THE COPIE OF A LETER, VVRYTEN BY A MASTER OF ARTE OF CAMBRIGE, TO HIS FRIEND IN LONDON, CONcerning some talke past of late betvven tvvo vvorshipful and graue men, about the present state, and some procedinges of the Erle of Leycester and his friendes in England.
CONCEYVED, SPOKEN and publyshed, vvyth most earnest protestation of al duetyful good vvyl and affection, tovvardes her most excellent Ma. and the Realm, for vvhose good onely it is made common to many.
The heauens shal reueile the vvicked mans iniquitie, and the earth shal stand vp to beare vvitnes agaynst hym.
ANNO M. D. LXXXIIII.
THE EPISTLE DIRECTORIE. TO M. G. M. IN GRATIOVS Street in London.
DEare & louing friend, I receiued about ten daies gone, your letter of the 9. of this presēt: vvherī you demaund & solicite againe the thing, that I so flatlie denied you, at my late being in your chamber: I mean, to put in vvriting the relation vvhich then I made vnto you, of the speech had this last Christmas in my presence, betvveen my right vvorshippful good friend & Patron, & his gest the olde lavvier, of some matters in our state & countrie. And for that you presse me verie seriouslie at this instant, both by request & manie reasons, to yeeld to your desire herein, & not onlie this, but also to giue my cōsent for the publisshing of the same, by such secret meanes as you assure me you can there finde out: I haue thought good to cōfer the vvhole mater vvith the parties them selues, vvhom principalie it cōcerneth (vvho at the receipt [Page 2] of your letter vvere not far of frō me:) And albeit at the first, I found them auerse and nothing inclined to graunt your demand: yet after vpon cōsideration of your reasons, & assurance of secresy: (especialie for that ther is nothing in the same conteined repugnāt to charity or to our boundē duety tovvard our most gratious Princesse or coūtry, but rather for the special good of them both, & for the forvvarning of some dangers īminent to the same) they haue referred ouer the mater to me, yet vvyth this PROVISO that they vvil knovv nothing, nor yet yeld cōsent to the publishing hereof, for feare of some future florish of the Ragged Staf to come herafter about their eares, if their names should break furth: vvhich (I trust) you vvil prouide shal neuer happen, both for their securitie, & for your ovvn. And vvith this I vvil end, assuring you that vvithin thes five or six daies, you shal receiue the vvhole in vvriting by an other vvay & secret meanes, neither shal the bearer suspect vvhat he carieth: vvherof also I thought good to premonyshe you▪ And this shal suffice for this tyme.
THE PREFACE OF THE CONFERENCE.
SCHOLLAR.
NOt long before the last Christmasse, I vvas requested by a letter from a verye vvorshypfull and graue gentleman, vvhose sonne vvas then my pupyle in Cambridge, to repaire vvyth my said scholar, to a certain house of his neare London, and ther to passe ouer the holie dayes in his companie: for that it vvas determyned that in Hyllarye terme The occasion of this conference and meting. folovving, his said sonne should be placed in some Inne of Chauncerie, to folovv the studie of the common lavv, and so to leaue the vniuersitie. This request vvas grateful vnto me both in respect of the tyme, as also of the mater, but especialie of the companie. For that, as I loue much the yong gentleman, my pupile, for his tovvardlines in religion, learning, and vertue: so much more do I reuerence his father, for the riper possession of the same ornamētes, & for his great vvisdom, experience, and graue iudgement in affaires of the vvorld that do occurre: but namlie touching our ovvn countrie, vvherin truelie I do not remember to haue heard anie man in my lyfe, discourse more substantialie, indifferentlie, & vvyth lesse passion, more loue and fidelitie then I haue heard him: VVhich vvas the cause that I toke singular delite to be in his cōpanie, & refused no occasion to enioie the same. VVhich also he perceiuing, dealt more openlie & confidentlie vvith me, then vvith many other of his friendes, as by the relation folovving may vvell apeare.
VVhen I came to the forsaid house by London, I found ther among other friendes, an auncient man that professed the lavv, and vvas come from London The persons and place of this conference. to kepe his Christmasse in that place, vvyth vvhom at diuers former tymes I had bene vvel acquainted, for that he haunted much the companie of the said gentleman my friend, and vvas much trusted and vsed by him in maters of his profession, and not a litle beloued also for his good conuersation, notvvythstanding some difference in religion betvven vs. For albeit, this lavvyer vvas inclined to be a Papist, yet vvas it vvyth such moderation and reseruation of his duetie tovvardes his Prince and countrie, and proceedinges of the same: as he seemed alvvaies to giue ful satisfaction in this point to vs that vvere of contrarie opinion.
Nether did he let to protest often tymes vvith A Temperat Papist great affection, that as he had manie friends and kinsfolke of cōtrarie religion to him self: so did he loue them neuer the lesse for their different conscience, but leauing that to God, vvas desirous to do them anie friendship or seruice that he could, vvith al affection, zeale, and fidelitie. Neither vvas he vvilful or obstinat in his opinion, and much lesse reprochful in speech (as manie of them be) but vvas content to heare vvhat soeuer vve should say to the contrarie (as often vve did:) and to read anie boke also that vve delyuered hym, for hys instruction.
VVhich temperat behauiour, induced this gentleman & me, to affect the more his companie, & to discourse as freelie vvyth him in al occurrentes, as if he had bene of our ovvn religion.
THE ENTRAVNCE TO THE MATTER.
ONE day then of the Christmasse, vve three retiring our selues after dinner, into a large Gallerie, for our recreatiō, (as often vve vvere accustomed to do, vvhen other vvent to cardes and other pastimes:) this lavvier by chaunce had in his hand a litle boke, then nevvlie set forth, conteining A defence of the publique iustyce Th [...] boke of iustice done of late in Englande, vppon dyuers Pryestes and other Papystes for treason: VVhich boke, the lavvyer had red to him self a litle before, & vvas novv putting it vp into his pocket, But the gentleman my friend, vvho had red ouer the same once or tvvice in my companie before, vvould needes take the same into his hand againe, & asked the lavvyer his iudgemēt vpon the boke,
LAVVYER.
The lavvier ansvvered. That it vvas not euil penned in his opiniō, to proue the guiltines of some persons therin named in particular, as also to persvvade in general, that the Papistes both abrod & at home, vvho medle so earnestlie vvyth defence & encrease of their religion (for thes are not al, said he) do cō sequentlie vvishe and labour some chaunge in the state: but yet vvhether so far furth, & in so deep a degre of proper treason, as here in this boke both in [Page 6] general and patticular is presumed and inforced, that (quoth he) is somvvhat hard (I vvene) for you or me (in respect of some other differēce betvvene vs) to iudge or discerne vvith indifferencie.
GENTLEMAN.
Nay truelie said the gentleman, for my parte I think not so, for that reason is reason in vvhat religion so euer. And for my self, I may protest, that I beare the honest Papist (if ther be anie) no malice for his deceiued cōscience, vvherof among others, your self can be a vvitnes: mary his Practizes against The Papistes practizes against the state. the state I cannot in anie vvise disgiest: and much lesse may the cōmon vvealth beare the same (vvher of vve al depend,) beyng a sinne of al other, the most heinous, and least perdonable. And therfore seing in this you graunt the Papist both in general abrode, & at home, and in particular such as are condempned, executed and named in this boke to be guiltie: hovv can you insinuate (as you do) that ther is more presumed or enforced vpon them by this boke, then ther is iust cause so to do.
LAVVYER.
Good Sir, said the other, I stand not here to examine the doinges of my superiours, or to defend the guiltie, but vvish hartely rather their punishment that haue deserued the same. Onlie this I say, for explication of my former speech: that men of a different religion from the state vvherin they liue, may Tvvoe s [...]tes of dealinge against the state be said to deale against the same state in tvvo sortes: the one, by dealing for the encrease of their said different religion, vvhich is alvvaies either directlie, or indirectlie against the state. [Directly] vvhen the said religion conteineth anie point or article directlie Directly impugning the said state, (as perhappes you vvill saie that the Romane Religion doth against [Page 7] the present state of England in the point of Supremacie:) and [Indirectlie] for that euerie different Indi [...] lye. religion deuideth in a sorte and dravveth from the state, in that ther is no man vvho in his hart vvould not vvish to haue the chiefe Gouernour and state to be of his religion, if he could: and consequentlie misl [...]keth the other in respect of that: and in this kinde, not onelie those vvhō you cal busie Papistes in England, but also those vvhom vve cal hote Puritanes among you, (vvhose difference from the state especialie in maters of gouernment is verie vvel knovven,) may be called al traitors, in mine opiniō: for that euery one of thes in deed, do labour īdirectlie, (if not more) against the state, in hovv much soeuer ech one ēdeuoreth to encrease his parte or factiō that desireth a gouernour of his ovvn religion.
