. Though they had no hopes left, they chose rather the desolation of their Countrey by their Enemies hands, than by their own: And as the biting of wild Beasts is more dan­gerous than that of others, there was more ado about Carthage half ruined, than when it was intire, saith Florus. They pull'd down their Houses, to build a new Fleet; they mel­ted their Gold and Silver, to use it instead of Iron and Copper: and to make the Cordage of the ships, the Ladies cut off their hair, and thought it less shame to shear their heads, than to have their walls sheared. But if their re­solution was so great, their wants were much greater; the design they had formed to dye in defending themselves, was generously con­ceived, but it could not be well executed; all fail'd them when Provisions did: and if they defended themselves still, it was only to let their Enemies understand, that they were no longer able to do it. In this last despair, For­ty thousand men yielded themselves to the [Page 62]mercy of the Romans. Asdrubal was low-spiri­ted enough to imitate them, and was not asha­med to discover that he regarded his reputa­tion less than his life; and that he had rather be chained at Rome, than buried at Carthage. His Lady shewed her self more a man in it than he; she took her two Children in her arms, and precipitated herself with them, that she might not survive the infamy of her Husband, and desolation of her Countrey. In fine, it was by fire that Carthage was destroy'd; the flames spar'd neither Temples nor Houses: and the fire was so great, that it could not be quen­ched in seventeen dayes; and its destruction was such, that Scipio could not behold the ashes of it, but he bedewed them with his tears. Thus this City was ruined by it self, and its Inhabitants kindled the flames that devou­red them, with their own hands: thus it seems to instruct us, that there's no day but what is followed by darkness, nor no Summer without Winter; and that a State resembleth the Sun, which never runs fastest to its fall, than when it is in its Meridian.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Ruine of Corinth.

COrinth, who had an horror for the miseries of Macedonia and Greece, could not ima­gine that their misfortune could ever be com­mon to her, and that she could lose the liberty in which her power and her artifice had always maintained her. This was it that persuaded her that all she could do was permitted, and all that was permitted was reasonable. In this persuasion she attack'd the Lacedemonians, ei­ther to extend her bounds, or to shew that she could prejudice the others, when their ambiti­on should dissent from their duty. These men that saw that the Romans were the refuge of all Nations, sent complaints to them, and judg'd it convenient to make them their Protectors, af­ter they had made them their Arbitrators. The Romans who looked no otherwise upon the li­berties of men, but as upon a good which be­longed to them legitimately, were glad to find a pretext that might occasion them to carry their Arms in Achaya, and to find an opportu­nity to bring them to subjection, instead of checking them. They sent some Ambassadors to judge their differences, but they were no sooner arrived at Corinth, but they were recei­ved [Page 64]with insolent words; and it is thought that Critolaus charged them with blows, after he had charged them with a reproachful lan­guage. The Romans, who held their Ambas­sadors to be sacred persons, having heard of the disgraceful proceeding of the Achayans, coun­ted this affront a Sacriledge, and thought them­selves obliged to use all their industry and for­ces to punish this Crime. They reflected up­on Critolaus, as a man who had been their slave, and who they had restored to liberty, an obligation he could not return at a less rate than with his life, which he had repaid with ingratitude, and they found their Enemy even with him who had been their Captive. For this cause they thought it more convenient to send them an Army, than an Ambassador; and that it was better to sight them, than to consult with them; that they ought to shew themselves Lyons, where before they would have shewed themselves Foxes; and that force would stand them in more stead than craft. They were so fully persuaded of this opinion, that their deliberation was almost as soon exe­cuted as it was conceived, they marched di­rectly in Achaya, and there they resolved to shew that they would have no mercy for such as had no respect for them; and that they could revenge an extreme ingratitude, by an extreme cruelty. The Achayans, instead of [Page 65]fear for their presence and menaces, shewed an extraordinary satisfaction, to have so soon drawn in their Countrey a Nation who had all others for their Enemies; they considered the Romans Arms but as a rich booty, and their Soldiers but as men who brought them glory. In effect, they promised themselves so good success of their Militia, that they made their Mothers, their Wives and their Children go out of their habitations; and that they might enjoy an agreeable spectacle, placed them upon high Mountains, from which they could see them dispute for their Liberty, for their Ho­nour, and for their Countrey, and caused them to be present at the Battel, as if it had been a Play. The Romans seeing themselves looked upon with scorn, of those they thought to be looked upon with fear, were so exasperated by this affront, that they swore altogether to ruine them, and charged them afterwards with such a courage, that death was the reward of their folly and temerity. The Achayans boasted of Victory before a Combat: they were rich but in hope. All their felicity was but a dream, which did not continue long, and it was only in their Idea that they published their triumph. Amazement succeeded at that instant to the curiosity of their Ladies; and that astonish­ment was quickly followed by melancholy and despair, and every one saw her self without [Page 66]Husband, Father, or Sons, in that deplorable day. After that defeat, they ran to conceal themselves in the next Caves they could find: but their sighs and lamentations, and the dili­gence of the Romans discover'd them quickly, and their flight did them but little good; for those who had been spared by grief, saw them­selves in the same Bonds which they had prepa­red for their Enemies. The Romans were not satisfied with this victory they had obtained over the Achayans, they would have their chief City to carry eternal marks of it, that for the future other Nations, to avoid their ruine, might avoid temerity. This was partly the cause that they besieged Corinth; but they ad­mired the boldness of the Inhabitants by their resistance, the death of their companions, in lieu of relenting their resolution, rather exas­perated it; and of all the choice they could make, they took no other than that of death, or revenge. Notwithstanding both parties followed the Siege close, some to press it, and the others to sustain it: the Attacks and the Sallies were equal on both sides, and it was hard to judge which of them was most terrible, the Corinthians in their Town, or the Romans in their Trenches. But alas! how ingeniously could Fortune betray them, as well as their conceits; how many unprofitable vows did these make, and the others how many glorious [Page 67]steps! and what different Subjects had they of joy and grief! the Corinthians suffered the last extremities; their courage was not greater than their patience, and never was a people more capable to do hurt nor to receive it. But at last they were forced to yield; the Romans were neither tyred by the vigilence nor the constancy of the Besieged, and considered no­thing but the inlargement of their State and their own Glory, and used like Criminals such as would not be brought to Repentance. This City was as soon plundered as it was taken, it was put to the Sword by sound of Trumpet, to animate more resolutely the Soldiers to its last Ruine; its two Harbors were dyed with the blood of its Citizens, and the slaughter was not more dreadful for its novelty, than for its continuance. And as if the Massacre of all its Inhabitants had not been enough, they made but one Bonfire of the whole Town, and overthrew by the same their Walls, their Hou­ses, their Temples, their Gods, and their Priests. In this combustion, all their golden, silver and copper Statutes, melted confusedly together, ran every way; and the flame at that time made but a mixture of their different Metals. It is easie to judge if the quantity was great or no, since the Copper of Corinth, which hath since been used in most places of the World, is but a fair remnant of that prodigi­ous [Page 68]Flood. There can be no greater instance given to prove that the strongest Towns are never the safer, and we may conclude after all this that there is no beginning without a pe­riod; that these two Contraries are the two Faces of Nature, and that mans Industry is not so powerful as his Destiny. It is in vain he endeavors to keep in his possession a good which Fortune designs to deprive him of: and the Corinthians were Philosophers but in a small degree, to think that there was Ramparts against the blows of Fortune, and that Change was not an essential part of all things.

CHAP. IX. Of the Ruine of Numance.

NƲmance, who bore the name of its Foun­der Numa Pompilius, was never so rich as Carthage, Capoua, nor Corinth: But if it had no advantage over these three Cities, yet it will give no place to them; and if I may com­pare them together, its resolution will be found no less glorious than the others opu­lence. It was situated in a fine plat of ground not far from the River Ducra, and was a long time called the dread of all its Enemies, and or­nament of all Spain. With Four thousand Cel­tiberians, it sustained Fourteen years toge­ther, [Page 69]the strength of Forty thousand men: and as if it had been too small a thing for its fame, not to receive Laws from others, she gave some to all those that would have imposed upon her, and made it self absolute, when it had no other end but to make it self free. Nine Con­suls besieged it one after another, but they lost their lives every one: their resolution could never be fortunate to them; and a man may say that the Romans never brought them­selves in less esteem, than when they would have brought it in subjection. It is strange that the Romans Ambition was alwayes immo­derate, but never to be blamed: yet it never appeared in any occasion so great, nor so un­just, as it did in this. But Usurpers are never retained, neither by fear, nor reason. To make new Conquests, they form new Designs; Ava­rice is never satiated, and the Sea is not grea­ter, to receive in it the Water of all the Rivers in the World. The Romans knowing that the Numancens had received their Friends and Relations which had escaped out of the Pri­son of Rome, took that charity for an injury: and preparing themselves to punish a fidelity which they should have esteem'd, they made a long War upon them, which was as horrible as durable, and in which Violence triumphed at last over Justice. The Numancens, who desi­red nothing with more instance than the safety [Page 70]of their Friends, implored the Romans favor, and made them understand that they wished for nothing else but Peace, and that they were to blame, to resolve to write it with the finest, purest, and most innocent blood of all Spain. But the Romans, who hearkned to no other counsel but such as favour'd their natural Am­bition, laugh'd at the Numancens, and comman­ded them to yield their Arms, if they had a mind to seek their Alliance. This command, which was imperious, was so insupportable to those of Numance, that they chose immediate­ly a Head, and prevailed so much, that they made Pompey agree to all their demands, and even to promise them that he would never be their Enemy, seeing he could not be their Pro­tector. The Romans exasperated at that oath, and his defeat, sent some other Consuls: a­mongst the most remarkable, Mancinus was sent thither, to make an exemplary punishment of them, but he was often overcome, and for­ced to swear to the Treaty that others had sworn to before him, and to look about for safety, rather than to stand to acquire glory. Then it was that Rome grew jealous of Nu­mance, that it looked upon it as the cause of its shame and despair, and thought of nothing else but the overthrow of that proud Rival. To testifie that it disapproved its Consuls pro­ceedings in making of Treaties, it commanded [Page 71]that Mancinus should be whip'd in the presence of the whole Army, and that he should be so used, for signing a Treaty between the Subject (for so they counted all the World) and its Sovereign; and because they did not distin­guish between she that was born to command, and she that was born to obey. And as she had need of a great Capitain, she cast her eyes and hopes upon Scipio, who glorious of the con­suming of Carthage, and of the Battels he had obtained over Viriacus, who caused a Rebelli­on through all Spain, desired no more but to immortalize himself by this last Conquest. The Numancens, in lieu of despair for these news, and hazarding to stay prevented him, sought him, met with him, and fought him. For two dayes together the earnestness of both sides was equal; both parties had the same advan­tage, and the same hopes, and victory did en­cline to neither for that time, neither for am­bition, nor for innocence. In the third Battel, the Numancens did much, but to no purpose; for they were vanquish'd by their Enemies, who pursu'd them to the very gates of their City, and pressed them so hard, that since he gave them no more time, then to consider that Right is not alwayes attended with good For­tune. In this extremity, they resolved to fight again, rather to perish then for the hopes of victory, and filled themselves with meat, as if it [Page 72]had been their last Banquet. Scipio had no sooner notice of it, but he invested them, and blocked them up with a Trench encompassed with a Wall and Bulwarks, to prevent their dy­ing at liberty; and to teach them that Rome could shew no favour, to those that shew'd no homage. They desired Scipio at least to give them Battel, and to consider that they had no more provisions, nor hopes left; and that it would be more glory for him to give them their deaths by his Sword, than by Famine. Their demand was needless, and Scipio was neither moved by their generosity, nor by their misery. They made some few Sallies, but they were unfortunate to them; their Forces did not equalize their courage; and Famine grew so great amongst them, that they were forced to eat the flesh of their companions which they found dead, and were forced to make their al­liment of that which they could not behold without horror and despair. In the resentment of this unfortunate Fortune, they endeavored to flie; but this Enterprize was no sooner dis­cover'd by their Wives, but it was prevented; they cut the Girths of their Saddles, and by an excess of Love, shewed an excess of Cruelty. In fine, having no way left to escape, they left also the intention of it; they chose rather to be their own Executioners, than their Enemy should have the honour of their deaths, and [Page 73]'twas for this effect that they made use of Poy­son, of Fire and Sword against themselves. 'Tis not at this time said their General to them, that we ought to fear, holding a Taper in his hand, and his Sword in the other, our Countrey requires Sacrifices from us, and 'tis for it that we must be both the Priests, and the Offerings. Come, dear Friends, let us go our selves to our Funerals, let us not lose our liber­ty but with our lives, 'tis against our selves that we must exercise our courage, since it is impos­sible for us to do it against Scipio; this is the day that Numance will leave behind an immortal name in its ruines. Let's burn our Towers, and our Temples; let's bury our selves with our Gods; let's triumph here, without seeking Victory in the Trenches of our Enemies; and let us shew them that the Numancens have sav'd themselves in the loss of their Town, and that our Constancy cannot yield to their Cruelty. Every man by his example set fire to his house, and they all took a pride in their common dis­aster. But what inhumanity appear'd in this strange execution! and what fury! to make ones own felicity in an horrible death! whil'st the City was on fire, they kill'd some them­selves, and some one another, that they might not fall into the hands of their Enemies; there the most cruel, was the most obliging, and love consisted but in slaughter. The son kill'd his [Page 74]own father, whom age had weakned too much to be his own murtherer; the mother stifled her children in the very Cradle, or else com­mitted two murthers at once, in taking away their own lives, and that of them who had not yet perfectly receiv'd it in her Womb; the Husband killed his Wife embracing one ano­ther, the Brothers Sword was warm of his Sisters blood, and a Lover would have thought himself the greatest Enemy his love had, if he had not been her Executioner. This new spectacle was made more terrible by a second; the Fire which consumed those which were but half dead, ran to the others who were ready to kill themselves; so that this dreadful flame mixt their ashes, with those of the houses, and made but a fiery burying place of all the Town. Scipio wondred more at their last resolution, than he rejoyced at his triumph; Numance gave him a great toyl, but little reward: and this great Commander had but praises for acknow­ledgment of his good success, and nothing but a confused heap of stones for his recompence.

CHAP. X. Of the Ruine of Jerusalem.

JErusalem, as some Historians write, was foun­ded by Melchisedech, who called it first Sa­lem, and as some others, by Adonizedech, King of the Jebusians, who Orose calleth Biseus, son of Canaan. When this ancient City of Caldea retained still its first name, it was taken by the Tribe of Judah, who used the King of it with­out any regard to his dignity or person, and who made the Inhabitants of the City to perish by Fire and the Sword. This ill Fortune did not appear to it very strange, because it had been reduced almost to the same extremity be­fore; and seeing its disgrace, it saw nothing that was new, and began to make an habit of its losses. David, after the Conquest that he made of it upon the Jebusians, did not con­tent himself to enlarge it, but he would adorn it as well as encrease it, and strengthen it by its lofty Buildings, as well as by its Walls. In this posture it brought a great many other Towns in subjection, and some Kingdoms them­selves in Solomons and Roboams time: but in fine, this last his ill Counsellors took away from it the dominion of the Ten Tribes of Israel, and was the cause of so many unhappinesses that [Page 76]there are none but what they felt then, or at least had cause to fear. As little Rivers are not always free from great floods, and their banks from inundations, so sometimes 'tis from some little alterations, that great and unhappy acci­dents take their original; its first disorders were the cause of its utter destruction, which made it feel all the torments and misfortunes of Ser­vitude. Sometimes the Kings of Samaria and Israel, who one should have thought made but one Body, because they were but one Nation, spoil'd these Misers of their Treasures. Some­times the Kings of the Assyrians made them ei­ther Slaves or Tributaries to them; and now and then those of Egypt were wasteful, nor adorned but with the riches of their Temple. Although these Wounds were very great and dangerous, yet the Scars were not long visi­ble; these Men raised themselves upon their ruines, and made their despair a shield for themselves. But what violences did not they suffer under Nebuchadnezar? What Cruelties were they not both the instrument and the ob­ject of? Or did ever the Poets include any miseries in Pandoras's Box, which they have not experimentally known? This Babylonian King had no sooner besieged Jerusalem, but the Inha­bitants take Arms against so powerful an Ene­my; they put themselves in a posture of de­fence against his fury, and to let him know that [Page 77]their courage would continue longer than their lives: but in that design which was both glorious and fatal, whil'st Nebuchadnezar pres­sed them hard without their Walls, the Plague assaulted them in their houses, and Hunger in their bowels. This last misery was so great, that any thing was meat for them, though nothing was able to satiate them; they were driven to murder one another, that they might not want food; and to stay for their companions death, that they might live! In this horror amongst Women in despair, some smothered their chil­dren to put an end to their sufferings, and some others cut their Throats to feed upon them. What more cruel Love! And what more hor­rible Famine! This consideration did not hin­der Nebuchadnezar from continuing the Siege, and so happily for him, that both Fire and Sword did serve to the destruction of the Be­sieged. At that time all the Assyrians and E­gyptians desires were accomplish'd, their Arms had but little rest, and their Spirits could not be satisfied, but when they saw no Subject for their rage. Nothing was heard but shreekings and howlings, mixt with the noise of acclama­tions and rejoycings; there one might see Husband and Wife killed in their own houses, with the same hand, and often with the same blow; young Women troden under the Hor­ses feet, or ravish'd at the feet of the Altar; [Page 78]Palaces razed, and all the Houses pull'd down or consumed, and Rivers of Blood and Tears running through the streets. Their glorious Temple, which was the admiration of all the World, and the adornment of Asia, was spared no more than other Edifices, its Pinacle and Foundations were laid together, its Vessels were plundered or melted, its Mysteries a­bolished, its Holiness prophaned; and to be brief, the violence of the flames made of all the Town but a confused lump of that which was incombustible. The cruelty of the Offi­cers and Soldiers was not yet satisfied by such a strange Combustion; they pull'd out King Ezekias's eyes, who was the last of David's Race, after they had barbarously cut his best Friends Throats before him by the command of Nebuchadnezar, and was led away Captive to Babylon with his people, who in Three­score and ten years, were hardly freed from servitude. This desolation may better be con­ceived than represented; and to give a per­fect knowledge of it, there is required some­thing else, their Pencil or Pen, for the drawing of the one and the traces of the other, are too weak to give a description or representation of it. Nevertheless it was repair'd by Esdras and Zorobabel, to whom Cyrus granted leave; and as a Phoenix, this Town began to revive out of its own ashes. Its Temple was raised to its first [Page 79]splendor, its Houses re-edifi'd with the same diligence, and with the same expences that they had formerly been built. This people by their present gladness, lost the memory of their past disgraces; and if a Man may say it, their re­surrection did not come short of their birth. This splendor was great, but it was not lasting; its beauty was envied by Alexander's Succes­sors, but especially Antiochus Epiphanes did car­ry his Arms so far in it, that the whole City be­came an Altar, where Soldiers were the Priests, and the Citizens the Victims. Judas Macca­beas, the Asmoneans, and great Herod, repaired it not without curiosity; they surpassed Zoro­babel and Esdras, and added so many things to its perfection, that it was said by her, as an An­cient said of Galatia, That she was the fairest in her time. As she became sensible of her great­ness, she trusted to her riches, she did not con­sider that the cause of her mirth might turn to her despair; and that peace that she lived in, was threatned with a just or a cruel War. And that her rest had been more solid and durable, if by her first calamities she had drawn conclu­sions of what might follow. Egypt, Greece and Italy had formerly been fatal to her; her disobedience had caused her unhappiness; she had receiv'd both punishment and favors from them all, and was for the most part at liberty, so long as she was not proud, But at last her [Page 80]Rebellion ended her loss, she could not suffer that Rome should exact a Tribute which she thought not due to her; she consider'd neither her favors, nor her power; and forgetting that she was engaged to her, she shew'd her impie­ty, in shewing her ingratitude. This is the cause partly that Vespasian and Titus, who had defeated the Jews in several Battels, marched their Troops thither, and their Legions; after they had conquer'd all Judea, they carried their Arms where their Clemency was in derision, and shew'd that they were capable to harm those who were unwilling to receive Courte­sies from them. At the same time the Civil divisions made Jerusalem a place of murther and plundering: three Men amongst them e­qually powerful, and equally pernicious, made three several parties; and in the ambition which was natural to them, were of opinion, that it were always more glorious to command to their Citizens, than to their Avarice; and who regarded but little to be counted Slaves of their own passions, so they might become Ma­sters of this Empire. One of them nam'd John, was posted about the Walls of Jerusalem; Simon had fortifi'd himself in the middle of the Town; and the third Man, whose name was Eleazar, had empailed himself in the Temple, as looking upon it to be the best place. John, who saw that these two had the most advanta­gious [Page 81]places, and whose ambition was to ruine them both, sent some of his Men to the Tem­ple, to offer Sacrifices: but they were no soon­er admitted in at the gates, but they made use of Arms that they had concealed under their garments, and made a Slaughter-house of their Sanctuary. When this device had reduc'd three parties to two, the cruelty of those that were left, grew with their Forces; they filled the streets with blood, as well as the Temple; and as it is much sweeter to dye, than to be al­ways in affliction, there was none but made wishes for the Romans, and desir'd to dye, or at least had rather suffer Servitude, than Tyran­ny. In the mean time Titus pressed them hard, and Famine much harder; it was so great, that a Mother, like those of Nebuchadnezar's time, pulled from her breast her child, and boiled it, having no other way to satisfie her extreme hunger. Titus had such an horror of the fact, that he could not withhold his Tears; and be­cause his design was not to destroy all these miserable people, he sent them word, That if they would yield, he was ready to pardon them. But his clemency was laught at, the Governors thought nothing so insupportable as the name of Rome; and the goodness of this Prince was not counted so agreeable by these unhappy Men, as the loss of their Coun­trey. Titus wondred so extremely at this re­fusal, [Page 82]that he took an oath and resolution, as the History mentions, that he would expiate the Crime of such an unnatural repast, by the desolation of the whole Palestina; and that he would not suffer that the Sun should shine upon such a City on earth, where the Mothers fed upon their children. In effect, after he had made himself Master of Antonians Fort, and of the two first Walls of Jerusalem, he commanded all his Forces against the third, which was defended by the Temple; and though his design was not to destroy such a famous Structure, his piety could not prevail over his Soldiers fury, and the loss of the Jews in this respect, was more considerable to them, than the command of their General. It was at that time that a cruel Massacre began, without distinction of dignity, age or sex; and that the Romans rage was appeased but by a con­flagration, which was such, that the words of Christ were fulfilled, when he said to his Disci­ples, looking upon that wonderful Edifice, That there should not remain one stone on the top of another, and that its heighth should be laid as low as its foundations. It is facil to judge, that never Siege was more cruel, nor more obsti­nate than this; since we see that of three mil­lions of people who had assembled there from all Judea, about the ceremony of the Passover, there were Seven hundred thousand killed, [Page 83]and Ninety seven thousand taken Prisoners, the half of which were sold, and the rest led Captives to several places, to make sport for Princes; who found no greater divertisement, than to see them torn in pieces by wild Beasts. Many Presages had threatned them of their ruine, and given them evidences enough of it, if their pride had not kept them from fearing and preventing it. A poor Man for the space of seven years and five months, did usually cry about in a tragick and lamentable tone, Voice of threatning from the East, Voice of threatning from the West, Voice of threatning from the four corners, Voice of threatning against Jerusalem, and the Temple, Voice of threatning against new married Couples; Woe to all this people, Woe to Jerusalem, Woe to the City, Woe to the Temple, Woe to the people, and Woe upon my self. The gate of the Temple which was of brass, opened of it self, though it was shut fast: when the Priests according to their custom, did service in the night, a voice was heard with a great noise, in these words, Let's go hence: and before Sun­set, there was seen in the Air fighting Chari­ots, and fighting Men, in such a number, that the whole Town was cover'd with them. Some space before this Siege, a Star in the form of a Sword appear'd upon Jerusalem, and a Comet was seen over it a whole year, which are signs by which God denounces his wrath to Men, [Page 84]and which the wise have always taken for so many Lightnings which precede Thunder­bolts. This misfortune did not take away from the Jews all hope of raising themselves again out of their ruines: but Adrian the Em­peror put an end to these seditious persons by one Battel only, in which he destroy'd them Fifty eight thousand Men, and razed them a­bove Nine hundred and fourscore Towns. He was so severe to them then, that he forbade them that were left, that they should so much as look back into their Countrey afar off, and granted no other favor, but to go once a year, and look upon the Walls of Jerusalem, the day that they had been ruin'd by Titus; that they might entertain the curiosity of their despair, and that they might see all at one time their Goods possess'd, their Law violated, their Mysteries abolish'd, their Liberty lost, and their Enemies victorious over their Fathers Tombs.

CHAP. XI. Of the destruction of Rome.

THose that will consider the pomp and glory of Rome, and its misfortunes, will find in it two different faces; they will see the same Men loaden with Iron, and with booty, and cannot doubt but their defeats have been as remarkable as their victories. The Exile of the Tarquins, that of Coriolan, the divisions of Sylla, of Marius, of Catilina, of Caesar and Pompey, cost them much blood and tears; but the Goths, the Vandals, the Germans, and the Sarazens, added their ruines to their loss, and made but a Slaughter-house of the finest City in the Universe. The Gaules were the first Men that took Arms against the Romans, by a sentiment of vengeance rather than ambition, because one of their Senators had struck with a Knife, a Man of their Nation, who had on­ly touched his Beard; this blow was so sensi­ble to them, that at the same instant, they pre­par'd themselves to let the Romans understand, that they would never forget such a wrong, and that courage and patience was almost in­compatible. In effect, after they had van­quish'd them, they came into Rome, where they kill'd all the Senators upon their seats, plun­der'd [Page 86]all their Treasures, and burnt all their Houses; and had it not been for the generosi­ty of Camilla, and the cry of Geese who were the guards of the Capitol, they had nothing to do more, than to thank the gods for such a good fortune. The Goths took it for the se­cond time under the Reign of the Emperor Gratian, and two of their Kings Athalaric and Altuph, alter'd several times the Government, and so the face of all the City, that they would have alter'd their language it self, and their name, if Galla Placida, daughter to the Emperor Honorius, had not obliged these Nor­thern Men to turn their Arms against the Spani­ards. Four and forty years after, in Martini­an's time, Genserick King of the Vandals, was fourteen days a plundering and destroying it; and since them, the Germans under the conduct of Odacer, Prince of the Herulians, brought so many Novelties, that the Majesty of the Em­pire could never recover either its strength or its splendor, but by the valor of Charlemain. Theodoric of Verona, who expell'd this Odacer, and who reigned fifty years in Rome with the Ostrogoths, had reduc'd this poor people to strange and cruel necessities, and had it not been for Belizarius, who brought him to the obedience of the Emperor Justinian, their lives and their servitude had been inseparable. But as Men, and affairs never remain long in [Page 87]one posture, their rest was not durable, and their loss was still so facil, that it seem'd wishes were sufficient to bring it about. That's the cause that Totilla King of the Goths, began a Campagne, to put an end to their ruine, and did not think he had taken Rome, except he had satiated his ambition by his cruelty. After he had razed their Walls, and plunder'd their Treasures, he set fire to the Town, which last­ed forty days; one may judge whether the conflagration was prodigious or no, since the water of Tyber was not free from it; and in certain places they dreaded the fire, where they formerly dreaded inundations. Thus Rome in less time than a hundred and thirty six years, was seven times taken; and for the most part laid waste; its Citizens saw themselves loaden with the same Chains, that they use to punish Rebels with; and Liberty, which was their an­cientest Prerogative, was not the greatest of their losses. This Scourge of God, and this Monster of Nature, took it again three years after; and because he could not suffer that this Nation, whose authority all others had had in veneration, should comfort themselves of their griefs, and of the memory of his last conquest over them, without giving them any time for it, practis'd such an horrible vengeance over them again, that even 'tis a kind of inhumani­ty to think or express it. It seems still that it [Page 88]was not enough that Usurpers should destroy such a fair and large City, if it self had not produced Children, but rather Vipers, which tore her bowels asunder as they came forth of it; and that those whose misfortunes it had cause to fear, brought hers, and that Civil as well as Foreign Wars should waste her. Con­stans, son to Constantine, had the same ambition and cruelty as the forenamed, and made a pastime of its spoils, and drew more riches from it in a fortnights time, than the Barbari­ans did in two hundred and fifty eight years. The Sarazens were not content a good while after to plunder it, they prophaned its Tem­ples, they set fire to its finest Edifices, and would not leave it, till they had made as great slaughter in it as Treasures. Arnulph, Empe­ror of Germany, having an opinion, That the glory of a King could not be advanced but at the cost of Rome, was not the last that besieged it; he took it by an extraordinary accident, and by a casualty that strikes as much pity as admiration. When his Soldiers were earnest­ly at work about their Trenches, they saw a Hare running through their Camp, and no sooner perceiv'd it, but the most part left their work, and follow'd it with such confused shouts, that never was any Curiosity so ridicu­lous, nor so fortunate. The Romans frighted at this strange noise, abandon'd their Walls [Page 89]and their Arms: manag'd their safety by their flight, defended themselves no other way but by their tears, and resisted their Enemies so lit­tle, that it seems that they rather prepared themselves to receive their Enemies into their Countrey, than to beat them out. At this time all the submissions of the Inhabitants was less consider'd than their Treasures, the Imperia­lists had no regard but to their particular in­terest; and their Prince was no more remark­able by his good success, than by his vengeance. Henry the Emperor could not moderate his re­sentment against Gregory VIII. but put him­self in a posture to satisfie it; and although the Normans opposed their Forces to his in the Popes behalf, he went as far in his Conquests as others had done before him, and made his name as dreadful to the Romans as his passion. To give you an example which is not very re­mote from our Age, one may read the last over­throw of Rome, in the History of Charles V. King of France, where one may find that the Soldiers, after they had seen the death of Charles of Bourbon, and after they had taken the Town by assault, did revenge so well the death of that famous Commander, that their Sacriledges would have been spoken of, as well as their fury, if they had not spared their Temples, more than their Palaces, and if the Altars had not put bounds to their insolence. [Page 90]Thus you may see that this City was taken thirteen times, and thirteen times ruined; and that the Romans ought to know that they are subject to the same misfortunes which they in­flicted upon others; and that one may lose in one day, that which one hath been many years acquiring.

CHAP. XII. Of the destruction of Constantinople.

BIzantius, a Lacedemonian Commander, built this City, which was taken twice by Pausanias, and by Calliadus, and which ha­ving rebelled against the Roman Empire, kept for a long time the Sovereignty. The Empe­ror Severius, who had a design to make him­self absolute in the East, had no sooner re­ceived intelligence of the death and defeat of Pescennius Niger in Cicillia, but he sent that Princes head to the Bizantins, who were be­come their Protectors, imagining to fright them by that spectacle; and that after he had over­come their resolution, he should have no more to do, but to defend himself from the insolence of the Arabes and Parthes; but the Bizantins, in lieu of consideration to Severius's good For­tune, had none but of Niger's bad one; and as if they could not have honour'd the memory [Page 91]of this, but by having the other in derision, they endeavour'd to save the reliques of the Moors Army, and to use it again against the Em­peror. Severius hearing this, sent his Legions against Bizantium, besieg'd it three years toge­ther, without any hope to overcome it, he bear upon the Town so many ways, that his obsti­nacy proved more advantagious to him than his courage. After many Combats, and many Assaults sustained by Land and by Sea, the Be­sieged seeing their ships all shattered, the Sea dyed with the blood of their companions, the streets cover'd with the dead bodies of their most honourable Citizens, and Famine which pressed them much more than the Arms of their Enemies, were at last constrain'd to re­ceive such conditions as they would prescribe, and to abandon to them that which they could defend no longer. The Romans lookt upon their misery as a just punishment from Hea­ven, instead of taking it for an example; and in the remembrance of the losses which they had often receiv'd by them, they kill'd all their Magistrates, and sacrific'd all their noblest fa­milies to their vengeance. Severius, who ad­vanc'd his Conquest in the East, whil'st this Siege was carried on, received those agreeable news in Mesopotamia; and as if their Rebelli­on had not been sufficiently punish'd by so ma­ny innocent Victims; he abolish'd all their an­cient [Page 92]Priviledges, ruin'd all their goodly Walls, and gave their possessions to the Perinthiens, who were their ancientest Enemies, who redu­ced the finest City of Thracia to a little Vil­lage. The compassion he took of it, after­wards oblig'd him to restore it to its first splen­dor, but the expences that the great Constan­tine laid about it, did much surpass those of Se­verius; and though he would have it call'd New Rome, the people who had a great venera­tion for the name of this Prince, could not suf­fer that it should be call'd by any other name but Constantinople: but truly it might be call'd New Rome, since Constantine had setled the Throne there, and that for the space of five hundred years; it was so absolute, that all o­ther Cities were subject to her: but Charlemain took away from her the Empire of the West, and so left her but only the dominion of the East, which was at last usurp'd from her by the French and the Flemins, under the command of Baldwin Earl of Flanders. But of all her los­ses, which at divers times she sustained by Pau­sanias, by Calliadus, by Alcibiades, by Severius, by Gallian, and by the Gaules, there were none so sensible, as that which she receiv'd by Maho­met, who took above Two hundred Towns from the Christians, and who in less than Thir­ty two years time conquer'd twelve Kingdoms, and two Empires. After Mahomet was raised [Page 93]upon the Throne of the Ottomans, he no soon­er call'd to mind that Bajazet, and Amurath the second his father, had in time past employ'd all their Forces to destroy Constantinople, but he form'd the same design; and as if good success had been alwayes obliged to second his enterprizes, he thought it as easie to take, as to besiege. 'Twas for this end that he built the Fort of Lemocopia, upon the shore of the Ri­ver Propontidus, of that side that is towards Europe, that he might prevent assistance from those parts, and have the freer passage in Asia, he employ'd an infinite number of Workmen to the building of a Fleet, and casting of Ar­tillery of so prodigious a Carriage, that an 140 Oxen were requir'd to draw one into the field, and 2000 Pyoneers. He was himself at the head of his Army to inspire courage into his Janisaries and his Soldiers by his presence; and because he was not ignorant that this Conquest would add much to his glory, he besieg'd it with Four hundred thousand Men by Land, and 30 Gallies, and above 200 Ships by Sea. The Walls were but weak on the Sea-side, but on the Land-side there was double Walls, and double Rampars; and though the first Wall was not very high, yet it was secur'd by a dou­ble Trench, which was run up of each side with free stone. Whil'st the Emperor of Greece defended himself on the Sea-side, as he had [Page 94]been forced to do in Amurath's time, the Turks approached on the Land-side with two pieces of Artillery, which carried 200 Bullets weight a-piece; and by reason that they shoot these slanting to shake the Wall, they fired another opposite which carried more by one third, to tumble down that which was batter'd before. The Janisaries, defended by their Shields and Targets, shot such a numberless number of Ar­rows, that the Besieg'd dur'st not appear. Ano­ther way Mahomet had commanded four Tow­ers to be made upon Machines, from which his men cast a great quantity of Darts and Grana­does, to favor the work of those that undermi­ned the Walls. There was but one thing that put the Turks out of order; the Greeks had laid a Chain which reached quite cross the Har­bors mouth, which is nine Miles in compass, and the Road fifteen in length; but Mahomet, who had no other obstacle, caused 60 of his Men of War to sail as high as Galatia, then he drew them up by strength of Men on the top of a small Hill with all their Tackling, and he let them down on the other side in their Har­bor, secured by the help of Arrows and Fire­works, and so he assaulted the Town in such a manner, that the Greeks persuaded by Ismael, the son of Scender, Prince of Synopia, sent a man to Mahomet, who heard all his Propositi­ons, and who to raise the Siege, requir'd of [Page 95]him but an hundred thousand Ducats to be paid yearly. But when he understood that the Greeks refus'd him that Tribute, and that their Money was more considerable to them than their Liberty, he storm'd the Town, and made himself Master of it, so that nothing was seen in it for a long time but Torrents of Fire and Blood. There the most innocent were massa­cred, and the most virtuous Maids ravish'd: the flames devour'd the houses of Constantinople. After the Turks had butcher'd the Inhabitants, those amongst them that were most cruel, were counted the faithfullest; their great actions were numbred by the murthers they had com­mitted; and those who brought most heads to their Captains, were thought worthy of most Crowns. In short, there was nothing left of Constantinople, but the ruines of it; they were all slain, burnt or banisht: and Mahomet made the Tomb of Constantine the first step to ascend to his Throne.

CHAP. XIII. Of the Ruine of several Towns.

TRoy may be named with the famousest Cities of Antiquity; but as nothing could secure it against that universal Fate which we treat of, we find that it was no more durable than others, that its stones could not resist fire, and that men Till at this time upon most part of its Edifices. Babylon, whose strength and splendor could smother the ambi­tion of its Enemies, at the same time that it produced it in the hearts of Victors, was at last overcome by Cyrus, who divided Euphrates in 365 Channels, because whil'st that River was united, it was impossible to attempt it; and so weakned it by this means, that since that time, the Persians, the Medes, the Greeks, the Egyptians, the Arabians, the Sarazins, and the Turks, wanted no longer time to take it, than they to ruine it. Ninive with its hundred Tow­ers, Thebes with its hundred Gates, have been both subject to the same Revolution; the matter of their glory became that of their disaster; and at this day one may run over those Buildings, whose heighth one could hard­ly reach with the eye. Sparta, which was the chief City of Greece, is now a Desart; Athens, [Page 97]which was the refuge of the Learned, is now but that of venomous Beasts and Monsters; and the glory of those two fair Enemies, is buried with them. Sardis, which was the si­nest and most opulent City in Lydia, is the most ruined; and Grass is seen to grow, where the brightness of Jasper and Marble hath been seen to shine. Sicambria, that the Trojans built after their overthrow, doth subsist but in Histo­ries. Arunta, Ayguilan, and Cower, have been consumed by fire and time; and we have no mention of them, but of their ill fortune and names. Visby, scituate in the Isle of Gothland, was not only redoubtful by a famous Castle that it was defended by, it was besides so opu­lent, that it was even the admiration of all Eu­rope; The Suedes, the Russians, the Danes, Prus­sians, English, Scots, Flemins, French, Saxons, and the Spaniards, were no sooner come into this City, but they made it their abode and Countrey: each Nation had its particular street; the natural Citizens, and the strangers, had the same rights and priviledges; and there was such an agreement between their several humors at that time, as there is between seve­ral instruments of Musick in a Consort. They were all rich, and yet not covetous; and all liberal, without profusion; they limited their desires and hopes in their own security; peace and rest were but part of the happiness they [Page 98]enjoyed, and their ambition was enclosed in their Walls. Nevertheless they did not long continue in this felicity, the Vandals besieged and took them: and these insatiable Neigh­bors in their avarice as well as in their cruelty, robbed them of part of their riches, and con­sumed the rest with fire. And if we may be­lieve Olaus's relation of it, we will find that never Town was equal to this; for amongst its ruines, a considerable time after, were found silver and brass shutters, and a great many cop­per and iron doors, besides several marble pil­lars, and other works of Jasper which had re­sisted the violence of the flames. Fortune was not content to waste the North of the World, it proceeded to the South, where the effects of it have made it apparent, that there is nothing free from revolution; that 'tis she that turned the golden age, to an age of iron; and that our scituation is never so much in danger, as when she goeth about to preserve it Tusat, which was built by the Romans in the Desart of Numedia, by the side of a small Ri­ver which hath its head amongst some hills, was in former times compassed with good Walls, besides the great and high Structures that i [...] was beautifi'd with; but it would be in vain to seek for its Palaces, its Fortifications, and its Temples. Damfa, which was in the same Region, of which the Romans had made a [Page 99]strong Garison upon the Ocean shore, 60 miles from Mount Atlas, was notable by the prodi­gious number of its inhabitants; notwith­standing the King of Portugal, with 50 Men of War terrifi'd them so, that they abandon'd it every one, and left to these secret Enemies, the choice of destroying or preserving it. The Admiral, who did not expect to have such a great progress, went in with most of his men, and so sacrific'd it to his vengeance, that he could not at last forbear weeping over it, as Scipio had done over Carthage, after he had con­sider'd that there had been but one day be­tween its splendor and its destruction. When the Turks went into Africk, they depopulated 2 of the greatest Cities of Barbary, to wit, Capia and Tripoly; what we see of them now, is but a fair remnant of their first ruines. Scepta, which the Romans built upon the straits of Mount Hercules, was the capital City of Mau­ritania, and flourished in such a manner, that it wanted nothing that can make a place conside­rable. For all that, its scituation and opulence could not defend it from the Goths, who after they had taken it, were expelled it afterwards by the Sarazins, of which Julian the Earl made use to revenge himself of the injury he had received of Roderick, and which he helped so far in his resentment, that this King of the Goths and Spain lost both his dominions with [Page 100]his life. The Mahometans were no sooner possest of it, but they endeavour'd to people it, and to embellish it with more curiosity than others had done before them; but the Pontif Habdul Mumen, after he had retaken it from them, caused their best houses to be pull'd down, and the greatest part of their Nobility punish'd with servitude or exile. One of the Kings of Grenade, having since that time got­ten over them a Conquest advantagious e­nough, banisht from it most part of the Inha­bitants, carried away that which was most pre­cious and costly from thence, and left nothing behind him but that which was of no use; and made her the scorn of that which she had been the supporter of and the admiration. At last in the year 918, another King of Portugal besieg'd it; and because that the Besieged were with­out hopes, they left their Means and their Countrey to their Enemies, because they had not been assisted by their King of Fez, who had at that time preferred his pleasure to their safety, and who at all times loved his diver­tisements more than his glory. That which Diodorus relates is much more surprizing, when he saith, that Sempronius the Consul took from the Aculians 50 Cities in 50 dayes; and if we believe another, we may read that Severius Ju­lius General to the Emperor Adrian, razed 52 Cities. and burnt 90 Villages in Palestina. I [Page 101]will not treat here of Treves, which, according to some mens opinion, was the first City that was built after the flood, or at least 13 years before Rome, nor of so many others which are not to be heard of but in the Commentaries of Caesar, and in the Books of Leo the African, of Munster, of Strabo, and of Diodorus. I will content my self of those I have spoken of, to make appear that men have seen their misery, at the same time that their power was admir'd; that by this we may remember, that our mode­sty should most appear in our good Fortunes, seeing that the greatest prosperities are most dangerous. But to shew you that it is not Wars alone that contributes to our undoings, and that things perish often by that which should preserve them, we will prove by some Examples that the Elements are equally to be fear'd, by their burnings, tempests, earthquakes, inundations; and that our lives and deaths have for the most part but the same principle.

Of the unhappy Accidents that have been caused by the Elements.
CHAP. XIV. Of Earthquakes.

THales and Democrites, which have inqui­red into the nature of the finest things, and who seem to give Laws, when they give their judgment of them, have affirm'd, That Water alone was the cause of this agitation, which at all times hath been the cause of our astonishment and destruction. The Stoicks say, That it is the moisture that is in the earth, which forceth a passage for its self, when it comes to be subtilized into Air. Anaxagoras is of opinion, That the Air is no sooner gotten under the earth, but it strives to get out again; and being hindred by the top, which it finds too strong and too thick, it shakes it with vio­lence. Aristotle proveth, That the earth be­ing cold everywhere, heat, which is light of its nature, requireth an ascent; and the dry exha­lation finding it self confined underneath it, shakes it to open it. Metrodorus grounded up­on that principle, saith, That a Body which is [Page 103]in its Centre, never moves, except another thrusts it, or draws it; that some parts of the earth run to the other: but that it can't shake it self, since it is in its proper place. A­naximenes, who thinks the World flat, main­tains that it is carried upon the Air, and some others say upon the Water, as a Board that swims, and that this is the cause of its motions and disorders. Plato, Parmenidas, and Demo­crites, make them proceed from other cau­ses: But Epicurus is doubtless the skilfullest of them all; and we may conclude with him, That the earth is agitated by the Air which is thick­ned under it, and which hath the nature of Water; but the earth having Caves in its lowest parts, it may be shaked also by the Winds that get into empty places. Howsoever it is, we will describe some misfortunes which have hapned to us by those horrible accidents; and since we labour more for History, than Philosophy, we will shew here the effects, of which the others can shew you the causes. The Chancellor of England in his Morals and Politicks, in the Chapter of the Revolution of Kingdoms, saith, That the matter of things is in perpetual motion, that it never stops, and that Floods and Earthquakes are like two winding sheets, that wrap all things up in forgetfulness. Nevertheless we have not lost the remem­brance of that which we are about to relate; [Page 104]and we will find matter enough among the Ancients, to prove that Earthquakes are not only modern. There was such an one in Asia, that three Towns were overthrown under their foundations; and 24 years after, there was two in Asia, and two in Greece, which were swal­lowed up by another; the report of which frighted those that were farthest off. In the year of our Lord 115, under Trajan's Reign, as Eusebius relates, three Cities perish'd this way in Spain; and as if the earth had endeavour'd its own confusion, it came to pass at that very time, that Antioch, which was the Metropoli­tan of Syria, was shaken by it in a most dread­ful manner. After Trajan to oblige the Ro­mans had added to their dominion, and had made the Kings of Iberius, of Osroencens, of Arabia, of Colchos, of Bosphorus, of Edessus, and Marcomedus, either their Subjects or Allies, made choice of Antioch, to rest himself of his great labours, and to get as much respite and Forces as he wanted, to extend his Conquests beyond Tyber, and pursue his victories to the last confusion of the Parthes. The Emperor saw at that time a prodigious number of stran­gers at Court, and himself compass'd by all sorts of men which were drawn there, some for the interest of their Traffick, and others by Curiosity. In these two different stations was first heard an horrible noise from under­ground, [Page 105]which was follow'd by a violent agi­tation: and as if this Earthquake had not suf­ficed to make the hearts of the most resolute tremble, there was seen at that time a part of the houses carried away by a Whirlwind, and others shaken by the roaring aforenamed. This Tempest went yet further, it dissipated the materials that were laid by for some great buil­dings; it raised such a thick dust, that one could not see one another, and tossed up even the strongest with such a force, that their fall and their death were but the same thing. This storm did not only fall upon those of the Town, it cast up by the roots several Trees in the fields, which shew'd in the Air like flying Forests, and casted a great way off, Wood and Stones. Pedan, the Roman Consul, was kill'd under the ruines of the houses that fell; and Trajan did escape that danger by an extreme good Foriune, which is a kind of a miracle; he was forced to go out at the windows of the house where he was, and to wait in Tents, his good or ill Fortune. Is it not by such an ac­cident, that Nicomedia, and Nicoa, are become invisible? That the Spires of the ancient Smir­na, are now lower than their foundations: That 13000 people dyed at Constantinople, and that the whole Town was almost destroyed. Ve­nice was in danger by a more prodigious acci­dent, it lasted a whole fortnight; and though [Page 106]it was not very violent at first, yet it appeared that the disorders of Nature, is like Choler, which is never more cruel than when it is slow. We read in History, that in Portugal, there was another which continu'd a week; and that there was above a thousand houses ruin'd at Lisbon, and above two hundred shaken; that Men were buried pell-mell with Beasts: and it seemed that the Earth could less suffer that Kingdom upon its face, than in its bowels. The same wind carried a Terror into Naples; and the same year the City Ariano, was swallow'd up by another Earthquake with eight thou­sand Souls. The Towns of Dascoly, of Ca­nossus, of Trageus, of Agatus, and the Castle of Arpy, disappear'd by a Hurricane in the Coun­trey of Molissus: and those of Paduble, of Campolassus, and of Macona, where thirty thou­sand men dyed, were their own burying pla­ces. When the Emperor was at Spoletta, there was such a marvellous Earthquake in Italy, that it laid the tops of several mountains lower than their vallies: and a good while before, the Earth was so generally shaken, that men were of opinion it would have taken away the power from the fire from destroying of her. Some men have thought that Earth­quakes, which are ordinary in the Indies, were occasioned by Vulcannello's, because that the hot exhalations which are engendred in the [Page 107]concavity of the Earth, seem to be the chief cause of this fire, by which even a coarser mat­ter is kindled, and makes that smoke and those flames which it sends forth. As these exhala­tions find no free passage through the Earth, they move it to get away with a great violence; and from that cause as they imagine doth pro­ceed that great noise which is heard from thence, and that dreadful motion, when it is shaken by those ardent exhalations, in the same manner that Saltpeeter breaks Rocks, when it is set on fire in the Mines. Earthquakes hap­pen also near Rivers ordinarily, and the Sea, and generally near any water, because it stops up the concavities of the Earth, whereby those exhalations should come forth which are bred in it; and humidity binding the superficies of it, keeps fast those hot exhalations, which break through with more violence from the place which they are confined in, when they come to inflame themselves. The curious and the learned have remark'd by this, that Earth­quakes are not frequent where there are ma­ny Wells; and though they had not made that observation, men might have learnt it by expe­rience. The Mexicans have alwayes been of opinion, That their Earthquakes proceed from the Lake upon which their City is situated; but we cannot say that those parts which are far in the Land, are free from the disasters which are [Page 108]occasion'd by these irregularities of Nature, as the City of Chachapoyas in the Indies, and Ferrarus in Italy; although indeed, this latter for being near a River, and not far from the Adriatique Sea, may be counted a Maritime Town. There are such great Earthquakes in Peru, as Acosta relates, that they have reached from Chilyus to Quitto, that is to say, above fif­teen hundred long miles. There was one he tells us of, at Chilyus, which tumbled down whole Mountains, which stopped the ordinary courses of Rivers, and turn'd them into Lakes, which kill'd an unspeakable number of men, which overthrew Towers, and thrust the Sea out of its place, so that ships were left on shore a great way off of the ordinary Road, which caus'd more mischief than can be imagin'd, and the noise of which went above a thousand miles, by the Coasts. Some time after, in the year 1582. another Earthquake overthrew most part of the Town Arequipa; and since that time in the year 1586. the ninth of July, the City of Kings was afflicted by another, which ran along the Coast 510 miles, and 150 in breadth, in the Countrey of Syerra. An horrible noise preceded this Earthquake, which disturb'd the Sea in the same manner as that of Chilyus, so that it went beyond its precincts, and ran above six miles in the Land, and swel­led [Page 109]above fourteen fathoms. The year fol­lowing there was another in the Kingdom and City of Quitto; and in the year 1581, there hapned such a strange one in the City of Chu­guiano, otherwise call'd Peaceful, in Peru, that a certain Town call'd Angoango, which was in­habited by Inchanters and Idolatrous persons, fell instantly into ruine, and the earth of the mountains that fell down, ran like water or melted wax, five miles upon the Vallies, filled up a Lake, and remained always scatter'd upon the Countrey. I will not particularize the same misfortunes of the most famous Cities of Asia, of Achaya, of Syria and Macedonia nor; speak of the Isles of Cyprus and Paphos, which have been so extremely endamag'd by those Acci­dents, lest I should tire, rather than divert the mind: and the number of examples doth nei­ther fortifie nor embellish it. It is time to look upon floating Cities, and others under water; and to consider that such Countries have been far enough from the Sea, which are now hid by it.

CHAP. XV. Of Inundations and Floods.

I Need not Treat in this place of that univer­sal Flood which rob'd us of one of the Elements, and reduc'd the whole World to a Sea; the memory of which will last as long as the World it self. It would be to describe a thing which children are not ignorant of, and the knowledge of which is natural to all men. This was an effect of the wrath of God; but I will make more particular remarks. And since my design is to Treat simply of the inconstan­cy of Fortune, I will demonstrate by that wherein she acts most, that it commands all things except virtue; that one may suffer ship­wrack upon several Towns, and ships fail at this day over places that have been formerly fertile in Tillage. At the time that the Patri­arch Jacob served Laban his Father-in-law in Mesopotamia, Oross relates, that in the Country of Achaya, where Ogiges reigned, there was such a great Inundation, that it cover'd all the Isles; the Cattel swam where they used to feed, and the Inhabitants by their fire-sides were wrapt up in the waves. Poesie, which disgui­seth all things, and turneth the finest Histories into Fables, hath left us a picture of Prometeus [Page 111]torn by an Eagle upon Mount Caucase, and re­presents him so unhappy, that it hath made a martyrdom of his sufferings. But it is requi­site to explain in a few words this Enigm, and to shew with Diodorus a Sicilian, that it is not so much a Moral that one should seek in this, as a Truth that one should believe. I will not examine in this Chapter, whether the Winds, which are call'd Ethesians, swell up Nilus, or the Tydes of the Ocean: nor whether it is by the Snows of Ethiopia, or those of the North: or if the Land, and the Waters of Lybia, great Rains, or the contrariety of seasons, occasion that miracle that happens every year in Egypt. I need not describe to you that the Land that lieth in the intern Ethiopia, grows wider taper­wise, till it reacheth to the Cape of Good Hope; which may be the true cause of the Inundati­ons of Nilus, which are always in the Summer, because their Winter and their great Rains be­gin always in April, when the Sun is past Aries, and comes to Taurus: And as those Waters which come from those great Rains and Snows, gather together, and become great Lakes and great Rivers, which run all into this; so it increaseth its self, and after a long way, it comes at last to spread it self in Egypt. This ought not to be very strange, nor seem be­yond reason, since it is Winter at the head of Nilus, that's to say, in the Tropick of Capri­corn, [Page 112]when it is Summer in Egypt, which is un­der the Tropick of Cancer. Howsoever A­costa saith, That there is in America an Inunda­tion much like that of Nilus, and that Paragoy, where the River of Platta overflows its banks every year, by reason of the great quantity of Waters which fall from Peru; and because of these dreadful Inundations, men are forced in that month to forsake the Earth, to inhabit in Barges. Now to come to my Subject, I will affirm with Diodorus, That in the beginning of the Dog-days in Ositius's time, son of Saturn, Nilus overflowed so prodigioussy, that this Ri­ver, which had always caused great fertility in Egypt, was like to cause its last ruine; and the Countrey of Prometheus was so wasted, that he was in danger of losing his life, as well as his dominions. This Prince having with much ado escaped, might behold his own condition with regret; he saw all his Houses carried a­way by the rapidity of the Waters, all his Subjects devoured either by Crocodiles or Fishes, all his Treasures ravisht from him, and all his hopes dead with his Subjects. He had no man left to his command, and knew not how Fate should dispose of him. He could not open his eyes, without seeing that which he had in honour; from the top of Mount Cau­case, he beheld at the bottom his riches aflote; and his misfortune was so pressing, that it seem­ed [Page 113]at that time that Fortune had left him no other advantage, but the choice of dying with his own hands. As he saw that it was the sole happiness that was left for him, he thought fit to make use of it; and from hence proceeds the opinion of the Poets, that he was torn by an Eagle, because they could find nothing that could set forth the rapidness of the River, but by the flight of an Eagle, and in effect Nilus was the cause of his despair and lost condition. The Ancients give us an account of a Flood very like this in Thessalia, under the Reign of Cecrops: they declare to us, for a long while together, there was seen whole Forests swim­ming; and affirm, that the highest Mountains were but so many dangerous Banks; and that of so many men that inhabited that fair King­dom, there were none saved but a few which Deucalion admitted upon mount Parnassus. Who doth not know that the same Accident hath threatned three times the ruine of the Isle of Rhodes? And if a little while after Alex­ander's death, the Wall of the Town had not yielded to the Waters that beat against it, who doubts but the end of this adventure had been that of its power? The Indians speak of a Deluge they had, which was so great, and so terrible, that a man cant judge, saith Acosta, whe­ther it be that which we read of in the Scrip­ture, or a particular Inundation of the Regions [Page 114]wherein they live. Some of the Learned have been of opinion even before Acosta's time, that it was different from that of Noe, and was very like that one finds of Ducalion in the Poets. The Indians say that all Mankind was drown­ed in this flood; and that there came out of the great Lake Tiracaca, a Virucocha, that's to say, a great Bark, which stayed awhile at Tia­guanaco, and from thence came to Cusco, where men multiply'd without any obstacle. They describe in this Lake a little Island, wherein according to their opinion the Sun was preser­ved, and this is the reason that they sacrificed Beasts and Men to it. Others maintain that six men came out of a Cave call'd Pacaricambo, and that they began to multiply, and that's the cause that they call them Pacariamto's. From this they draw this consequence, That there is no race of Men so ancient as the Tambos, from whom is descended Mango Capa, Head and Founder of the Inguas; that two Families is­sued from them, one call'd Hanan-Cusco, and the other Ʋrny-Cusco, and the Inguas had always this pretext in their Wars, that great and small were obliged to obey them, since all the World sprung from them and their Countrey.

When Chilperic reigned in France, Auvergne was almost ruined by prodigious Rains, which seemed to make but one Lake of that whole Province, and a Sea of their Rivers, and of its [Page 115]Rivulets great Rivers. This Countrey was not alone afflicted by it; the Rhone overflow­ed, and mixt its Waters with those of the Sea, and cover'd the land, that many Buildings were carried away by them; and the Inhabitants of Bourdeaux, who saw part of their Walls fall by the same Accident, were longer a recover­ing themselves from the fright it put them in, than from the loss they had. In the time of the Emperor Maurice, there hapned a flood all over Italy; in several places the Water was as high as the top of Steeples, Tybre made it self a passage over the Walls of Rome; and this Inundation was followed by so much Thun­dering, that Fire and Water both undertook the destruction of Verona, so that a part of it was set on float, and the other burned down. Five hundred years after, there was again such a flood in Italy, that all sorts of people were in great danger both in City and Countrey; the tame Beasts and Fowls were so frighted with it, that since that they became wild; and in this fatal disaster, there was none but would have taken Italy for a Sea. About Two hun­dred years after, the Sea covered in an instant Friezeland and Halderick, when the people thought of nothing but their pleasures; their joyes were turned into sadness: and as if God had forgotten his promise, that he would destroy the World no more by Water, those men thought [Page 116]that their misery was common to all men. True it is, that it was followed by another no less strange; the Air became infectious of a sudden, Men, Beasts and Fowls sucked in their deaths, as they breathed for life; and all that which had escap'd the Inundation, was snatch­ed away by the Plague. In time past Holland suffered much by such Accidents, when behind Dorerech, the Sea swallow'd up an Hundred thousand men, together with some Towns, and a great many Villages; and since that time, floods and inundations have caused so much loss in some parts, that the men of those parts tremble still at the hearing of it. What's be­come of the Towns of Helice and Buris, are they not become the maygames and the prey of the Waves? And hath not Tyrtre been seen floating upon the Waters that buried it? If men reflect upon those of the West-Indies, they shall find that their Rivers are so subject to o­verflow their Banks, that those of Africa, of Asia and Europe, are in comparison of them but Rivulets: And if the question be asked how the Inhabitants subsist there, they may know that Nature hath afforded them many ways to save themselves sometimes, and to flee to their mountains, which are much higher than those of the old World. And I am of opinion with the great Chancellor of England, That what an Egyptian Priest tells Solon touching the Ath­lantique [Page 117]Isse, is not at all likely; and that it ra­ther disappeared by an Inundation, than by an Earthquake. If we may believe Plato, he main­tains that it was by a flood that this Isle was lost; that it was as big as Africa and Asia to­gether; that there was in it a Temple which was a mile long, and half a mile broad, whose Walls were overlaid with silver on the outside, the top with gold, and the inside with rough Ivory interlac'd with gold, silver, and pearls. If Critias, who related this to Plato, did not make an History of a Fable, of all losses this hath been the greatest. Howsoever floods have been the cause of so many disasters, that the greatest conflagrations and droughts are nothing in comparison of them; the two last scourges of Nature afflict it, but they don't destroy it: and all men know that Phaeton's Chariot lasted but a day, and that the three years drought of Elias's time were very sen­sible, but did not deprive people of their lives. Nevertheless we will shew in the two following Chapters some remarkable effects of both, and by that we shall be inform'd that there is no stable thing in the Universe; that the objects of our hopes, are often those of our fears; and that the aliments of our lives, are sometimes the destruction of them.

CHAP. XVI. Of the Air.

THere are but few men in the World, but know that Famine is caused by the driness of the Air, and that the greatest plagues proceed from its corruption. But as there hath been some of all kind, the cause of some hath been unknown to us, in the search of which Philosophy it self hath been pusled. There hapned such an one at Athens, that Birds of prey fled from those which were smitten with it; and out of the bodies of such as were sick of it near the Red Sea, there were seen to come forth little Serpents, which gnawed their Legs and Arms, the which ran in again as soon as one went to meddle with them, kept in their intrals, and put them to more Torture than ever was invented by Tyranny. Thales of Can­dia, was forced to go to Lacedemonia, to deli­ver his Citizens of a grievous one that afflicted them: And we read in Homer, That there was such an one among the Greeks, that they could not be eased but by Musick. The Phalerians being not able to find a remedy against the Plague, went and consulted their Oracle, to know what the issue of it would be; they an­swer'd, That their torments could not cease, till [Page 119]they offered every year a Maid to Juno: and the lot fell upon Valeria Luperca, who was destined to this Sacrifice. In the midst of this mourn­ful Ceremony, which they held a great myste­ry, an Eagle alighted upon her, and immedi­ately fell upon the Priest, took away his sacri­ficing Knife, and laid it over a young Heifer, which ever since was the Victim, and the Phalerians with Valeria were deliver'd of this misery. In the Lacedemonians Countrey, there hapned such another adventure, in Helen's fa­vor; and this Wonder which surpriz'd them, was the cause that they left off offering of their daughters, since they could pacifie the gods with other Victims. When the Soldiers of Avi­dius Crassus, who was Marc Anthony's Lieu­tenant, were in the City of Selucia, they found a Chest in Apollo's Temple, which they seized upon as soon as they saw it; but Avarice was never better rewarded, nor Curiosity more fa­tal than theirs; for as soon as they had open'd it, there came forth of it such corrupted Air, that after it had infected all the Region of Ba­bylon, it ran as far as Greece, and from thence into Italy; so that one third part of the World dyed. In those Desarts of Peru, which the Indians call Punas, there is Air, which pene­trates in such sort, that it cuts asunder the bo­dies and lives of men. Those which were forced to go through it under the conduct of [Page 120] Jerome Costilla, dyed almost every one; and the quality of this Air is so strange, that it pre­serves those bodies that it killeth. They are free from corruption, and ill smells, as Acosta writes who giveth this reason for it, That this kind of cold is so piercing, that it extinguishes natural heat, at the same time that it cuts off its influence; and that this cold hinders bodies from corrupting of themselves, since we see that corruption proceeds but from heat and humidity.

After the death of Periclus the Athenian Ca­ptain, at the latter end of the first year of the Wars of Peloponese, Thucides affirms, That there hapned such a prodigious Plague, that it resisted all Medicines; and was so general, that it came from Ethiopia, down into Egypt and Lybia, and so spread it self as far as Persia, so that the desolation of all Greece was the end of it. This Author, who was smitten by it himself, giveth a marvellous description of it, and saith, That the heat that men were in was so excessive, that those which were afflicted, precipitated themselves in Wells to cool them­selves, and others sought for the nearest Rivers to quench their heat with their lives. In Gal­lus's time, such another Plague began in Ethio­pia, which consumed all the people of the South, and went through most part of the World; and though Cardanus is of opinion, [Page 121]That the Plague cannot last above two or three years at most, because of the thinness of the Air which contains it, and of the Winds which by continual agitation remove it, yet it is certain that this lasted ten years, or very near. The Author of the Chronicle of England, saith, That in the Reign of Calvaladrus, there was a Plague in this Kingdom which lasted eleven years, and represents it so horrible, that the living could hardly bury their dead. Three hundred and forty one years ago, thirty thou­sand men dyed of the Plague at Cologne, twelve thousand at Treves, sixteen thousand at May­ence, six thousand at Wormes, nine thousand at Spire, eleven or twelve thousand at Strasburg, fourteen thousand at Bazil, and an infinite num­ber in other Towns of Germany. This Acci­dent struck such a terror in the Germans, that the greatest part of them resolved to leave their Countrey rather than Till it; and this was the cause that half of those that were left by the Plague, dyed miserably by Famine, and the other half was in the same danger, had not the Barns of Sicilia been the relief of Ger­many, as it had been before of Rome. Guy of Chauliac, relates that he hath seen a Plague in his time that afflicted all the World, which having spread it self from Euphrates, to the frozen Seas, left upon the earth but the fourth part of those men which it found there. Then it was that [Page 122]Love and Charity was most cold; a son could see his father dye, without taking care to pre­serve his life; brothers and sisters fled from one another, like irreconcileable enemies; mothers abandoned their children, for fear to carry their deaths in saving of them; and though wives did regret their husbands ab­sence, yet they feared nothing more than their presence: this Plague was the more remark­able, because of so many men that dyed, there was but a few that were rich; but two years after that, as the same Author saith, there was another which fell most upon them, and spared the poor. Of all those that I have mention'd, there was none so cruel, nor so dangerous, as that which lasted a year in the chief City of Pro­vence, they all dyed when they thought to feed; they all expired at Table, having no time to go to Bed; and the number of those that dyed was such, that they could not be all bu­ried in Church-yards, for want of room: the effects of this sickness were so sudden and cer­tain, that those that were smitten with it, did wind themselves in a sheet to save others a la­bour, and often their lives were sooner at an end than their enterprize. I will not mention here that which hapned in Maurice the Empe­rors time, which altered men so, that they look­ed like Monsters; nor so many others which have afflicted Rome, Constantinople, Paris, and [Page 123] London; which latter is so fresh in our memo­ry, that it makes our hearts bleed still when we think of it. We will proceed to Conflagra­tions, and draw some light for our instruction from the Fire, whether it be Foreign or Do­mestick.

CHAP. XVII. Of Fire.

HEraclitus and Hippassus of Metapontus, maintained that Fire was the principle and the end of all things; but whether or no they owe their Being to it, yet we will prove by this discourse, that it hath been the de­struction of most of them. In Ceropus the first King of Athen's time, the influences of the heavenly Bodies did excite such a heat in the East, that after it had dried up all the Springs, warmed the Sea in such a manner, that it was thought to boil, and reduc'd a great ma­ny Towns into a few Ashes. In the Reign of Achab, King of Israel, the Air was so excessive hot, that for the space of Three years, there did not rain a drop throughout all Palestina. And in the time of Constantine Capronimus, as Zo­narus relates, it was so burning hot, that it dri­ed up Rivers it self. Cardanus speaks of an­other so violent heat, that in three days time [Page 124]killed most part of the Plants in Lombardy: But because this kind of Fire seems to be slow­est, and less dangerous of all, that which is or­dinarily the Subject of our fear and astonish­ment, shall be now that of our discourse. When Cambyses, King of Persia, sent his Army in Ly­bia, to enrich himself of the ornaments and treasures of Jupiter Hammon's Temple, the Heavens which could not suffer the criminal obedience of those sacrilegious persons, with­out hastening their punition, was filled with Lightning and Thunder; and as if this cha­stisement had been ordain'd for an example to all other ambitious men, there were 50000 of these killed by the Tempest. At the time that the French were in Garison at Milan, a Thun­derbolt fell upon a Tower, which they had made the Dock, and the effect was so prodigi­ous, that half of the Castle was buried under the other, and there was scarce a place in the Town which did not feel the effect of this fatal Adventure. Such another Accident did much more surprize the Inhabitants of Malines in Brabant six years after; Thunder made such a combustion there, that they were of opinion that it would be the end of the World as well as of their Town. The water of the Tren­ches were dried up in a moment, the Gate cal­led Arene, disappear'd with a flash of Light­ning, and the walls which were near it, were [Page 125]hidden under their foundations, and the hou­ses tumbling one upon another, left no passage for those who were of opinion, that to avoid peril, it were better to flee, than to wait for it. Ordinary Relations inform us, that the West-Indies is very subject to such combustions; and Experience hath evidently shewn, that Italy hath suffer'd more all alone, than all other King­doms together. The City of Wormes, as Mun­ster affirms, hath been twice almost consum'd by two several Accidents: and 'tis upon its own Ashes that it stands to this day. Now that you may see that Fears have place amongst the greatest Calms, Lyons was burnt in the peace­fullest time that ever it enjoyed, and when its Citizens thought of nothing but of enjoying their felicities; there's no body ignorant that one night ravished from them, that which so many years labour had gotten together. Seneca writes, That there was never so dread­ful a combustion, but that it left after it some matter for another; and he is of opinion, That Fire never destroys all, but leaves something for the Sword: but this Town, which was ad­mired in Gaules, is not now to be found in it; and it was a less time in destroying, than I have been of relating it. Dithmarus Bleskemius, saith that Island is as big again as Sicilia, that it is an hundred Italian miles in length, and that there is three hundred remarkable mountains [Page 126]in it, one of which is call'd Hecla, and is of the North-side of the Isle: He affirms that this hath burnt for these many years, but it is not known what kind of Fire it is, nor what mat­ter it burneth upon, and that it casteth out flames, and sometimes black ashes, with such a great quantity of stones, that the Air is obscu­red with it. When the weather is serene, and that there are some stones thrown in, they are thrown back again with a strange noise and fu­ry, and there are seen about it several spectres a walking. This Author who was in the Island in the year 1563 tells us, That there was flames seen in the night near the mountain, that cast­ed a light throughout all the Isle, and that an horrible Earthquake followed this light, which made more noise than a thousand Cannons shot off all at once. The Sea drew two miles back, and ever since that place hath been dry Land. He had the curiosity to go near it, but to say better he was loth to disobey the Vice­roy, who commanded him to go up to that Gulph, with a Danish man, and two of the In­habitants of the Isle. He was four dayes a scaling the Mount, and saw the earth about it cover'd with black ashes, and pumice stones: but as his curiosity would have drawn him nea­rer the mouth of it, to see it better, there came forth such a noise, such a smoke and fire out of the earth, that he was almost overcome with [Page 127]the smell of brimstone; and whatsoever he could do to recover himself, yet he was sick for two Months, and the ablest Doctors judg­ment was, that nothing but Death could be the cure of his distemper.