And in this case also are the protestantes in Fraunce & Flaunders vnder Catholique Princes: the Caluinists (as they are called) vnder the Duke of Saxonie, vvho is a Lutherane: the Lutherans vnder Cassimere, The state of al subiectes, in a state of different religion. that fauoureth Caluinistes: the Grecians and other Christians vnder the Emperour of Constantinople, vnder the Sophie, vnder the Great Chame of Tartarie, and vnder other Princes that agree not vvith them in religion. Al vvhich subiectes do vvish (no doubt) in their hartes, that they had a Prince and state of their ovvn religion, in stead of that vvhich novv gouerneth them: and cōsequentlie in this first sense, they may be called altraitors, & euerie act they do for aduauncement of their said different religion (deuiding betvven the state and them) tendeth to treason: vvhich their Princes supposing, do sometimes make diuers of their actes [Page 8] tresonable or punishable for treason. But yet so long as they break not forth vnto the second kinde of treason, vvhich cōteyneth some actual attēpt The seconde kinde of treason. or treatie against the life of the Prince, or state, by rebellion or othervvise: vve do not properlie condemne thē for traytors, though they do some actes of their religion made treason by the Prince his lavves, vvho is of a different fayth.
And so to applie this to my purpose: I think, Sir, in The application of the former example. good sooth, that in the first kinde of treason, asvvel the zealous Papist, as also the Puritanes in England, may vvel be called and proued traytors: but in the second sorte (vvherof vve speake properlye at this tyme) it can not bee so precyslye ansvvered, for that ther may be both guiltie & guiltles in eche religion. And as I cannot excuse al Puritanes in this point: so you cannot condemne al Papistes, as long as you take me and some other to be as vve are.
GENTL.
I graunt your distinction of treasons to be true, (said the gentleman,) as also your application therof to the Papistes and Puritans (as you cal them,) not to vvant reason, if ther be anie of them that mislike the present state (as perhaps ther be:) albeit for my parte, I think thes tvvo kindes of treasons, vvhich you haue put dovvn, be rather diuers degrees then diuers kindes: vvherin I vvil refer me to the iudgement of our Cambridge friend here present, vvhose skil is more in logical distinctiōs. But yet my reason is this, that indeed the one is but a step or degree to the other, not differing in nature, but ra [...]her in tyme, abilitie or oportunitie. For if (as in your former examples you haue shevved) [Page 9] the Grecians vnder the Turk, and other Christians vnder other Princes of a different religion, and as also the Papistes and Puritanes (as you terme them) in England (for novv this vvord shal passe betvven vs for distinction sake,) haue such alienation of minde from their present regiment, and do couet so much a gouuernour and state of their ovvn religion: Tvvo degrees of treason. then no doubt but they are also resolued to imploye their forces for accomplisshing and bringing to passe their desires, if they had oportunitie: and so being novv in the first degree or kinde of treason, do vvant but occasion or abilitie, to break into the second.
LAVV.
True, Sir, said the lavvier, if ther be no other cause or circumstance that may vvythholde them.
GENTL.
And vvhat cause or circumstance may staye them I pray you (said the gentleman) vvhen they shal haue abilitie and oportunitie to do a thing vvhich they so much desire?
LAVV.
Diuers causes (quoth the lavvyer) but especialie and aboue al other (if it be at home in their ovvn countrie,) the feare of seruitude vnder forreyn nations, may restrayne them from such attemptes: As vve see in Germanie that both Catholiques and protestantes vvould ioyne together, against anie straunger that should offer daunger to their libertie. And so they did against Charles the fift. And in Fraunce not long agoe, albeit the protestants Feare of forrayne op [...]ressiō, maketh friēdship at home. vvere vp in armes agaynst their kynge, and could haue bene content, by the help of vs in England, to haue put hym dovvn, and placed an other of theyr ovvn religion: yet vvhen they savve vs once seazed of Nevvhauen, and so like to [Page 10] proced to the recouerie of some parte of our states [...]unce on that side the sea: they quicklie ioined vvith ther ovvn Catholiques againe to expell vs.
In Flaunders likevvise, though Mōsieur vvere called Flaunders. thither by the protestantes, especialie for defence of their religion, against the Spaniard: yet vve see hovv daintie diuers chief protestātes of Antvvarpe, Gaunt and Bruges vvere, in admitting him, & hovv quick in expelling, so soone as he put them in the least feare of subiection to the french. And as for Portugal, Portugall. I haue heard some of the chiefest Catholiques among them say, in this late contention about their kingdom: that rather then they vvould suffer the Castilian to come in vpon them, they vvould be cō tent to admyt vvhatsoeuer aides of a contrarie religion to them selues, & to aduenture vvhatsoeuer alteration in religion or other incōuenience might befal them by that meanes, rather then endaunger their subiection to their ambitious neighbour.
The like is reported in diuers histories of the The old harred of east Grecians tovvardes the vvest Latins. Greciās at this day, vvho do hate so much the name and dominion of the Latines: as they had rather to endure al the miseries vvhich dailie they suffer vnder the Turk for their religion and othervvise: then by calling for aid frō the vvest to hazard their subiection to the said Latines. So that by thes examples you see, that feare & horrour of external subiection may stay men in al states, and consequentlie also both Papistes and Puritanes in the state of England, from passing to the second kinde or degree of treason, albeit they vvere neuer so deep in the first, and had both abilitie, time, vvil, and oportunitie for the other.
SCHOL.
Here I presumed to interrupt their speech, & said▪ that this seemed to me most cleare, and that novv I vnderstood vvhat the Lavvier meant before, vvhen he affirmed, that albeit the moste parte of Papistes in general might be said to deal against the state of England at this day, in that they deal so earnestlie for the maintenaunce & encrease of their religion, and so to incurre some kinde of treason: yet (perhaps) not so farfurth nor in so deep a degre, of proper treason as in this boke is presumed or inforced: though for my parte (said I) I do not se that the boke Not all Papistes properly traytors. presumeth or inforceth al Papistes in general to be properlie traitors, but onlie such as in particular are therin named, or that are by lavv attainted, cōdempned or executed: and vvhat vvil you say (quoth I) to those in particular.
LAVV.
Surelie (quoth he) I must say of thes, much after the maner vvhich I spak before: that some here named in this boke are openlie knovven to haue bene in the second degre or kinde of treason: as VVestmerland, Norton, Saunders, and the like. But diuers The Priestes and Seminaries that vvere executed. others (namelie the Priestes and Seminaries that of late haue suffred,) by so much as I could see deliuered and pleaded at their arraignments, or heard protested by them at their deathes, or gathered by reason and discourse of my self, (for that no forrain Prince or vvise councellor vvould euer commit so great maters of state to such instrumentes:) I cannot (I say) but think, that to the vvise of our state, that had the doing of this busines, the first degree of treason (vvherin no doubt they vvere) vvas sufficient to dispatch and make them avvay: especialie in such suspitious times as thes are: to the end that being [Page 12] hanged for the first, they should neuer be in daunger to fal into the second, nor yet to dravv other men to the same: vvhich perhaps vvas moste of al misdoubted.
After the lavvyer had spoken this, I held my peace, to heare vvhat the gētlemā vvoulde ansvvere: vvho vvalked vp and dovvn, tvvo vvhole turnes in the gallerie, vvythout yeelding anie vvorde againe: and then staying vpon the sudden, cast his eyes sadlie vpon vs both, and said.
GENTL.