In the time of Titus's Reign, there appeared upon Mount Vesuvius walking spectres of a monstrous bigness, and this adventure was fol­lowed by a great drought, and horrible Earthquakes which overthrow the top of Mountains. The Sea about Naples was ex­tremely tossed by it, its waves brake with a dreadful roaring; and in the Elements, and the Heavens, nothing was seen but Prodigies. The Mountain which brake out afterwards, began at that very time to cast stones, which were like Rocks, and to vomit flames with such a thick smoke, that the Air was quite darkned, and the light of the Sun so weakned by it, that this was reckoned one of its Eclip­ses. Out of this Conflagration, there came forth such a quantity of Ashes, that they did not only kill Men, Beasts, Plants, Fishes, and Birds, but they covered two Cities besides. These Ashes flew over the Seas as far as Afri­ca, Syria, and Egypt, and were driven back to Rome, which occasion'd such a remarkable loss there, that it is thought it was with them that the Plague came, which laid all that City deso­late. There hapned another misfortune there, [Page 128]the Fire seized of many places, and burnt the Temples of Jupiter Capitolin, of Isis, of Sera­pis, and of Neptune. It consumed Agripas's Stews, the Phantean, which was the place where he mustered his Soldiers, the Library of Au­gustus, and Balbus and Pompey's Theatres. Many other Mountains vomit such a Fire as well as this, as Mount Aetna, Strombol, Lipare, and those which are in Vulcan's Isles, and in the Or­cades towards the North; and we have the description of some others, in the 24th Chap­ter of Acosta's History of the Indies, in the third Book, where he saith, That these Volca­no's are Rocks which are higher than Moun­tains; that the top of them is flatter, and that there is in the middle of them a great hole quite through the Rock, that reacheth to the very bottom. There are some which do cast but a little smoke, and are not like those Vol­cano's, as that of Arequipa, which is of a marvellous height, so that a man is two dayes scaling it, and is almost all of sand. The Vol­cano's of Mexica, which is by the Town of Anges, is of so great a height, that one goeth up 90 miles round about it, before one can get on the top of it, and most commonly there cometh forth of it a Hurricane of smoke, with the same quickness of motion, as an Arrow shot out of a Bowe. The smoke cometh forth either when the Sun riseth, or when it sets; [Page 129]and that smoke is sometimes followed by a prodigious quantity of Ashes. In Acosta's time there had been no Fire seen there yet; but it was feared then that the Land which was about it, and was the best of all the Countrey, would be consum'd. It is thought that this Volcanos hath a correspondence with the Syerre of Tlax­cala, which is very near it; and that it causeth by this means the Lightnings and Thunder that are seen and heard, but with a fear that chills the blood of the most resolute, and the most stupid. Some Spaniards that have had the curiosity to scale it, have brought back a­gain with them some Earth, or rather some Mineral of Sulphur. The Volcanello's of Guatimalla are much bigger and higher; and those that sail in the South-seas, discover them a great way off by their height, and by the quantity of Fire which they cast forth. In the year 1586. the Town of Guatimalla was almost all overthrown by an eruption. Six months before this Volcanello had continual­ly cast forth a Lake of Fire, the earth that fell on both sides of it was turned into Ashes; and truly it is an hard matter to imagine how such an abundance could be drawn from its centre; for before it was known to cast out nothing but smoke, and sometimes a slender flame was perceiv'd. That which is by the City of Kings in Quitto, vomited such a number of Ashes, al­most [Page 130]at the same time, that it seemed to rain nothing else, and people had much ado to go along the streets, or to know one another, through the thickness thereof. There are some which never cast forth Fire, ashes nor smoke, but burn at the bottom with a clear flame, which never quenches when it is once kind­led. Amongst those who have searched the cause of these Volcanello's Fire, some are of opinion, That they consume the Earth that's within them, and so hold, that when they have done, they cease, as a Fire ceases when it wants Fuel. They confirm their opinion by those Rocks and Mountains, from whence they dig burnt stones, which are very light, hard, and extreme good to build with. They main­tain that those Mountains have burnt former­ly, which are quencht for want of combusti­ble matter. Yet this opinion is not very like­ly, since that those matters that are cast forth by those Volcanello's, are almost infinite, and could not be contained in the place from whence they are cast forth, if it were alto­gether; for there are some that never cease to throw out fire, smoke, and ashes: It is more probable that there are places that have a power to attract hot exhalations, and to con­vert them into fire, as there are other which have the power to draw vapors, and to turn them into water; which causeth Springs and [Page 131]Fountains, which of necessity must keep run­ning, so long as they attract the water which composeth and maintains them; it is just so with the Volcanello's, which after they have changed into fire and smoke, the exhalations which they have attracted, vomit other thick matter, which they alter into ashes, into pumice stones, or into such like. Now to make the thing more apparent, 'tis that out of them comes forth sometimes smoke, and another time fire, according as the matter they could attract and kindle; as Springs do not alwayes yield the same quantity of waters; since it is certain that in Summer Fountains are not so full as in Winter, and run big or small, accord­ing to their strength, and the subject that pre­sents it self.

After this discourse of so many different Fires, there remains something to be said of Comets, not simply because that they presage the Evil to come, as Cardan hath it, but because they are the cause of it, as some others will have it; since they beget Droughts, and con­sequently Famine, that they are followed by the Plague, and other Sickness, as Kepler saith; and that even Earthquakes are the operations of the winds, which are excited to it by their influences: Can't a man aver with reason, that those monstrous Torches, which are never lighted but to our Ruine, are not so much the [Page 132]signs as the Authors of it; and that they have alwayes been rather the Ministers, than the Mes­sengers of them: so it was when the Ancients saw a Comet, which lasted 75 dayes, a little before the Wars of Peloponese; and another before they had so many losses in Sicilia. A terrible one preceded the defeat of the Lace­demonians, by the Thebains; and Arius's Here­sie was also forerun, if not caused by one which was no less frightful. Others from time to time caused the destruction of Thebes and Corinth; that of Rome, by Charles V. the Fa­ctions of Guelphus, and of the Gibelins; the going of the Goths into Italy; the alteration of the Roman Empire; and all that which hapned under Claudius; the War of Achaya; the coming of the Bulgarians into Thracia; and the Civil Wars of Caesar and Pompey: But we have Treated long enough of the disorders of Na­ture, we must come from Cities and Elements, to Men, and manifest to the World, That For­tune is equally mixt with great Mens lives, as with those of low degree; and that its power is sovereign in Palaces, as well as in Cotta­ges.

CHAP. I. Of Minos King of Candia, and of The­seus King of Athens.

BY reason that the History of The­seus's Life is in some manner en­veloped with that of Minos, it is necessary to make use of this last to introduce us to the former; and to shew by the same continu­ed disgraces, that their Fortune hath had some [Page 134]resemblance. If Birth be the greatest of all advantages, it is certain that Minos possest the greatest of all Men; for he was son to Jupiter, King of Crete, and to Europa, Agenor's daugh­ter, King of Tyr. Nature so marvellously se­conded this gift of Fortune, that he was born so beautiful, that he was the admiration of all the earth; and as if she had resolved to make an a chievement of perfection in this young Prince, she endued him with such a sharp and acute wit, that the beauty of his mind far ex­celled that of his body. There passed never a day in which he did not signalize himself by his great actions; his military were as glori­ous as his moral virtues; and to shew that he was as fortunate, as he was valiant; the King­doms both of Candia and Athens, became the first Conquest of his Arms. His felicity was not limited in his victories, he took to his Royal Consort Pasiphae, the King of Rhodes's daugh­ter, by whom he had some children; but this Alliance, which left him nothing to desire, was afterwards the spring and head of all his con­fusion and despair. He sent his son Androgeus to exact the yearly Tribute which the Athenians paid him, who was betray'd in the Atticks Countrey, and kill'd; and though this loss seemed the greatest of all those that could be­fall him, yet it is certain that the death of his son afflicted him less than the ill deportment [Page 135]of his Queen. This abominable woman, whose name and crime ought to have been concealed by Historians, did not only defile his Bed by Adultery, but she also made choice of a Bull for her Lover, and made a Beast the object of her desires. A while after, a Monster was the fruit of this Love; and as if death had more terrifi'd her than her Conscience, she a­voided the presence of her husband, for fear of his reproaches and punishment. These two Adventures were capable enough to persuade Minos, That the greatest Prosperities are not alwayes the most tranquil; and that the blackest Vipers are often found under the fi­nest flowers: But if these occasioned grief and torment to him, that which followeth was the cause of his fall and despair.

Theseus, to whom virtue was hereditary, no sooner was sensible of his strength, but he resol­ved to make use of it; and as since that time, the heroick Actions of Militiade made Themistocle restless, and that those of Achilles, and of Hector, exasperated Alexander's cou­rage, and the victories of Alexander excited the Ambition of Caesar; this Prince likewise imitated Hercules toils, and followed close this famous original, and strived with all his power to be a lively representation of him. This noble desire brought him out of his mothers house, which was at that time at Troezene; and [Page 136]though Pyrates would have been less dange­rous to him than Robbers and Tyrants, yet these difficulties fortifi'd him in his first resolu­tion, and peril was found a bait to his jealou­sie. This is the reason that he left Aethra his mother, Pithees daughter, and took the way by Land to Athens, to go see his father, and strong­ly fancied that honour should be at least the recompence of his enterprize. And indeed he was no sooner come to Epidores, but he kill'd Periphedes, whose Club he carried away as the noblest booty he could get; and threw Peti­coptantus in the Sea: passing over the Straights of Peloponese, he punished Phoea the murtherer at Crommyon; revenged many innocent mise­rable persons upon Soiron at the entring of the Land of Megare; killed Cercyon under him, in the City Elensine; and at last overcame Dana­stes at Hermovia. All these Actions were too glorious to be kept secret, Fame had spread them everywhere; and if Theseus had lookt upon himself with vanity, he would have need­ed remedies to preserve him from dying, by Transports of joy and love to himself. Never­theless he was not insensible, and this good suc­cess could not so much be forgotten by him, but that he went into Athens with the greatest satisfaction, knowing that he could not be re­ceived but with extraordinary acclamations and magnificence, and that his person should [Page 137]be honoured at least, because of his victories. He was received there at first like a stranger, and invited by Aegea his Father to a Banquet: but his astonishment was great, when he per­ceived himself in danger of his life, and that his Father was to be his murtherer. To explain this Enigme, it is requisite to call Plutarch to our assistance, and seek the Truth in his Histo­ry. Aegea not knowing whether he should have a child, consulted the Oracle of Delphos, where she that rendred the Oracle, forbade him ever to know a woman, except it was in Athens; but for all that he knew Aethra, to whom he commanded to give a Sword which he had hidden under a Rock, to him that should come of their Bed, and so to send him with that private mark to Athens to him. Till that time, Theseus thought himself Neptune's son; but his mother to undeceive him, discover'd his birth to him. And this is the reason that he was received like an unknown person, and that Medea, who had refugiated her self there since her banishment from Corinth, no sooner heard of his coming, but she persuaded Aegea that this man would crown his Exploits by the Conquest of Athens; and bred such a jealousie in the old King by her reasons, and by her craft, that he gave his consent to sacrifice The­seus to his suspition; but at the beginning of the Feast, he had no sooner drawn his Sword, [Page 138]but his Father casting his eyes upon it, knew it, and caused the poyson that had been prepared for him, to be thrown away. Caresses suc­ceeded immediatly his suspitions, and was not able to express himself to him for a long while, but by his embraces; and his affection appeared more by his extasies, than by his words. The Attendents, not to remain idle in this happy encounter, saluted him with a thousand different Applauses; no one lookt upon him without admiration, and every parti­cular person grounded his felicity upon the strength of this young Prince. To manifest that his past successes were but essayes, that he could perform for the time to come greater Actions, and that they did with reason call him their Protector, he became the scourge of his Fathers Rebels, he killed the Bull of Maraton, which did much mischief in his Countrey, and with his earnest suit he was chosen to con­duct to King Minos the seven young Men, and the seven Maids, which the Athenians paid in hostage every year. Here a lofty Captain of Minos, as dreadful by his Cruelty, as by his Fortune, could not see Theseus without trying his valor: but death was immediately the re­ward of the temerity of this barbarous man; and by this Theseus was the Liberator of those to whom he thought but to be Guide. At the same time he carried away with him King Mi­nos's [Page 139]daughters, Ariadna, and Phaedra; and because his ship had sustained a storm, and been tossed by foul weather, so that the first could no longer bear with the Sea, he was constrain­ed by her intreaties to make to a small Island, till this young Princess had recover'd her health. He had no sooner landed with Ari­adna, but returning to his ship, to get necessa­ries for his young Lover: he was presently tossed off the shore by a wave, and carried away by the rapidness of the weather, so that he lost all hopes of getting near the Island a­gain. What just regrets came into Theseus's mind, and what astonishment seized Ariadna? she immediately judged him unfaithful by his absence, she call'd upon all the gods for revenge of his Treason, and could not forbear wish­ing him whom she thought perjured to suffer shipwrack. After many unprofitable impreca­tions, she thinking that the gods nor Theseus did not hearken to her complaints, hanged her self in that despair, that some day this ungrateful, as she termed him, might see that she had been unhappy, but after his infidelity. Theseus, who all this while seemed to be the Author of her death, notwithstanding was no Accomplice of it, he loved her too infinitely to abandon her, but yet this unhappy Accident was the begin­ning of his Crosses. Besides this Affliction which cost him so many sighs and tears, the [Page 140]Mariners having forgotten to hang out the white Flag as a token of his good success, had left the black, which ordinarily those that re­turned from Candia, were wont to hang out in sign of mourning; so that Aegea making no doubt of the misfortune of his son, precipita­ted himself from the top of a Tower where he stood to see him come, not being willing to survive the most remarkable of all his losses. When Theseus was informed of this, with what imprecations did he not curse his Pilot? with what terms did he not call to the gods for ju­stice, for their injustice? and with what an hor­ror was he not seized, when he considered that he had abandoned his love, and caused his fa­ther to dye? Not to examine his misfor­tune that he had been unfaithful, though he never saw her again; he was a Parricide with­out being guilty, and one might say that he was innocently the cause of the death of both. After his friends had advised him to lose the memory of this Adventure, he assembled all the Atticks in a Body, went directly to the Countrey of the Amazons, and made Antiope his wife, after he had made her his Prisoner, helped Jason to conquer the Golden Fleece, foiled the Centaures, signalized his strength and courage against the Thebains, and against the wild Boar of Calidonia, and seldom carried his Arms in any place, but he carried with them [Page 141]terror and obedience in the hearts of people. Having no more to do for himself, he resolved to do something for his friend Pirithous, and to be most serviceable to him in the design he had to steal Proserpine, daughter to Aedonias, King of the Molossiens, he accompanied him in his journy. This man was no sooner aware of their enterprize, but caused Pirithous to be devoured by his Dog call'd Cerberus, and imprisoned The­seus in such an obscure Dungeon, that it might have been termed the Grave of the Living, and the Hell of all Transgressors. Though he had no hope to come out of it but by death, yet Hercules obtained his pardon, and so saved his life. Theseus was no sooner come forth, but he cast his eye towards Athens, he fancied that this injury would make a way to a better fortune, that rest should succeed his sufferings. But he found the contrary, for he saw that Menestheus had corrupted the Athenians by his flatteries, that he found Rebels where he had left Subjects: and that having employ­ed all his industry to shew them the use of Arms, he had taught them the mean while to employ them against him. They had ill appre­hensions of his several loves with Ariadna, Aeglea, Antiopa, Phoedre and Anaxo: they re­presented to themselves both Sinnis and Cer­cyon, and that he had ravish'd their daughters, [Page 142]after he had cut the fathers Throat. They knew that he had married Ajax's mother, Phae­rebea, Joppa, Iphicles's daughter, and some o­thers: but especially they could not forget his ravishment of fair Helena, whose brothers Ca­stor and Pollux had sworn to revenge. At last as Theseus saw himself in danger amongst mongst those who had erected to him so many Statues before, he retired to Scyre; but Lico­demus, King of the Island, having led him up­on an high Rock, threw him down headlong to gratifie Menestheus, or else to secure himself by the loss of such a potent man; and so made his death as ignominious, as his life had seemed glorious.

CHAP. II. Of Craetus King of Lidia, and Oeta King of Colcos.

SOme Men have been of opinion, that it was impossible for just Men to act without for­tune, what prudence soever they made use of, as for Souldiers to fight without their Arms; and 'tis to this purpose, that Sir Francis Bacon saith, that Riches are the same to Vertue, as the Cariage is to an Army: to fit these words to my Discourse, and to make use of the same comparison; as the baggage often hin­ders an Army from marching, and that the care Men take sometimes of it, is the loss of the Victory; so I affirm, that Riches do not always allow Vertue the power to act, and that in this case, a Mans ruine is caused ordinarily by his over-care of them; Solomon, to shew that they were not the matter it self, saith plainly, That they are as a Tower of defence, in the ima­gination of the possessors of them; and if we ex­amine them rightly, we shall find that they have filled Men with perturbations, whose heart they could not fill with content, and that they have caused the loss of more Men, than ever they have secured. If Craesus had not been so rich, he had doubtless been more hap­py, [Page 144]and his ambition and miseries had not been so lamented. This King of Lidia, considering the Mines of Gold which his Country was full of, fancied, that not wanting the sinews of War, so he could not want a good success, and proposed to himself the defeat of Cyrus, the Monarch of the Medes, of the Assians and Persians. But all the Nobility of Lydia was cut in pieces, at the first encounter: Craesus was forced to fly to Sardis, and to acknow­ledge to his shame, that deliberations are in Mens power, but the advents in the power of fortune. Cyrus calling to mind that this King had assisted Balthazar, King of Babilon against him, and that he had been the first that had declared War against him, made a happy use of this Victory, and having Besieged him in Sardis, pressed him so hard, that Craesus found himself his Captive, almost at the same time that he was become his enemy: he was laid in a straight Prison laden with chains, his Son and him, was used like a Tirant, and spoiled of his Dignities and Kingdom. Cyrus vengeance went yet farther, apprehending that the Lydians, who he had made new Subjects, would make the Imprisonment of their King a pretext of Rebellion, and that's the reason that he sent one of his Souldiers, as Herodotus relates, to secure himself by the death of that King, of his possessions and hopes; the Souldier had no [Page 145]sooner lifted up his Sword, to cut off Craesus Head, but his Son that never spoke before, cryed out, O Persian do not slay my Father, for he is King of Lydia; and so the Souldier for­bore his blow, being surprised that the hor­ror of his action had untyed the tongue of a dumb Man, and that love had done in him more then nature could. Cyrus taking this pro­digie for an ill omen to himself, caused a great fire to be made, that he might see his enemy consumed before his face, and so commanded him to be thrown into it, to take away all sus­pition of his ambition, when he should see his ashes; but by a Miracle no less admirable then the first, a showr of rain quenched all the flames, so that Craesus trod upon the coals with as little hurt, as if he had trod upon flow­ers. Carion relates this history otherwise; he saith that Craesus cryed out, Solon, Solon, as soon as he saw that dreadful fire, and Cyrus hearing him, asked him why he did not rather call upon the gods for assistance, then upon a Philosopher. One day I shewed my Domi­nions, and all my treasures, answered Craesus, to this Athenian, and asked him, if all his morals which taught him in what felicity consists, could find any that was greater and more ap­parent then mine; but he answered me, that one could not judge the happiness of a Man, but after his death, and calling him to mind, I [Page 146]acknowledge that that which flattered me, hath been my destruction, and that I ought to have trembled at that which I trusted in, and that I have my chief good in that which hath ruined me. Cyrus was so earnestly touched by those words, that he fearing such a disgrace might follow his prosperities, would not suffer him to dye by a death, which another might inflict upon himself; however, though he did not loose his life, yet he lost his riches; his sorrows neither restored to him his treasures, nor his Crown, and no other Companion ever since, but his resentment and his shadow; and fortune which preserved him from death, did not preserve him from servitude. Oetha King of Colcos, was as Craesus, the richest in his time, and hence the Poets affirmed, that the Golden Fleece was in his Island, and we shall find that it was the subject of his despair, as well as of his pride. Paul Arose writes, that Peleus, King of Peloponess, or Thesalia, as Bocass re­lates having no Children, looked upon his Kinsman Jason, as his best and lawfullest Suc­cessor, and set all his inclinations upon him, as this Man set all his upon Virtue. But as Sir Francis Bacon saith, that suspitions dispo­seth Kings to Cruelty, Husbands to Jealousie, and the Discreetest to Inconstancy; those of Peleus, changed in length of time his good nature, and caused him to interpret so ill the [Page 147]finest actions of Jason, that he became perswa­ded, that it was by them he aspired to tyran­ny. It would have been a small matter, if he alone had been troubled, for he might have dissipated those chimerals, of which he was the architect, and with as little trouble would have suppressed his enemies as fast, as he himself raised them. But his suspicions were helped on, by the policy of his flatterers; and because that those which are Created by a Mans self, are but like certain humming Bees, which sting not, and that those which are entertained by false accusations, have always their sting at the end, he found himself in such a deep inquietude, that he began to look up­on his Nephew, as the enemy of his rest and his life. Nevertheless, because his fears should be perceived by him, he proposeth to him to go to Colcos, assured him, there was no dan­ger, but he might overcome by his courage, and so represents his passage over the sea, so easy, that he doth not know which will be sweeter to him, the Tempest or the Calm. Ja­son, whose blind ambition could not be mo­derated, either by difficulties or by councel, giveth ear to his Uncle with joy, represents to himself the Golden Fleece, and looks up­on it but as upon his own, and fancied that he had already vanquished them, which he was going to encounter. Peleus made use of this [Page 148]young Prince's Credulousness, gave orders for his Equipage, and made him arms worthy of his great resolution and birth, and sent him away with all the Nobility of Greece. Though he dispaired of the enterprise, and thought to take his last farewell of him, yet Jason did not come short of his hopes, he overcame all obstacles that opposed his Forces, and both his Ships and his Glory found a passage where ever they came. When he was at Colcos, Me­dea Oetas Daughter, had no sooner seen the pleasing countenance of this young Conque­ror, but she was touched with it, her heart yielded at the first sight of that secret enemy of hers, and her reason was not strong enough to overcome all his graces; her caresses suc­ceeded her passion; till he found himself ob­liged to give her some returns of Love, she always strived to serve him, and to indear him, and to forget nothing that could perswade him that she loved him more then her own Fa­ther, and that love was stronger in her then natural affections. Jason, to be certain of it, desired her to find out a way to betray the guards of her Fathers Treasures, assured her, that she should share with him in his good for­tunes; he found her so inclined to his will, that she forgot all fears and respects, to show him, that she would be mindful of her promise. Neither did she betray Jasons hopes, but her [Page 149]cruelty went so far, that she killed Oetas grand­son Egralius, whose limbs she scattered in the way she thought he would pursue her, that so the care he should have of gathering them, might distract him from his pursuit, whilst she should avoid his punishment by her flight; in effect, the pity he took of the Child, stopped the vengeance he had prepared for the Mother, he took up with horror those bloody reliques, and thought that the justice of the gods, was too much offended with this unparalleld Mur­ther, not to revenge the authors and the accom­plices of it. It is certain, that Oetas resent­ment was extreme sensible, and that Philoso­phy afforded him no remedy for his grief; but if he was unhappy in his Children, he was no less in his own person; and never King at diversity of time was more Magestick, and more to be commiserated; his Neighbors find­ing him harder put to it to maintain his ground then to pursue them; executed with facility, that which before they had undertaken but with shame; took away from him all hopes, spoiled him of his Kingdom, and forced him to lead a life, which could no otherwise be tearmed, but a long death. Therefore it is not without reason, that Pausanias in Philostratas speaks of Fortune, which held Pluto the god of Riches in her arms, to shew us, that those that possess them, are Subjects to her, and [Page 150]to put us in mind, that we should not make any other use of them, than Rabirius Posthu­mus, which Cicero praiseth so worthily, as having not pursued them as a prey to his ava­rice, but as an instrument to his vertue and goodness.

CHAP. III. Of some other Kings which have been depo­sed from their Crowns.

THe Ancients have given us a Rose for the Emblem of beauty, because its co­lour fades as soon as it is blown. The Moon because of its changes, and glass because of its brittleness, and many other such things, to shew us that those things which touch most our sight, ought not to touch our Souls, and that the best of them causeth our pitty, as well as our admiration and envy. Those that will but examine narrowly our conditions, will find that nature hath always been the same in all Men, that they are distinguisht but by qua­lities and titles; that death makes them all equals, and that in which their grandeur is seen, often casteth them into miseries; in ef­fect, we often see, that Fortune is so fickle to Kings, that the Man that found a Crown, had reason to say; O much more glorious then thou [Page 151]art fortunate, if it could be known what misfor­tunes thou bringst upon Men, whose ambition and courage are excited by thy glittering luster; there is no Man that would take thee up from the ground. Who would ever have thought, considering Evagoras and These, the one King of Cyprus, and the other of Egypt, that fate should have reduced them to suffer their common Enemy upon their Thrones; and to make unprofita­ble wishes for their liberty. Notwithstanding, Artaxerxes King of Persia, calling to mind that they had assisted the Lacedemonians a­gainst him, went to War with them with so good success, and so much obstinacy, that he forced the one to live as the meanest of his Servants, and the other to flye to the Ara­bians Country, where his exile and his pover­ty lasted as long as his life. Although Ariba was nearly related to Queen Olympias, and that he was King of the Epirotes, Philip King of Macedonia, took all away from him, even to his very hopes, which is the last thing that an unfortunate Man can loose; and made him sufficiently acknowledg, ethat in the pros­perities of Fortune, the mind ought to arm itself against the injuries of it. Perseus ha­ving gotten the Crown of Macedonia by an ho­micide, had afterwards all the power of the Romans against him; but as he had already vanquished two of their Consuls; besides the [Page 152]advantage of the scituation of the place, where he stood, he was of opinion, that he should also Triumph over Paul Aemilius, and that he should sustain that with glory, which he ac­quired by a crime. Howsoever, his entrepri­ses succeeded another way, he was forced to flye from the City Pydné, and that of Pella; and at last to Samothrace, whereof Cnejus Octa­vius, Paul Aemilius his Lieutenant, pressed him in such sort, that he was forced to yield, and forced to confess openly, that Misfortunes were not so much casualties, as the essential part of Mens lives. Paul Aemilius could not behold his disgrace without tears; but when he saw him prostrate himself at his feet, with the meanness of a Subject, he beheld him with indignation, and changed his love into ha­tred, and his mercy into vengeance. Thou shewest, said he, by thy shameful submission, that thy disgrace is rather the effect of thy weakness, then of thy ill fortune. In what­soever Enemy magnanimity is found, it is al­ways respected by the Romans, but though Cowardise is sometimes fortunate, it is despi­sed by all Men; and thou makest me to doubt, which of the two hath most contributed to my Victory, my courage, or thy low spirit; go thy way, since thou art not worthy of the Ti­tle of King, thou art unworthy of a Consuls love. Whosoever is a Coward, ought to have [Page 153]no hopes, and whosoever acts like a Slave, deserveth to be so; This opinion was so strong in Paul Aemilius, that he made him follow his Charriot of Triumph like a Captive; the same hands that had borne a Scepter, bore Chains by his order; and this unfortunate Man was exiled in Albania, as if the Romans could not have suffered a Prince, which they had van­quished without glory, because they had van­quished him without danger. And that which is most deplorable, is, That two Children, who were not guilty of their Fathers Vice, yet had part in his confusion and fall; the one practi­sed the Trade of a Goldsmith at Rome, the other, that of a Blacksmith, in Cicilia, to have at least a support for their lives. At that same time, Gentius King of the Illyrians, who had sided with him, had the same lowness, and the same disgrace, he kneeled on the ground be­fore Anitius, thinking to obtain more by his submission, then by his ambition; but Anitius, who could not suffer the timerousness of a Wo­man, in a Man of that Dignity, cast him into Prison immediately, and left him no other Consolation, but the memory he had, that he had been happy once. Demetrius, who with his Fathers old Souldiers, had Conquered the Kingdom of Macedonea, did his endeavor to secure himself against the Forces of Lisima­chus; but because he had killed, by Treason, [Page 154] Alexander, Cassanders Son, and that this blood unjustly spilt, cryed for vengeance, against this wicked Politick; he acknowledged, (but too late) that his Ambition had been the cause, both of his Greatness and his Destruction, and that his Crime, which had been the cause of his Joy, was become that of his Misfortunes, having not been able to overcome his Enemy by his Courage, he strived to do it by his Mi­sery; after his defeat humbled himself before him, as if he would have put him in the mind, that the same disgrace might happen to him, and that there is often but one step, between Authority and Servitude: but Lisimachus, in lieu of being touched with his repentance and prayers, had him bound with great Chains, and confined him to an eternal prison, for his Palace and for his punishment. Penestus and Amynias, who having been Gards to Alexander the Great, were become his Successors, one in Babylon, and t'other in Bactria, did not long, keep themselves in the Conquests of their Ma­ster, and had scarcely time to tast their felicity, because that Seleucus made War with them, that only ceased, by the taking from them their two Provinces. After the Lacedemonians had suffered without murmuring, the Tyranny of Alchimous, they did what lay in their power, to tame this Monster, which they had exalted but to their own Ruines; they gave him as much [Page 155]respect and veneration, as if he had been their legitimate King, and shewed him, that nothing equalized his Cruelty, but their Pa­tience: Being not willing to make use of Poi­son against his person, they made use of their old Priviledges against his Maxims, but when they saw, that neither the fear of the gods, nor the consideration of the Laws, had any power over him, they were forced to depose him, and to choose Agesipolis, to be arbitra­tor of their lives and liberties. Alchimeus, did not loose his courage, though he had lost this Kingdome; this new disorder gave him new hopes, and perswaded him that he could as well remedy as suffer his misfortune; and for all the violences which he practised against the Commonalty, he gained the Nobility to him by flatteries, returned to Sparta, made all his adversaries tributary to him, and shewed them that his absence and presence were both alike to be feared. By this means he got upon the Throne, banished the unfortunate Agesipolis, and constrained him to live in so great pover­ty, that he could as hardly satisfie his hunger, as he could his toothsomness before. When the Romans were finishing the Conquest of the Asiaticks, Origiagotes, King of the Caboleni­ans, and Gaudates King of the Coloscobogi­us, in Bithiny, opposed generously Man­lius's enterprise, and took the field together by a common interest, to let him understand, [Page 156]that they had rather sell their liberty, then to give it away willingly. Never Vertue was more heroick then theirs, and never did any resolution appear to them more glorious and just. They lookt upon subjection to be the greatest of all evils, and independency the greatest of felicities; they perswaded them­selves that Subjects and Slaves were both the same thing, and that it was better to dye then to obey. Although they shewed their genero­sity in this Battle, the Victory declared it self on the Consul's side: these two Kings were made his Prisoners, and died miserably in Chains. After Antiochus death, the Dukes of Achaya and Messania, who of a long time dis­puted together the Soveraignity, saw them­selves forced to decide their differences by Arms, and to abandon their cause to the Ca­prises of Fortune. The Duke of the Achay­ans, Philomenus, did appear the valiantest, but not the most fortunate; for being fallen off of his Horse, he neither had time to recover himself, nor his Souldiers to whom this fall seemed to be theirs. The Messanians ran im­mediately upon him to kill him: but the Ma­jesty of his looks withheld their hands, and suspended for that time their resentments and vengeance; those whose fury was not satisfied by slaughter, took him, and treated him with­out respect: they made him go about their [Page 157]Town, in the greatest confusion in the World, and made a spectacle of him for a long time, in a publick place, that so the people might see Rebellion chained fast, and that every Man might look upon him with scorn and de­rision, whom they could not look upon be­fore, without fear and reverence. From that place he was carried to an obscure Prison, and as if they had been afraid of him, for all his Bonds, they made use of poison to make him away, and found still after his death, that his valor was living in his face. Two Princes of the Aequoissians, Graccus, and Cinelius, suf­fered the same punishment and confusion un­der two Consuls; the first died in Prison, and the other being perswaded that life, how­soever miserable it is, is yet sweeter then an horrible death, became servant to him to whom he had been an ornament in his Triumph. Hath not Syphax been vanquished so by the Romans, in the behalf of Massinissa? his Wife imprisoned, and this Prince of Numidie made Captive, and so confounded, by a change so un­expected, that he had been longer in misery, if the sorrow that killed him, had not sooner set him at liberty then his Enemies; and if the fear that he had to wear out his Chains, had not broken them? After the Romans had no more designes nor conquests to make, and that their Empire was become that of all the earth; [Page 158]they imagined that there was not so much glory to keep things in ones possession, as to acquire them, and that rest ought to be at least, the fruit of their labors. This opinion, that bred in them slothfulness, awaked most part of the Nations afar off, and was so advanta­gious to some, that it gave them time and courage to undertake all things for their liber­ty. The Goths, under Alaricks Reign, were the first that ransackt all Italy, in the time of the Emperor Zenon, and made the rich Severin Captive, who in his disgrace could never find either Remedy or Consolation. Didier, who was amongst Christian Kings, the same thing that the Sun is amongst the Stars, and who by his Magnificence, had made himself as many Friends, as he had Neighbors; and Alyas did not believe, that Fortune could bring any al­teration in his Dominions, and that her pow­er which ordinarily casteth down, but those things which are before half ruined, could shake those which stood the fastest; for all that, Charlemain had no sooner marched his Forces in Lombardy, into the behalf of the Roman Church, but he defeated him, and made him flye to Apavia, with his Wife and Children, and there to expect how Hea­ven would dispose of their lives, and his own.

Charlemaine besieged him, without giving him time to consider of it; took him by Fa­mine, [Page 159]and confined him to a long Imprison­ment, from which he was brought forth to be carried into the Grave. Not long before this, Chilperic the third of that name, was reduced by Pepin, to dye in a Monastery; and as his Idleness had been the cause of his disaster, the same fault, joined with the Treason of Anselm, Bishop of Laon, was the misfortune of Charles Duke of Lorrain, that Hugh Capet was laden with Iron when he was ready to take possession of the Kingdom, which fell to him by the death of his brother. Salomon, King of Hungaria, whose tenderness made him pass for a woman, and who seem'd, in effect, to have been a Prince, but by the title of it, fled into Istrya, having not had courage enough to stay for a Combat with his Nephew Ladislaus, and dyed unhappy, by the opinion he had that all was lost that was ventured; and that it was alwayes the best way to avoid danger, rather than seek it. Guy of Lucignan, last Christian King of Jerusalem, was beaten away by the Arms of Saladin, out of this goodly Kingdom, which had been con­quered under the conduct of Godfry of Bouil­lon, and reduced to the necessity of retiring in­to the Isle of Cyprus, by the favor of Richard King of England, there to lament till death, a loss after which he had no thought to live. Lewis, King of Jerusalem, expelled another [Page 160]King of Cicilia of his own name, and pursued him with so much outrage, that he was forced to beg of him a small place of his own Coun­trey to dwell in; his Misfortune being so great, that it constrain'd him to receive Laws in the same place where he imposed them before, and to be Vassal to those whom he had been Sove­reign to. David King of Scotland, was kept ele­ven years in Prison; and if Philip of Valois had not taken Arms for his liberty, against the English, we may not doubt but he would have dyed in servitude, and that his shame and his dayes would have had the same period. But this discourse of servitude is too long, we must pass from Grief, to Death: And since I have shew'd you some Kings in Prison, I will also shew you some a dying; that you may see that Fortune is no less ingenious in bringing Mur­thers about, than it is in forging of Chains.

CHAP. IV. Of Charles I. King of England.

THE Rebellious Faction of England, to authorize an attempt without example, maintain'd by a publick Declaration, That Roy­alty was but an Office. And that they might the better proceed against the King, they supposed Taxes raised, Rights established, unjust Impri­sonments, secret Leagues, suspected Parties, in­teressed Friendships, Priviledges violated, cru­el Wars, and the last effects of Tyranny. But my intention is not to refute those suppositi­ons which have no proof; I will onely send them to Solomon, who thinks that he cannot give his Son better counsel, than to fear God and the King; and to the Apostle St. Paul, who will have all Men to obey Principalities and Powers: and who affirms, That there is no Power but what is establisht of God; and that those that resist Principality, resist the Or­dinance of God, and bring their condemnation upon themselves. When David had such a fair opportunity to rid himself of Saul, who persecuted him; for all he had the promise of the Kingdom, and that his Men represented to him, that he might kill his Enemy without dan­ger: It shall not happen to me, said he, to lay my [Page 162]hand upon my Lord, the Lords Anointed, nor to commit such a crime against him. David gave his reason for it afterwards in another occasi­on, when he found Saul asleep in the Tren­ches, and Abishai desired him to permit that he might smite him with his Halbard: No, said he, take heed thou dost not do it, for none can be innocent, and stretch his hand against the Lords Anointed. It is not needful to go so high as Scripture to condemn these Parricides, it is suf­ficient only to read an Act of the House of Commons of the 13th of January 1641. when they had notice that the King intended to ap­prehend some of them, these are the words of it:

If any one, of what quality soever, goeth about to arrest any Members of this House, without the Orders of the said House, or without giving it no­tice thereof; It is lawful for the Party arrested to defend himself, and to resist, by the Oath he hath taken, to maintain the Priviledges of Parliament, and to all others to assist him, and to rescue him.