My masters, hovv so euer this be, vvhich in dede apperteineth not to vs to iudge or discusse, but rather to persvvade our selues, that the state hath reason to do as it doeth, and that it must often times, asvvel preuent inconueniences, as remedie the same vvhen they are happened: yet for my ovvn parte I must confesse vnto you, that vpon some considerations vvhich vse to come vnto my mynd, I take no smal grief of these differences among vs (vvhich you terme of diuers & different religions) for vvhich vve are driuen of necessitie, to vse discipline tovvards diuers, vvho possiblie othervvise vvould be no great malefactours. I knovv the cause of this difference VVise cō sideratiōs is grounded vpō a principle not easie to cure, vvhich is the iudgemēt & conscience of a man, vvhervnto obeyeth at length his vvil and affection, vvhat soeuer for a tyme he may othervvise dissemble outvvardlie. I remember your speech before of the doubtful and daungerous inclination of such as lyue discontented in a state of a different religion, especialie, vvhen either indeed, or in their ovvn conceipt, they are hardlie dealt vvythal, and vvher euerie mans particular punishment, is taken [Page 13] to reach to the cause of the vvhole.
I am not ignorant hovv that misery procureth amitie, and the opinion of calamitie, moueth affection of mercie and compassion, euen tovvardes the Miserie moueth mercie. vvicked: the better fortune alvvaies is subiect to enuie, and he that suffereth, is thought to haue the better cause, my experience of the diuers raignes and procedinges of king Edvvard, Q. Marie, and of this our moste gratious soueraigne hath taught me not a litle, touching the sequele of thes affaires. And finalie, (my good friendes) I must tel you plaine A good vvishe. (quoth he: and this he spake vvyth great asseueration) that I could vvysh vvyth al my hart, that either thes differences vvere not amonge vs at al, or els that they vvere so temperatlie on al partes pursued: as the common state of our countrie, the blessed raigne of her Ma. and the common cause of true religion, vvere not endaungered therby. But novv: and ther he brak of, and turned aside.
LAVV.
The lavvier seing him holde his peace & departe, he stepped after him, and taking him by the govvne said merylie: Syr, al men are not of your complexion, some are of quicker and more stirring spirites, and do loue to fishe in vvater that is troubled, for that they do participate the Black moors humour, that dvvel in Guinea (vvherof I suppose you haue heard and seene also some in this land) vvose excercise The nature and practize of the Guineans at home is (as some vvrite) the one to hunt, catche, and sell the other, and alvvayes the stronger to make money of the vveaker for the tyme. But novve yf in England vve should lyue in peace and vnytye of the state, as they do in [Page 14] Germanie, notvvithstanding their differences of religion, and that the one should not praye vpon the other: then should the great Favvcons for the field (I mean the fauorites of the time faile vvheron to feed, vvhich vvere an incōuenience as you knovv.
GENTL.
Truelie Sir, said the gentleman, I think you roue nearer the mark then you vveene: for if I be not deceiued the verie ground of much of thes broiles vvherof vve talke, is but a verie praye: not, in the mindes of the Prince or state (vvhose intentions no doubt be moste iust and holie) but in the greedie imagination and subtile conceipt of him, vvho at this present in respect of our sinnes, is petmitted by God, to tyrannize both Prince and state: The Tyraunt of englishe state. and being him self of no religion, feedeth notvvithstanding vpon our differences in religion, to the fatting of him self & ruine of the realm. For vvheras by the common distinction novv receiued in speech, there are thre notable differēces of religion in the land, the tvvo extreames, vvherof are the Papist and the puritan, and the religious Protestant Three differences of rel [...]gion in Englād. obteining the mean: this felovv being of neither, maketh his gaine of al: & as he seeketh a kingdom by the one extreeme, and spoile by the other: so he vseth the authoritie of the third, to compas the first tvvo, & the countermine of eche one, to the ouerthrovv of al three.
SCHOL.
To this I ansvvered: In good sooth Sir, I see novv vvher you are: you are falen into the cōmon place of al our ordinarie talke & cōference in the vniuersitie: The Erle of Leycester. for I knovv that you mean my L. of Leicester vvho is the subiect of al pleasaunt discourses at this day throughout the realme.
GENTL.
Not so pleaseaunt as pitiful, ansvvered the gentleman, yf al maters and circumstances vvere vvel considered, except anie man take pleasure to [...]east at our ovvn miseries, vvihch are like to be greater by his iniquitie (yf God auert it not) then by al the vvickednes of England besides: he being the man that by al probabilitie, is like to be the bane and fatal destynie of our state, vvyth the euersion of true religion, vvherof by indirect meanes, he is th [...] greatest enimie that the land doth nourishe
LAVV.
Novv verilie (quoth the lavvyer) yf you saye thus much for the protestantes opinion of him, vvhat shal I say for his merites tovvardes the Papistes? vvho for as much as I can perceyue, doe take them selues litle beholding vnto him, albeit for his gaine he vvas some yeares their secret friēd against you: vntil by his friendes he vvas persvvaded, and chiefly by the L. North by vvaye of pollicie, as the said L. The L. Norths pollicie. bosteth, in hope, of greater gaine, to step ouer to the puritanes, against vs both, vvhom notvvythstanding it is probable, that he loueth as much, as he doth the rest.
GENTL.
You knovv the Beares loue, said the gentleman, vvhich is al for his ovvn paunche, and so this Bear-vvhelp, turneth al to his ovvn commoditie, and for greedines therof, vvil ouerturne al yf he be not stopped or mouzeled in tyme.
And surelie vnto me it is a straunge speculation, vvherof I cannot pick out the reason (out onlie that I do atribute it to Gods punishment for our sinnes) A strange speculation. that in so vvise & vigilant a state as ours is, and in a counrrie so vvel acquainted and beaten vvyth such daungers: a man of such a spirit as he is knovven [Page 16] to be, of so extreme ambition, pride, falshood and trecherie so borne, so bred vp, so nooseled in treason from his infancie: descended of a tribe of traytors, and fleshed in conspiracie against the Royal blood of K. Henries children in his tender years, and exercised euer since in driftes against the same, by the blood and ruyn of diuers others: a man so vvel knovven to beare secret malice against her Ma. for causes irrecōcileable, and moste de [...]dlie rācour against the best▪ and vvisest Councellors of her highnes: that such a one (I say so hateful) to God and man, and so markeable to the simplest subiect of this land by thee publique ensygnes of his tyrannous purpose, should be suffred so manie yeares vvythout check, to aspire to tyrannie by moste manifest vvayes, and to possesse him self (as novv he hath done) of Court, Councell, and countrie, vvythout controlement: so that nothing vvāteth to him but onlie his pleasure, and the day alredie conceyued in his minde to dispose as he list, both of Prince, Crovvn, Realm and religion.
SCHOL.
It is much truelie (quoth I) that you saye, and it ministreth not a lytle maruail vnto manie, vvherof your vvorship is not the first, nor yet the tenth person of accompt vvhich I haue hearde discourse and complaine. But vvhat shal vve say hereunto? ther is no man that ascribeth not this vnto the singular The Q. Ma most excellent good nature. benignitie and moste bountiful good nature of her Ma. vvho measuring other men by her ovvn Heroycal and Princelie sinceritie: cannot easilie suspect a man so much bounden to her grace, as he is, nor remoue her confidence from the place, vvher she hath heaped so infinite benefites.
GENTL.
No doubt (said the gentleman) but this gracious [Page 17] and svveet disposition of her Ma. is the true original cause therof: vvhich Princelie disposition, as in her highnes it deserueth al rare commendation, so lyeth the same opē to manie daungers often tymes, vvhen so benigne a nature meeteth vvyth ingrate and ambitious persons: vvhich obseruation perhapes, caused her Ma moste noble Graūdfather and father (tvvo renoumed vvise princes) to vvithdravv somtyme vpon the sudden, their great fauour from certaine subiectes of high estate. And her Ma. may easilie vse her ovvn excellent vvisdom and memorie, to recal to minde the manyfold examples of perilous happes fallen to diuers Princes, by to much confidēce in obliged proditours: vvith vvhom the name of a kingdom, and one houers Feares that subiectes haue of my L of Leycester reigne, vveyeth more, then al the duetie, obligation, honestie, or nature in the vvorld. VVould God her Ma. could see the continual feares that be in her faythful subiectes hartes, vvhiles that man is about her noble person, so vvel able and likelie (if the Lord auert it not) to be the calamitie, of her Princelie blood and name.
The talke vvil neuer out of manie mou [...]hes and mindes, that diuers auncient men of this Realm, Sir Fran-VValsing ham. and once a vvise gentleman novv a Councellor, had vvyth a certaine friend of his, concerning the presage and deep impression, vvhich her Ma. father had of the house of Sir Iohn Dudley, to be the ruin K H [...]n. presage of the house of Dudle [...] in tyme of his Ma. Royal house and blood, vvhich thing vvas like to haue bene fulfilled soone after (as [...]1 the vvorld knovveth) vpon the death of K. Edvvard by [...]he said Dudley this mans father: vvho at one blovv, procured to dispat [...]h from al possession [Page 18] of the Crovvn, al three children of the said noble king. And yet in the middest of those bloodie practizes against her Ma. that novv is and her sister (vvherin also this felovvs hand vvas so far, as for his age he could thrust the same,) vvythin sixetiene dayes before K. Edvvardes death (he knovving belike that the king should die) vvrote moste flatering Deep dissimulatiō letters to the Ladie Marie (as I haue heard by them vvho then vvere vvyth her) promissing al loyaltie and true seruice to her, after the discease of her brother, vvyth no lesse painted vvordes, then this man novv doth vse to Q Elizabeth.
So delt he then vvyth the moste deare children of his good king & master, by vvhom he had bene no lesse exalted and trusted, then this man is by her Ma. And so deeplie dissembled he then vvhen he had in hand the plot to destroye them both. And vvhat then (alas) may not vve feare and doubt of this his sonne, vvho in outragious ambition and desire of reigne, is not inferiour to his father, or to anie other aspiring spirit in the vvorld, but far more insolent, cruel, vindicatiue, expert, potent, subtile, fine, and fox-like then euer he vvas? I like vvel the good Sir Fran. VValsing ham. motion propounded by the foresaid gentleman, to his friend at the same tyme, and do assure my self it vvould be moste pleasaunt to the Realm, and profitable to her Ma. to vvyt, that this mans actions might be called publiquelie to tryal, and libertie giuen to good subiectes, to say vvhat they knevv Edmund Dudley against the same, as it vvas permitted in the first yeare of K. Henrie the eight against his Graundfather, and in the first of Q. Marie against his father: Iho [...] Dudley. and then I vvould not doubt, but yf thes tvvo his [Page 19] auncestors vvere found vvorthie to leese their Robert Dudley. heades for treason: this man vvould not be found vnvvorthie to make the third in kinred, vvhose trecheries doe far surpasse them both.
LAVV.
After the Gentleman had said this, the Lavvyer stood stil, somevvhat smyling to him self, and looking round about him, as though he had bene half afeard, and then said. My masters, do you read ouer or studie the statutes that come foorth? haue you not heard of the PROVISO made in the last Parliament for punishmēt of those vvho speak so broad of such men as my L. of Leycester is?
GENTL.
Yes, said the gentleman, I haue heard hovv that my L. of Leycester vvas verie careful and diligent at that tyme to haue such a lavv to passe against talkers: hoping (belike) that his L. vnder that generall The lavv agaynst talking. restreint might lye the more quyetlye in harbrough from the tempest of mens tongues, vvhich tatled busilie at that tyme, of diuers his Lordships actions & affaires, vvhich perhaps him self vvould haue vvished to passe vvith more secretsie. As of his discontentemēt & preparation to rebellion, vpon Monsieurs first comming into the land: of his disgrace and checks receyued in court: of the fresh death of the noble Erle of Essex: and of this mans hastie snatching vp of the vvidovv, vvhom he sent Actiōs of Leicester vvherof hevvould haue no speech. vp and dovvn the countrie from house to house by priuie vvayes, therby to auoid the sight & knovvledg of the Q. Ma. And albeit he had not onlie vsed her at his good liking before, for satisfying of his ovvn lust, but also married and remarried her for contentation of her friendes: yet denyed he the same, by solemne othe to her Ma. and receiued [Page 20] the holie cōmunion thervpon (so good a cōscience he hath) and consequentlie threatned moste sharp reuenge tovvards al subiectes vvhich should dare to speak therof: & so for the concealing both of this and other his doinges, vvhich he desired not to haue publik, no maruaile though his Lordship vvere so diligent a procurer of that lavv for silence.
SCHOL.
In deed (said I) it is verie probable that his Lordship vvas in great distres about that tyme, vvhen Monsieurs maters vvere in hand, and that he did manie thinges and purposed more, vvherof he desired lesse speeche among the people, especialie aftervvardes, vvhen his said designmentes toke not place. I vvas my self that yeare not far from VVarvvike vvhen he came thither from the Coutt a ful Mal-Content, & vvhen it vvvas thought moste certainlie throughout the Realm, that he vvould haue taken armes soone after, yf the mariage of her Ma. vvyth Monsieur had gone forvvard. The thing in Cābridge & in al the cōtrie as I rode, vvas in euerie mās mouth: & it vvas a vvounder to see not onelie the contenaunces, but also the behauior, & to heare the bold speeches of al such as vvere of his faction.
My Lord him self had giuen out a litle before at Killing vvorth, that the mater vvoulde coste manie Leicester Preparatiues to rebellion vpō Mō sieurs mariage. broken heades before Michelmasse daye next: and my Lord of VVarvvik had said openly at his table in Green vviche, Sir Thomas Hennige being by (if I be not deceyued,) that it vvas not to be suffred (I meane the mariage) vvhich vvordes of his once comming abrode (albeit misliked by his ovvn Ladie thē also present) euerie Seruing-man & common compaignion, toke then vp in defence of his Lordships part agaist the Q. Ma. Such tunning ther [Page 21] vvas, such sending & posting about the Realm, such amplification of the povvers & forces of Cassimere & other Princes, redie, (as vvas affirmed) to present them selues vnto his aide, for defence of the Realm & religiō against straungers:) for that vvas holdē to be his cause) such numbring of parties & complices vvythin the Realm, (vvherof him self shevved the To Sir Th Layton. Catalogue to some of his friēdes for their comfort) such debasing of them that fauoured the mariage (especialie tvvoe or three Councellors by name, L. Treasurer. L. Chamber layne. M Cōptroler. vvho vvere said to be the cause of al and for that vvere appointed out to be sharplie punished to the terrour of al others:) such letters vvere vvriten and intercepted of purpose, importing great povvers to be redie, & so manie other thīges done & designed, tending al to manifest & open vvarre: as I began hartelie to be afeard, and vvished my self back at Cābridge againe, hoping that being ther, my scholars govvne should excuse me from necessitie of fighting, or if not, I vvas resolued (by my Lordes good leaue, to folovv Aristotle, vvho preferreth alvvay the Lyon before the Beare: assuring my self vvythal, that his Lordship should haue no better successe in this (if it came to tryal) thē his father had in as bad a cause, & so much the more for that Ivvas priuie to the mindes of some of his friendes, vvho meant to haue deceyued him, if the matter had broken out. And amongest other ther vvas a certeine Vicepresidēt in the vvorld, vvho being left in Sir Iho. Hibbo [...]. the roome & absence of an other, to ꝓcure frynds: said in a place secretlie not far from Ludlovv, that if the matter came to blovvs, he vvould folovv his Mistres & leaue his Master in the briars.
GENTL.
Marie Sir (quoth the gentleman) & I trovv man [...]e [Page 22] more vvould haue folovved that example. For albeit I knovv that the Papists vvere moste named and misdoubted of his parte, in that cause, for their open inclination tovvardes Monsieur, and consequentlie, for greater discredit of the thing it self, it vvas giuen out euerie vvhere by this Champion of religion, that her Ma. cause, vvas the Papistes cause, (euen as his father had done in the like enterprise before him, though al vpon dissimulation, as apeared Leicester Father a trayteious Papist. at his death, vvhere he professed him self an earnest Papist:) yet vvas ther no man so simple in the Realm, vvhich discried nor this Vizard at the first: neither yet anie good subiect (as I suppose) vvho seing her Ma. on the one parte, vvould not haue taken against the other parte, vvhat so euer he had bene. And much more the thing it self in controuersie (I meane the mariage of her Royal Ma. vvy [...]h the brother and heire apparant of Fraunce,) being taken and iudged by the best, vvysest and faythfulest protestantes of the realm, to be both honorable, The honour and commodities by the mariage vvith Fraunce. conuenient, profitable and needful. VVherby onlie, as by a moste soueraign, and present remedie, al our maladies both abrode and at home, had at once bene cured: al forreine enimies, and domestical conspirators, al differences, al daungers, al feares had ceased together: Fraunce had bene ours moste assured: Spaine vvould not a litle haue trembled: Scotland had bene quiet: our competitors in England vvould haue quaked: and for the Pope he might haue put vp his pipes. Our differences in religion at home, had been either lesse, or no greater then novv they are, for that Monsieur being but a moderate Papist, and nothing vehement in his opinions, [Page 23] vvas content vvyth verie resonable conditions, fot him self and his straungers onlie in vse of their conscience, not vnliklie (truelie) but that in tyme he might by Gods grace, and by the great Ethelbert Kinge of Kent, cō uerted An. Do. 603. vvysdom & vertue of her Ma. haue bene brought also to embrace the gospell, as king Ethelbert an heathen vvas, by noble Q. Bertha his vvyfe, the first Christian of our English Princes.