The Declaration of the 17th of January in the same year, is no less formal; for it bears, That it is to oppose the Liberty of Subjects, vio­late the Priviledges of Parliament, and to declare himself Enemy of the State, to arrest any Member of Parliament, from whomsoever the Order come, without the Authority of the House of which he is a Member.

To maintain these Priviledges, the pretend­ed Parliament raised Guards, and afterwards an Army, made use of it against the King; and the War grew so hot, that it divided the in­terest of all the Families of this Countrey. There were Sieges, Combats, bloody Battels, where the King did the office of a Soldier and Commander; and never was Authority more persecuted, nor Rebellion more obstinate. But you must not look here for the full Relation of this War, nor description of the King, for it would fill a great Volume. I will only re­late that which was most terrible, and the stran­gest Blow that ever He could receive by For­tune. After some time imprisonment, he was brought up to London by Fairfax, General of the Parliaments Army, and forced to appear before His Enemies and Subjects, at the Bar, to justifie Himself of the Crimes that they laid to His charge. The King asked them, Whence they had their Authority, to constrain a Prince to answer for His life as a Criminal before His own People. He told them, That He was not subject to any Temporal Jurisdiction; and that He could not answer of his actions but before God. He persisted constantly in that truth, which no man could deny; shew'd them that the Assembly of Parliament was imperfect; that the House of Commons was Tyrannous; and that it had excluded the House of Lords, and the Cler­gy. [Page 164]Whatsoever He could say to open their eyes, and to enlighten their minds, after His Indictment had been read several times, the King being not willing to answer to it, this Sentence was pronounced upon Him:

Charles Stuart, heretofore King of England, shall have his Head severed from his Body, as a Publick Enemy, as a Murtherer, as a Tyrant, and as a Traytor.

After some demands of the King to no ef­fect, He obtained the liberty only to see His two Children, the Duke of Glocester, and the Princess Elizabeth; and to converse in private with the Bishop of London, for the strength­ning of His Soul, and the quietness of His Con­science. He had both Sunday and Monday for to prepare Himself, and on Tuesday was brought from St. James's to Whitehall, through the Park, where all the Foot were in Battalia. From the Gallery of Whitehall, He came through His own Bed-chamber, into the Court, where all Men were in Arms, and from thence He mounted a Scaffold hanged with black, where there was four iron Rings at the four corners, an Axe on one side, and a Block on the other. They went about to make the King fast to the Rings, but He would not suf­fer it; and told them, That it was not needful to bind a King, who dyed without resistance. At the same time appeared two Men in Vizards, as if [Page 165]the horror of this Action had imposed upon them the necessity of masking themselves to commit it, and should have forbidden them to be seen with Mens faces in an attempt which made them unworthy of the name. After the King had made a short Speech, he turned to these Executioners, who came near to cut off His Hair, but He pull'd out a Night-cap which He had brought for that purpose, and put it up: After He had done, he pull'd off the Col­ler of the Order, which He gave to the Bishop of London, and pull'd a Ring off of His Fin­ger, to be sent, as 'tis thought, to the Prince of Wales. He laid His Neck upon the Block, af­ter He had kneeled down; and He had no sooner given the Signal to the Executioner, but His Head was struck off from His Body, and that they both disappeared; a Soldier stuck the Head upon a Partisan, and the People cry­ed all about, Liberty, Liberty: and made of this day of mourning, a day of rejoycing. Reader, if thou dost not tremble with horror, thou art not a Man; and if thou dost not la­ment such a Fortune, thou dost not deserve to have a good one wished thee.

CHAP. V. Of Kings and Princes which have been killed in Battels; and of those who have been used by their Enemies with much Insolence and Cruelty.

AS for that which regards Counsel, it is convenient to examine Perils: but as for that which regards Execution, it is not good to look upon any, saith Sir Francis Bacon; ground­ed may be upon that Maxim, That Prudence is represented with a Looking-glass in her hand, to consider all things in it, and that Boldness is blind. 'Tis to this purpose that Eucepidus saith, That the counsel of one Man is able to overcome a whole Army. And we may say after him, That it is far better to foresee danger, than to run in it; and that those deserve to fall in it, that seek it, or wait for it. Without that presumptuous confidence, who would ever have thought that Cyrus should have been vanquished by Thomi­ris? That Fabius at the cost of Hannibal, should have preserved the Republick? And that Crassus should have been ruined by Surena King of the Parthes? That Victory should have declared it self for those who seemed to despair of it? And that others, who had rea­son [Page 167]to wish for Battel, should have lost it? Nevertheless whatsoever foresight and cou­rage great Men have had in their conduct and enterprizes, the event hath often confounded their judgment and their hopes, and their poli­cy hath been of little use against the blows of Fortune. Prudence and Temerity have cause a-like to praise her, and find fault with her: she hath made them her enemies, after she hath obliged them both; and hath caused them some confusion, after she had caused them some glory. Leonatus, who was one of the 36 Governors who divided Alexander's Em­pire in so many pieces after his death, had gi­ven marks everywhere of his valor: every man in Phrygia admired his spirit and resoluti­on, and discover'd in him all the accomplish­ments of a Commander and Philosopher. He was of a turbulent humor; and because he knew that every virtue had its time, he did not think that wisdom and courage could subsist together; nor that a man should be judicious, where boldness was required. Nevertheless after his first motion was over, he hearkned to Reason, and seemed to undertake nothing but what he could execute. Notwithstanding be­ing gone to Antipater's aid, he gave Battel to his Enemy, and lost his reputation there with his life. Neoptolemus had the same disadvan­tage, when he fought against Eumenes; Lysi­machus [Page 168]had no better success against Seleucus, who kill'd him upon the place, with most of his Soldiers; and this last, some time after, re­cieved the same disgrace by the Arms of Pto­lomey. The last King of the Visigots, Alaric, had such a misfortune. When he attempted to sustain the furious Attack of the French in A­quitaine; all his hopes were ruined with his Forces, and Clovis slew this barbarous man with his own hand. Though Totilla had signalized himself by his victories that he had taken Rome twice, and twice plundered it, and had been feared and happy everywhere; yet an Eunuch, call'd Narses, who it should seem was fitter to be a womans Guardian, than to be a Comman­der of Men of War, kill'd him in the Battel, foiled all his Army, and did such good service to the Emperor Justinian, that if a man would but have visited the Tombs, he might have been persuaded that he left no Goths in Italy. Nicephorus, who put the Empress Yrenna in a Nunnery, that he might obtain the Empire of Constantinople, was kill'd on that manner by the Bulgarians; and Baudwin, Earl of Flanders, after he had retaken all the Cities and Towns that this Empire had lost, except the City of Andrianople, was used in the same manner in his own Countrey, where his valor made him hope all the advantages, and all the honours that he could promise himself from his birth. But we [Page 169]must not find it strange to see those die in dan­gers, which glory seemed to impose a necessi­ty to live: We must still go further, and shew that great men are liable to the same Misfor­tunes that the lowest sort of men are; that Scaffolds have been raised upon Thrones; and that Kings have had Executioners, as well as Malefactors. Justinian the Second, last Em­peror of the House of Heraclius, having de­clared War against the Bulgarians, and Arabes, against the Treaties of Peace which he had concluded with them before, was unhappy in both; and as his irresolutions and perfidy had made him odious everywhere, he was expel­led the Empire, by the contrivances of the Pa­triarch Callinicus, and Patricia Leonca, who cut off his Nose, before they laid him fast in Cher­sonese's Castle. This man, who wore the marks of his ruine in his face, as well as the charact­ers of his vices, made the King of the Bulgari­ans his Protector, and turned his humor with so much policy, that by this means he compel­led Leonce his Successor to abandon the com­mand of the Empire, and put out Callinicus's eyes, and so cloathed himself in the same pur­ple which he had dyed with the finest blood of his own people. He was so cruel, that he never sneesed, but he commanded some of them who had favoured Leonceus, to be executed, and got such a hatred amongst those that feared him [Page 170]before, that his person was no less detested, than his Tyranny. At last this barbarous man having made all his Subjects his Enemies, was excluded the second time out of the Empire, by Philippicus Bardanus, in the 16th year of his Reign, which he made no otherwise remark­able, but by a continued course of unheard Cruelties; and the memory of him was so ab­horred after his death, that he seemed to live still amongst the most illustrious Families, by his Murthers; and in Temples, by his Sacri­leges. Neither was there ever a Prince who received less Favors from Nature, than this Bardanus; and never man had less Religion, nor less Wit. He was no sooner in possession of the Sovereignty, but he strived to abolish the Decrees of the sixth General Council, to satisfie a Monk, whose Opinions were as so many Heresies; and to recompence him for the hopes he had given him, that he should attain to the Empire of Constantinople. But because he promised much, and performed much more by gifts, so that he emptied his treasures in things of little purpose, or altogether useless; and suffering with patience and cowardice, the Bulgarians to possess themselves of the Fron­tiers of Thracia, he had his Eyes put out, and dyed in an Exile, which he might well expect from his Folly and Sloth. Diogenes had no soon­er got a victory over the Barbarians, but he [Page 171]gained the Empress Eudoxes heart, so that he was thought worthy to have a part in her Bed, and in her Throne, and to sustain Domestick Concerns, which were in continual troubles by Foreign Wars. But this Roman, who was born to subjection, and who had nothing great but his ambition and courage, became so intolera­ble, that the Romans perceived (but too late for them) of what an importance it was to put the Scepter in servile hands, and to obey a man, who made his Authority the cause and ex­cuse of his Insolence. The first success that he had against those who ravaged the Pro­vinces of Asia, were divers; but his second War was unfortunate, all his Army was cut in pieces, or put to the flight, and him taken Pri­soner, which was never heard of any other Emperor; his Enemies carried him away, with a joy so much the greater, when they consi­dered, that they had nothing more to do after this Prize, but to rest of their toils. Asan, Prince of the Turks, had much ado to moderate his joyes that he received by this excess of happi­ness; and to persuade him the truth of it, they brought Diogenes before him, and as soon as he saw him, he used him before his Soldiers with so much magnificence and civility that Dioge­nes was forced to confess, That no man could lose a Battel with more success than himself; and that the greatest adversities were not al­wayes [Page 172]the most grievous. Besides this courte­sie (that had nothing of a Barbarian in it) he filled him with Presents, made Peace with him, and gave him his Liberty; but Diogenes asto­nishment was not little: when he came to Rome, and saw that his defeat had been the cause of the Empresses banishment, and had raised Michael, Constantine's son, to the Govern­ment, wrath and despair excited his venge­ance, and made him have recourse to Arms; but he had hardly begun his enterprize, but he was constrained to compound, and suffer to have his eyes pull'd out as well as others, of which he dyed some time after: so that he lost almost at the same time the Victory, the Em­pire, his Sight, and his Life. Alexis the second, who was but a Youth when he took the Scep­ter upon him after his Fathers death, endeavo­red with all his Might, to smother the Civil Seditions of the Empire, and was at last forced, as a man may say, to divide his power, to unite it, and to admit in it Andronicus, the son of Isaac Comnenus, the most crafty and subtle of the Rebels that he had to subdue. This Tray­tor, whose Perfidy was known at Constantino­ple as soon as his Person, began then to awa­ken his Ambition, went about to gain the greatest by his gifts, and by his promises, had no other object than the Throne before his eyes, and never considered whether the safest [Page 173]way to ascend to it, was the most just, or most horrible. 'Twas in this sentiment, that of Tutor to the Prince, he became his Murtherer; he caused his Head to be cut off, and commanded that his Body should be thrown in the Sea, as if his Felicity had made him unworthy of Obsequies. This Crime was not long unpunisht, as every one looked upon it with horror, and that he was troubled about the opposing of William King of Sicily's For­ces, Isaac took away the Empire from him, cau­sed one of his hands to be cut off, and one of his eyes to be pull'd out; and forcing him to ride about the Town, he exposed him thus to the derision and rage of his people. Greece hath not seen alone those enormities. Berangarius, after he vanquisht Lewis, the Emperor Arnol's son, pull'd out his eyes, and Charlemaine having served Peter, King of Hungaria, so, caused him to dye, to satisfie his diffidence or his hate. In the time of Claudius the fourth, Emperor of Rome, Gotarsus had no sooner taken Melindatus, Prince of the Parthes, but he caused his ears to be cut off; and if we will but search Histories, we shall find that the dignity of Robert Suran­tin, Prince of Tarente, and of William son to Tancredes, King of Sicily, made their Fortune neither more glorious, nor happier.

Amongst those who have sung the praises of the great Constantine, one may find that he hath not so much punisht the guilty, as he hath re­venged the innocents cause; that he chasti­sed, rather than fought against the wicked; and that his piety was no way inferior to his military virtues: nevertheless he hath defa­med his Reign by the death of two Kings, A­staris, and Rhegachus, whom he caused to be de­voured by wild Beasts in the open view of the people. A great [...] [...]fore this, Farnus, King of the Medes, was crucified by Ninus; Plancus a Proconsul, cut off Victaribius's head Prince of the Priveniens, and Neighbor to the Samnites; Cossus put to the same death Haer­tus, King of Cologne, for having attempted to shew that he was generous enough to defend his liberty. In the War of the Romans, and the Carthaginians, Attilius Regulus was looked upon as worthy of a Triumph, after he had kill'd a Serpent 25 Foot long, and had foiled all the Forces of Africa who were in Asdrubal, and Amilcar's Armies: hut when he prepared himself for it with joy, and that he lookt up­on rest and glory as the fruit of his valor and toils, he was constrained to receive chains at Carthage, with the same hand with which he expected to receive the Crown of Lawrel, and the Robe which had been prepared for him at [Page 175] Rome. His Imprisonment lasted five years; and the Carthaginians to obtain a Treaty by his means, releas't him, upon his promise that he might employ his prayers and his authority to that which necessity forced them to desire. He went directly to Rome, where the noblest men of Carthage were Prisoners; but it was not so much to procure their liberty, as to prolong their servitude; and his eloquence and zeal had so much force upon the people, that they chose rather to let him go again, than to release that illustrious Nobility, whose courage was to be feared even in chains. As soon as Attilius was return'd, and that the Carthaginians un­derstood that he valued his life less than the preservation of his Countrey, they put him in a Tun full of sharp Spears made fast in the in­side; and never ceased to rowl it about till he was dead, although they wondred more at his constancy, than he did at their cruelty. Marc Anthony cut off Antigonus's Head, King of the Jews, in the City of Antiochus; and Con­radin, King of Suedeland, and an Emperor of Germany's son, having been brought before Charles Duke of Anjou, suffer'd the same death at Naples. Mahomet the second, [...]ead the Ne­phew of Scanderberg all alive; and David Com­nenus, Emperor of Trebisondas, and his daugh­ter, left their Heads upon a Scaffold, by the command of that Tyrant, whose life is full of [Page 176]impieties and crimes, and whose noblest acti­ons were combustions, and murthers. The Spaniards ordained that an Indian King should be hanged, after they had received above three millions of gold for his ransom; and burnt the King of Mexico, because he was too long a discovering his riches to them. Two Princes of Africa, Fetez and Benaduxe, were beheaded by the King of Fez; and Francis Pizarus, a Portuguese Commander, put to death Atabilipa King of Peru. In the Reign of So­lyman, a Turkish Bashaw hanged to the Tack­ling of his ship, the King of the City of Adam, situate upon the Coasts of Arabia the happy, and the inhumanity of the Turks, made a Gibbet instead of a Throne to a King of Zibith. It is not long since that Isechia, King of Tryambat, caused the King of Gubert, to die of a shameful death. And Leon of Africa relates, That a King of Telusin, was so unworthily used by Abul­hezin the fourth King of Fez, that after he had expired under the Sword of an Executioner, it would not be suffered that he should have any other Grave than the intrals of Beasts. Who doth not know that Joshua hanged five Kings, one after another, as the old custom was? That the Tyrant of the Agrigentins, Phalaris, was burnt in his Brazen Bull? That Edward II. King of England, was put to a strange and cru­el death? That Michael Zilagus, Prince of Hun­garia, [Page 177]had his Head cut off at Constantinople, for having been too valiant? And that Adeberg, Count Palatine, hath received the same usage, for having been too credulous? Since I do not quote my examples according to the order of time, I will finish this Subject by the end of Po­licratus, and evidence that Fortune is never at a stand; and that he that rejoyceth when he hath escaped some eminent danger, hath no more reason so to do, than he that rejoyceth at the winning of his Cause, when he hath but delay'd it, and prolong'd his Suit. This King of the Samians being acquainted with adversities but by hear-say, because he never had gone through any, one day being willing to mode­rate by a particular invention, the joy he recei­ved by such a great felicity, did cast into the sea a Ring of an inestimable worth, to cause him­self at least some subject of grief. It hapned by an unheard wonder, that this same Ring was found in a Fishes belly that was served be­fore him, then he concluded that the gods had designed him to be the happiest of men. But a King of Persia had no sooner declared War a­gainst him, but he deposed him of his Kingdom, and made him breathe his last upon a Cross, as if it had been his intention to shew that we should value our lives by our deaths, that one dayes Fortune depended of another, and that every one of them depended on the last of our Lives.

CHAP. VI. Of Princes that have been employ'd by their Enemies in shameful Offices, and of others who have been used unwor­thily.

IT is not without reason that Seneca affirms, That Virtue in Prosperity is desirable, but in Adversity it is miraculous: intimating, that those Hearts which command Nature, never seem fairer than in Adversity. If good For­tune discovers Vice, ill Fortune discovers Vir­tue much better; and whatever a man can do, moderation hath not so much lustre in the one, as fortitude in the other. Thus in Limning, Colours are more to the life when they are shadowed, and appear better and more agree­able to our sight: to conclude with Sir Fran­cis Bacon, That it is by Virtue, as it is by Perfumes, which smell never so sweet, as when they are bruised, or burnt. If ever man deserved prai­ses, Carganus I think might justly expect it from his patience. Sesostris, the greatest King of Egypt, after he had subdued several Nations, was drawn in a Chariot by four Kings whom he had overcome; and that proud man seldome went abroad, but he gave that presumptuous [Page 179]mark of himself and victories. As he made it his noblest divertisement, he took notice one day that Carganus turned his face towards the wheels, which he considering with more curi­osity than at other times, could not forbear to ask him, What objects could employ his thoughts, since he ought to have none but of his misery? I thought of that, replied this man with much boldness: And though the change of my condi­tion hath hitherto been a trouble to me, yet I con­sider that it should not seem so strange; for look­ing attentively upon this wheel, I perceived that the highest staff of it, became the lowest, in an instant, by its turning: And I considered at the same time, that it was the same with Fortune; that Prosperity was followed by Adversity and Trou­bles, and yet Adversity ought not to be without hopes. Not long since I was at the highest degrees, now I am at the lowest; and seeing all things in Nature changeth, I find that those that admire thee this day, will perchance be obliged to pity thee to morrow. Sesostris calling to mind that his own brother Pelusinus had once gone near to burn him and all his Family, and fearing in effect that such a Misfortune might befall him, used those Kings no more with such Insolence, but ho­noured them all after that time, and made use of Carganus as his greatest Minister of State. It is said that such an answer saved the King of [Page 180] Babylon's life, who was taken by a French King in the Wars of Basile, Emperor of Constanti­nople, and that having been brought forth out of Prison, where he had been two years, he wondred to see him laugh at the sight of a wheel, though he had alwayes been as melan­choly in his Imprisonment, as if he had been a going to be executed. The King not knowing the course of such a sudden change, asked him the same question that the King Sesostris asked Carganus, and shew'd some earnestness of being cleared of his doubts. I laugh, answered the captive King, to see that the first thing that pre­sents it self to me, sheweth me the vicisitude of all other things. All that is in this world, turns with­out doubt as this wheel, one may descend as well as ascend; and I see my self the Prisoner of a King, whom another may be will make his slave. The misfortune of Psemmenittus, King of Egypt, is not common, and History cannot shew any thing so great as his constancy, except his am­bition. He was Son and Successor to Amasis, and had no sooner taken upon himself the Go­vernment, but Cambyses caused a great Army to march against Egypt, to join that goodly Kingdom to his Empire. Psemmenittus, at the first news that he heard of it, gathered all his Forces, and marched them against this Mo­narch, and judged it was more convenient to [Page 181]meet the Persians, than to stay for them. This Battel was very bloody, the Field was cover'd with dead bodies of the one and the other par­ty, and the two Generals despaired both alike of victory, whil'st they fought for it. Not­withstanding the Egyptians were at last put to the flight, and forced to retreat to Memphis: but Cambyses fortunately took this Town, and Psemmenittus, and having lodged him in deri­sion in a Village, had a mind to try whether he could bear the disgrace. He was not content to have tryed it by this means, he sent his daughter in a Slaves habit, with the greatest Ladies of Egypt, to fetch water from a moun­tain from which she could not come back but must be seen of him, that his misery might be the more sensible to him. His daughter never came by him, but her sighs and lamentations were heard; her complaints never more were discerned, but when she was in his presence; thereby it was easily observed, that she suffered more for the Misfortune of her Father, than for her own; and that they proceeded more from her love, than from her weakness. Never­theless Psemmenitus did look upon that Misfor­tune without tears, he beheld without astonish­ment the captivity of his daughter, and the loss of his Kingdom; and kept the same counte­nance in Chains, as he had upon the Throne. [Page 182]His son quickly followed his daughter, accom­panied with above 2000 Egyptians of his age, loaden as he was with Bonds and Chains; and though he knew that they were all going to execution, he look'd upon this second triumph of his Enemy with as little trouble, as if he had been of that Countrey which Fables make mention of, where men are metamorphosed in­to stones: But having perceived one of his Favourites, who was forced to beg by these Wars, he began to beat his head mightily, after the manner of the Barbarians, to shew his grief and resentment. Cambyses hearing of it, and being surprized, said to him, I wonder that thy friends affliction, hath had power to fetch tears from thine eyes, and yet thou didst not so much as cast a sigh for those whom thou gavest being to.

Ah! Cambyses answered Plemmenittus, Do­mestick Crosses require no tears; great sorrows are alwayes kept in silence, because they are unspeak­able; and the heart will bleed with them, rather than sigh when it is pierced. But when I see in misery the greatest Confident of my Secrets and Fortunes, I have found that Pity had more force upon me, than Nature; and that men are more subject to resent their own Misfortune, than to condole it.

These words pleased Cambyses so much, that ever since he advanced Psemmenittus's person [Page 183]nearer and nearer to his, and gave command that his son should be reprieved from the Exe­cution to which he had been condemned with all the rest; but they brought him word that it was too late, and that he had been the first Victim. Psemmenittus's heart was so good, that after all this he entertained some hopes of the Crown again; and the truth is, he would not have been deceived, had not his plots been dis­covered by Cambyses, who could not suffer that a remnant of Ambition should make him his Rival, whom he had made his Captive, and so forced him to drink Bulls blood, of which he dyed immediately. Although the Emperor Valerian had gather'd together all the valiantest men of the West, of the North, and of the South, and had employed three quarters of the world to subdue the other. Sapor, King of Persia, brake his Forces, and used him with so much indignity, as if his intention had been to punish a rebellious Subject. As soon as he had taken him, he considered neither his old age, nor his condition; but made use of him in­stead of a stirrup to get on Horse-back; and took so much delight in trying his patience, that had his cruelty been less, his satisfaction would have seemed so too. Galian, Valerian's son, had the Empire in his power the mean while, and this ungrateful man, who was able [Page 184]to have put a million of men in the field for his fathers liberty, had so little resentment, that he did not stir in the least to redeem him from his Captivity: and so this unfortunate old man was the divertisement of his barbarous enemy to his dying day. Lewis the twelfth King of France, had no sooner Lewis Sforce, Duke of Milan, in his hands, as Paul Jovius relates it, but he caused him to dye in an iron Cage: And Pope Alexander the third, seeing Frederic the Emperor at his feet, who beg'd his son of him, who had been taken by the Venetian Armies, had upon his head these sacred words, (Thou shalt tread upon the heads of Serpents and Scor­pions) to authorize his unheard insolence. Tombejus, Sultan of Egypt, having after his de­feat been found hid in a marshy place up to his Neck amongst Reeds and Rushes, was carried as far as Grand Caire to Selim, who put him to the wrack, to force him to discover the treasures of his Predecessor Campson; and ha­ving for several dayes caused him to march through the Town upon an old Camel, with his hands tyed behind him, commanded that he should be hang'd in Chains, that he might be in derision to the Turks, and an example to all Egypt. Bajazeth, the first of that name, the fifth Emperor of the Turks, having notice that Tamerlane was bringing all his Forces against [Page 185]him, was obliged to raise the Siege of Constan­tinople, and to give him battel upon the Fron­tiers of Armenia, in the same place that Mithri­dates had been vanquisht by Pompey, Bajazeth lost there 200000 men, and he, his wife and children were taken by Tamerlane, who shut him up in an iron Cage, laden with Chains; and who to punish his pride and his crimes, had him seen in that manner in all Asia. To aggravate his Misfortune, he put him with his Dogs, and forced him to feed as they did, very much like those threescore and ten Kings, whose hands and feet had in time past been cut off by Adoni­bezeth, and who fed but of the scraps that were thrown under the Table; and every time he lookt upon him, continually uttered curses and reproaches against him. He strived ma­ny times to end his regret with his life, but he could not find a way for it; and it was to his sorrow, that he found that there was no greater torment in the world, than to live against ones will. Nevertheless a Slave having thrown a Fish-bone at him in derision, he sharpned it in such sort with his teeth, that he ran it into his throat, and dashed his head in pieces against the Bars of his Cage; after above twenty years that he had been in that condition, who would have thought that such a redoubtful Emperor should have been so miserable, and [Page 186]that the Ottomans glory should have been so long their shame? He had subdued the Triba­lians, taken Armenia, foiled Albania and Mace­donia, wasted all Phoeldus, and constrained the Emperor of Greece to send for assistance as far as France. All his Sieges had been as so many conquests of Cities, and his Combats, as so many Victories. For all that a Shepherd made him his Captive, and the fortune of this Monarch, who was sirnamed Hildrin; that is to say, Tem­pest, because of the quick execution of his enterprises, disappeared like a flash of light­ning; to shew us that things do not alwayes move in the same course; that appearances are deceitful; and that which is most beautiful, is not alwayes the most lasting.

CHAP. VII. Of some great Men who have chosen to dye, rather then suffer the Cruelty of their Enemies, or the regret of their Misfor­tunes.

WE may affirm with a famous Author, that the solemnities of Death, is more dreadful then Death it self, and that it is ne­ver more to be feared, then in the sighs of Friends and Relations, in mourning cloaths, in obsequies, and other accidents which it is fol­lowed by; and to speak the truth, it must be quite another thing then it is represented to us, since courage prefers it to the smallest affronts that are, that grief craves its assistance, that love despiseth it, that honor aspires to it, that fear avoids it, and that despair runs to it, a Man is dead already that feareth to dye; the thoughts we have of Death, is certainly the greatest Torment of it; and it is with as little reason that we look with fear upon its hideous representations, which are left to us by timerous persons, as Children do that are scared by stories, and imaginary creatures. Death, in regard of Life, is the same thing that darkness is to light; it is no more to be feared [Page 188]then the night time; and as it is as natural to us as our birth, and that we can go out of the World, with less trouble then we came into it; it is evident, that those who have been terrified by it, have cast their eyes no farther then its outward dress and appearances. We read in the Roman History, that the last words of Augustus, were a Compliment to Livia; that Galba died jesting and merry making; and that Septimus Severus waited for Death, with a resolution worthy of his Spirit and Courage; Amilion, being minded to gratifie Affrica, for the losses it had sustained, by the slowthful­ness of his Predecessor Maleas, fitted out a great Fleet to go into Sicilia, to make the Carthaginians names as famous there, as their Arms; They were no sooner landed, but a grievous Pestilence that came amongst them, forced them to Sea again, to return to Car­thage with as little success, as if they had no other design, but to view Sicilia, instead of conquering it. As soon as Million was come to the harbor, and had examined the number of so many brave Men, that died by this fa­tal and strange disease, he came forth before the people, cloathed in a mean garment, with a dejected face, with his Head bare, and in such a deplorable condition, that sighs and tears seemed to have been only the fruit of his Voyage. After he was conducted to his [Page 189]Palace, and that he saw himself alone, he took his Sword, and running it into his Body, shewed by that action, that he was not worthy of life, since the gods thought him unworthy of such a Conquest. Demosthenes, who from the stu­dy of Books, came to the exercise of Arms, appeared no less resolute then Million, and his Courage was as great as his Eloquence; one day being pursued by Acchias, who had been an actor, and who was at that time one of An­tipaters Captains, he was constrained to flye to the Isle Calavria, and to stay in the Temple of Neptune, to see if his Enemies should have the boldness to prophane it by a Sacriledge; Ar­chias endeavored to give him an assurance from all his fears, and did what lay in him, to perswade Demosthenes, that he had the pow­er to save his life; as well as he had the will to do it; but Demosthenes not stirring from the place, answered him, That as he had never been perswaded by Plays he acted, much less was he by his words and Protestations. He begg'd only a little time of him, to dispose of some affairs; and being left by himself, he took the Reed that he was wont to write withal, sucked the poison of it, and died immediate­ly, and would not suffer that it should be said, that he received a curtesie from a strangers hand, that he could not procure from his own. Quintus Cattillus, to avoid the cruel­ty [Page 190]of his Enemy Marius, commanded some quick Lime to be brought into his Chamber, and having kindled it, ran into it, and expired in a far greater Torment, then any other that could be prepared for him. Herminus the Sicilian, being made a Prisoner, for siding with Grachus against the Senate, chose rather to bruise his Head to pieces, then to have it struck off by an Executioner; and Cornelius a Consul, to prevent the insolence of his Ene­mies, caused his veins to be opened in Jupi­ters Temple, of which he was Priest. As soon as Paul Aemilius had vanquish't Demetri­us, who had assisted the Macedonians against the Romans; he sent him Captive to Rome, and the ill usage that he received there, was so sensible to him, that he thought he could not use his valor better, then against himself, nor shew no greater action, then to hinder the Romans by his Death, to dispose of his For­tune. Abraham, Son to Haly the Third, King of Marock, was found in a marvelous inquie­tude, as Leo of Affrica informs us; and his despair was no less remarkable then his For­tune. A Doctor, whose name was Elmahe­ly, having for a long time studied the ways to usurp the Crown, perswaded his disciple Habdul Numen, to run the same danger with him, telling him, that their enterprise might be as fortunate, as it was glorious; that all [Page 191]the Books together, were far inferiour to a Scepter, and that no less thing then a Kingdom was capable to satisfie their Courage and Am­bition. This Youth gave ear to him, promi­sed him all the assistance that lay in his power, and both together, began to dispose the Soul­diers and the Government of Towns, with so much industry, that they made them all ex­pect nothing but prosperity, from their In­dulgence and care of them; having gained them all, they attackt Abraham in the field, routed all his Chavalry, and put him to the flight, and besieged him afterwards so violent­ly in Marock, that the Inhabitants acquaint him, that all things threatneth and presseth him, and that it were better to abandon the Town, then to defend it. The King in a great surprise got on horse back in the night with his Wife, and so went and threw himself down a Precipice, to shew more boldness then his Subjects; and to intimate to them, that a King ought not, when prest by Fortune, to descend from the Throne by any other steps. By these means Habdel Numen was Crowned King, because Elmahely died immediately after he had been Crowned; and thus Three Kings Reigned in Marock, in less time then a week, the like of which, I do not find in any other History. In the Wars that Brutus had, after the death of Julius Caesar, having defended [Page 192]himself a good while from those that sought the revenge of that great Man; finding him­self without hope, after the loss of his grea­test Captains, killed himself with Stratons Sword, that he might not have the confusion to undergo the wrath or the clemency of Octa­vius and Anthonius. Cassius, who was of his Army, being of opinion that he had partly been the cause of the loss of the Battel, cau­sed one that he had given liberty to, whose name was Pindarus, to cut off his head; and thought that it would be more disgrace to be killed by his Enemies, then by one who had been his slave. Cato, to avoid Caesars power, opened his Breast with his Sword, and because the wound was not judged mortal, and that his Chirurgion sought to ease him, he tore his own Bowels, which came forth with so much resolution, that Caesar broke out into these words, I envy his death, since by it, he hath rob­ed me of the glory to preserve his life. Mithidrate, being no longer able to resist the Roman For­ces; and besides, seeing his own Son against him, sought in his sword, that which he could not find in poison; and shewed well enough, that Men do not want ways to dye, when they do not want Courage. Scipio, Father in Law to Pompey, and many others, have done the same, but this Pagans Virtue is a Crime with us, and if we consider rightly this action [Page 193]of theirs, we shall find less Generosity in it, than despair, that they have aspired to dye, when they could live no longer, and 'tis but little honor to go to it, when one is driven. 'Tis especially in this, that we must not mind Seneca, when he saith, that the Wise Man li­veth as long as 'tis convenient, and not as long as he can; that Fortune may take what Nature leaves; that the most pleasing Death is the best; that it matters not whether it cometh to us, or we run to it; and that it is as low a thing to beg it of any one, as to beg ones life, it is far better to think, that Ignorance featheth it, that Timerous­ness fleeth from it, that Folly seeks it, that Wisdom stayeth for it, and that fury and dispair rush into it.

CHAP. VIII. Of great Armies, which have been wor­sted by small ones.