Vnto all vvhich felicitie, if the Lord in mercie should haue added also some issue of ther royall bodies, (as vvas not impossible, vvhen first this noble matche vvas mouued,) vve then (doubtles) had bene the moste fortunate people vnder heauen, and might haue bene (perhaps) the meane to haue restored the Gospell throughout all Europe besides, as our brethren of Fraunce vvel cōsidered & hoped.
Of al vvhich singular benefits both present & to come, both, in RE and in SPE, this Tyraunt for his ovvn priuate lucre (fearing leste heerby his ambition might be restrayned, & his trecherie reueyled) hath bereaued the realm, & done vvhat in him lieth besides, to alienate for euer & make our mortal enimie this great Prince, vvho sought the loue of her Ma. vvyth so much honour & confidence as neuer Prince the like, putting tvvice his ovvn person to ieopardie of the sea, & to the peril of his malitious enuiours here in England, for her Ma sake.
LAVV.
VVhen you speake of Mōsieur (said the lavvyer) I cannot but greatlie be mouued, both for these considerations vvel touched by you, as also for some other: especialie one vvherin (perhaps) you vvill think me partiall, but truelie I am not: for that I speak it onlie in respect of the quiet & good [Page 24] of my countrie, and that is, that by Mōsieurs matche vvyth our noble Princesse, besides the hope of issue (vvhich vvas the principal) ther vvanted not also probabilitie, that some vnion or litle tolleration in religion, betvvene you and vs, might haue bene procured in this state, as vve see that in some other countries is admitted to their great good. VVhich thing (no doubt) vvould haue cut of quite Toleration in Religion, vvyth vnion in defence of our countrie. al daungers and dealinges from forreine Princes, and vvould haue stopped manie deuises and plotes vvythin the Realm: vvheras novv by this breach vvyth Fraūce, vve stād alone as me seemeth vvythout anie great vnition or friendship abrode, and our differences at home grovve more vehement and sharp then euer before. Vpon vvhich tvvoe heades, as also vpon infinit other causes, purposes, driftes and pretences, ther do ensue daylie more deep, daungerous and desperat practizes, euerie man vsing either the commoditie or necessitie of the tyme and state for his ovvn purpose Especialie novv vvhen all men presume that her Ma. (by the contynual thvvartinges vvhich haue bene vsed against al her mariages) is not like to leaue vnto the realm, that pretious Ievvell so much and long desired of al English hartes, I mean the Royall heires of her ovvn bodie.
GENTL.
Thvvartinges cal you the defeating of all her Ma. moste honorable offers of mariage? (said the other) trulie in my opinion you should haue vsed an other vvorde to expresse the nature of so vviked a facte: vvherby alone, if theit vvere no other, this vnfortunat man, hath done more hurt to his common vvealth, thē if he had murdered manie thovvsandes [Page 25] of her subiectes, or betrayed vvhole armies to the professed enimie. I can remēber vv [...]l my self, fovver treatises to this purpose, vndermined by his Diuers mariages of her Ma. defeated. meanes. The first vvyth the Svve [...]hen king: the secōd vvith the Archduke of Austria: the third vvith Henrie K. of Fraunce that novv reigneth: and the fourth vvyth the brother & heire of the said kingdō. For I let passe manie other secret motions made by great Potentats to her Ma. for the same purpose, but thes fovver are openlie knovven, & therfore I name them. VVhich fovver are as vvel knovven to haue bene al disturbed by this DAVVS, as they vvere earnestly pursued by the other. Leicester de [...] to d [...] avvay all [...] her Ma.
And for the first thre Suters, he droue thē avvaye, by protesting and svvearing that him self vvas cō tracted vnto her Ma. vvherof her highnesse vvas fufficiētlie aduertised by Cardinal Chat [...]lian in the first treatie for fraunce, & the Cardinal soone after punished (as is though [...]) by this mā vvyth poyson. But yet this speech he gaue out then, euerie vvhere among his friēdes both str [...]ungers & other, that he (forsooth) vvas assured to her Ma. & consequētlie that al other Princes must giue ouer their sutes, for him. VVherunto notvvythstāding, vvhē the Svv [...] then vvould hardlie giue eare, this man conferred vvyth his Priuado to make a moste vnseemelie & disloyal proofe therof for the others satisfaction, vvhich thing I am enforced by duetie to passe ouer vvyth silence, for honour to the parttes vvho are touched therin: as also I am to cōceale his said filthie Priuado, though vvorthie othervvise for his dishonestie to be displayed to the vvorld: but my Lord him self, I am sure, doth vvell remēber both the mā & the mater. And d [...]lbei [...] ther, vvas no [...] [Page 26] man at that tyme vvho knovving my L. suspected not the falsehood, and his arrogant affirmation tovvching this contract vvyth her Ma. yet some both abrode and at home might doubt therof perhaps: Leicester conuinceth him self of impudencie but novv of late, by his knovven mariage vvyth his Minion Dame Lettice of Essex, he hath declared manifestlie his ovvn moste impudent and disloyal dealing vvith his soueraign in this reporte.
LAVV.
For that reporte (quoth the lavver) I knovv that it vvas common and mainteyned by manie, for diuers years: yet did the vviser sorte make no accōpt therof, seing it came onlie from him self, and in his ovvn behalf. Neither vvas it credible, that her Ma. vvho refused so noble knightes and Princes as Europe The basenes of Leicester ācestors. hath not the like: vvould make choise of so meane a peere as Robin Dudley is, noble onlie in tvvo descentes, and both of them steyned vvyth the Block, from vvhich also him self, vvas pardoned but the other daye, being cōdemned therunto by lavve for his desertes, as appeareth yet in publik Anno 1 R. Marie. recordes. And for the vvydovve of Essex, I maruaile Sir (quoth he) hovv you cal her his vvyfe, seing the canon lavve standeth yet in force tovvching matters of mariage vvythin the Realm.
GENTL.
Oh (said the gentleman laughing) you meane for that he procured the poysoning of her husband, in his iourney from Ireland. You must think that Doctor Dale vvil dispence in that mater, as he did D. Dale. (at his Lordships appointment) vvyth his Italian D. Iulio. phisitian Doctor Iulio, to haue tvvo vvyues at once: at the leastvvyse the mater vvas permitted, The Archbisshops ouerthrovv for not allovving tvvoe vvyues to Leicester his Phisition. and borne out by them both publiquelie (as al the vvorld knovveth) and that against no lesse persons [Page 27] then the Archbisshop of Canturburie him self, vvhose ouerthrovv vvas principalie vvrought by this Tyraunt for contrarying his vvil, in so beastlie a demaund. But for this controuersie vvhether the mariage be good or no, I leaue it to be tryed hereafter, betvvene my yong L. of Denbighe, and M. Philippe Sydney, vvhom the same moste concerneth. For that it is like to depriue him of a good. lie inheritaunce if it take place (as some vvil say that in no reason it can,) not onlie in respect of the precedent adulterie and murder betvvene the parties: but also for that my L. vvas cōtracted, at leaste, The Lady Sheffield nov [...] Embass [...] desse in Fraunce. to an other Ladie before, that yet liueth, vvherof M. Edvvard Diar and M. Edmond Tylney both Courtiars can be vvitnesses, and consumated the same contract by generation of children. But this (as I said) must be lefte to be tryed herafter by them vvhich shal haue moste interest in the case. Onlie for the present I must aduertise you, that you may not take holde so exactlie of al my L. doinges in vvomens affaires, neither tovvching ther mariages, neither yet their husbandes.