XErxes King of Persia, Son to Darius the First of that name, and to Athossa Cirus's Daughter, had no sooner considered his For­ces, but he resolved to employ them for the Conquest of all the World; he thought it his best way to begin his enterprise, by the deso­lation of Greece; and though it was stored at that time, with experienced Commanders, it could not come into his mind, that the pro­digious number of his Men, which were able to cover that famous Kingdom, could be kept from usurping of it, and that right should not submit to his power. He had in his Land Army, seventeen hundred thousand Foot, and eighty thousand Horse; which number surprised him so much, that viewing it from the top of a Hill, he could not for­bear sheading many tears, knowing that a hun­dred years at most, should be the end of so many Mens lives. Although that number of Men were enough to terrifie the greatest hearts; Leonidas, with four hundred Lacede­monians, opposed his coming into Greece, by the narrow passage of Termopilus, and there [Page 195]shewed such great Marks of his Valor, that he killed at that time, above twenty thou­sand Men upon the place. Xerxes Naval Ar­my, was composed of one thousand two hun­dred and seven men of War, besides a great many other small Ships, which being num­bred with the other, made three thousand, which altogether, had on board of them above five hundred seventy thousand six hundred Men; and the Grecians Fleet was so little, that every one of their Ships was forced to fight a hundred. Nevertheless, they had in this occasion more courage then strength, and more good success, then hope their cou­rage was equalled by their policy; and in this occasion, a Man may count that a gene­rous resolution, which in any other, might have been termed a shameful temerity. They were not satisfied with defending themselves from their Enemies; they attackt them with so much constancy, that they set the Sea on fire, and dyed it with blood, and forced Xerxes to fly into Asia shamefully, as if their liberty had been but the smallest recompence of that Combat. The Lacedemonians since, by Pausamias his diligence, made an end of the Land Army, at Plateis Fight, by Ceres Temple; Mardonius who commanded it, was killed upon the place, with two hundred and eighty thousand Men; and of fifty thousand [Page 196] Greeks, there was but ninety one Lacedemoni­ans, fifty two Athenians, and eleven Tejeates mist; the same day they got a Victory over the Persians, killed Mardontes and Tigranes, took the City Micare from them, burnt or pillaged all their Ships, and cut in pieces the choisest Men of the valiantest Nation in the World. Alexander, was so fortunate in his Wars, a­gainst Darius, that with thirty six thousand Macedonians, he killed six hundred thousand Persians, in the first Battle; and that which seemeth incredible, is, That sixty thousand Foot, and ten thousand Horse, who were kil­led by the Greeks in the second Battle, by as little number as before, with forty thousand that were made Prisoners, made him Master of all Darius's Dominions. When King Ra­dagasus was drawn into Italy, by Rufins infide­lity, the Italians cut him in pieces, by Fisuls, with two hundred thousand Goths, under the command of Stilicon, who since that time fa­vored them, and who was the cause that the Empire suffered in all its Members, and that all its parts were markt with some blows or wounds. Eudon, Duke of Aquitaine, finding himself too weak for Charles Martell, applied to the Sarasins, who by their Conquest of Spain, and by the cruelties that they practised indifferently in all places, did cast a fear of themselves in all Forreign Nations; he won­dred [Page 197]himself, to see to the number of four hundred thousand of them, with their Wives and Children, and their Slaves; so that they seemed rather to come to make Colonies in France, then to assist him. Eudon, no sooner heard, that this Multitude of people, left nothing where they past, but ruinated places, and turned all into Desarts; and that they never marched out of any Town, until they had plundered it; but he made peace with Charles Martell; and though he had cal­led them to his assistance, the same fear that caused him, to send to them, obliged him to stop their passage, and to oppose their Arms, with more resolution than he proposed to to make use of them. This obstacle did not hinder them to march quite through Aquitaine, and Tours had doubtless been taken and de­stroyed, as well as Bourdeaux and Poictiers, if Charles Martell had not given them Battel. There were only fifteen hundred French kill'd, and three hundred fourscore and five thousand of their Enemies, remained upon the place; their Triumph was honored by the death of Abdicam, King of the Sarazins, and their mis­fortunes were hid a long while in the Tombs of those Infidels. But France hath felt Crosses, as well as Victories; it hath been a burning place for it self, as well as for its Usurpers, and hath not always been so fortunate, but it hath [Page 198]mourned often for its losses. When the Prince of Wales, called the Black Prince, who was at that time before Poictiers, had submit­ted in vain to all the honorable Conditions that could be, to return into England in peace, and found that he would at last be forced to fly with danger, or dye with honor; he turn­ed his patience into fury, and fought so va­liantly, that with two thousand men in Arms, and six thousand Archers, he destroyed all the French Army; and the number of his Priso­ners was as great again, as that of his Souldi­ers; took John King of France, and Philip his Son, and the most considerable Nobility of that Kingdom; and by a Miracle that's un­known to us, got a great reputation out of his despair. If we may believe the Histo­ry of the Indies, we shall find, that the Por­tugaise Ambition, hath had most commonly good success; That they have subdued Poten­tates by their Policy; That with two or three thousand Men, they have overcome a world of sighting Men; and that they have found ways to inslave Men, when they sought some, to secure themselves from them. Huniadus, and Matthias Corvin, got a greater Fame a­mongst the Turks, with their own presence, than by the number of their Souldiers; and hath not Scanderberg, with ten thousand Al­banians, worsted Armies of two hundred thou­sand [Page 199]Men, and constrained two of the grea­test Emperors of the Ottoman Race, to admire in him, that which they could not compre­hend? We have a multitude of examples up­on this subject; but we will make use of them for an other end, and it would be to no pur­pose, to prove a received truth. Every Man knows, that the greatest Parties are not al­ways the most fortunate; That Chance is in­separable from War; and that is the cause, that some of the Antients grounded in that opinion, sacrificed to Fortune before the Bat­tle. We must now consider, the Conque­rors ill fate, that there are fatal felicities, and dangerous Victories; that rest is the fore­runner of trouble and confusion; and that a Man may perish at that instant, he thinks him­self most secure.

CHAP. IX. Of those who have been vanquisht and slain by their Enemies, after they have had Victory over them.

AS Croesus one day was shewing his treasures to Solon, and asking him, Whether there were any man that durst to attack him, except he first renounced his Reason and Honour?

My Liege, answered Solon, of what value soever these things may be, don't doubt but another Prince may become Master of all this gold, if his Sword proves better metal than yours. Intimating to him by that, that Money, that is ordinarily called the sinews of War, might doubtless en­tertain it: but yet that the richest ought not to hope for the greatest advantage, and that Victories most commonly were won by con­rage and policy. Cyrus was so fortunate in all his Enterprizes, that he carried the Limits of his Empire as far as those of Jonia; he took Babylon, that was able to withstand all the World; and there was never a man before him that conquered so many Provinces and King­doms. He was in the same sentiment of a King of Lydia, that could not believe that a man might fall by his own Forces; he lookt upon [Page 201]his Conquests, as upon unperishable Goods; and could not imagine that a man that com­manded so many Nations, could be commanded by Fortune. To shew by evident proofs he turned his Arms against the Scythians, and mar­ched his Army against Queen Thomiris, who sent her son to meet him, and who rejoyced that he should signalize his youth and cou­rage, by the overthrow and ruine of this great Monarch. But Cyrus feigning to despair of the Victory by some appearances, seemed to be hotter to retreat, than to fight, as if his flight had been his onely hope; he left behind him great store of provision in his Tents, to busie his Enemies, by a policy which was so much the more fatal to them as it was unknown. There this imprudent youth, having found wherewithall to satisfie the greediness of his Soldiers, forbade them not the use of Wine, they drank till they had unman'd themselves: and Cyrus falling upon them in that condition, it was very easie to destroy them, for most of them were killed in their sleep; and their Prince was no sooner awaken'd by the Alarm, but he was massacred with his men. Thomiris, in lieu of sighs for the loss of her Son, and her Subjects, when she heard this news, took rather to vengeance than tears, she kept her resentment and policy in her breast; and to persuade Cyrus that the greatness of this wound [Page 202]had left her no wayes nor Forces to revenge herself, she fled amongst the mountains, there to practise by artifice, that which she durst not undertake by courage; and to try if Ambushes should be more prosperous to her than pitcht Battels. When she had drawn her Enemy in those Desarts, and put this great Army in a confusion, by the difficulty of the Passes, and the despair they were in ever to go through them, she attackt Cyrus with a marvellous reso­lution, slew 200000 Persians, and causing his Head to be cut off, threw it into a Vessel full of blood, with these reproachful words, Drink, drink at thy ease, cruel Tyrant, of a Liquor where­with thy mind could never be satiated; and since nothing could quench thy thirst but blood, at least drink thy fill after thy death, of that which thou hast been so greedy of during thy life. Thus a woman compast that which so many Kings had undertook to their ruine, or to their shame; thus resentment destroyed him that had esca­ped so many Battels and Conspirations: and thus the virtue of a desperate Queen triumphs over great Cyrus in the midst of his Victories. In the War that the Romans had against the Parthes, one may find a passage much like this, but because it is worthy of our Subject, it is re­quisite to give a short Relation of it, and to consider both the beginning and the issue of it.

After the Gaules were fallen to Caesar, Spain to Pompey, and Syria to Crassus; this last mana­ged his business so well, that he marcht with an Army as far as Mesopotamia, by the help of a Bridge that he built over Euphrates, and there it was that he proposed to extend his Conquests as far as Bactria, in the Indies, and the Ocean on the East; and that the Victories of Lucul­lus against Tigranus, and of Pompey against Mi­thridates, were much less than those which flat­tered his ambition and his hope. Hyrodus, King of the Parthes, knew no sooner of his com­ing, but he dispatcht Ambassadors to him, to acquaint him, That he refused his friendship, and the Romans alliance, if any private War was the end of his coming; but as if it had been as easie to him to conquer them, as to speak to them; and that he had been as successful a Commander, as he was a good Orator. He replyed in derision, That he would give them Audience in the City of Celu­cia. Artabasus, King of Armenia, to favour Crassus's enterprize, came immediately to meet him with 6000 Horse of his Guard, promis'd him 10000 more, besides 30000 Foot that were alwayes in Pay, and offer'd him free pas­sage through his Countrey. But Crassus chose rather to go by Mesopotamia, and take to the Romans again, with whom he had rather con­fide as Domesticks, than with Foreign Forces. As soon as he began to pass his Army over the [Page 204]Bridge that he had made over Euphrates, there were heard dreadful Thundrings, and out of a black Cloud there came forth a Hurricane, with two Thunderbolts, which overthrew half of his Bridge; this Prodigy was accompanied by many others, which could not moderate his Ambition, and which were not capable to relent his courage. One of his Horses that was richly accoutred leapt into the River with his Rider; and the first Eagle that was taken up before the Army in order to its marching, turned back of its own accord, at the sight and astonishment of the whole Army. As the Priest had done offering of Sacrifices, and that he gave the in­trals to Crassus to hold, they fell from his hands; and although they had distributed to his Soldi­ers with their Ammunition Bread, some Salt, and by chance, which was apprehended by them to be a presage of mourning and death, and that his son was fallen upon him in coming out of the goddess Temple of Hierapolis, and that other signs had forewarned him of his disaster, yet his experience had more power to persuade him than all the Predictions; and his Superstition was not so great as his Vanity. At that same time, an Officer of Arabia, named A­riamnus, who in time past had received great favours of Pompey, profer'd himself to guide Crassus, and to draw him into the field, persuades him that Hirodus would never come in person, [Page 205]and that he would only have to do with his Lieutenant Surenna, that the Scythians had ta­ken their Goods with them already, and were fled into the Wilderness, and no Arms to resist him; and to conclude, that he could not so long defer a Battel, without danger of losing it. Ariamnus, who was set on by the Parthes, and who was not suspected by Crassus, easily leads him off from the River side, and brought him into a sandy Plain, and so left him in a place where Nature hath alwayes been barren, and in a Countrey so hot, that those that are forced to go through it, are equally scorched by the Sun, and by the Earth. Crassus in this confusion, ha­ving discovered his Enemies, brought up his Army in Battalia, opened his Ranks, on purpose to fill more ground, and to prevent the Parthes from encompassing him, put his Cavalry upon the right and left Wing: but bethinking himself, he changed his opinion; for he closed his Infantry again, and made them face every way, and so gave one Wing to Cassius to com­mand, and the other to his son, after he had re­presented to them, that from this Victory de­pended the Fortune of a Friend, the Safety of a Father, and the Honour of the Republick. Crassus had no sooner given order to fall upon those Barbarians, but his son Publius Crassus, with a 1000 Horse, and 800 Foot, put them to flight; the Gaules that he brought himself to his [Page 206]Father, by Caesar's appointment, were not at all daunted, neither by the weight of their Ene­mies great Arms, nor by the number of their Drums covered round with small Bells, whose dumb noise, to make use of Plutarch's words, imitates that of Thunder, and seemeth to be mixt with the roaring of wild Beasts. Then it was that the Parthes were worsted, and that the Romans began to think that their Generals took the wisest course, to expect from their care and generosity. that which he could not expect from the Magicians, and from the Victims. Pub­lius Crassus having nothing else to do, but to pursue them that fled, followed them very far; but whether it was out of despair, or by poli­cy, they scattered their Horses in disorder, and by this means raised out of several heaps of sand, such a thick dust, that the Romans could neither speak, nor know one another: this ob­liged them to close together; but the Parthes made so good use of this Adventure, that they shot most part of their Arrows at them, and left them neither the courage to attack them, nor power to defend themselves. Notwithstand­ing Publius Crassus excited his men by his acti­ons, and by his words: but those that were wounded, when they went to stir upon the sand, brake the Arrows heads in their Bodies, and made their wounds the bigger, thinking to [Page 207]pull them out of their veins; some others shewed him their hands fastened to their shields with darts through them, and their feet to the ground in like manner, to let him see that it was not in their power either to flie or fight. Publius Crassus who was wounded himself, was counselled to retire in a Town called Ishness; but he replied, That he ought rather to meet death, than to leave so many men that received it for him. And to give a proof of what he said, he commanded his Gentleman of Arms to kill him immediately with his own Sword, because this wound did not permit him to do t [...] of­fice upon himself, he being disabled. The most considerable of his Army had generosity e­nough to imitate him, and not to survive his Misfortune; they killed themselves, or caused themselves to be killed, as he had done: and let Surena see, that amongst all Nations, the Romans alone never were buried, but they left some Epitaphs for their glory over their Tombs. The head of that great man was carried about the Camp, which did so discourage the rest that were left alive, that Fear froze their Blood, as soon as they saw that of their Captain. Be not daunted at that Friends, said Crassus, seeing that sad spectacle; and thinking to encourage them by his words, This accident, said he, is more sen­sible to me, than to all of you; but men must sub­mit to evil Fortune, when it is a presage of good, [Page 208]and the cause of our happiness: Know you not, that those that aspire to great things, must be re­solved to great losses? I have not begot my son for my self, but for the good of the Republick; he is dead in a generous Combat for it, and you ought to imitate what you have admired in him. Just now revenge your selves with me, of those that have de­prived you of a Captain, in depriving me of a Son; and remember that it hath cost Scipio and Lucul­lus some blood, to overcome Antiochus and Ti­granus; that our Fathers have lost a thousand ships at several times, to assure their Conquest of Sicilia to themselves; that the new wounds that we have received in Italy, have healed others which were more dangerous: and to conclude, that Fortune hath not been so favourable to us, as our Constancy. This Discourse was without effect; and though Crassus resisted the Parthes, and en­deavoured at last to save the Romans that re­mained, by retreating; Surena cut in pieces 20000 of his men, took 10000 Prisoners, sent Crassus's head and his hands to Hirodus, who at that time had War with the Armenians, to re­venge himself for the help and passage which they had offered to his Enemies; and at last shewed by experience, that a man may be vi­ctorious in Misfortune, and that Fear does arm men sometimes as successfully as courage. Pro­copius writes in his History, That Mondus being commanded to go into Italy, to repulse the [Page 209] Goths, heard almost at the same time, that his son Maurice, who was then at Salones, had de­feated them; and that his greatest business was to celebrate his sons victory, without seeking it himself. But he was informed also, that as his son was gone to meet them, rather to spy, than to fight them, that he grew so hot in some skir­mish, that he had endangered the victory which he had got, at the loss of his blood, and that he was killed, after he had made sure the li­berty of the Empire. At this news, Mondus, to revenge his sons death, ran furiously after them that were fled, charged and cut them in pieces: but a certain Soldier facing about, kil­led him with the first dart he shot at him. This Adventure was miraculous in some regard, be­cause the Romans remembring certain Verses of a Sybil woman, who prophesied that Africa should be subdued, when the world and his seed should perish, found it true in effect. A Monk whose name was Bejezid, having by his elo­quence drawn after him 40000 men, attackt Mahdy, Prince of Numedia, and chief Priest, so desperately, that he made him flee for refuge in­to a Town that he had built upon the Mediter­ranean Sea, because he found no other that could secure him from the rage of his Enemy. But having received 30 men of War from a Mahometan, he sailed against them that had [Page 210]vanquisht him, killed Bejezid and his son, and then returned to Cairarem, made himself more absolute, but less Tyrant than he was before, and maintained himself with so much good success, that his Subjects got an habit to love and fear him. When James the fourth, King of Scotland, wasted England with an Army of 60000 men, and that he found no man that op­posed his progress, he charged some English men, which necessity obliged to defend them­selves, and making slight of them, because they were not considerable by their number, he was kill'd upon the place, pursuing the reliques of his victory. Gaston, Duke of Nemours, had the same Misfortune at the Raven Fight, for not being content to have worsted his Enemies as he desired, this great Prince, who had subdu­ed all Italy in less than three Months, and who had made himself famous in an Age in which others were hardly known, dyed with a wound that he had received by some unfortunate men, with a Pike, who thought more to preserve their lives by their flight, than to defend it by their Arms. Our Modern Histories are fuller of such examples, than Ancient ones; but my design is not to describe what we see every day, it is enough that I have shewed that nothing hapneth to us, but what hath hapned to those Ages that have preceded ours; that many things [Page 211]have never been raised higher than after their fall; that the vanquisht have often triumpht by their losses; and that it is no new thing to see a happy end follow despair.

CHAP. X. Of those who have been killed by their Allies, Subjects, Soldiers, and Rela­tions.

I Have shewn hitherto, That Riches, King­doms, Towns, and Armies, have not been able to resist Fortune, and how she hath raised Enemies to those who seemed to have no cause to fear them; now I must shew that she is of all Parties, that she is born in an Allies Countrey, as well as in the Enemies; that she is concerned in Friendships, as well as in Broils and Hatred.

Agastocles, King of Cicilia, after he had van­quisht the Carthaginians at Zaphones in Numedia, took a resolution to besiege Carthage; but knowing that his Forces alone would not suf­fice to execute such a great Enterprize, he desi­red Ophelas, Prince of Cyrena, to join with him in that War, and to facilize to him the prize of that Town by his assistance. And to oblige him to help him in this occasion, he protested [Page 212]to him, that he had no other end in it, than to secure his Dominions, and promised him to let him keep all that they should conquer together in Lybia. Ophelas, overjoyed of his demands, and his promises, came to him with 10000 Foot, and 6000 Horse, and besides that got some aid from the Athenians, in the hopes they were in to have their Dominions reach as far as Africa. Agathocles received him with joy, and shewed him the resentment he had for all his toyls, and for the resolution he had taken to help him against barbarous men, who could not live in peace, neither amongst themselves, nor with their Neighbors, and who interrupted all peoples rest, by their deceit, or by their Arms: But this Alliance did not last very long, and this dissembling man was not long before he discover'd his perfidy. As Ophelas had sent part of his Cavalry for Provender, trusting more to his Friends Forces, than to his own, and that he sought only his satisfaction, Agatho­cles brought up his men together, told them that Ophelas had designed to betray and ruine them, and persuaded them to that imposture, by so many deceits, that these men in a rage fell upon the Cyrenians Camp plundered the rich­est things, and massacred Ophelas, with all those that made resistance. Thus this Prince was unhappy, because he had been credulous, [Page 213]and this Traytor, who drew him in his Army; but to find an opportunity to destroy him, made use of the most horrible, because he wanted all others to be rid of him.

When the Carthaginians saw that Attilius Regulus, General of the Roman Forces, had ta­ken Clypea, which is the first Town that he found upon the Coast of Africa, that he had demolisht above Three hundred of their Ca­stles, and that he had sent to Rome a Fleet loa­den with Plunder, and with the ornaments of a Triumph, they dispatcht Ambassadors to the Lacedemonians, to entreat them not to suffer their liberty to be usurped by Tyrants, who did not so much regard the enlargement of their Empire, as the ruine of others; and who shewed less earnestness to increase their repu­tation, than to practise their cruelty. The La­cedemonians sent them with the assistance that they demanded, a Captain named Xantichus, and this man employed himself so well for the Carthaginians happiness, that he routed the Romans in the first Battel, took Attilius Regu­lus, and left his life at the choice of them whom he thought himself Arbitrator of. The Lybians shewing in all appearances to be as much satisfied as they could wish, received at that instant Xantichus, with a thousand Acclamations and Praises, called him many [Page 214]times their Father and Protector, shed many tears at his departure, and sent him away loa­den with Presents, yet more worthy of their acknowledgments, than of his courage. What satisfaction did he not receive, to carry himself in his native Countrey, the news of his own Victory? But with what horror was he not seized, when the Carthaginians having brought him part of his way, paid his Generosity with an unparallel'd Ingratitude? These barbarous men, thinking to rob him of the glory which he proposed to himself, thought themselves obliged to rob him of his life, and so they murthered him, to persuade their enemies, that their happiness did not consist in the help of the Lacedemonians: and as if he had not meri­ted a burying place, nor their compassion, they threw him into the Sea out of jealousie, and did not so much as bestow a Tomb on him that deserved Statues. But which way could he prevent their captious Humors, and their Rage? Was it likely that he should have been the Victim of those whom he had rescued from the Sacaifice? That his Creatures should have been his Murtherers? And that he should have instructed those whose deliverance he had wrought? Reason indeed may prevent many Crosses, but a Traytor surprizeth so, that his first blow is a deaths wound.

It is no wonder when Malefactors receive the punishment that's due to their Crimes, nor that Justice should make them suffer that which their Cruelty makes others suffer; but it is an insupportable thing, that Virtue should be used like Vice; that Innocence should be in danger, where it should be most secure; and that the Insolence of Subjects should climb so high as the Thrones of their Princes. For all that we find, that Kings are in no more safety amongst them, than amongst their Enemies; Rebels at home make them tremble, as well as those abroad; and the Ambition of these is not so dangerous, as the Tumult and Insur­rection of the other. Diodorus, in his first History of Antiquities, makes it plain enough to us by the example of an Egyptian King, cal­led Aprius, who having successfully made War by Sea and Land against the Syrians and Phoenicians, forced Sodom to yield to his power, and returned home so glorious, that it seemed that all his desires had attained their period, and that his felicities extended themselves even beyond his hopes. Notwithstanding ha­ving sent his Army against the Barcians and the Cyrenians, and that it had been for the most part destroyed; those that were left, said openly, That they would respect neither his dig­nity nor his person; and that they were not obli­ged [Page 216]to obey him, who had sacrificed so many men to his ambition, or his quarrel. To appease them, he sent the most Renowned Man of Egypt to them, called Amasis, and did not doubt but his Eloquence, and his Authority, should prove stronger than their Resolution and Ha­tred. Amasis, far from casting into their hearts an impression of love and obedience, inflamed into them a fire which before began but to kindle, made the most faithful turn Rebels, ac­cused Aprius of Tyranny, and gained them so well by his dissimulations and flatteries, that they presented him the Sceptre sooner than he required it of them. He made use of this advantage, and of their Arms against Aprius, fights him, and takes him Prisoner; and that he might with the more safety go up the Throne, he made him the horror of his peo­ple, after he had been their admiration. Hugo, Duke of Pavernia, having not been able to re­sist his Enemy, was put to the same death by his men. And we read that Hannibal the first of that name, having not been successful in some Sea Combats, was Crucified by the Carthagini­ans, and that he found no favor with them, ha­ving not found Victory with others when he sought it. Agis, the last King of the Lacede­monians, was reduced to the same Misfortune by the sentence of the Ephorites; and as the Exe­cutioner [Page 217]led him to the place of Execution, he lamented him, but he with a great deal of con­stancy comforted him by these words:

Friend, do not mourn for my Sufferings, since I am better than those that have condemned me, my condition is better without doubt; mourn rather for them that survive me: for where a King dyeth innocently, all the people ought to fear.

Miltiades, who was chosen Commander by the Athenians, by the answer that the Oracle gave, as they were in doubt who they should send to Chersones, was no better recompen­sed for his labour: and here is the manner how he was Prisoner of those whose liberty he assured. When Darius was repassing from Europe into Asia, he was counselled to take Greece into his possession, because that by the Athenians help, the Jodonians had taken Sar­dis, and put to the Sword all the Garison; and in that resentment he armed a Fleet of Five hundred Gallies. His Lieutenants Ataphernes and Datis, discovered in a short time Eubosea, won Eretrea, entred into the Land of Attikus, and encamped in the Plain of Marrathon, fif­teen miles from Athens. The Athenians sur­prized to have Ten thousand Horse against them, and Two hundred thousand Foot, beg­ged assistance from the Lacedemonians with all speed, and in the mean time chose ten Offi­cers [Page 218]to command those Troops they might have, of which Miltiades was judged the most judicious, and the most considerable. He en­camped in a very advantagious place; he set his Army at the bottom of an Hill which they had in flank, cut down many Trees which he laid in the wayes, to prevent the Enemies Horses from inclosing him, and attacked them so fortunately, that with Ten thousand Greeks, he slew, as some report, above Two hundred thousand Persians which were found upon the place. The Athenians, after this important victory, contented themselves to have his Picture drawn over that little Gate of their City called Pacilus, though since that time they have erected Three hundred Statues to Deme­trius, when they were become more potent, and let themselves be corrupted by the profu­sion of those which bought Offices; and thought that it was acknowledgment enough for the obligation they owed him, to let him know that the people should preserve the memory of it. And not to let his experience be unactive, they gave him Threescore and ten Gallies, to punish the Islands unkindness, which had assisted the Persians against them; and his Voyage was so prosperous, that he re­duced them to their first obedience, either by summoning of them, or by the force of his [Page 219]Arms. But when he came to Parr, and found there some resistance, he Landed his Men, made Trenches round the Town, to make the Besieged lose the hope of getting any Am­munition, or Provisions; and by the help of their Bucklers and Targets, got as near the wall as it was possible. When he was ready to assault the Town, by a strange Misfortune the Fire took in a small Wood in the night, so that it was easily discovered by those that were in the Isle; and because the men within and without, apprehended that it was the signal of the Persians coming to the assistance of the Be­sieged, Miltiades finding himself too weak, failed immediately for Athens, and found it better to raise the Siege without any loss, than to hazard without reason the good and the glory of all Greece; the wounds that he had received, did not permit him to come so far as the Town, to justifie himself of the Ac­cusation that was laid to his Charge, but his brother Stesagora pleaded his Cause with all his power.

For all that, the Athenians fined him thir­ty thousand pounds, and caused him to ex­pire in publick Prisons, with as little mercy, as if he had employed to the ruine of his Country, those Arms which he had employ­ed to its preservation; not that he was guil­ty [Page 220]of the Treason wherewith he was accused, not that he had been gained by Money, as they would have perswaded him, nor that he had not kept in these Wars, the fidelity that he shewed in all others, but because Pisitratus had disturbed all their affairs some time be­fore, that they suspected all those who were in power, and that Miltiades was of the num­ber, they thought it was better to destroy, then to fear him, and considered no otherways the mischief he might do, then by the good he had done them. Athleta, King of Ephesus, having been restored to his Kingdom by that peace he made with Cassander, was killed by his Subject, with two of his Children; and as Hieronimus King of the Siracuse, after the death of Hiero his Father, did expect to suc­ceed him, he was massacred by those that would not obey him, and by an unheard cru­elty, his Daughter Demaratha, was tore limb from limb in a Temple, when they did neither respect her youth, her beauty, the gods, nor her innocence. The King of Pouillia, Mem­phray, had no better fortune than all these, though he was neither more Politick, nor more Tyrant, and that his people had rendred him till that time, all the marks of love and obe­dience; and the last King of Acles, by the sedition of his, left his Head upon a Scaffold, [Page 221]for no other cause, but to have given a box on the ear to a Bishop.

Of all the examples that we have of Prin­ces, that have been killed by their Souldiers, I do not find any more remarkable, nor more strange, then that which Leon of Asirica re­lates. Joseph, King of Fez, saith he, of the Race of Monsor, raised a potent Army, to be­siege the Town of Telusin, and grew so obstinate, that he staid seven years before it, whatsoever in­vention he could use to surprise it, or to force it; at last the Besieged, seeing themselves reduced to all extremities, they petitioned their King Abut­tesim, who was in that Town, that they had done and endured all they could, to shew him their obe­dience, and that their constancy was firm still in their misfortune; but that Famine which oppres­sed them, took away from them all possibility of serving of him any longer, and that their fide­lity could not be termed, but a virtuous possibility. Abuttessim, shewing that he had suffered as much as them, without murmuring, protested. That he would expose to them his body; if it would satis­fie the hunger of the least of his Citizens, and begged of them with so much earnestness, to fight for their liberty, That they resolved all to dye under his conduct. As they purposed to make a Sally the next day, they heard at the same time, that Joseph had been slain by one of his domes­tick [Page 222]servants, because he had not taken Abutel­lim sooner; this news gave them so much cou­rage, that they fell immediately upon their Ene­mies, over which they got a great Victory.

Amilcar, the Carthaginians General, was killed in the night by a Gaulish man, though Plutarch maketh him expire, in a Combat against the Vetheons in Spaine. Aurclian re­ceived the same usage in the Olerians Wares. Galerius and Valerius were slain by their Cap­tains; Galba, Aeliogabalus, Macrin, and Seve­rus, by their Souldiers; and Pertinax by his Guards. Onochus, King of the Anianians, was stoned to death by his Men: L. Siccius was killed in the Sabians Wars, by his Souldiers. Amon, Manasses Son, and Joas, Kings of Juda, perished by the rage of her Subjects; and that valiant Timothey, who had subdued the Olinthi­ans, and the Bizantins, and Domitian, by that of their Domesticks. Virakus, King of the Lusitanians, was poisoned by one of his Sub­jects; Julius Maximinus, the twenty sixth Em­peror of the Romans, was killed by his Soul­diers, with his Son, who was but a Child; their bodies were cast into the River, and the youth of the one, nor the old age of the other, could not preserve them from the insolence of those Traitors. Many others who have been [Page 223]used after the same manner, amongst the Greeks, and the Romans, discovereth enough, That the dangers whereunto great Men are lyable, are hid most commonly in thir own Forces; and that Seneca had reason to say, That whosoe­ver despiseth his own life, doth command that of a Prince. But as if Fortune had thought it but a small matter, to cause Rebellions of Subjects against Kings, of Servants against their Ma­sters, and of Souldiers against their Comman­ders; it hath besides, made use of Brothers against Brothers, and of Fathers against Chil­dren; insomuch, that life seems as much to be in danger, by those who bestowed it, as by those who are bound to defend it. When Ja­sius, Son to Camblobascon, and to Electa, Daugh­ter to Atlas, was created Patriarck of Tosca­ny, and that he had succeeded to Belgius the Fourteenth King of Gaules, being his nearest Kinsman, he Married Iphitis, and his weding, according to Diodorus, was the first that was celebrated upon earth. After his Fathers death, he became King of Italy, and grew so potent, that it was enough to be considered by him, to become so too; his glory for all that, rai­sed him Enemies in his own Dominions, his Brother Dardanis troubled his rest by Civil Wars, that were long and cruel; and because he could not disposess him by his Arms, he [Page 224]strived to destroy him by Treason; after he had long spied an occasion, he found him a Bathing near Viterba, and slew him, not consi­dering that he was his Brother and his King, and retired instantly in his Ships, that he had pre­pared for his flight, tainted with Blood; and all in amase of his Crime, every Man knows that Romulus served Remus his Brother so, that Tiphon stained his Arms with the blood of Osi­tis, and that long since the Ottomans Reign, over their Brothers Tomb. A King of Persia was poisoned by his own Sister; and the great Admiral of Cicilia Major, was Murthered by his Father in Law. Euridice, Mother to A­lexander, Philip of Macedonias Brother, Impri­soned her Son, and made him away by such a secret death, and so hidden, that it hath not been in the power of the most inquisitive to discover it. Herod slew his Children; Man­lius Torquatus having forbidden his Son to fight with the Lattins, for all he worsted them, he caused him to be put to death, because he had preferred Victory to Obedience. Brutus have­ing summoned twice his two Sons, Titus and Valerius, to their own defence, from those who accused them, to have taken the Tarquins party, and having no answer from them, com­manded the Hangman to pull off their Robes from them, and whip them bloodily, and then [Page 225]to cut off their Heads in his presence; in which action, it is unpossible to blame, or to praise him too much, saith Plutarch, because upon that occasion, he acted either by an excess of Cruelty, or by an excess of Vertue. Nero caused Britanicus to be poisoned, killed his Wife with a kick; caused Agripine to be stabed, who at first had preferred his greatness to her own life, and without being touched with the hor­ror of that action, only said, seeing her, That he did not think he had so beautiful a Mother. An­thonia was poisoned by Caligula her grand­son; one of the Horaces run his Sword into his Sisters brest, because she had not high thoughts enough of her Countrey; and Com­modus put his to death, after he had exi­led her; Medea cut her Son in pieces; Autho­nia killed his Brother Geta, in his Mothers Arms; Livia was suspected with reason, to have poisoned the Emperor Augustus her Hus­band; and Claudius found some satisfaction in his shame, to have murthered his Wife; Au­dius having met with his Son, suspected to have been concerned in Catalins Conspirati­on, ran him through with his Sword, with these words: I have not begot thee for Catalina, thou wicked wretch, but for thy City; and Histo­ry will have it, That Philip the Second, King of Spain, slew his Son, rather to clear himself of his doubts, then to exercise his justice. Ninus, [Page 226]killed his Mother Seminamis; and that jealous Antipater, Massacred his, because she shew­ed less love for him, then for Alexander; He­rodus King of the Parthians, was murthered by his Son Praartes; Timophanus, a Chorian Cap­tain, by his Brother Timolean; Xantius, Prince of the Licians, by his Son Lucipus; Ismael King of Persia, by his Wife; Ʋrialus, by his Brother Ʋlice; and Moninus, Queen of Pontus, by the command of her Husband Mithridatus. If we look in the Scriptures, we shall find there Abel slain by his Brother Cain. Adramelech, and Sarracher, cutting Senacherib, their Fa­thers Throat, King of the Assirians; Absalon, who makes his Brother Ammon expire, by his servants Sword, to revenge the Incest com­mitted upon his Sister Thamar; Abimelech, who butchered his threescore and ten Brothers; and many others, who are notable but by their paricides; but it is to insist too much upon a shameful subject, we will look upon the tears that Princes have shed with less horror, then the blood they have spilt; and we will have more satisfaction to describe their Misfortunes, then their Crimes.

CHAP. I. Of Princes who have been reduced to a Shameful Poverty.

THat Man that affirmed, that it was as facile to suffer Poverty for a long time, as to make tri­al of it but once, said more then he would have been willing to prove; and the riches that he acquired under [Page 228]his Emperor whom he Governed, were suffici­ent witnesses, that he had only the Theorick of a Virtue, which he feared to practice. Those that are born in Poverty, seem to be forced in some measure to live in it; they do not en­dure it so much out of courage, as out of cu­stom; and although they appear always with the same countenance, it is certain, that their constancy is but a superficial Virtue, and that they make in themselves imprecations against those misfortunes, which they consider as upon Theatres. But to see Princes redu­ced to the last extremity; to hear at our doors, those that were heard only upon the Throne, and to give an Alms to them who have been Lawgivers; 'tis a thing, that's doubtless as strange, as it is incredible, and which is as hard to apprehend, as it is to bear. If Men had not a certain faith in Historians who should be­lieve, that in so small a time, Fortune should have caused Denys, to change his profession and humor? That of King of Syracuse, he be­came school Master, and of an Usher, a player of the Cymbals; and that to get a bit of bread, he was forced to become a laughing-stock to those, who before sighed under his Tyranny. With what shame did not Lewis Duke of An­jou, an adopted Son to Jean Queen of Hun­garia, see himself banisht from Naples; but ra­ther with what patience could he suffer his [Page 229]disgrace, which was so great, that he saw him­self forced to sell all that he had, to buy Bread for his sustenance? and if he had been without a coat of oiled cloth, when he died in Pavillia, he had left no other Arms after him, but the memory of his poverty. The Emperor Charles le Gross, was so unfortunate, that he had not often wherewithal to satisfie his hunger; and although he requested the Emperor Arnulph, to allow him some yearly Revenue, that might at least be capable to maintain him; he saw himself always in the same condition and want, and at last was bu­ried with as little tendance, or pomp, as if he had been one of the least Citizens of Con­stance. We have seen in the Third Chapter of the Second Book, how necessity constrai­ned Cinelius, Duke of the Equosians, to serve in the meanest manner, a Consul that had ta­ken him prisoner: and in the same place we read, how one of Perseus's Son, became Gold­smith at Rome, and the other a Blacksmith in Cicilia, out of opinion, that it was better to gain their livelihood, then to beg for it. Fer­dinand, Son to John the Tenth, King of Por­tugal, having been taken by the Moors, in a Battle that his Father lost, was reduced to turn a Mill, to get some Bread to live, and that's the reason that the Portugaise had him in such a great veneration, that they have held him for [Page 230]a Saint, and counted his labor a Martyr­dome.

Mafeus relates a strange fortune, of Manu­el of Souse, Surnamed Sepulvede, Governor of the Citadel of God for the King of Portu­gal. After he had been happy for a long while in the East Indies, he came to Cochin, which is not very far from Calicut, at which place he imbarked, in the year one thousand five hun­dred fifty three, in January, in a goodly Ship, loaden with five hundred Passengers, and all the Riches that were capable to content Ava­rice it self; his design had not all the good success he expected; his Wife, his Children, his Servants, and his Slaves, ran the same dan­ger, his Ship was cast away upon the Coasts of Ethiopia, and the Sea spared none, but those that leapt in it half naked, and who were resolute enough, to try how far their desti­ny would guide and assist them. Eleanor, Manuels Wife, Daughter to the Viceroy in the Indies, for the King of Portugal, resisted as well as she could, those that would have strip­ed her, after they had served her Children so in her sight, and her Husband; but her re­sistance was in vain, and her weakness did not permit her to rob their sights of the Riches that nature had bestowed upon her. But to be hid to her own eyes, she covered her self with Sand, and made a vail of her long hair, [Page 231]that she might look upon her self without shame; she charged her Servants to provide for themselves, as well as they could; and for her part she did nothing but mourn and weep for her Children, who were by her, whom hunger had deprived of strength. Manuel was a long while between amasement and hor­ror for this adventure, and came to himself no other ways, then if he had recovered from a precipice, or had been thunder strucken. Af­ter he had recalled his sences, less wandring in apparence then lost, and that he had seen his Wife and Children in so lamentable a con­dition, he strived to run in a Forest that was by, there to seek some Food; but all that he could do, was to crawl thither, but his strength did in no ways answer his earnestness; he was no sooner returned, but he found his youngest Child dead, and his Wife extream weak, ha­ving fasted three whole days; he buried his Child himself, and if the Reader hath one, he may judge with what regret a Man can loose a Child in that manner. The next day he went in the Forest again, but when he returned to vi­sit his wife and other child, he found them dead at the feet of some servant Maids, who tore their hair from their heads, and who could not have wept more, though they could have restored them to life again by their tears. He paid his last duties to them both, and hid his [Page 232]Wife and Child in the Sand, and returned in the Forest, to supply his extream hunger; but he supplied that of wild beasts, and had no other grave, but their bellies.

Nonomus, King of the Parthians, being ex­pelled out of his Kingdome by his Subjects, took with him all the finest and richest things he had, that he might subsist among his ene­mies, whom his misfortune obliged him to live with; as David, who had sheltred him­self with Agis; Alcibades, and Themistocles with the Persians, and Coriolan with the Volques; but the Emperor Tiberius, took from him his Treasure a while after by his avarice; so that he was forced to beg a long while, in the City of Antioche, and to receive Alms with the same hand, that he bore a Scepter.

Belizaire, Lieutenant General of Justini­ans Army, having lost, with his Masters fa­vor, the hope of ever getting it again, found no better friends, then those that gave him Meat to eat, and this great Commander, who triumpht twice over the Persians and Vandals, after the Romans old custom, was glad to re­ceive Charities from those whose support and refuge he had been.

Chrestierne, King of Denmarc, died in the service of the Emperor Charles the Fifth, be­ing only one of his Gentlemen, as Munster relates, but an other informs us, that he fled [Page 233]into Zealand with his Wife, fearing to be punisht for his Cruelties, and there ended his days so miserably, that he had nothing to op­pose but hunger; which he suffered to the last minute of his life.

Although Epaminondas, not regarding the Money, that the Philosopher Theanor brought him, from the Pythagorians his companions, for his having celebrated Lysis Funeral with much ceremony; answered him, That there were Men in Thebes, that knew how to use Po­verty, as well as his companions knew how to use their Riches, and that he made a Vertue of his necessity. Yet the Historians have pitied him, because that after Mantineas's Fight, the The­bians buried him at the peoples charge, and that there was not found in his House, where­with to bear the least charge of his burial; and Menenius Agrippa was buried likewise.

A Bishop of Ʋpsalle in Gothia, died at the Hospital, in the time of Paul the Third, Pope of Rome.

Phillip of Comines, saith, That he hath seen a Duke of Lancaster, who Married Edwards Sister, King of England, that ran bare foot af­ter the Retinue of the Duke of Bourgogne, though there had been seven or eight gret bat­tels, between his House, and that of York, in which were killed above threescore Prin­ces.

Many great Men, as Aristede, Manius Curius, and Cajus Fabricius, have not been more happy, or to say better, have not been richer; but it was not their sloth so much as their Vertue; and theirs was not a forced Poverty, but volun­tary; They thought it better to live in it, then to fear it; that Wise Men had no need of Riches, no more then a healthful Man of Medicines; and that there was no difference between pos­sessing all things, and desiring nothing; that's the cause, that Crates threw his Money in the Sea, by the Councel of Diogenes, that Zeno­cratus refused the thirty Talents of Gold, which Alexander sent him, and that Democri­tus, (who was since imitated by that Roman Philosopher Sextus) was almost of the same mind, because they esteemed moderation a­bove opulence, and that it was more glori­ous to neglect the gifts of fortune, than to fol­low after them.

CHAP. II. Of those that have been Fortunate.

THere's no Glory that can equalize that of Alexander, if he was great in his en­terprises, he was no less great in his Conquests; and if he drew some advantages from his For­tune, he drew no less from his Birth; Phillip's side, King of Macedonia, his Father; he descen­ded from Hercules by Caranus; and of his Mo­thers side, he sprung from the Blood of the Aeacides, by Neoptolemus: several presages fore­told his Victories, and his greatness was pro­claimed, even before he came into the World. Olympias, had not lain yet with Philip of Ma­cedonia, when she dreamed that a Thunder bolt was fallen into her Womb, and that with the blow of it, there was a fire kindled, which dividing it self, in several flames, was scat­tered all over the World; and since, Philip dreamed, That he had sealed up Olimpias's Womb with a Seal, whereupon the Figure of a Lyon was ingraved. Those that took up­on them to expound Dreams, gave him no­tice, that he should take a great care of his Wife; but Aristander, grounded upon that Maxime, which doth not allow an empty ves­sel [Page 236]to be Sealed, told him, That Olympias had conceived a Son, who should have the heart of a Lion, and shewed in effect, That of all the opinions, wherewith all the rest would have pos­sest the King, his was the most likely. The very day that he was born, Diana's Temple in Ephe­sus, was burnt; which accident perswaded all the Priests, that this Conflagration was an assured sign of great disorders; but Hegesias laught at their opinion a little while after, and told them, that it was no such wonder, for Diana said, she was too much concerned at the birth of Alexander, as Midwife to preserve that Edifice.

Although Alexander was councelled to take the Government upon himself; after his Fa­thers decease, and to make peace with his Enemies, and not to fight them; he chose rather to reduce them to obedience by force, then by fair means; in effect, having vanquisht the King of the Triballiens, Sirmus, and know­ing that the Thebians had some correspondence with the Athenians, he marcht his Army to the straight of Thermopiles, to let Demosthe­nes understand, said he, who termed him a Child in his Orations, when he was in the Triballiens Country; that he was grown to his maturity, passing through Thessalie, and that he would find him a Man before Athens. He took Thebes, and to make that City, an exam­ple [Page 237]to all others, he Razed it, and caused all them that had escaped in its ruine, to be sold, even to the number of thirty thousand. Being afterwards chosen Captain General of Greece against the Persians, he entred Asia, fought Darius, and overcame him, saw his Wife and Daughters in the number of his pri­soners, and got to Babylon, as quick as light­ning He was not satisfied with the Victories that he got over those Kings, that refused to submit to him; he would gain one also over the King of Beasts, as if he had been alone worthy of so glorious a Title, he fought with a Lyon, to shew to all his Men, marks of his courage and valor. He overcame the Si­thians, and the Amazones, carried his Arms, as far as the Indies, subdued all things that oppo­sed him, triumpht in every place where he was obliged to fight, and to be short, he made the greatest Princes in the World, Tributa­ries to Macedonia. For all this, whilst he was taking the pleasure of his Conquests, at rest, he was poisoned with Water, so cold, that it froze his heart, which fell from a rock, near the Town of Monacris, and as it is thought, it was by Aristotles means, who did not exe­cute in person that attempt; but gave his help to it; and in effect, was the cause of it, since he councelled it first.

Demetrius the Phalerian, received so much honor from the Athenians, that they erected him three hundred Statues, which they vene­rated as much, as those of their gods; but these Men, that made no other judgment of Mens merits, but by their good success, judg­ed him at last unworthy of their love and mag­nificence, overthrew his Statues, and cau­sed him to dye in exile at Thebes, where to comfort himself of their injustice, and of their rage, he had occasion to use all his Vertue.

Sylla, was no less respected at Rome then Demetrius had been in Athens; although one of his Ancestors, called Rufinus, had been in great disgrace, because he had kept above ten marks of Silver in his house, which was against a publick Ordonance; and that his disgrace had reduced his Children to an ex­tream lowness; this same Sylla, for all that, raised himself to the Consulship, and married Cecillia, Metellus's Daughter, who at that time was chief Priest. After that he became so po­tent, that he used against Marius his Enemy, the Army that was raised against Mithridates; and having made himself Master of Rome, he marched his Troops against Aristion, the Ty­rant of Athens, stormed the Town, burned all the richest things in the Port of Pyria, won two Battels against Mithridates, and forced him to pay two thousand Talents, and to fit [Page 239]him a Fleet of threescore and ten Galleys, because he had killed in a day, one hundred and fifty thousand Romans, that were found in Asia. After he had corrupted most of Sci­pios Souldiers, he prepared to defend him­self from young Marius; slew twenty thou­sand of his Men, took eight thousand of them Prisoners, and lost but twenty three of his in this Battle; forced Carbon, the most potent of all his Enemies, to flye into Affrica; and by Crassus, Metellus, Servillius, and Pompeys means, his Lieutenants, he perfected most part of his enterprises; he rode in Triumph to Rome, and declared himself Dictator; he put to death all those that he suspected, or that were not pleasing to him, and filled that City with so many Murthers, and horror, that no Man at that time but a Paricide and a Sacriligeous person was secure. When his cruelty was ti­red, he took to divertisement, with those that were in most credit and liberty with him; but his debauches brought upon him a loath­some disease, that corrupted all his body, and gendred so many Lice, that he could not be rid of them, either by change of cloaths, or by Stues; at last, seeking in vaiu for Reme­dies, being in a great fury one day against Granius, who refused to pay to the Common­wealth, those Duties he owed it; his anger made an Imposthume that he had in his body, [Page 240]to break, after he had been the Murtherer of those, who he commanded to call him Father.

Amongst the finest observations upon Au­gustus life, we find, that he left the Empire of the World, the same day that he took it; That he died where his Father Octavius had breathed his last; That he was thirteen times Consul; That he exercised the function of a Tribune, thirty seven years together, that he acquired one and twenty times the Title and Quality of Emperor, and that after the death of Lepidus, he was made chief Priest. But for all he hath been the admiration of stran­gers, and the terror of all Rebels, he hath often made wishes to Heaven for his life, when he made some for his glory, and hath often been no less troubled about his own preserva­tion, then about exalting of himself. When Ju­lius Caesar was yet alive, he was denied the com­mand of the Chavalry, that Lepidus carried from him; and after he was massacred, the Senate crossed his greatest designs; his friends forsook him; Anthonius betrayed his Party, and his misfortune was so great, that he was forced to comply with other Mens Crimes, and to make use of that lowness, as the first step to his preferment. To how many dan­gers was he not exposed, before he could be revenged of Cassius and Brutus, who had Mur­thered his Father and his Uncle; and with [Page 241]what astonishment did he not see himself sur­prised, for the intelligence of Fulvia, for the secret Leagues of Lucius Antonius, for the ru­ine of Perousa, where he was like to be killed by Gladiators, for the Shipwracks, and for the losses he had in Sicilia? was he not for­ced to hide himself in a Cave, to avoid the rage of those that pursued him; and while there, did he not require Proculius to kill him, to put an end all at once, to his fears, to his despair, to his confusion, and to his life? what disgrace hath he not suffered in Epirus; and at the Golfe Actium, besides the perfidy of Cleopatra? with what fear was he not seised, when he fell almost under the ruines of a Bridge in Pannonia, and how many of his own Legi­ons hath he not seen against him, in time of Peace, as well as in time of War? besides his usual distempers, the doubts that the great Wit of young Marcellus, cast in his spirit, the banishment of Agrippa, the death of his Chil­dren, the cause of which, he could not find, without discovering the infamy of his Marri­age, Cinnas Conspiration, Julias Adulteries, Tyberias's shameful retreat, his Grand daugh­ters impudicity, the Rebellion of Illyrie, the necessity to raise Slaves, the Plague that af­flicted Rome, the Famine that grieved all Italy, the loss of his Legions, and of Varus, the Re­gret to leave his Enemy, his Empire, and his [Page 242]Wifes Treason, doth witness enough that his life was a continual misery. A man may count Lucius Metullus more fortunate, because he was Chief Priest, and twice Consul, and since Dictator; he was the first that made use of Elephants in the Wars of Sicilia, against the Carthaginians; and that took Arms for the de­fence of his Countrey, with more obstinancy, then the former had taken them for their gran­deur. He lived in the reputation of a dis­creet, of a just, and of a valiant man; in his old age, when he thought himself at rest from his tedious labors, he was strucken blind, for offering to ravish Pallas Picture that was in the Temple of the goddess Vesta, so that he grie­ved more for the loss of his sight, then ever he had had cause to rejoyce for his prosperity and victories.

Policratus Daughter, having dreamed one night, that Jupiter bathed her Father, and that Apollo anointed him with balsome; saw quickly after, the effects of her dream, be­cause that he being crucified, as we shall see in another place; the Sun by the heat of its beams, made the sweat run down his body, which was afterwards washed by the rain; so that a Man who had always lived in a felicity, which himself could not comprehend, dyed in an in­famy, the memory of which, will endure till the last Man.

Quintus Metullus, Marius Lucullus, Trajan, and several others, have found admirers in all places; their Fortune hath often excited en­vy, and praises too in their favor; and their merits have so sounded abroad, that it seems all calumny, that envy or malice can say against them. But the despairs and dangers they have been in, sheweth us that at last, their greatest felicities, have not equalled their troubles; and as Socrates saith in Xenophon, that the fai­rest Nymphs, did beget in time past, Fairies, and Satyres; we may conclude, that the grea­test prosperities, beget the greatest mischiefs, and that one of the Ancients, spoke very per­tinently when he called Joy and Voluptu­ousness, the Mothers of Melancholly and Sad­ness.

CHAP. III. Of many Princes who have been Mur­thered, where their lives seemed most safe and out of danger.

AS a dwarf is little still, though he stands upon a Mountain; we may affirm like­wise, that Man is inseparable from crosses and misfortunes, to what dignity soever fate may exalt him. Though he may change his condi­tion, [Page 244]yet he cannot change his nature; the Purple and the Crowns, which make him command so many Men, doth not impower him to be arbitrator of his own life; we see that he ought never more to fear, but when he is in a condition to cause fear in others; if fury arms it self against him, it respects nei­ther his ornaments, nor his opulence; it fears neither his power nor his retinue; it seeks him both amongst his friends, and amongst his guards, as well as amongst his Enemies, and pursueth him in Palaces, as well as in De­sarts.

A Man would think, that Agamemnon, af­ter he had taken Troy, had had nothing more to do, but to hear and receive acknowledg­ments of all Greece: his revenge ought to have been satisfied by the consuming of that famous City to ashes, whose power made all Asta trem­ble before; and his patience, which could not signalise it self better, then by a Siege of ten years time, had rendred his glory as dear to those, that could no longer suffer it, as to them who only desired to employ it. After so many perils, which he defended himself from by Sea and Land, he returned home, loaden with forreign spoil; and as if he could not have received any consolation for the sacrifice of his Daughter Iphigenia, but with his Wife, he made no other wishes, but to make that loss [Page 245]supportable to her by his presence, and to make her confess, that her greatest care was to let the publick see, some marks of joy, ra­ther then of sadness. Clitemnestra received him with an incredible satisfaction; all her actions seemed so many transports of love, one would have thought, that she had acquired a new friendship, when she got him in her pos­session, and that she proposed no other period to her designs, but his satisfaction. Agamem­non, on the other side esteemed himself more glorious by her Carresses, than by his Victo­ries; the flames wherewith he had consumed Troy, was not so great (as he thought) as those he had kindled in his Wifes brest; and grew of opinion, that Virtue and Beauty was reconclled together in his favor. Clitemnestra fearing that at last he would discover how Egi­stus had defiled his bed in his absence, quick­ly changed her doubts into a resolution, and to avoid the reproach, or the punishment of her impudicity, sollicited this secret Lover, to add Murther to Adultery, to deprive him of his life, whom he had robb'd of honor, and to cover one crime, by committing another. Egist, blinded with passion, considered not the horror of that attempt, he thought bet­ter to lose all the World, than the favors of Clitemnestra; that he ought not to regard his reputation so much as his happiness, nor the [Page 246]innocence of the Husband, as the unchastity of his Wife. Clitemnestra having this assuran­ces from him, Carressing Agamemnon, as he was rising, threw a Robe on him, that was closed upwards; and having wrapped it about him, as she had proposed to herself, deli­vered him to the Traitor Egistus, who ran him through, and left him not, till he had clea­red himself of all his fears, by as many wounds.

Candolus, King of Lydia, was murthered for the same Subject, by his favorite Gyges, when he seemed least in danger. Chilperick, the ninth, King of France, by the malice of his Wife Fredegonda, was killed in his Palace, by Landry's hands, as he returned from hunt­ing; and that great Xerxes, who according to some Historians, led three millions of men against Greece, was not so strong, but Arta­ban, with his seven Sons, assassinated him up­on the Throne it self.

The Israelites, being not able, or not wil­ling to suffer the Tyranny of Eglon, King of the Moabites, dealt so well with Ahud Gera's Son, that de resolved to venture all for their liberty, although the danger seemed great enough, to make him desist from his resoluti­on; and that his courage might be counted, at that time a folly, rather than a virtue; ne­vertheless, because all things appear easy to the undaunted; and that success follows bold­ness [Page 247]ordinarily; Ahud seeks him in his very Chamber, and seeming to present him with something from his Companions, drew a Sword which he had hid under his Garment, and ran him through, with such a force, that it was not in his power to draw it back. He gets out immediately after, with as little per­turbation of mind, as if he had acquired E­glon's favor. He went home, and related the adventure, sollicited his Men to undergo the last extremity for their liberty, and perswa­ded them to charge the Moabites with him, who were more imployed to mourn for their King, then to revenge his death. He cutten thousand of them in pieces, and made him­self absolute Master of their goods, of their wills, and of their lives.

Seleucus tasted at ease, the fruits of his labors, after he had conquered Babilon, and the Country of Bactria, upon Pennites, and upon Amintas; after he had vanquisht Demetrius; and in fine, destroyed Lisymachus in a Battle, who was the last of Alexanders Captains: At a time when Ptolomeus, envious of so many prospe­rities, was contriving with himself, which way he should bring his ruine about. He was afraid to attack him, because he despaired of the Victory over him; he looked upon him­self to be too weak, and t'other too fortunate; he considered that he wanted Forces as well [Page 248]as resolution, and that he should loose his Crown, if he lost the last Battle. Between fear and hope, which suspended his courage, it came in his mind, that Treason would pros­per better with him then a Combat, and in that Sentiment he wrought so well for the de­struction of his Enemy, that he caused him to be killed by Men, that deffidence it self would not have suspected.

The Tribune, Gentius, according to Titus Livius, was found full of wounds in his bed, when they came to desire him to assist at the sentence of the two Consuls, whose pride he he had brought down before; although was in such a credit at Rome, that a Man was counted a Criminal, that was of a contrary opinion to his.

Lamedon, the fourth King of Troy, and the greatest Prince of Asia, was stab'd in his Palace, before he could be assisted by his domesticks; and Leo the Fifth, Emperor of Constantinople, was assassinated in a Church, by the conspira­tion of Michael the Stutterer, whom he had imprisoned: and thus this Man was the author of the death of him, who had been that of his fortune.

James King of Scotland, the first of the Fa­mily of the Stuards, was killed in his Royal Palace, by Men in Visards: Asella his Succes­sor, was shot by a piece of Artillery which [Page 249]was a scouring: the third was slain by his Son, in a Battle at Larlin; and this paracide by the English; and the fifth was poisoned, as if all that Race had been Heirs to James's misfortune, as well as his Crown.

Pompey, having taken Sylla's party, during the Civil Wars of Rome, did not only win the favor of his General, but he acquired besides the love of the Souldiers, and was no less respected by strangers, then by the Roman Le­gions; he retooke Sicilia; he restored Mas­sinissa in Numedia, which had been usurped from him by Hyarbus; he was honored three times with the pomp of a Triumph, and cau­sed Lepidus to retire out of Italy, before he was yet considerable by his power, or by his offices. He worsted Domitius in Africa, van­quish't Sertorius in Spain, conquered all Asia in forty days, he submitted Tigranus to his power, and forced Mithridates to kill himself, because he would not submit. He passed on the north through the Henochians, the Iberi­ans, the Albanians, and the Colchians Countries, and on the east, against the Arabians, against the Jews, and against the Parthians. He was the first of the Romans that carried his Arms as far as the Coasts of the Hircanian, Caspian, Red and Arabic Seas; and was so absolute, that af­ter Crassus's death, he commanded Caesar him­self, to disband his Troops: but having been [Page 250]some time after vanquisht by him, in the plain of Pharsalia, he was constrained to retire to Ptolomeus, in Egypt, and there to assure his life, because he could not assure his liberty, no where else. As he proposed to see Ptolomeus, who was then in the City of Pelusium, where he warred against his Sister, and reading the Speech which he had composed, to congra­tulate that young Prince; some Souldiers sa­luting him, fell immediately upon him, and stabbed him in many places; after that, they cut off his Head, and threw his Body into the Sea, in his Son's and Wifes presence.

Tatius, having been too slow, to punish some of his Favorites, for killing some Am­bassadors, which were sent from Bizantium to Rome, was murthered in the fifth year of his Reign, as he was offering Sacrifices in Li­vinium, and Romulus, who had alwaiss shared with him in the management of affairs, was tore in pieces by the Senators in the Temple of Vulcan, because he rendred the Vejeans their hostages, without acquainting them with it, and for having distributed the Countries he had Conquered to his Souldiers.

That great Caesar, whose Wisdom was no less then his courage, and whose Orations were as much admired as his Combats; af­ter he had signalized his arms, and his name in France, in Spain, in England, in Germany, [Page 251]in Afriea, and in Asia, was assassinated by his friends, in the Senate, because he would have changed the Government of the Repub­lick into a Monarchy. In fine, we see that a sick Man, though he is laid upon a straw bed, or upon a downe bed, still retains his maladie; That Men do not change their de­stiny, though they change their situation; That death meets them every where, and ventures in Palaces, and in Temples, as well as in Cottages and Battles.

CHAP. IV. Of those who have been unjustly and un­gratefully dealt with, by those Repub­licks that they have faithfully served.

THemistocles had reason to compare the Athenians, who often took ill the servi­ces of their greatest Captains, to Travellers, who, when it raineth, shelter themselves un­der Trees, but are wont to pull off their branches in fair weather. If we consider the ancientest Republicks, we shall find that those who laid the foundations of them, or those that have extended their limits, have not recei­ved more favor from them than Traytors; and that they have been punisht for maintaining [Page 252]the Laws, as if they had endeavoured the vio­lation, and the corruption of them. In making men happy, we create Ingratitude in them in­sensibly; there's scarcely a man but hath cause to complain against his Countrey, and that can hardly boast to have found the esteem in it that he deserved. We find ordinarily abroad with strangers, that which we are deprived of at home; and men cannot change their For­tune, except they change their Climate.

After Lycurgus had disciplin'd in Arms all the men of Lacedemonia, he had one of his eyes struck out with a blow, that young Alcandre gave him with a Stick, in a Sedition that was raised against him; and was so unfortunate, that he was forced to flee from Sparta, and end his dayes in Elidia; or, according to some o­ther Writers, in Candia. As the Sparthians had got great advantages by the precepts of this famous Lawgiver, they acquired also great glory by them; and having made themselves feared of all their Neighbors, they blockt up the Messinians soon after: but by reason that this War lasted a long while, and that they had been ten years without seeing their Wives, they sent to them the youngest Soldiers of their Troops, with power to enjoy them, fearing that their Town would remain unpeopled. The Children that sprang from those Adulte­rers, shewed great proof of their strength and [Page 253]courage on several occasions, and made it ap­pear that they were no less the support and the hopes of their Parents, than their shame and confusion: But because they were not legiti­mate, and could not inherit the possessions of those who had given them their Beings, they chose a Head, whose name was Polencus, that they might purchase Heritages by their Con­quests, and so get by their industry, that which they could not pretend to by their birth. They were fortunate enough to come to Pouilla, where they took Tarente, whose Inhabitants they drove out; and there lived in so much satisfaction, by the means of their Captain, that their happiness would have been equal with their first Ambition, had they not turn­ed ungrateful, after they were turned free. As they perceived that Polencus was grieved with age, they grieved him with miseries, they banisht him out of Tarente, as an unprofi­table Man, and not minding the services he had in time past done them, they considered only that he was not able to do them any. Solom, and Aristidus, after that they had made the Ci­ty of Athens famous, by their Precepts and Victories, were unjustly banisht thence; and that same Themistocles, who destroyed so many Persians at Salamina, for the Athenians cause, was persecuted by them with so much cruelty, that he saw himself forced to forward his own [Page 254]death by poison at Magnesia, although Xerxes proffered him Men enough, to make his ven­geance terrible to all Greece.

Alcibiades, who from his Fathers side, des­cended from the blood of Ajax, and who was one of the most eloquent in his time, accord­ing to Demosthenes, and Theophrastus, had won the first, second, and the fourth Olimpick sports, and had drawn no less love to him­self by his actions, then by his good features, for all that he was banisht by his Citizens, and his misfortune was so great, that having shel­tered himself with Pharnabasus, in Phrigia, that Kings Uncle and his Brother, set his House on fire, and he was no sooner come out to avoid the flames, but he fell amongst the Swords, and amongst the darts of those barbarous men.

During the War, the Carthagineans made use of all their good language, and all their submissions to perswade their Captains, that they ought to prefer the interest of the State to theirs; yet in time of peace, as Diodorus relates, they forgot their services, least they should have been obliged to recompence them, and holding no Man guiltless that they sus­pected, they imagined that power and vice were ever inseparable. That was the reason that after Hannibal had been worsted by Scipio, he hoisted up sail for Bithinia: but of Flami­nius, [Page 255]who was the Romans Deputy, to re­concile Eumenes, King of Pergamus, with King Prussias, executed his Commissions so well, that this last agreed to deliver up Hanibal, who to avoid falling in his Enemies hands, caused himself to be hanged, by one of his ser­vants, according to some writers.

Plantulus, a Roman Knight, died in banish­ment, after he had born Arms a long while for the liberty of Rome, against the youngest of the Gracchus's, and Servicius was punisht with the same confusion, because he kill'd Spurius Melius, who aspired to Tyranny.

After Scipio had defeated Hannibal, subdu­ed Spain, burnt Syphaz, and Asdrubals Camp, and vanquisht the Carthaginians, he felt, as others, the ingratitude of his Country. This great man, whom the Romans had reverenced so far, as to choose him Prince of the Senate, was constrained by it, to absent himself, and renounce to the publick, acknowledgments that were due to him for the Victories he had won for them.

The little Affrican was no happier then him, though he made an end of the ruine of Car­thage and Numance, he was smothered in his sleep, and the third named Nasica, who was Chief Priest, dyed in banishment, near Per­gamus, because he had dipt his hands in the blood of Tiberius Graccus, who was looked up­on [Page 256]by every one, to be an Enemy of the Re­publick. The Venetians tore in pieces their Duke, Orse d'Heracleus; they pulled out The­odatus Galla, his Successor, and Dominique Mongarius's their eyes, with their Wifes and Children, and forced Memo to turn Monk. They had no more respect for Otho, Peter Ver­seols Son, and not considering that he had rui­ned in their cause, and for their glory the Ci­ty of Adria, and had submitted to them all the Coasts of the Adriatick Seas, they banisht him into Greece, and suffered Dominicus Flabo­nic, to expel his Parents and Kindred, and to make a Law to deprive them of the digni­ty of Dukes. Francis Foscoirus, who inlarg­ed their State, was banisht thence without any apparent reason, and indeed, they could not find any, but their excuse was, that he was too old, as if old age, which is venera­ted in all other places, had been amongst them, counted a crime. The least faults of the Kings of Scotland, have been so cruelly punisht by their Subjects, that they have murthered above forty, without consideration of their power, or their character; and if we should examine the ancient, as well as the modern Histories, we should see, by an infinite number of ex­amples, that the greatest men have never been nearer their ruine, than when they have gone to preserve their States and Republicks; That [Page 257]the greatest Debts, make the greatest Enemies, and that clemency hath as often cast men into dangers, as cruelty.

CHAP. V. Of those that dyed by strange Accidents.

FOrtune sleeps with us in our beds, she embarks with us to sea, she accompanies us in our Voyages, she followeth us where­soever our affairs and our curiosity calls us, and that invisible Enemy, makes Men suffer, as many evils as they fear. She is blind to­wards great men, as well as towards the Me­chanicks; she persecutes those that are upon Thrones, as well as those that are upon the dunghill; and favors those no more, that de­dicate Temples to her, than those that asperse her with exclamations. 'Tis in this place chiefly, that by her various effects, we shall observe her changes, and caprices, and that we shall see, by the sequel of Histories diffe­rent one from another, that the most potent have been most unhappy, and that there are some productions of hers, against which cou­rage and prudence do but strive in vain. Zo­roastes, King of Bactria, Campanus at the War of Thebes; Claudius the Pretor at Terracine; Aste­rus [Page 258]King of the Eleusiens, in Ethionus; Tullus Hostilius, King of the Romans; Pompeius Stra­bo Proconful, Octavius Augustus, Coesars Fa­ther; Athanasius, and Carus, Emperors of Rome; Philegias, King of the Orchomeniens; and Sal­moneus, King of Eludus, were killed by thun­der. The Emperor Jovinian, was smothered with smoak, and that scourge of God Attilla, with his own blood that fell from his head into his throat. Milo, Duke of Calabrus, was devoured by wild beasts. Basil, the thirty fifth Emperor of Constantinople, was killed by a Stag. Fercard King of Scotland, was bit by a Wolf, of which he died; and Ar­tolph, King of the Lombards, and Facillia Pe­lagus's Son, King of Portugal, by a wild Boar, of which they died likewise. As Fulgo King of Jerusalem hunted a Hare, he fell so heavily from his horse, that he broke his neck; and Philip, Son to Lewis the Burly; one William King of Scotland, and Capius King of Poland, dyed of the same death.

In the time of Charles the sixth, King of France, Charles King of Navarre, expired in dreadful Torments; and a man may doubt with reason, whether the rage of Tyrants, ever invented any thing more cruel. As he was already strucken in years, the Doctors orde­red him to be wrap'd in a sheet dipt in strong [Page 259]water, to repair in some manner, his natural heat, which was decayed in him; but as he that sowed him up in it, put his thred to the flame of the candle, for this was done in the night, a spark fell upon the sheet, which took fire immediately, whatsoever remedy men could find, could do no good, and he could never receive any assistance by his atten­dants, the force of the fire was greater, than their diligence and industry; and this Prince after incredible groans, that lasted three days, gave up the Ghost in that misery. Senache­rus King of the Goths, was struck so terribly with a briddle, by a Groom, that he fell down dead at the feet of that Paricide; and Charles, Son to Charles the Bald, trying his skill of Wrestling with Aubinus, who knew him not, and who was counted the strongest man of his age, was thrown dead all along. Roma­nus Argypropilus, Emperor of Constantinople, was drowned in a Bath, by the malice of Zoea his Wife, and of Michael Paphlagonia, her lo­ver. Cladomicus, King of Aquitain, caused his Sister, and his Nephew to expire in a pit. Jugo, Duke of Normandy, dyed under the Ice; and Sforsus Attendullus drowned himself, thinking to save one of his Favorites lifes. Autheonor, King of the French, fell most unfortunately under a Bridge, loaden with the spoil of the Gaules, whom he had triumpht over; and [Page 260] Asclepio, Pompeys Brother, who had been a Pirate above twenty years, drownded him­self in a Well. A King of Englands Children, William, Henry, and Sybill, were swallowed up by the waves, as well as Clodius Marcellus, who was Consul three times; and we read, that King Ericta drowned himself in the red sea; Tirennus King of Libia, in the Mediterra­nean; and that the death of the Emperor De­cius, of the Emperor Frederick, of Mexancia, of Lewis the second, King of Hungaria, and of many others, as considerable by their Fortune, as by their Birth, was neither easier nor more glorious. Constantine Capronimus, Emperor of Constantinople; and Baldwin died of Lepro­sies. Herod Arnul, the Emperor, Charlemains natural Son; Acastus, Pelias's Son; Calisthe­nes, the Olinthian; Sylla, Clement the seventh; and Philip the second King of Spain, were eaten up with Lice; Hatton, Duke of Franco­nia, Wilcerof, alias Wilderad, Bishop of Stras­burg, and Popiel King of Poland, were devou­red with Rats; Manpritius King of England by Wolves, according to Polidore Virgil, and the Huntsman Acteon, by Dogs, if it be not a Fa­ble mixt with History. Hercules was poisoned with a shirt; Laodislaus, King of Bohemia, with an Apple; Guido, Duke of Ʋrbin, with a gilly-flower; and Otho the third, Emperor, with a pair of Gloves, that his Enemy Creceancius's Wife gave him.

Spurius Sanefius, was choaked with an Egg, which he went to eat coming out of a Bath; Pope Adrian the fourth with a butterfly, which was in the Fountain in which he drank, in Ger­many; the Pretor Fabius with an hair, drink­ing some milk; the young Drusus, Claudius Caesars Son, with an Apple that he had thrown up to catch it in his mouth; and Andebout, King of England, with his gourmandising. Pausanias, the Lacedemonians General; Mitri­us of Verona; Jugurtha King of Numedia, and Benet the sixth, were starved to death; and Promuchus killed himself with drinking. Drusus, in Tiberius's time, eat the very hair that his bed was stuffed with; Casimir the second King of Poland died at a Banquet drinking; and George, Edward the fourths Brother, seeing himself in a necessity to receive death, waited for it in a butt of Malmsey. Eupolis, Niceas's Son, the Athenians General, was crusht to death under the ruine of a House, the first night of his Marriage; Pope John the one and twentieth, was buried in those of a Cham­ber at Viterbe; Bruno, Bishop of Wisbourg, and Allemanus, died by the fall of a Ceiling; and Pyrrhus, King of the Epirotes, and the good Drusus, were knocked on the head with a tile that fell by chance upon their heads, when they thought least of it; the one be­fore [Page 262] Argines, and the other at Rome, as he rid in Triumph.