For first his Lordship hath a speciall fortune, that vvhē he desireth anie vvomans fauour, then vvhat person so euer standeth in his vvay, hath the luck to die quicklie for the finishing of his desire. As for example: vvhen his Lorship vvas in full hope to The death of Leicester first L [...] die and vvyfe. marrie her Ma. and his ovvn vvyfe stoode in his light, as he supposed: he did but send her a sid, to the house of his seruant Forster of Cumner by Oxforde, vvhere shortlie after she had the chaunce to fal from a paire of stares, and so to breake her neck, but yet vvythout hurting of her hoode that stoode [Page 28] vpon her heade. But Sir Richarde Varney vvho by Sir Ri [...]h. Varney▪ commaundment remayned vvyth her that daye alone, vvyth one man onlie, and had sent avvay perforce al her seruauntes frō her, to a market tvvo myles of, he (I saye) vvyth his mā can tel hovv she died, vvhich mā being taken aftervvard for a fellonie in the marches of VVales, & offering to publish the maner of the said murder, vvas made avvaye priuilie in the prison. And Sir Rychard him self dying about the same time in London, cried pitiouslie, & blasphemed God, & said to a gentlemā of vv [...]rship of myne acquaintaūce notlōg before his death: that al the diuels in hell did teare him in peeces. The vvife also of Balde Buttler kinsman to my B [...]lde Bu [...]ler. L. gaue out the vvhole facte a litle before her death. But to returne vnto my purpose, this vvas my Lordes good fortune to haue his vvyfe die, at that tyme vvhē it vvas like to turne moste to his profit.
Long after this, he fell in loue vvyth the Ladie Sheffield vvhom I signified before, & thē also had he the same fortune to haue her husband die quickly vvyth an extreme reume in his head (as it vvas giuē out) [...]ut as other say, of an artificiall Ca [...]a [...]re The s [...] [...]s death of the Lord Sh [...]sh [...]ld that stopped his breath. The like good chaūce had he in the death of my Lord of Essex (as I haue said before) and that at a tyme moste fortunate for his purpose: for vvhē he vvas comming home frō Ireland, vvyth intent to reuenge him self vpon my L. of Leycester, for begetting his vvyfe vvyth child in his absence (the childe vvas a daughter and brought vp by the La: Shandoies, VV. Knooles his vvyfe): my L. of Ley. hearing therof, vvanted not friend or tvvo to accompanie the deputie, as amōg [Page 29] other, a cople of the Earls ovvn seruauntes, Crōpton The poysoning of the Earle of▪ Essex. (if I misse not his name) yeoman of his bottels, and LLoide his Secretarie, entertained aftervvard by my L. of Leycester. And so he died in the vvaye of an extream Flux, caused by an Italian Recipe, as al his friēdes are vvel assured: the maker vvherof vvas a Surgiā (as is belieued) that thē vvas nevvlie come to my Lord from Italie. A cunning man & sure in The Shifting of a childe in Dame [...]e [...] tice belly operation, vvyth vvhom if the good Ladie had bene soner acquainted & vsed his help, she should not haue needed to haue sitten so pensiue at home & feareful of her husbands former returne out of the same countrie, but might haue spared the yong childe in her belly, vvhich she vvas enforced to make avvay (cruelly & vnnaturalie) for clearing the house against the good▪ mans arriuall.
Neither must you marueyll though al thes died in diuers maners of outvvard diseases, for this is the excellencie of the Italian arte, for vvhich this The diuers operations of Poyson. Surgian and D. Iulio vvere enterteined so carefullie, vvho can make a man die, in vvhat maner or shevv of sycknes you vvil: by vvhose instructions no doubt but his Lordship is novv cunning, ofpecialye Doctor [...]aylye the yonger. adding also to thes the coūsaile of his Doctor Baylie, a man also not a litle studied (as he seemeth in this arte. For I heard him once my self in a publique acte in Oxeford (and that in presēce of my Lord of Leycester if I be not deceyued) maintein, that poyson might so be tempered and giuen as it should not apeare presentlie, and yet should kill the partie aftervvard at vvhat time should be appoi [...]t [...]d. VVhich argument belike pleased vvel his Lordship and therfore vvas chosen to be discussed in his audience, yf I [Page 30] be not deceyued of his being that daye present. So though one dye of a Flux, & an other of a Catarre, yet this importeth litle to the mater, but shevveth rather the great cunning and skill of the Artificer.
So Cardinal Chatilian (as I haue said before.) hauing Death of Cardinal Chatiliā. accused my L. of Leycester to the Q. Ma. and after that, passing from London tovvardes Fraunce about the mariage, died by the vvay at Canturburie of a burning Feuer: & so proued D. Bailies assertion true, that poyson may be giuen to kill at a day.
SCHOL.
At this the Lavvyer cast vp his eyes to heauen, & I stood somvvhat musing & thinking of that vvhich had bene spokē of the Erle of Essex, vvhose case indeed moued me more then al the rest, for that he vvas a very noble Gentleman, a great aduauncer of true religion, a Patron to many preachers and studentes, and tovvardes me and some of my friendes in particular, he had bene in some thinges very beneficial: & therfore I said that it grieued me extremlie to heare or thinck of so vnvvorthie a death cō triued by such meanes to so vvorthie a Peere. And so much the more, for that it vvas my chaunce, to come to the vnderstanding of diuers particulars cōcerning that thing, both from one Lea, an Iris he-man, Robyn Honnies and other, that vvere present Lea. Honnies at Penteneis the marchants house in Deueling vpon the kay, vvher the murder vvas committed. The mater vvas vvrought especialie by Crompton yeomā of the bottels, by the procuremēt of L Loyde as you haue noted before, and ther vvas poysoned at the same tyme and vvithe the same cuppe (as gyuen of curtesie by the Earle) one Misteris Ales Draykot a goodlie Gētlevvoman, vvhom the Erle [Page 31] affectioned much, vvho departing thēce tovvardes Mesteris Draykot poisoned vvith the Earle of Essex. her ovvn house, (vvhich vvas 18. miles of, the forsaid Lea accompagning her, and vvayting vpon her,) she began to fall syck very grieuouslie vpon the vvaye, & cōtinevved vvyth increase of paynes & excessiue tormētes, by vomiting, vntill she dyed, vvhich vvas the Sunday before the Erles death, ensevvinge the fryday after, & vvhen she vvas dead, her body vvas svvolen vnto a monstrous bygnes and deformitie, vvherof the good Erle hearing the day folovvinge, lamented the case greatly, & said in the presence of his seruants, Ah poore Ales, the cuppe vvas not prepared for the, albeit it vvere thy hard destinie to taste therof.
Yong Hōnies also vvhose father is Master of the children of her Ma. Chappel, being at that tyme Page to the said Erle, and accustomed to take the taste of his drink (thoughe synce enterteyned also among other by my L. of Leycester for better couering of matter) by his taste that he then toke of the compovvnde cuppe, (thoughe in verie smal quātitie, as you knovv the fashion is:) yet vvas he like to haue lost his lyfe, but escaped in the ende, (being yong) vvyth the losse only of his heare: vvhich the Erle perceyuing, and taking cōpassion of the youth: called for a cuppe of drynk a lytle before his death, and dronk to Honnies, saying: I drynk to the my Robin, and be not a feard, for this The Erle of Essex speech to his Page Robyn Honnies is a better cuppe of drynk then that, vvherof thovv tokest the taste vvhen vve vvere both poysoned, & vvherby thou haste lost thy heare & I must leese my lyfe. This hath yong Honnies reported openlie in diuers places, and before diuers Gētlemen of [Page 32] vvorship sythence his comming into England, & the forsaid Lea Irisheman at his passage this vvaye tovvardes Fraunce, after he had bene present at the fornamed Misteris Draykots death, vvyth some other of the Erles seruaunts, haue & do most constantlie reporte the same, vvhere they maye do it vvithout the terrour of my L. of Leycesters reuenge. VVherfore in this matter ther is no doubt at all, thoughe most extreme vile and intollerable indignitie, that such a man should be so openlie murdered vvithout punishment. VVhat noble man vvithin the Realm may be safe if this be suffered? or vvhat vvorthie personage vvil aduenture his life in her Ma. seruice if this shalbe his revvarde? But (Sir) I. pray you pardon me for I am somevvhat perhaps to vehement in the case of this my Patron and noble peere of our Realm. And therfore I beseeche you to goe forvvarde in your talk vvheras you lefe.
GENTL.