Oza King of Israel, was crushed to death with a Chariot wheel, in the midst of a great ceremony; Abimelech, with a piece of a mill­stone, that an old woman flung upon him, when he thought to storme Thebes; and Po­lexander, with the Statue of Nicon, who won so many Battles, that he got to the number of one hundred and fourteen Crowns. A Duke of Britanny, and Constantin Paleologue were smothered in a crowd of people, the one at Avignon, at the entry of Pope Clement the sixth, and the other going out of Constan­tinople,; John the seaventh with a pillow; Najam, Cublay's Nephew, Emperor of the Tar­tars, in a piece of cloth; and Tiberius with Blankets. But let us see now, if the most innocent of our passions, is not sometimes the most cruel; if our good fortune should not make us tremble, and if death doth not come to us with joy.

CHAP. VI. Of those that died with joy, or sudden death.

MArcus Juventius Talva, Consul, reading in the Isle of Corsus, which he had Conquered, the Letters which the Senate writ to him, was so overjoyed, that they had or­dered public procession to solemnize his victo­ries, that he fell down dead, when he was going to thank the gods for his happiness, and good success. After the loss of the Romans at Tra­simene, all the Ladies went to the gates of their City, to receive all them that had escaped that defeat, and to rejoyce, or to mourn for their deliverance and their wounds; one of them above all the rest, appeared with despair in her face; she tore her hair off her head, she filled the air with her complaints, and shewed by all her actions, the heaviness of her heart, and the weakness of her sex; she was misinform­ed that her Son had done in this expediti­on, all that a man could do for his glory, and his Country; but that his misfortune had pro­ved inevitable, and that at last he expired up­on a heap of enemies, whom he had slain with his own hands. This news smothered not the tenderness she had for him, her wound was too [Page 264]sensible and too great, to be cured by words, and her grief was no greater, than in the re­medies that they applied to comfort her; in these deplorable torments and sighs, she went her way, and met her Son not long after, she run to salute him, and as she embraced him, she expired insensibly in his arms, and found death in her joy, which before she could not find in her griefs.

Tullia, knowing that his Son, who comman­ded a Legion in this same War, was returning with those that escaped, fell down dead, thinking to receive him: so that his caresses were not so soon ended as his life. When Dio­genes, General of the Eriteens Forces, besieged vigourously the City of Naxis, Policrites charm­ed him so by her fine language, and her beau­ty, that he was constrained to raise the Siege, and to grant to the Prayers of that admirable Woman, that which he was resolved to re­fuse to pitty and justice. This good fortune which surprised the Inhabitants of Naxis, ob­liged them to follow her soon after, with ac­clamations and praises, as the mother of the people; and this Lady was so overjoyed of that honor, that she died in the midst of that glory. Sophocles, already strucken in years, disputing with some Poets, who by the loss of his reputation would raise theirs, was so overjoyed, to see that his Judges, after they [Page 265]had examined the Tragedy he had composed, gave him the prize, which he did not promise himself, that it was impossible for him to sur­vive that felicity; and Chilon having gotten the same advantage over his companions, fell down dead at the feet of those that brought him tidings of it.

Sprensippus, a Platonick Philosopher, Corne­lius Gallus Pretor; Titus Atherius, a Roman Knight; two others in Plineys time; and Lowis of Gonzagus, dyed with pleasure in their Mi­stresses arms. That Xeuxis, who deceived his birds so artificially, by Grapes that were pro­duced by his pencel, and who caused admira­tion by the Pictures of Venus and Penelope; af­ter he had drawn the picture of an old woman, found it so silly, that he fell in a laughter, which never ceased but with his life. Phile­mon the Poet, seeing an Ass that drew near a table to eat figgs, dyed in the same manner; and Philistion having taken too great delight in the Wit of a Satire, which he had made a­gainst one of his enemies, dyed of the spleen. Leo the tenth, fell in such a violent Feaver, hearing of the disorder of Francis the first, whom he hated, that he lived but three days after the news of it; and Diogoras of Rhodes, Athletes Crotomentes, Clio, Telon, and Dennis the Tyrant, died after the same manner; Ar­monius [Page 266]breathed his last in his pipe he plaid on, if we may believe Lucian, and we may find in a Chronicle of Streganus, that one Isabella Queen of France, died with pleasure.

Two of the Caesars died suddenly, one at Rome, and the other at Pisus; and Fabius Maximns, Cajus Vulcanus Turgeus Senator; Bebius Pamphilius, Aemilius Lepidus, and Ser­vilius Pensa, fell down dead without any ap­parent distemper. The same misfortune hap­ned to Terentius Corax, when he was writing to the Senate; to the Poet Pindareus, when he was recreating himself by the sight of some publick Plays; and to a Roman King, who in Phineas time, when he was discoursing privately with a Consul, before the Ivory Image of Apollo. Cajus Julius a Phisitian, was seen to expire rubbing one of his eyes; Api­us Sanfeius, in taking of an egg; Lucius Du­rius V [...]lla, in taking Wine mixt with honey; and Manlius Torquatus, as he was striving to take a Cake; Publius Quintus Scapula; Ofilius Hilarius the player; and Decimus Sanfeius, died so insencibly, in feasting with their friends, that it seemed sleep had rather clo­sed their eyes then death, and that they had more need to be laid upon beds, then in graves; life failed almost as soon to the young Prince of Foix, as his heart, when they gave him [Page 267]to wash; and Phillipidus, who was the first man that incouraged the Athenians, who trem­bled for the success of the Battle of Mara­thon, fell on the ground as he was relating to them the news of their Victory. This is enough to make us conclude, that Seneca hath not reproved Virgil so judiciously, as men perswade themselves, because he termed pleasures, the evil joys of the Soul, since there be some so fatal, and this may be the reason the Stoicks would not have a wise Man subject to passions, that so avoiding their slavery, he might not be that of for­tune:

CHAP. VII. Of them who have had but short Reigns.

THose that are persuaded that obedience is in all places shameful, say openly, That true Felicity seems to be inclosed in Crowns, and who hath nothing at his com­mand, hath alwayes cause to complain. But if it be true, That whosoever is not absolute, is not happy; and if independency is, in effect, the greatest of all goods, we must confess that it is often but of a short continuance, and that it is almost as soon snatcht from men as it is be­stowed. In their opinion Galba had but seven months of happiness in all his life, because he Reigned no longer; for Fortune revenged her self of him, for his taking away from about the neck of her Statue, a golden Chain, from which she drew her greatest glory. Vitellius was unworthily murthered soon after he had at­tained to the Empire; and Pertinax, six months after he had commanded it, was assassinated by his Soldiers; and, according to some Writers, by his own Guards. The Emperor Tacitus did not taste his Felicity so long; and Constantine, Heraclius's son, had not sate upon the Throne one year, but he was poysoned by Martina his Mother-in-law. This ambitious Woman, who [Page 269]to make sure the Sovereignty to her son Hera­cleonas, neither considered her reputation, nor her crime, was a great deal less happy, because she had not governed the Empire two months, but the Senate, when the mothers tongue was cut out, and the childs nose off, pulled them both down shamefully from the Throne.

Otho, the third month of his Reign, was for­ced to take Arms against himself; to renounce all at once to his life, and the pleasure of com­manding; and to prefer to his ambition the good of all his Subjects. Emilian, who slew Gallus, and Valentine kept the Throne no lon­ger, and Decius Julianus, and Florin, lost their Lives miserably, two months after their Coro­nation. Silvanus bore the name of Emperor but a month; Quintilius Claudius's brother, ac­cording to Bocace, Reigned but 17 dayes; Mar­cius who was chosen Emperor in Gaules, after Posthumius's death, was so but two dayes; and young Edward V. King of England, by the ma­lice of his Uncle Richard, had not so much time as to consider his Crown.

Amongst the Popes, John V. John XVIII. Agapit, Constantine II. Adrian III. and ma­ny others, have not kept the seat above a Twelvemonth. Benet X. expired the ninth month of his Pontificate. Leo VI. dyed the seventh of his. Romain, the third. Stephen IX. the sixth of his. Bennit V. Reigned but two: [Page 270]And Silvester III. did not Reign so long as this last. Gregory VIII. but 50 dayes. Va­lentine II: and Leo V. but Forty. Damas­cus II. but twenty three. Theodorus II. dyed the 20th day of his Election. And Sosinus, and Celestin IV. the 18th of theirs. I will not speak of young Leo, of Philippicus Bardanus, of Artemius Anastasius, of Leo Porphyrogenitus, of Alexander Basil's son, of Michael Calaphat of Loez, of Theodorus, of Eudoxe, nor of ma­ny besides, whose Reigns the Latin and Greek Historians have treated of. These Examples shall suffice to give notice to the Reader, that there is no more rest upon Thrones, than else­where; and that in all cases, Men are no secu­rer from Death nor Destiny upon them.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Misfortune of Flatterers or Favou­rites.

THe question being asked of Bias, Which of all Animals was the worst? Of the wild one, said he, that which is most tyrannous; and of the tame ones, the flatterer: In effect, if we examine narrowly these dissemblers, we shall find that they are Camelions of all co­lours, Weather-cocks, Spirits of any shape, and Matters of all Forms. They are like the Eccho, that sings when men sing, and groans when we figh. If the Prince under whom these unhappy men live, is cruel, they feed him with humane blood, as Vedeus Polians, Lampreis. If he loveth revenge, they will still make him more bloody than the Emperor Commodus, who commanded the Prevost of Rome to cut the Throats of a whole Assembly of Spectators in a Theatre, that were no less in number than 60000, for daring to laugh at him, when he play'd a Gladiators part; and if he be superstitious and timerous, they will im­mediately bring before him the example of the Emperor Clandius, who put to death two Ro­man Knights that were brothers, because of a [Page 272]dream which he thought had an ill interpreta­tion.

With them the dull and heavy are counted wise, the Usurper a Conqueror, the Hypocrite godly, the Covetous saving, the Hasty valiant, and the Wasteful liberal. As Superficies and Lines cannot of their own accord bend and move, nor extend themselves, yet with the mo­tion of those bodies of which they are ex­tremes, they easily move; Flatterers likewise, saith Plutarch, do not act by their own motion, but they alwayes follow that of another body. The humour of the Princes, to which their interest tyeth them, becomes their inclination; if they have no passion for virtue, these men abhor it; and if their Masters are soft and voluptuous, they are alwayes found ready to crown Vice, in what manner soever. They make it their divertisement, and their glory, to spit Flies with Domitian, to catch Fish with Arsacidas, King of Bactria, and Moles with Hartaban, King of Hircania; to sowe Frogs together with Biantus, King of the Lydians; and to make Lamps with Aeropus, King of Macedonia. They become Coachmen and Harpers with Nero; they curry the Horses with Areas, King of Tar­taria; imitate Pigs with Parmenio; and the screeking of Well-wheels and Pullies with Theodorus. If they follow Agathon, they come [Page 273]forth in publick, cloathed in Fox skins; and cloath themselves with those of Lyons, if they come in Dion the Prusians presence. If they happen to be with Wenceslaus, King of Bohe­mia, they will be gladder to go bare-foot through Ice and Snow, than amongst Roses. And they will catch cold purposely to sing be­fore King Archesilaus, who fancied that hoarse voices composed the most agreeable harmony. They will make themselves wounds to appear before Mithridates, who took upon him to be a Chyrurgion; and will become Limners un­der Adrians Empire, who took a great pride in drawing of Pompkins. They will rub one against another in Denys's Palace, to make him believe that they are all short-sighted as he is, or else will strow Sand in his Chambers, to draw, as he did, Geometrical Figures; and if this day there were any Samsons, Achilles and Hercules to be found, you would see them a kissing with Dalilah, sowing with Briseis, and spin with Dejamra.

It is not only in great mens houses that these Rats creep, they find a passage everywhere, they have found Entries in Academies as well as in Courts; for as Alexanders Favourites endea­voured to bend their necks a little, that they might resemble him in something, the Disciples of Plato did also endeavour to imitate his high shoulders, those of Aristotle his stutterings, and [Page 274]those of Pontius Latro, to look pale like him, drank Beverege, though his want of colour, as well as that of Lenon, proceeded not so much from his indisposition, as from study­ing.

If Complacency was the greatest hurt in Flatterers, it would be at least the more inex­cusable; but their baseness reacheth much farther, and their humor is much more dange­rous than their conversation. They adore Men in their prosperity, because they benefit by it, and forsake them in adversity, like vermine that leave the dead, because they find no more blood upon which they use to feed; for all they know that good nature is alwayes esteemed even in dumb creatures, yet they would look upon themselves to be greater Brutes than them, if they should go about to relieve their necessity, whose plenty they lived upon be­fore; and cannot apprehend that there's any more merit in helping the unfortunate, than in avoiding them. They seem to be descended from those men that adore the Sun at its rising, but shoot arrows at it when it sets. And indeed they are but like Swallows, which seek the Springs and Birds of prey, which follow after their food, and not like men. But now we must look upon their Misfortune, as well as up­on their Lives, and examine if those have had the better Fortunes, that have had the most credit.

Herodian relates, that Cleander of Phrygia, having been preferred in the house of Commo­dus, by Marcus Aurelius, became, of a Slave, Captain of the Emperors Guards, and after that Chamberlain of the Emperors Houshold, and afterwards Colonel in the Army, and some time after that the greatest and most potent man in the Empire: but as Ambition is most commonly like Choler, which hath no consi­deration in its Enterprizes, and hearkneth nei­ther to reason that counsels it, nor the obsta­cles that can withstand it; Cleander having lost that slavish humor, as he had lost the condition of one, thought upon nothing else, but on the means to assure himself of the Crown; and to become Master of him, whose Creature he had been. And to execute his design most conveniently, he made a great Park for pub­lick Exercises and Baths, where every man had liberty to come and wash; bestowed great gifts upon the common people, and made great promises to the Nobility, and did all that lay in his power, to make himself pass in the fancy of men, the most courteous, and most liberal of any living, and that he had all the good qualities requir'd in a King, had he had the Ti­tle. But the Romans had no sooner discover'd his ambition, but they gather'd in great crowds to the Theatre, beset him in his Palace, and caused the Emperor to cut off his head. Com­modus [Page 276]put to death before that time Perennis, who had gotten power to make his Sons heads of the Armies which were in Illiria, and who by the death of Paternus, had so advanc'd his Credit and Fortune, that he manag'd all Af­fairs, whil'st that unclean Emperor rested in the arms of 300 young boys, and as many women, the hansomest and most voluptuous he could find in Rome. That same Prince, who had no­thing worthy of his Title, but the honour he had to be Marcus Aurelius's son, saw with re­gret, the death of his Favourite Saoeterus, who was kill'd in his Gardens, by some Colonels of the Guard, when they pretended to accompany him with respect to the Sacrifices:

Prexases, whom Cambyses loved with a great deal of reason, being grown bold enough, as to take the liberty to tell him, that the Wine he drank in profusion, dishonor'd his servants; and that his private Enemies were glad to find that occasion to ground their greatest insolen­ces, found shortly after how dangerous it is to reprove Princes of their imperfections, and how it is necessary not to affect virtue too much with Tyranny. That thou may'st know, re­plied Cambyses, that the excess of Wine doth not trouble me, and that the Vice that thou chargest me withall, never deprived me of my senses, I will give thee a certain proof, and make thee confess, that th [...]se that look upon my actions, had better ad­mire, [Page 277]than reprove them. Cambyses then began to drink with excess, commanded Prexases son to go stand at the door of a large Room, and to hold his left hand upon his head. The Child obey'd his Princes command, who took a Bowe, and shot him through the heart, with the first Arrow that he shot at him; he caused his breast to be opened, takes himself the point of the Arrow, and shewing Prexases how just in the middle of his Childs heart he had shot, See, said he, whether I have an eaven hand, if I see clear, and if I lose my reason by my debauches? Did not Alexander put to death Philotas and Parmenion, whom he had loved so tenderly? And did he not kill with his own hand Clittus, that had so generously serv'd him in all his En­terprizes, and had sav'd his life it self, when he passed over Granicus, and fought with Roesa­lus and Spithridatus, the two chief Comman­ders of Persia? Tiberius put to a cruel death Quintilius, Varus, Pison, Germanicus, and Dru­sus, who were all of them his Collegues in the Consulate; and Sejans body having been left to the mercy of Executioners, was dragged three days together through the streets, and af­terwards thrown into Tyber, by the command of that Emperor who had before exalted him so high, that the most considerable persons in Rome, for the space of 16 years, had been forc'd to court his slaves that kept his gates. Adrian [Page 278]put Nepos to death, and Septicius Clarus, Eude­mon, Bollemus, Marcellus, Numidius, Quadratus, Catilius, Severus, and Turbon, though he had shewed them all either out of love or policy, that they were all very considerable to him: And Vespasian had no sooner honour'd his Courtiers, by bestowing great Offices upon them, but he caused them to be poysoned as soon as they had advantaged themselves, that so they might be termed the Emperors Spun­ges, that were no sooner full, but he squeez'd them. Artaxerxes, led by the ill counsel of his mother, caused Mithridates's face to be dau­bed over with Honey dissolv'd in Milk, and ha­ving plac'd him just opposite to the Sun-beams, bestow'd so much labour to order him, that he caused the Flies and the Worms, which gen­dred of the corruption of his body, to eat him up, though this famous Courtier was guil­ty of nothing, but that his services nor his in­nocence could not please the Queen. Caligula, who loved Ptolomey passionately, put him to death notwithstanding, because that young Prince waiting upon him once at the Theatre, had drawn the sight of the Spectators upon him, by the glory of his Robe: And Nero, that scourge of Rome, and Monster of Nature, made Corbulon run his Sword through his own body, though he was wont to call him Father and Benefactor, and that he was the valiantest and [Page 279]most moderate person of his age. Ibrahim Bassa's Fortune was so great, that it surprized the very Author of it: Solyman was afraid of his own courage; and seeing his Favourite so much respected, he was obliged to break the resolution he had taken never to put him to death; and to cause his Throat to be cut by an Eunuch, whil'st he slept, to make sure by this Perjury the continuance of his Reign, and the quiet of his mind. David Rix of Savoy, was stabbed by George Duglas in Scotland, as Buca­nan relates, though he was there very conside­rable, and that of Singing-master he was be­come a Queens Favourite; and that by the goodness of his voice he had the government of that Princess. I could speak of many more, if I thought that the Reader was not persua­ded, That the Grandeurs of the World are perishable; that their lustre is dangerous and fatal; and that those that trust in Princes Fa­vors, often build their felicity upon a meer Chimera.

CHAP. IX. Of the mischiefs that have hapned to the adventurers in Tournois.

THe Greeks had in time past their Gimnick sports, to keep their young mens hands in actions, and those that had signalised them­selves in them, were so much the more consi­dered, by applauses and recompences. The course of Chariots and Horses, was in use with the Romans, to exercise their youths, and make them the more active, in those combats which required all their force and agility, for the preservation of their Republick; the first had besides Pirrick plays, in which young men danced in arms, and fought severally, to honor persons of qualities Nuptials, and the others had Angaries, or military schools, as Vegessus writes, wherein their Children were tutored betimes, in all those things that might advance their glory. They had Classes or Basilicks, that is to say, great Auditories and Halls, where they learnt to fight on foot and on horseback, to swim, to make use of their shields, to dart a lance, to bend a bowe, to cast stones, and to make trenches and Pali­sadoes; they were no sooner remarkable by their actions, but that they were listed in [Page 281]the Legions Roals, that they took the oath of Allegiance, and that they were markt upon the right arm, with these Characters, M. R. which signified Militia Romana, which cere­mony they called, The Military Sacrament. But as all Nations altered in time their manner of fighting, they invented new sports and fitted them to their way of combats. Tourneys were invented then, and Wolfius would perswade us, that the Emperor Henry the first, had first that advantage, and that he brought them in credit, in the year 930. by the Councel of Phillip his Secretary, and of fifteen Lords and Knights, who laid the patterns of them, and who were minded to banish from them, by pub­lick Laws, all Gentlemen that married in ig­noble Families, and to forbid the entrance of them, to Blasphemers, Drunkards, Cowards, Adulterers, and Robbers, for all that we know, that the use of them is ancienter with us; for in the year 870 Charles and Lewis, Lewis the Meeks Son, made a glorius Tourney,, after they were agreed about their possessions, as Nithard remarked in his relation of these two Princes reconciliation; and that English, Ger­mans, Saxons, Lombaads, and French Knights, made that spectacle magnificent, by their garbs, by their emulation, and by their activeness.

If we may beleive the Emperor Cantacusene, in his first Book of Andronicu's life, we shall [Page 282]find that the Savoyans, and those of Daulphi­nee, taught the use of them to the Greeks, when they accomponied to Constantinople the Em­press Anne, great Amedus's Daughter; and these Torneys were the greatest past-time at Nupti­als, at Coronations, and Christnings in Eng­land, France, Spain, and all other places of Eu­rope, when Princes and Kings kept open house, there they fought with blunted launces and swords; he was counted the valliantest and strongest, that remained last in the Tourney, and all of them had no other end, but his particular glory, the Ladies recreation, or their Soveraigns divertisement.

King Philip of Valois made many ordonnan­ces for those sports, and forbad expresly the entry of them to any Man of what dignity soever, that had spoken ill in any ways of the Catholick Faith; and to all them that could not prove their pedigree, from four Genera­tions at least. He admitted neither those who had falsisied their Oath, nor those who had said any thing that could reach their Princes honor, nor him that had betrayed his Master, or had forsook him in a combat, that had turn­ed his back cowardly, that had caused some trouble and disorder in the Army, or that had struck his fellow souldier, by malice or ha­tred; he kept those out that had affronted any Lady, that had falsified their Arms, or those [Page 283]of another, that had used any tyranny over poor Men, over the Fatherless and over the Widdows, that had revenged themselves by some unhandsome action, that had raised their rents, without the allowance of the Lord of their Mannor, that were convinced of Adul­tery, of Sodomy and Drunkeness, and would not permit so much as a Gentleman that lived by Marchandise and Traffick, or had married any Woman of low degree, to come there, nor those that did not appear in those assemblies when they were summoned. If any man was found there, that was convinced of any one of those crimes, he was punisht according to the Laws; and shame was not his only punish­ment; his punishment was measured by his fault, and according as he was guilty, his brest and back plate, and head piece were taken from him, and sometimes broken; he was beaten with swords and rods; his horses girts were cut; and sometimes they made him ride a top the gate of the field, and crave aloud the mercy of the Ladies. Perjured persons, per­fidious men, assassinates, and cowards, were shamefully degraded of their Gentility and Knighthood; their horses tails were cut off up­on a dunghil; their coat of arms and their head piece, were beaten in pieces with a ham­mer; and their coats of mail were toren off their backs; their sword and launce were bro­ken [Page 284]with the point downward; they pulled off their belts and their spurs; and to perceive how they were disgraced, read but the The­ater of Honor, written by Colombiere, which may satisfie all those persons, that have any desire to know those ancient customs.

These divertisements were doubtless very agreeable, they were full of glory and maje­sty; there were in them both gallantry and activeness, and these fine spectacles were ne­ver defiled with blood. But when men came to fight at sharps, they became horrible sa­crifices, death mixt it self in both parties, and nothing were seen in them but Funerals; Pope Innocent and Eugenes, were forced to for­bid the use of them; and the Council of La­teran, under the Pontificat of Alexander the third, in the year 1180. to pronounce Ana­thema against all those desperate Men; Inno­cent the third condemned them, and in the year 1313. Pope Clement excommunicated all those obstinate murtherers; but Laws, Excom­munications, and Bulls, were without effect; the prohibition of them, made Men use them the more, and there was seen nothing else, in most part of Europe, but Declarations and Or­donnances, to summon men to kill one an­other openly. But we must see some examples of it; and since I have not hitherto thought it a material point, to follow the order of times [Page 285]and persons, it is not amiss to begin with Count Geoffry, surnamed Plantaginet, the Princes Ma­haulds Husband, who was the King of Englands Daughter, Duke of Normandy, and the first of that name, eldest Son to Foulque, Earl of Anjou, of Touraine, and of Maine, who was since King of Jerusalem, because he had mar­ried King Baldwin the seconds Daughter. A while after that, Foulque was gone for Jeru­salem, this Geoffry made a Tournay upon the top of St. Michels Mount in Normandy, between the English and the Normands, where the Earl of Flanders, Thybaut Earl of Blois, and Stephen, Earl of Mortaign came, who were all the King of Englands, Henry the first's Nephews, who sides with the Normans; but when Geoffry saw that the number of the English was the smal­lest, he took the weakest party, and those of his retinue.

The first shock was terrible, their ashen lances flew in pieces presently, and so they all took to their Swords, which they broke too, or turned their edges upon the arms of their Enemies; and their Horses frighted with shouts, with the sound of Trumpets, and the clashing of arms, ran away with them, after they had tore their reins; Geoffry made use of all his force and courage against the Normans, he ran at some with tilts, killed some, and un­horsed others, he cleared afterwards the ranks [Page 286]with his Sword, and perceiving that his party was not the most fortunate, he incouraged them by his actions and his words, and laid on never a blow but it proved a murther; the Normans seeing that horrible spectacle, fled, and forsook the carreer, least it should have prove­ed their burying place; and trusting upon the strength and terrible bigness of a Giant, who was come from beyond sea, at the report of these Tourneys, they defied them again, and obliged him to ingage him in a single com­bat; the sight of that monstrous Man, daunted all the English, who imagined that nature had gathered together the strength of several men in one, and that there was no speedier nor surer way to dye, then to fight him. Geoffry knowing that valor was not measured by the bigness of a Man, takes horse again, takes his launce, and sustains the violence of the Giant, who, with the first blow he laid on, split his cui­rass asunder, and struck him so home, that his blood followed the blow; the Earl for all that, kept his horse, very resolutely, and in a just re­sentment, dismounted his Enemy at the first at­tack, leap'd off his horse, and flew upon him with so much impetuosity, that he cut his Head off, after he had pulled off his head piece, before the Giant had time to recover the mazement, he was in by the fall.

William of Nangis, a Frier of St. Denys in [Page 287] France, relates, That King Philip, Son and Successor to St. Lewis, King of France, did express, by a Tourney, the joy he had for the return of Charles Duke of Anjou, Prince of Salerna, in the year 1279. and that there came to it, one of the first Princes of the blood, whose arms were so heavy, and who received so many wounds, that it was a wonder he did come off alive. Mathew Paris, saith, that there was a cruel Tourney between the English and the French, in the year 1270. when King Richard and Philip, King of France, were in Sicilia, taking their rest with their Armies, and that it was the cause of the division, that their interest was divided, and that they disputed the power between them, of making a King of Jerusalem, because Philip favored the Mar­quis of Monferrat, and Richard, Guy of Lusignan, to whom he had sold the Isle of Cy­prus; the same Author speaks of another Tourney that was at London, betwixt the English and the French, sometime before Lewis of France, Philips Son, was crowned King of England, in the year 1216. and saith, that ma­ny English Knights died in it, and that Count Geoffry of Mandeville, expired sometime after, with a wound he received in the justs at Hert­ford, in the year 1241. the Earl Marshal Gil­bert, dyed under his horse that fell upon him in a Tourney, and many Knights were killed [Page 288]and wounded there, with Clubs and Swords. A Duke of Albania was killed in France, by such an other ceremony, as Octavian of Saint Gelais relates in his Garden of Honor; and under Charles the sixth Reign, there was a Tournay in the City of Arras, in the Duke of Bourgognes presence, betwixt five French Knights, and five of that Countrey, only for the glory of their Nations, and their Arms; Theodorus of Falperge, Pothon of Saintrailles, Philibert of Abrecy, William of Bez and the Standard of Nully, were for France, and Simon Allain, Peter Beaufrimont, John Vaudray, Ni­cholas and Philibert of Menthon, were for the Bourgonians; the Lances were served to the French, by Alardin Knight, and to the other, by Sir John of Luxenburg; and the combat was fought with sharp Swords in a Park, co­vered with sand, that reached to the great market place, in the middle of which, there were double Lists, to keep the horses to run one against an other, as they ran up and down; the Jousts lasted five days, and fate ordered it so, that there was but Philibert of Abrecy, and the Standard Nully wounded in the face. We read in Spanish History, that Don John of Pimentel, Count of Majorga, was in seve­ral Tournays, out of which he came always Victor; and afterwards thinking to come in­to France, he learnt that exercise, with an in­credible [Page 289]care, and especially the use of the Faulchion, or great Cimetar, to try him­self against Forreign Nations, and first he had a mind to try his activeness with his Gentle­man of the horse, whom he caused to equip himself, and received such a blow in the face by him, that he died a while after; and so the Gentleman saved his Master the labor of coming into France.

In the year 1500, there was a Tourney at sharps, between seven of Queen Anns Gentle­men, and seven of Lewis the twelfth's King of France her Husband, the twelfth of May, when the Queen was returned out of Burgundy, where she had been Godmother to the Prince of Oranges Son; My Lord Infant of Navarre, the Count of Foix's Brother, and the Lords of Avenna, Bonnevall, Rochepot, Barres, Verdu­sant, and Ravell, were on the Kings side; and the Lords of de la Roche, of Brittagnia, of Cha­stillon, of Frementus of St. Amadour, Francis Cours, Maugeron, and the young Camicant, were for the Queen. The King was upon a Scaffold, attended by the Earl of Foix, the Prince of Orange, the Earl of Dunoy, the Duke of Albania, the Marshals of Rieux, Gia, and other remarkable persons; and the Queen was upon an other, accompanied by the Prin­cess of Tarent, the Countess of Gayace, Mada­moiselle Candalle, and by other Ladies, who [Page 290]contributed much to the beauty of that great spectacle; the Infant of Navarre was hurt in the face,; my Lord of Chastillon ran with such a force, that he left the point of his Launce in Ravells right Arm, and it was a miracle, that in this Combat, there were no mortal wounds.

In the year 1549. Henry the second King of France, made a famous Tourney at Paris, to grace his entry into it, with Catherina of Me­dicis, his Consort; and this sight was so much the pleasanter, because there was no mischief done; the King himself, and the Prince of Van­dosme, had the greatest glory in it. But an­other that he made after, for the celebrating the Nuptials of the Princess Elizabeth, his daugh­ter, which he married to the King of Spain, and those of my Lady Margaret of France, her Sister, who was married to the Duke of Savoy, was much more terrible, and more fatal; he was the chief venturer, with Francis of Lor­rain, Duke of Guise, and the Prince of Ferra­rat, and resolved to try his skill with him for three days together, with Launce, Half-pike, and Sword; the King was Victor the first day, but the second, he put all France in Mourning, whatsoever intreaties the Queen made him, by the Duke of Savoys words, and those of my Lord Montmorency, his resolution had more power in him, than all the Counsel that was [Page 291]given him, and when he saw their instance, he sent word to the Queen by them, that he would run no more, when he had broke one Launce more; to be as good as his word, and to shew that he prophecyed by chance, he constrained the Earl of Montgomery to run, whatsoever excuse he could alledge, either out of fear, or by respect; and as Montgome­ry ran at him full tilt, his Launce flew in pie­ces; and a splinter flew in the Kings eye, who died of it eleven days after, the tenth of Ju­ly, 1559. after he had lived two and forty years, and Reigned thirteen. These Tour­neys ended most of them by the death of Hen­ry the second, King of France. But other sports followed them, which if they had not all ceased, the World would not have been able to find Men for other slaughters, although all Men did not dye in them, and that they were Victories that were reapt, as one reaps fruit, without mischief. But those that follow in the next Chapter, were not complaisant e­nough, to yield to Philosophers, which have made clemency a great Vertue; they rather were of opinion, that it was a Vice to pardon, weakness to bear much, and that there was no difference between a mild Man and a Cow­ard; they made Virtue for effeminate hearts, and Vices for great Souls; they have counted Murther for the highest Virtue, and have [Page 292]mistook Butchers for Heroes. Now we shall see that Fortune hath sided with some in their Quarrels, and in their Combats; and that she hath been much more ingenious and valiant, than strength and justice.

CHAP. X. Of the Misfortune of Duellists.

THere are few Combats like that of Radi­slas, against S. Venceslas King of Bohemia; and like that of Ruy Paez of Viedna, against Rodrigus of Avilla, who fought three days to­gether without any advantage: Nature is not alwayes capable to produce such great men, or rather the Heavens do not alwayes work their Miracles. Of all the Customs of People, there was never one so unjust in my opinion, nor so cruel; I marvel it hath past for a Law in times past, and even in our Fathers times. Crantz, in his second Book of his History of Saxony, saith, That the first use of Duels is come from the Danes, in whose Countrey all the differen­ces, both Civil and Criminal, were decided by; which Custom was afterwards introduc'd into Saxony, and passed from the Saxons to the Lombards, and thence into Gaules. The King of Burgundy called Gondebaut, maintained strongly that Custom, grew so obstinate in [Page 293]countenancing of it, (according to Agobert, Bishop of Lyons, in his Treatise of Duels) that the Ecclesiastick threatnings were not ca­pable to divert him from it. There was not so much as Churchmen that refrained the use of it, saith an Author. And this Custom was generally received in our latter Ages, if we believe Matthew Paris, in his Book of King Henry the third's life. Godfrey a Bishop took it so ill, that Peter Bishop of Xantus, had per­mitted Duels to Churchmen, that he blam'd him in publick Libels: And we find that the Emperor Frederick, was Excommunicated at the Council of Lyons, by Innocent IV. because he constrained some Churchmen to use those deplorable extremities. Abbots and Fryers pra­ctised these horrible Cruelties, when their Ti­tles about any thing that was due to them were not strong enough and authentick; and when they had to do with Persons of Quality, who refus'd to fight with them, for their lives, they had select men for that purpose, that they called Abbots, or Clergy-Knights, who fought in their vindication. The Empe­ror Orbon, ordered Church-differences to be decided by Duels, And Turcket remarkt in his History of Spain, that at the Council of Basile, the Bishops being assembled, lookt upon a com­bat between John of Merle, born in Castile, of Portuguese Parents, and Henry Ramestan, a Bur­gundian, [Page 294]who was kill'd; that John of Merle was the same that had fought with the like suc­cess against the Lord of Cheruy, in the Town of Arras, in Duke Philip's presence.

Roderick of Toledo, in his Relation of Spain, speaks of a Combat which was no less strange. He saith that Alphonsus King of France, would have the French Liturgy used in Spain, by the counsel of Constance his Wife, and of Richard Abbot of St. Victor at Marseilles, which Pope Gregory VII. sent there to reform the Chur­ches. The Clergy of Toledo, with the people, opposed it openly; and the King and Clergy agreed that this difference should be decided by a Combat. The Knight of the Kings side was worsted by that whom the Clergy had chosen; but Alphonsus's authority was such, that he obtained what he desir'd for all that; and then it was objected, that the power of Kings made the force of all the Laws fruitless, since they did what they pleased. If we do but look back upon former Ages, we shall read of Duels of very old date; and we shall read but few Authors which do not confirm the use of them by some Examples.

Before Avarice had sought for Mines in the Earth, and had found the art to sharpen Steel for the ruine of Nature, men made use of those Arms that they brought into the world, and fought at Fifty-cuffs, and tyed great knots [Page 295]in Ropes, and knockt one another on the head with them. This kind of Arms was call'd the Ceste of the Ancients; and thus was Jocus kill'd by Cleomedus, and Amicus, the King of the Bebricians by Polux, because he would give him no passage, till he had tryed himself with this Ceste against some Argonauts. Entellus and Dares fight this way in Virgil, and the last of them causeth pity, to hear how he comes off. Some of the ancient Romans used to cast Ropes or Nets upon their Enemies heads, arms, or legs, and about their necks, to choke them withall, or to entangle them; and thus Pitta­chus a wise man of Greece, catcht Phinon, and overcame him with a Net, with which he catcht his Head, and so the wise man said that he had cast his Net to catch a Fish; for Phinon had upon his Coat of Arms a Fish, which he wore upon his Cap.