I vvas recounting vnto you others (said the Gentleman) made avvay by my L. of Leicester vvyth lyke arte, and the next in order I think vvas Sir Nicolas Death of Si [...] Nicholas Throgmarton. Throgmarton, vvho vvas a man vvhom my L. of Leycester vsed a great vvhile (as all the vvorld knovveth) to ouer-thvvart and crosse the doinges of my L. Treasurer then Sir VVill. Cicill, a mā specialie misliked alvvayes of Leycester, both in respect Sir VVil. Cycyll novv L. Treasurer. of his olde master the Duke of Somerset, as also for that his great vvisdom, zeale and singular fidelitie to the Realm, vvas like to hinder much this mans designemētes: vvherfore vnderstanding after a certaine tyme that thes tvvoe knightes vvere secretlie made friendes, and that Sir Nicholas vvas [Page 33] like to detect his doinges (as he imagined,) vvhich might turn to some preiudice of his purposes: (hauing conceiued also a secret grudge & grief against hym, for that he had vvritē to her Ma. at his being Embassador in Fraunce, that he heard reported at Duke Memorāces table, that the Q. of Englād had a meaning to marrye her hors keeper) he inui [...]ed the said Sir Nicholas to a supper at his house in Lōdon and at supper tyme departed to the Court, being called for (as he said) vpon the sudden by her Ma. and so perforce vvould needes haue Sir Nicolas to sit and occupie his Lordships place, and therin to be serued as he vvas: and soone after by a surfeit their taken, he died of a sttaunge and incurable vomit. But the day before his death, he declared to a The poysoning of Sir Nicholas i [...] a Sala [...]e. deare friend of his, al the circumstance & cause of his disease, vvhich he affirmed plainlie to be of poyson, giuen him in a Salate at supper, inueyhing moste earnestlie against the Erles crueltie & blood die dispositiō, affirming, him to be the vvickedest, moste perilous, and perfidious man vnder heauen. But vvhat auailed this, vvhen he had novv receyued the bayte?
This then is to shevv the mans good fortune, in seeing them dead, vvhom for causes he vvould not haue to liue. And for his arte of poysoning, it is such novv and reacheth so far, as he holdeth al his foes in Englād and els vvher, as also a good manie of his friendes in feare therof, and if it vvere knovven hovv manie he hath dispatched or assaulted that vvaye, it vvould be meruailous to the The Lord Chamber layne▪ posteritie. The late Earle of Sussex vvanted not a scruple for manie yeares before his death, of [Page 34] some dramme receyued that made him incurable. And vnto that noble gentleman, Mōsieur Simiers, Monsieur Symiers. is vvas disconuered by great prouidēce of God, that his lyfe vvas to be attempted by that arte, and that not taking place (as it did not through his ovvne good circumspection,) it vvas concluded that the same should be assaulted by violēce, vvherof I shal haue occasion to saye more herafter.
It hath byn told me also by some of the seruaunts of the late Ladie Lenox, vvho vvas also of the blood Royall by Scotlād as all men knovv, & cōsequentlie The poisoning of the Ladie Lenox. lytle lyked by Lecester: that a lytle before her death or syknes, my L. toke the paynes to come and visit her vvith extraordinarie kyndenes, at her house at Hackeny, bestovvīg lōge discourses vvith her in priuate: but as soone as he vvas departed, the good Ladie fell into such a Flux, as by no meanes could be staied so long as she had liffe in her bodie, vvhervpon both she her selff, and all such as vvere neare about her, and savv her disease and ending daye, vvere fullie of opinion, that my Lorde had procured her dispatche at his being ther. VVherof let the vvomen that serued her be examined as also Fovvler that then had the chiefe doinges in her affayres, and synce hath byne enterteined by my L. of Lecester. Mallet also a straunger borne, that then vvas about her, a sober and zelous man in religion, and othervvise vvell qualified, can say somevvhat in this poynt (as I think) if he vvere demaūded. So that this arte and exercise of poysoning, is much more perfect vvith my Lord then praying and he seemeth to take more pleasure therin.
Novv for the second point, vvhich I named, touching [Page 35] mariages and contractes vvyth vvomen: you must not meruayle though his Lordship be somvvhat diuers, variable and inconstant, vvyth him Leycester moste variable dealing vvyth vvemē in cōtractes & mariages. self, for that according to his profit or his pleasure, and as his lust and lyking shal varie (vvherin by the iudgement of all men, he surpasseth, not onlie Sardanapalus and Nero, but euen Heliogabalus him self): so his Lordship also chaungeth vviues and Minions, by killing the one, denying the other, vsing the third for a tyme, and the favvning vpon the fourth. And for this cause he hath his tearmes & pretences (I vvarrant you) of Contractes, Precontractes, Postcontractes, Protractes, and Retractes: as for example: after he had killed his first vvyfe, and so broken that contract, then forsooth cōtractes vvould he needes make him self husband to the Q. Ma. and so defeat al other Princes by vertue of his precontract. But after this, his lust compelling him Preconts actes. Postcontractes. to an other place, he vvould needes make a postcō tract vvyth the Ladie Scheffield, and so he did, begetting tvvo children vpon her, the one a boye called Robin Sheffield novv lyuing, some tyme brought vp at Nevvington, and the other a daughter, borne (as is knovven) at Dudley Castle. But yet after, his concupiscence chaunging agayne (as it neuer stayeth) he resolued to make a retracte, Retract. of this postcōtract, (though it vvere as surelie done (as I haue said) as Bed and Bible could make the same) & to make a certaine nevv, protract, (vvhich Protract. is a contynuation of vsing her for a tyme) vvyth the vvidovv of Essex: But yet to stop the mouthes Leycester tvvo Testamēts. of-out-cryars, and to burie the Synagogue vvyth some honour, (for thes tvvo vvyues of Leycester, [Page 36] vvere merrilie & vvittilie called his olde and nevv Testamentes, by a person of great excellēcie vvithin the Realm) he vvas content to assigne to the former a thovvsand povvndes in money vvyth other petie considerations, (the pitifullest abused that euer vvas poore Ladie) and so betake his lymmes to the later, vvhich later notvvythstanding, he so vseth (as vve see) novv confessing, novv forsvvearing, novv dissembling the mariage: as he vvyll alvvayes yet kepe a voyde place for a nevv surcontract vvyth anie other, vvhen occasion shall require.
SCHOL.
Novv by my truth Sir (quoth I) I neuer heard nor red the like to this in my lyfe: yet haue I red much in my tyme, of the carnalitie and lycentiousnes of diuers outragious persons, in this kind of sinne, as namlie these vvhom you haue mentioned before: especialie the Emperour Heliogabalus vvho passed all other, and vvas called Varius, of the varietie of filth vvhich he vsed in this kinde of carnalitie, varius Heliogabalus, & his moste in famous death. or carnall beastlines. VVhose death vvas: that being at length odious to al men, and so slaine by his ovvn souldiours, vvas dravven through the Citie vpō the ground like a dogge, & caste into the cōmon priuie, vvyth this Epitaphe. Hic proiectus An Epitaphe. est indomitae & rabide, libidinis catulus. Here is throvven in, the VVhelp of vn [...]evvlie and raging luste: vvhich epitaphe, may also one day chance to serue my L. of Lecester (vvhom you cal the Beare-vvhelp,) yf he go forvvarde as he hath begonne, and die as he deserueth.
But (good Sir) vvhat a commpassion is this, that [Page 37] amonge vs christians, and namlie in so vvel gouerned, A pitteful permissiō and religious a common vvealth as ours is, such a riot should be permitted vpon mens vviues, in a subiect: vvheras vve read that among the verie heathēs, lesse offences then these, in the same kinde, vvere extremelie punished in Princes them selues, and that not onlie in the person delmquent alone, but also by extirpatiō of the vvhole familie for his The extirpation of the Tarquinians. sake, as apeareth in the example of the Tarquinians amonge the Romans. And here also in our ovvn Realm, vve haue regestred in Chronicle, hovv that one king Edvvin aboue six hūdreth years past vvas An. Do 959. depriued of his kingdom, for much lesse scandalous factes then thes.
GENTL.