We see David in the Holy Scriptures meet Goliah, and Hobach, Neptune, two of the greatest Philistines; and Jonathan, Semmas's son, meet a great Gyant; and Theoclus, and Pollinis, kill'd one another; and the antipathy of these two Brothers lasted even after death: for when they went to burn them according to the An­cients custom, the flame (as I have remarkt in a Moral Philosopher) divided it self to con­sume them apart, as if it had been unpossible [Page 296]for them to agree either dead or alive, and their ashes to have been kept in the same Viol.

Oxillius and Dedius's difference about the Scepter of the Elians, was decided by two men chosen for that purpose. Arius was killed by Pergamus; and Hillus the Dorian, by Echemus King of Arcadia. Mellantus, King of the Mes­sinians, vanquisht in a Duel Tantus of Thebes, who had challeng'd Thuiratus, King of Athens; and though he used more policy in his Victory over him, than courage, the Athenians crown­ed him for all that, and rejected Thimates, who was base enough to refuse the Combat, and beg his life of his Enemy. Alexander kill'd in a single Combat Spitrobatus, Emperor of Jonia, and Darius's Son-in-law, at Gramicus; and un­der Artaxerxes Reign, Darius overcame a cer­tain Caducian, with so much glory and good Fortune, that this Victory was the Empire of Persia in his way. Sitibarzanus, chief of the Rebels of the Arrians, was killed by Erygius, because he had so much presumption to chal­lenge the valiantest man of Macedonia. Saxo Germanicus speaks of a Duel in the fifth Book of his History, and saith that Hithinus and Ho­gius fought a Duel, and that the first gave Ho­gius his life; but they kill'd one another seven years after that. A Scythian and two Persians were kill'd by Scanderberg, in King Amurath's [Page 297]presence; and Pyrrhus, King of the Epirotes, was challeng'd by a Knight of Mammestin, who was the valiantest man of all the Sicilian Ar­my, and cut him in the middle, according to Plutarch. William Count of Angoulesme, did the same execution with his Sword upon a Norman Knight, armed all over with a good Cuirass, and therefore he was sirnamed Cut­iron. Acron was worsted by Romulus, and stript of his Arms at the head of both their Armies. The Curiaces were beaten by the Horaces; Viri­domarus, and Briomarus, by Marcellus; the Ge­neral of the Fidenates's Cavalry, by Cornelius Cassus; a Gaule, by Valerius Corvinus, helpt by a Crow, who, by a strange Prodigy, fought with Amenus, and pecked him in the face; another Gaule was vanquisht by Manlius Torquatus; and Quintus Cotus destroyed two Spaniards one after another.

Aradion was kill'd in a Duel by Probus an Emperor. Alarick, King of the Goths, by Chil­derbert, King of France. And Clotarius II. kill'd Bersierus. King of the Saxons, or the Senes. There came a thing to pass in Charlemains and Aygolants time King of the Sarazens, that's re­markable enough. This King and Emperor agreed that some Knights of both their Armies should decide their differences, and that the victorious side should impose Laws upon the vanquisht, in all manner of wayes concerning [Page 298]their interest, without excepting Religion it self, and all that which is held most sacred a­mongst men. Christians were the Conquerors, so that Aygolant and the Sarazens embraced im­mediately the Christian Religion. But one day this King seeing twelve Beggars dine by Charle­mains Table, and inquiring what men those were that looked ill, and were so ill cloathed? The Almoner, after a long and ridiculous me­ditation, answer'd him that they were Gods messengers; he returned over the Pirenean hills, took to his first worship, and would not be any longer of a Religion, whose God he concluded was very mean, since his messengers were so poor.

Stephen Barcellas, in his History of the Earls of Barcelonia, speaks of a Combat in a close Camp, with the ancient Ceremonies, betwixt Zinophrus of Arria, a Christian Knight, son to Don Bernardo Barcin, Count of Barcelonia, and a black Knight, whose name was Balzaro, who was kill'd by Zinophrus, after he had challeng'd all the Christian Knights, being of opinion, That all Christendom was not able to find a man who could resist him. Paul, the Deacon, hath not passed by in his History the challenge of King Cunebert, to decide in a single Combat the difference he had with Alachis, who had ex­pelled him out of his Dominions, and filled them with his Cruelties and Murthers. William [Page 299]Duke of Normandy, call'd the Conqueror, who began a new Race of the Kings of England, did no less against Herauld; and in Emperor Otho's time, a Duel decided the question, which Right could not do before; to wit, if the great Grandchildren should succeed with their Un­cles, after their Fathers and Grandfathers were deceased; Fortune favoured the Childrens side: And Titus Livius, and Valerius Maximus, speak of such another succession, which was decided this way, even before Scipio's time, be­twixt two brothers, Corumbis and Osna. Gau­stier, Governor of Caesarea in the Holy Land, after he had accused Hugh, Prince of Taffus, of High Treason, offered to prove his Accu­sation by a Combat: And William, Archbishop of Tyr, of whom we learn this particularity, acquaints besides in the same Chapter of his History, that Godfroy of Bouillon, fought with a Kinsman of his, for the sale of an Estate they were not agreed upon, and against others, at several times, and shewed in all his Combats proofs of an extraordinary valor. Albert Crantz relates in his History, that Julia was joined to the Crown of Denmark, by a Duel, in which Roe King of that Countrey triumpht over Hunding, Prince of the Saxons: He saith in the same place, that Uffen, son to Hermond, King of Denmark, had the same success against the Duke of Saxony's son, and a Knight, whom [Page 300]he fought both together, and that he drew by this happy Combat the admiration of all the World.

Andrew du Chesne, a French Author, informs us in his History of England, that Gumhilde, King Canut the second's sister, was married to Henry, Conrad the Salick's son, Emperor, and that she was accused of Adultery. But she resolved to vindicate her self by a single Com­bat, to prove her own innocence, in a close Camp; but when she saw that her Accuser was of the bigness of a Gyant, and that his stature made every one to tremble that were of her side, she engaged in her quarrel a little Boy that she had carried with her out of England. This youth, who could reach but little higher than his Enemies legs, ham-string'd him very ingeniously, and proved manifestly by that for­tunate blow, that strength is useless often, where policy and cunning is used, and that it was not alwayes Thunders and Tempests that cast down Mountains, and great Trees; the Empress overjoy'd that her Virtue should be discovered, by a way that in all likelihood should have caused her to cease from being guilty, in making her cease to live, left the Em­peror at that very time, and never admitted him since to her Bed, whatsoever entreaties or threatnings they could use; she took a Nun­nery for her Palace, and would not accept of [Page 301]any other: shewing thereby, that she was of the same mind of that Roman Lady, that af­firmed that it was not enough for Caezar's wife to be chaste, but that she must not so much as cause a suspition. There was a Duel between Geoffroy Baynard Accuser, and William Earl of Eu accused of High-Treason, in the year 1096. when young William King of England, held a very considerable Assembly at Salisbury; Bay­nard had the better of it, and he pull'd out his Enemies eys, and cut off those parts which Modesty doth not permit me to name, after his victory over him, and his Gentleman was han­ged, after he had been whipt very cruelly. Soon after that the Pope was retired from the Council of Constance, there hapned a Duel be­twixt Frederick, Duke of Austria, and the Earl Harman of Cylin, more for the glory of Arms, than for any private hatred, the Duke of Austria got the better of it, in the presence of all the Prelates, in the year 1418, March 22. and Count Cylin received there a very dange­rous wound.

When Lewis XII. King of France, made War in Italy against the Pope, there hapned two remarkable Duels, the one was between Don Perralto a Spaniard, who was of the Popes Army, against Don Aldoramus, of the same Countrey, that was of the Frenches side; and both of them were wounded dangerously, and [Page 302]had both lost their lives upon the place, if they had not been fetcht out of their Camp, which was closed in by Snow. The second Duel was between two Albanians, one of which was of the Kings Army, and the other of the Popes; they were very well armed, after their Coun­trey fashion, with a Stradiot at their Arm­wrist, and their Hats in their hands: And to give you an account of their actions, saith the Marshal Marck in his History, the Albanian of the Popes side ran upon the other, and hurt his shoulder; the Albanian of the Kings side, when he saw himself in that condition, took his Stradiot like a Lance, and darted it at him, which hit him in the throat, and followed it close, so that at last with a great many blows, he made an end of him; and it was pity, said he, for they were counted both pretty Fellows amongst the Albanians. Never was a stranger blow seen, than that which de Villars relates concerning Montshall of Vivarets, who with his Lance run through the Knight Carraf's Saddle his Gantlet, and his Cuirass. In Francis the first's time King of France, the Knight Bayard, af­ter he had fought against the Lord Hiacintus Simonetta, in Milan, fought on foot in Naples, and kill'd Don Alonzo de Santo Majores, of the Family of Cordova.

Long before that time there was a Duel be­tween Geoffery Grisgonel, against Bartholus, the [Page 303]Duke of Saxony's brother, under the Reign of Robert, that the Inquisitive may find in Belle Forest, in the third Book of his History. Audigier in his Treatise of Duels, saith that Gathranus, King of Burgundy, found the blood of a Bufeloe as he went a hunting, that had been killed in the Forest of Vogus. The King was very an­gry, commanded that the chief Forester should be catcht, and that he should be put to the wrack, to force by torments a confession from his mouth, that no man could do neither by promises nor threatnings. At last he accus'd Chadon the Kings Chamberlain, who was put in Prison at Thalons: he was condemned to suffer the wrack, but he underwent it without confessing any thing, and requireth a Combat; the King granted him what he desired, but he being sick, he proposeth his Nephew, who is accepted by the Forester, and who wounded him with his Lance, he presently flew upon him to cut his Throat with a Dagger that he had at his girdle, but he ran it in his own body, in strugling and tormenting of himself with the other.

Chadon being fled after this Adventure, he King commanded to follow and catch him; he was taken as he was going to save himself in St. Marcels Church; he was tyed to a Post by the Kings order, and stoned to death by the people, and thus three men dyed for Buffloe. [Page 304]Alphonsus in his Book de vero honore militari, saith a Gentleman of Germany, Master of the Emperor Henry the Fifths Wardrobe, fell in love with the Empress Matilla, alias Metilla, his Masters Wife, and the King of Englands daughter, he took his opportunity to discover his passion to her: but she rejected and threat­ned him, and advised him to put off that love that would cost him his life. But his kindness turned into fury, he accused Metilla of Adul­tery, offers to prove his Accusation by a Com­bat; and that which is no less strange and sur­prizing, there was never a Knight that prof­fered himself to maintain the Empresses ho­nour, although it was known all over Germa­ny, Italy and England, Remond Berranger, Count of Barcelona, being toucht with the Empresses Misfortune, went some time after incognito to the Emperors Court, put on a Fryers habit to go see Metilla, who was close Prisoner in a Tower, examin'd her, neither discovering him­self by his name, nor by his intention and de­sign: but that very day he fought the German, and forced him to declare the Empress inno­cent, and to confess his own crime. After that glorious action, he returned his way home, without making himself known; and for all that the Emperor and Emperess sought him everywhere, to recompence his virtue, he con­tented himself with a private satisfaction, that [Page 305]he had done what he ought to do, and desired no other acknowledgments and applauses. Some other Historians are of a contrary opi­nion, and maintain that the Emperor gave him the County of Provence, which ever since hath been inherited by his Descendants.

Some Ages before Archambot Vicecount Tu­renne fought many Duels, he fought one a­mongst the rest, for the vindication of Mary of Arragon, Emperor Otho the third's Wife, who was accused of Adultery. He was extraordi­nary happy in his Combats; and the Empres­ses virtue was very much obliged to that of this Knight, who protected her against all them that would make her pass for a Criminal. It was she her self for all this, that accused the Duke of Modena, to have exprest some love to her, and that caused him to dye, having inven­ted that Crime against him, That Dukes La­dy being troubled in mind for that imposture, and for the accident that followed it, deman­ded justice of the Emperor some time after, in that general Assembly of all Italy upon the River Pau, near Plaisance; she profered to prove her deceased Husbands innocency by Fire, as the ancient custom was: and the truth was no sooner found, but Mary of Arragon was burnt in the Nine hundred and eighty sixth year, and that this worthy Widow was recom­pensed with four Castles, and esteemed of all [Page 306]those that thought to pity her. Criticks would, may be, suspend their belief, if the truth of it was not confirmed by Viterbus in his universal Chronicle; by Sigoignus in his History of the Kingdom of Italy; and by Strada in the life of the Emperor Otho the third.

Gondeberg, a French Princess, Erioldus's Royal Consort, King of Lombardy, had in her Retinue, a Gentleman of that Countrey, whom she esteemed much, and who grew so insolent of her favor, that he was impertinent enough to entertain the Queen of Love. Gondeberg sur­prized at his discourse, did spit in his face, and threatned that bold Fellow; who, to prevent her, told the King that the Queen designed to attempt upon his life; and that he should take heed of her private intelligences, for she had a mind to poyson him, that she might be joined to Taso, Governor of Tuscany. The King cau­sed Gondeberg to be laid fast in a Castle, at the first report that was made to him by Adulphus. King Clotanius, the last of that name, sent Am­bassadors to Ernoldus, to tell him that he ought not to imprison that Queen who was his Kins­woman, because she was descended from the Kings of Austrasia, of the Family of France, and that she could not be punisht for a Crime of which she was not convinced. Lancelotus, one of the Ambassadors, obtained of the King that one on the behalf of that fair and virtuous [Page 307]Queen, should challenge the Accuser to fight a Duel, and at that time Arribert the Queens Cousin threw down his Glove for a pledge; Adalulphus took it up, but he was vanquisht by Arribert, and afterwards hanged; and the Queen, after three years imprisonment, was delivered from her fears and troubles. Under the Reign of Lewis the Stutterer, King of France, a Countess of Gastinois, Jndgelger's Wife, and Godmother to Jndgelger Duke of Anjou, was accused to have had a hand in her Husbands death, murthered in his Bed, and found dead by her. Goutran, nearest of kin to the deceased, was the Accuser; and though the Countess offered to justifie her self by her Oath, the King found this accident so strange, that he ordered her to find out a man for her defence. When all hopes were lost for the Countess, and that there was no man that pre­sented himself to fight for her, at last Jndgelger, Earl of Anjou, her Godson, who was but 16 years of age, proffer'd himself to engage a­gainst Gontran, one of the most valiant and esteem'd of his age, attacks him in the Kings, and all the Courts presence, casteth him down at his feet, cuts off his head, delivered the Coun­tess out of Prison, and saved at the same time both her honour and life.

I will not speak here of all the Duels that have been fought for the Honour of Ladies; [Page 308]do but read Herodotus, that, amongst others, re­lates that Calisthenes, the Tyrant of Siciona, publisht at the Olympic Sports, that he would give his daughter Againsta in marriage to him that should be Victor. This publick Declaration made 13 Princes to come and try their Valor for her, and as Calisthenes had promised, she was given to the valiantest. Idas and Lynceus, fought against Castor and Polux, for Lemippus's two daughters; Hercules fought Achelaus, for Dejamra; and Theseas against Minotaurus, for Ariadna. There was a Combat between Mene­laus and Paris, for fair Helena; Agamemnon and Achilles fought a Duel for Briseis; and Virgil doth not omit that of Aeneas and Turnus, for Lavinia.

A great Volume would scarce be sufficient, if I should speak in particular of the Duels that have been fought by persons of all degrees and qualities, and of all Ages, whose Lives Death receives every day still by the hands of Fortune: But we have insisted too long upon this bruitish Valor, and enraged Virtue; we must pass from Arms, to Learning; and from the Camp, to Academies.

CHAP. XI. Of the Misfortunes that have befallen the Learned.

I Cannot apprehend why the greatest Men have regarded Arts so little, when they were become Masters of them, nor by what principles they have cast an horror in our minds, of that which they made their greatest glory. We read in Phillostratus, that Euphra­tus did advise above all things Vespasian, to reject all other Philosophy, but that which treated of the secrets of nature; and Varron did affirm, that there was no dreams, nor no­thing so foolish, which had not been left by some sect of Philosophers; Tertullian terms them, the Patriarchs of Heresie; Agripina per­swaded Octavian, to avoid them; and the Em­peror Valantinian, Heraclidus, Ditius, and Philonidas called them Publick Plagues. Sylla and Nero did repent, for the time they had lost in Learning; Michael the stutterer, King of France; forbad the use of it; and all Men know, that another King of that Country, would not permit his Son to learn above three Latin words, which have this sence, That who can't Dissemble, can't Reign: True it is, that [Page 308]we have in our sinest Libraries, many ridi­culous things of the Ancients; that some Men have not much benefited themselves, nor us neither, that have taken a great deal of labor to write whole Volumes, about the last Let­ter of the Alphabet Z. to make it plain whe­ther H. is to be pronounced with an aspirati­on if Penelopus was unchaste, and that Di­dimus, who hath composed four thousand Books, might have employed his time better, than in endeavoring to shew us in some of them, what Country Homer was born in, who was Aeneas's Mother, if Sapho was a com­mon Whore? and if Anachreon, whose Lea­chery and Drunkenness he compared, loved the Bed better then the Table; others have written as silly things as him, but we must con­fess also, that we have fine things left us by Antiquity, that their Wits have formed ours, and that we should know less remarkable things if they had written less. Nevertheless, they have all been used ill, either by Envy, or For­tune; Envy hath spied great Vices in them, and great faults in their Books, and their ill reputation hath made but the least of their disgraces.

Pithagoras, went as far as Persia, to learn Ma­gick; and as Cneus Terrentius had found in his field, the Body and the Books of Numa Pa­pirus, which he took notice of by some Cha­racters, [Page 309]upon the bark of a tree, five hundred and thirty five years after his death; and see­ing that these Books contained no other thing, but the opinion of this Philosopher, Pettilius the Prettor, burnt them by his Ordonnance. So­crates, who by the Oracle of Apollo, was found the only wise Man in the World, was for all that, foolish enough to marry out of pity Aristides Daughter, whose name was Mirtho, because she found no other Man to Marry her, and at the same time Married another; and was counted an Userer by Cicero, inconstant by Plato, and obscure by Xenophon, and by Atheues, for an ignorant Man, by Arri­stophanis for a malicious Man, and by the Ma­gician Tertamus, for a Robber, for a barbarous Man, and for an Adulterer. Plato, whom Cle­ment Alexander of Alexandria, terms the Moses of Athens, and called by Arnobus, the Chri­stian Philosopher, is not looked upon as a wise Man by St. Jerome, and some others after him, as Scaliger have thought, that there was no more brains in his head, then method in his Dialogues; Zenophon saith, that he was guilty of the abominations of Egypt; Atheneus accu­seth him of envy; Aristophanus of Impiety; Theopompus of Falshood; Suidas of Cove­tousness; Aulusgelleus of Theft, and Porphirius of Incontinency. Aristotle, who according to some Historians, hath written four hundred [Page 312]Volumes, and who for the Book of Animals, which he composed, received of Alexander, eight hundred Talents, which amount in Sterl­ing Money, to one hundred and twenty thou­sand pound, was had afterwards in no grea­ter veneration than the former; and Laertius, Tertullian in his Treaty of the Soul; Albert the great, in his mirror of Astronomy; Aver­roeu in his Poetry; Lanctantius in his Book of Justice; Cicero and Plutarch have done what they could, to make his ambition his ignorance, and his vanity publickly known. Some men have disputed the Illads of Homer; and said, that he was not the author of them, but a certain Poet named Lecheus, or Elorrinus of Samos; and Thevet is of opinion, that he bor­rowed all his Works, from Hesiodus; groun­ded doubtless upon this reason, that this last hath first written of the Nature and Birth of the gods; and that Aristophanus speaking of the ancientest Poets, began his Decalogue with Orpheus, Hesiodus, by Museus, and then Homer. The Emperor Claudius, could not suffer his Verses, and as Plato had expelled him from his Republick, Adrian did what lay in his power, to suppress his works, and to annul his memory, though Cleomenes spoke in bet­ter terms of him, when he said, That Homer was the Lacedemonians Poet, because he taught the use of Arms; and Hesiodus the Ilotes, that [Page 313]were poor Slaves, because he treated of manu­ring the ground. Sophocles was summoned before the Magistrats by his Children, to force him to admit of a Guardian, like a Child; a Lady whose name was Corinna, that Eurigidus had challenged publickly, to make Verses with her at Thebes, won the prize of him six times, for the glory of the Greek Poets, of whose party she was. To be brief, the most part blame Hesiod's Stories; the partiality of Sophocles, Pindarus vanity, and the overmuch talking of Euripides; Ennius was counted a Drunkard; Horace mocks Plan [...]us; Virgil had no judgment nor skill in Sciences, if we may believe Car­bilius, Pliney, Seneca, and St. Jerom. Horace is so obscure, and so fabulous, that St. Am­brose, had his Books burnt, and Quintillian, Martial, and Servius, maintained that Lucan, might rather be counted an Orator, then a Poet Most men read Pliney as a Romance, and this man cannot endure Diodorus; Vopiscus in the beginning of his Aurelian, not excepting so much as Salustus, Titus Livius, nor Tacitus saith, that they have all committed some fal­shood, in regard of history. Herodotus and Plutarch are suspected of flattery; and Jose­phus saith, that an Historian, to write the truth, should be of no Country, nor City, and have no King. Cicero who was slow to be moved, and rarely in a passion, hath made several faults [Page 312]in his writings, he was cold in his reproofs, slow in his expressions, and long in his di­gressions, and did not practice all the rules of art, as Seneca, Lipsius, Muret, and Bembus affirm of him. Grachus could do nothing with­out his slave. Quintillian sold all his Secrets and Skill; Vatronus was counted a Swine, by Rhemius Palemon: Apuleus an ignorant man, by Severus the Emperor; and if we should exa­mine all other Orators, we should find that this was but imperfect productions. It is much that to defame Philosophers, every one ca­steth their verdict upon them; some say, that Plato is doubtful, some that Aristotle dives too deep, some that Zenon is too severe, and some that Epicurus is too lascivious; it is much more to say, that Poets are Cheats, Orators self-en­ded, and Historians partial; but it is far worse, that most part of those great men are dead shamefully, and in great Torments; that they have found Tyrants and Executioners, where they might expect, by their merits, friends and protectors, and that those miracles of nature, should have been Fortunes pastime.

Nero, by the perswasions of his Favorite, put Plautus Brusius Grandchild to death, be­cause he turned a Stoick; and the Tyrant Pha­laris, commanded that Zenons should loose his life, for all he was the author of their Reli­gion. Anaxagoras, Phostion, and Socrates, were [Page 313]poysoned by the ingratitude of their Coun­try; and Pantalleon the Poet was put in an Iron cage, and carried up and down till he dyed like a Savage, because he took upon him to speak of Arsiur's life, in way of re­proofe; who was Licimachus Wife. Anax­archus was pounded in a Morter, by the cru­elty and command of Nicocreontes; Archime­des was killed by Marcellus's Souldiers; Pitha­goras was assassinated amongst threescore of his Disciples, and Plato was sold like a slave, by Denys of Siracuse. Aristotle drowned himself for despair in Eurippe; Baldus dyed in mad fits. Senechus opened his Veins to obey Nero, who commanded his death absolutely. And Cicero had his Tongue, his Hands, and his Head cut off, by the command of Mark Antho­ny: Ainius was tore Limb from Limb, in Ti­berius's time. Papinian a Counsellor, lost his life miserably, by the command of an Empe­ror; and great Hermolaus Barbarus, was banisht from Venice, because he accepted too private­ly the Patriarchship of Aquillea. Peter Leon of Spoletta leapt into a Well, Sir Tho. More was Beheaded in England: Erasmus died in banish­ment: Hesiodus, was knockt on the Head, at a Woods end; and Savonarola was burnt at Florence, by Pope Alexander's order. Euripi­des was devoured by Dogs, after he came from supper with the King Archelaus: the Poet Alc­man, [Page 316]Pherricides the Divine, and Mutius Coun­sellor, were eaten up with Vermin; and A­verroes was crusht to death, with a Cart wheel that ran over him. Domistus Caldery dyed with the Plague; Anacreon was choaked with a Grape; Anachassus of an Apoplexy; and old Aeschillus had his head bruised in pieces, by a a Tortaise, that an Eagle dropt upon him in the fields. Thalus died for thirst: John Tissi­er, who made himself recommendable, and had got a great reputation by his works, dyed in an Hospital: and the two greatest men of our age, Lilius Gregorius Geraldus, in Italy; and Sebastianus Castalio in Germany, might have li­ved longer, had they had food. Ovid ended his days miserably; Archilaus having been whipt publickly in Lacedemonia, was banisht thence, for maintaining that it was more glori­ous to yield, and to lay down ones Arms, then to dye in a Combat. Empedocles burnt him­self upon Mount Gibell: and Aesop was thrown down a Precipice, like a Thief, by the Inha­bitants of Delphios. Amphicratus having been banisht from Athenes, from Seleucia, and Arme­nia, was starved for want of Food: Democri­tes pull'd his own eyes out; Asclepiadus broke his own Neck: Leoninus and Catullus, drown­ed themselves in a Well: and Politian to put an end to his miseries, dasht his Brains out a­gainst a wall. Poet Cassius was murthered in [Page 317]his Chamber by Quintillius Varrus, by Augu­stus's Command: Homer and Diodorus died for madness, the first, because he could not find out the meaning of a Riddle of some Fisher men, and the other, because he could not an­swer Stilbon's question. Adrian had that great Architect of Apollodorus executed; and Denys King of Siracuse, put the Poet Philoxenus to a cruel death, for his finding fault with a Book that he made, with more Judgment then Mo­desty. Heraclidus, who during his Gouts and other Infirmities, had caused himself to be sowed up in an Oxes skin, was devoured by Dogs, who took him for some beast; Bartho­lemew Cloclus, had his Throat cut by Hermes's order, whilst he was telling him his Fortune; and Calisthenes the Philosopher expired in Torments, for refusing to adore Alexander his Master, as others did; in brief, if we mind all the famous men of former ages, we shall find, that their Deaths will excite our astonishment and our tears; that the greatest Sciences, have been the less respected, and that those who have taught the finest things, have suffered the most cruel and the most unjust.

CHAP. XII. Of Misfortunes hapned to Ladies, conside­rable by their Virtue, Dignities, or Birth.

IT is a most strange thing, that the beautiful­lest Sex of Nature, hath not been the most respected by Fortune. That this sweet scourge of men, hath been their horror, as well as their love; and that we read in Histories, that so many Illustrious and Noble Ladies, have been the Victims of Tyranny and Vengeance. Ti­berius, who made Adulteries and Revels his di­vertisement and pastime, being taken with the beauty of Mallonia a Roman Lady, sent some of his Guards to corrupt her, or to bring her a­way by force; and as those Villains, after ma­ny outrages, had brought her into his Palace, he did what lay in his power to gain her love, by his promises, and his threats. That fair and chaste Lady, who did not so much regard the Emperor, as her own reputation, denied him all his desires, puts off his addresses and en­treaties, and shewed him, that she ought not to obey him, so far as to betray her virtue and happiness. Tiberius taking her reasons for so many offences, caused his Domesticks to ravish her; and as he had sought without effect all the [Page 317]wayes to satisfie his Brutality, he found this to satisfie his Cruelty. Mallonia went home, cast down with despair; and the excess of her sor­row not permitting her to express her resent­ment, she killed herself, to inform all men of it that had a desire to know it, and so triumpht in the loss of herself, of the insolence and rage of that barbarous man. Justinia, who was counted the miracle of Rome, was as unhappy, and was no guiltier than she; her Parents be­gan her disgraces, and her own Husband was at last, her Executioner: Not to appear dis­obedient, she was forced to marry a man that could not imagine that she should be so long handsom, and continue virtuous; nor that she could exercise so much love, and not receive some also: and that by a particular priviledge, she should appear so happily with gallantry and chastity together: One day examining her, he apprehended her Caresses to be but feigned, her Modesty for a private conspiration, and her Coldness for apparent hatred. If she embra­ced him, he thought her unchaste; and if she did not, he thought her his enemy. She seems to him to be too melancholy at home, too gay and too free in company, too inquisitive in Temples, too courteous in the Streets; and wheresoever she is without him, too credulous and confident. His jealousie went further yet; [Page 320]being not able to put it out of his mind, he put Justinia out of the World, ran her through with his Sword, and threw her down dead up­on the ground. Trebia dyed for the same Sub­ject, but not in the same manner, saith Poliphi­lus: Being married to a Nobleman, whose acti­ons were below his birth, she found so much satisfaction in her marriage, that she grew jea­lous of his Caresses, and thought he did divide his love. She charged her Husband with in­constancy and perfidy, without having any evi­dence of it, and stabbed her self in his pre­sence with a Bayonete, uttering these words, which were her last: Thou wouldst not have been suspected by me, if my Genius had not discover'd to me thy scorns; Farewell, I wish thee no other punishment, but that thou may'st be as happy, as I have been faithful to thee.

Venuna, a Lady of Cyprus, who for her beau­ty had been promised to the Grand Signior Sel­vin, by his Lieutenant General Mahomet, when he had taken Nicossia by storm, and that Lady in it, she burnt her self, to avoid falling into that barbarous mans hands. Adrochia, and Al­cidda, daughters to Antipenus Prince of Thebes, killed themselves generously, to prevent by that means, the utmost ruine of their Countrey, and desolation of their City.

Eusebia dipt her hands in her own blood, be­cause she would not yield to the Emperor Maxentius's passion.

Rubellia, Sextus Marius's daughter, chose ra­ther to die, than to suffer Tiberius's Caresses: And chaste Osona of Smirna, was kill'd by a Soldier, upon her Husbands Tomb, as she was bedewing it with tears.

When Cinna Paetus was condemned to dye, and that he had no other favor shewed him, but only to choose his death; Aria his Wife see­ing he had nothing more to hope for, nor to fear, counselled him to yield generously to Tyranny, and to follow Destiny without con­straint, since it was not in his power to strive against it without disgrace. After she had shewn him by reason, that Death was not so terrible as he might imagine; she shewed him by ex­ample too: and so pulling out a Dagger that she had provided for that purpose, pierced her Breast with it, and pulling of it out full of blood, presented it to him, with a setled coun­tenance, uttering these words: This hath done me no hurt, my dear Husband; but what thou art going to do, killeth me.

Sejania, daughter to that unfortunate Favo­rite of Tiberius, who was promised in marriage to Clodius, had a stranger disgrace; the Em­peror, who thought of nothing but the loss of [Page 322]that ambitious persons memory, by that of his Family, of his Relations, and of his Friends, considered neither her youth, nor her Sex, nor whether it was more just to pity her, than to punish her: it was enough that she was Sejan's daughter, to be guilty, and to deserve death, because she had a regret for her Fathers life: The Emperor put her to death, how innocent soever she was; and as if that injustice had not been great enough to testifie his resent­ment, he caused her to be ravisht by the Hang­man before her death publickly at the place where she was executed.

The History of Suplicia is less horrible than that of Sejania, but yet is fit it should follow: That passionate Roman disguised her self in mans Apparel, and against her mother and friends counsel, got away to see her Husband Lentulus Constelion, who by the persecution of the Triumvirat, had been unhappily transport­ed into Sicilia: She was no sooner come there, and known, but she was taken, and condemned to death with her Husband; but when she saw that he had received the first blow, she slew upon his body by an incredible excess of love; and having opened her Breast with a Poyniard, to die with him, and to prevent the Executioners cruelty, Stay for me, said she, my dear Sejan, dost thou not know me, I am thy com­panion?

Jane, Queen of Spain, and mother to the Emperor Charles V. and Ferdinando, died in Prison, because she had shaved King Philips her Husband Miss.

Harmonia, Gelon King of Syracuse's daugh­ter, was massacred by her own people: And Lais, that miracle of Sicily, who made all the Philosophers of Athens her Gallants, was knockt on the head by Women, who hated her, because she was extreme handsom.

Lucretia kill'd herself, not to survive her disgrace and dishonour: And Portia, not to survive her Husband, swallow'd some burning Coals, and made her self a Beverage of flames, because she could get no poyson to drink.

When Acolin, Tyrant of Padoua, had taken Basiana, a Town of Italy, he found there fair Rubea, who, to revenge the death of her dear Husband, who had been killed in the breach, did defend still with her Sword in her hand, and her Cask upon her head, that liberty that she had left. This modern Amazon, had often before done the office of a Commander and Soldier; she had fought her own and her Coun­tries liberty, and had left nothing undone, that could witness that Valor affected no Sex parti­cularly, and that a Pike was not disgraced by the spinning Staff: After Acolin had admired afar off her courage, when he came nearer, he [Page 324]admired her beauty much more; of an Usur­per, he became her Slave; and though he could command her by the right of Arms, he sought for all that the means to win her Love: he caressed, pressed, and threatned her, but all his transports were in vain: this generous Wo­man possesseth in her, as three inseparable gra­ces, Virtue, Valor and Beauty, and makes no other use of her courage, but to oppose the violence of that Servant, who would make use of her with the authority of a Master. But at last perceiving by some circumstances, that she was undone, if she did undo herself; and that Acolin was resolved to deny nothing to his Passion, and to his Tyranny, she precipita­ted herself out of an high Window in a Gar­den, that she might be rid of his hands, in being bereft of her life; and to shew him, that she loved death better than him: nevertheless she did not die at that time, her fall being a disad­vantage to her, in that it was not mortal. Aco­lin took her again, bound her fast, and got of her by force, that which he could not obtain by entreaties, and by that means satisfied his Love and Vengeance. Rubea concealing her resentment, beg'd of Friends awhile after to let her go see her Husbands Tomb; where she no sooner came, but she took up the top stone, fell upon his Corps half eaten by Worms, and [Page 325]taking away that which supported the stone she had taken up, she let the stone fall upon her head, and so it dashed out her brains: and thus she herself made her own Grave and Tomb. Wise Agrippina was constrained by the cruelty of Tiberius, to be injurious to herself, so far as to be her own Executioner. Olympias, Alexan­der's mother, Besana and Roxana were mur­thered by Cassander's ambition; Thessalonicia, this mans mother, by the order of her own child; Octavia and Popea, by their Husbands command; and Lucia, that good Drusus's sister, who was victorious over the Parthians, died by an unheard of accident; as she held her Child in her Arms, he struck her innocently with his double Fist upon the Breast, and caus'd a Nee­dle she had stuck there to run so deep, that he kill'd her, thinking only to play with her. One of Reney's daughters, Duke of Lorrain, who was married to a King of England, after she had been banisht from the Kingdom, beg'd all her life-time. A Chancellor of Britain's Wife, lived by Charity all her dayes too. And un­fortunate Hecuba, Priam's mother, after the Greeks Victory, was forced, according to Sene­ca, to end her dayes in servitude. Francillia, Servius Tullus's Wife, and Empolis, Nicias the Athenians sons Wife, were both slain by their Chamber Roofs that fell upon them the first [Page 326]night of their Wedding. Bajazet's Wife be­came the divertisement of Tamerlain's Army. Anne of Boloigne, Queen of England, had her head cut off by an Hangman. And Mary Stuart, Queen of Scotland, lost hers upon a Scaffold, for being suspected of private intel­ligence with Spain. We could add a number of examples of this nature, as so many proofs of the inconstancy of all things; but we have sufficiently spoke of them to awaken the most stupified, and to confound the most incredu­lous. And since we have seen by the decay of so many Empires, the Ruines of the greatest Cities, and the Misfortune of so many gallant Persons, that Valor, Riches, Honours, Learn­ing and Beauty, are perishable Goods, or bur­thensom; we may be sure that there's nothing upon earth that's shot-proof against the Ad­ventures of Fortune; that our happiness is often turned to our hurt; and that we have some times no more reason to wish for her, than to fear her.