I remēber vvel the storie (quoth the gentleman) & ther by do easilie make cōiecture, vvhat differēce ther is betvvyxt those tymes of olde, & our dayes novv: seing thē, a Crovvned Prince could not passe vnpunished vvyth one or tvvo ontragious actes, vvheras novv a subiect raysed vp but yesterday frō the meaner sorte, rangeth at his pleasure in al licentiousnes, The into lerable licentiousnes of Lei. carnalitie and that vvith secu [...]itie, void of feare both of God and man. No mans vvife can be free from him, vvhom his firie lust liketh to abuse, nor their husbādes able to resist nor saue from his violence, if they shevv dislike, or vvil not yeeld their cōsent to his doinges. And if I should discouer in particular hovv manie good husbandes he had plagued in this nature, and for suche delites, it vvere intollerable: for his concupiscence & violence doe runne iointlie together, as in furious beastes vve see they are accustomed. Neither holdeth he anie rule in his lust besides onlie the motiō & suggestion of his [Page 38] ovvn sensualitie. Kinred, affinitie or anie other band of consanguinitie: religion, honour, or honestie taketh no place in his outragious appetit. VVhat he best liketh that he taketh as lavvful for the tyme. So that kinsvvoman, allie, friendes vvyfe, or daughter, or vvhat soeuer female sorte besides doth please his eye: (I leaue out of purpose and for honour sake tearmes of kinred more neare) that must yeeld to his desire.
The keeping of the mother vvyth tvvo or three of her daughters at once or successiuelie, is no more vvyth him, then the eating of an henne and her chicken together. Ther are not (by reporte) tvvo noble vvomen about her Ma. (I speake vpon some accompt of them that knovv much) vvhom he hath not solicited by potent vvayes: Neither contented vvyth this place of honour, he hath descended to seek pasture among the vvayting Gentlevvomen of her Ma. great Chamber, offering more for their allurement, then I thinke Lais did commonlie take in Corinthe, if three hundreth poundes for a night, vvill make vp the summe: or Money VVell spent. if not, yet vvill he make it vp othervvise: hauing reported him self (so litle shame he hath) that he offred to an other of higher place, an hundreth pound landes by the yeare vvith as manie Ievvells Anne Vauiser. as moste vvomen vnder her Ma. vsed in England: vvhich vvas no meane baite to one that vsed trafique in such marchandize: she being but the leauinges of an other mā before him, vvherof my L. is nothing squemish, for satisfying of his lust, but can be content (as they say) to gather vp crōmes vvhen he is Hungrie, euen in the verie Laundrie it self, or [Page 39] other place of baser qualitie.
And albeit the Lord of his great mercie, to do him good, no doubt, if he vvere reuokeable, hath The punishmēts of God vpō Leicester, to do hym good. laid his hand vpon him, in some chasticement in this vvorld by giuing him a brokē bellie on both sides of his bovvels vvherby miserie & putrifactiō is threatned to hym dayly: & to his yōgsōne by the vvidovv of Essex, (being Filius Peecati) such a straūge calamitie of the falling sicknes in his infancie, The children of adulterors shal be consumed, and the seede of a vvicked bedd shalbe roted out, saith god Sap. 3. as vvel maye be a vvitnes of the parētes sinne & vvickednes, and of both their vvasted natures in iniquitie: yet is this man nothing amended therby, but according to the custom of al olde adulterers, is more libidinous at this day then euer before, more giuen to procure loue in others by Cōiuring, Sorcerie, and other such meanes. And albeyt for him self, bothe age, and nature spent, do somvvhat tame him from the acte, yet vvanteth he not vvil, as apeareth by the Italian oyntment, procured not manie yeares paste by his Surgyan or Mountybank of that countrie, vvherby (as they say) he is Leicester oyntmēt. able to moue his flesh at al tymes, for keeping of his credit, hovvsoeuer his inhabilitie be othervvise Leicester bottel. for performance: as also one of his Phisitians reported to an Erle of this land, that his Lordship had a bottel for his bedehead, of ten Pounds the Pinte to the same effect. But my masters vvhether are vve fallen, vnaduised? I am ashamed to haue made mē tion of so base filthynes.
SCHOL.
Not vvythout good cause (quoth I) but that vve are here alone and no man heareth vs. VVherfore I pray you let vs return vvheras vve lefte: and vvhē you named my L. of Leycesters daughter borne of [Page 40] the Ladie Shefield in Dudley Castle, ther came into my head a pretie storie concerning that affaire, vvhich novv I vvill recompt (though somevvhat out of order) therby to dravv you from the further stirring of this vnsauerie pudle, & fovvle dunghill, vvhereunto vve are slipped, by folovving my Lord somvvhat to far in his pathes & actions.
VVherfore to tell you the tale as it fell out: I grevv acquainted thes monethes paste vvyth a certaine Minister, that novv is dead, & vvas the same man that vvas vsed at Dudley Castle, for complemēt of some Sacred ceremonies at the birth of my Lord of Ley. daughter in that place: & the mater vvas so ordeyned, A pretie deuise. by the vvylie vvit of him that had sovved the seed, that for the better couerīg of the haruest & secret deliuerie of the Ladie Scheffielde: the good vvyfe of the Castle also (vvherby Ley. appointed gossippes, might vvythout other suspition haue accesse to the place) should feigne her self to be vvyth childe, & after long & sore trauail (god vvote) to be deliuered of a qvvyshē (as she vvas indeed) & a litle after a faire Coffin vvas buried vvyth a bundell of cloutes in shevv of a childe: & the Minister caused to vse al accoustomed prayers and ceremonies for An acte of Atheisme the solēne interring therof for vvhich thing, aftervvard, before his death he had great grief & remors of cōsciēce, vvyth no small detestatiō of the moste irreligious deuise of my L. of Ley. in such a case.
LAVV.
Here the Lavv. began to laugh a pace both at the deuise & at the Minister, & said novv truely if my L. contractes hold no better, but hath so manie infirmities, vvyth subtilties, and by▪ places besides: I vvould be lothe that he vvere married to my daughter, as meane as she is.
GENT.
But yet (quoth the Gentleman) I had rather of the tvvoe be his vvyfe for the tyme then his gest: especialie yf the Italiā Surgiā or Phisitiō be at hand.
LAVV.
True it is, (said the lavvyer) for he doth not poyson his vvyues, vvherof I somvvhat maruaile, especialie his first vvyfe, I muse vvhy he chose rather to make her avvaye by open violence, then by some Italian Confortiue.
GENT.
Hereof (said the Gentleman) may be diuers The First reason vvhy Ley. slevv his vvyfe by violence, ratherthē by poysō. reasons alleged. First that he vvas not at that tyme so skilful in those Italian vvares, nor had about him so fit Phisitiās & Surgians for the purpose: nor yet in trueth do I thinke that his minde vvas so setled then in mischeefe, as it hath bene sithence. For you knovv, that men are not desperat the first daye, but doe enter into vvickednes by degrees, and vvyth some doubt or staggering of conscience at the beginning. And so he at that tyme might be desirous to haue his vvyfe made avvay, for that she letted him in his designemētes, but yet not so stonie harted as to appoint out the particular maner of her death, but rather to leaue that, to the discretion of the murderer.
Secondlie it is not also vnliklie that he prescribed The second reason. vnto Sir Rich. Varney at his going thither, that he should first attempt to kil her by poyson, & yf that toke not place then by anie other vvay to dispatch her, hovv soeuer. This I proue by the report of olde Doctor Baylye vvho then liued in Oxeforde (an Doctor Baylye the elder. other maner of man then he vvho novv lyueth about my Lord of the same name) & vvas professor of the Phisick Lecture in the same vniuersitie. This learned graue man reported for moste certaine, [Page 42] that ther vvas a practize in Cumner among the conspiratours, to haue poysoned the poore Ladie a litle before she vvas killed, vvhich vvas attempted in this order.
They seing the good Ladie sad and heauy (as one that vvel knevv by her other handling that her death vvas not far of) began to persvvade her, that her disease vvas abundance of Melancholie and other humours, & therfore vvoulde needes counsaile her to take some potion, vvhich she absolutlie refusing, to do, as suspecting stil the vvorst: they A practise for poysoning the la: Dudlei sent one daye, (vnavvares to her) for Doctor Baylie, and desired him to petsvvade her to take some litle Potion at his handes, and they vvould send to fetch the same at Oxeforde vpon his prescription, meaning to haue added also somvvhat of their ovvn for her comfort, as the Doctor vpon iuste causes suspected, seeing their great importunitie, and the smal need vvhich the good Ladie had of Phisike, & therfor he flatlie denied their request, misdoubting (as he after reported) least yf they had poisoned her vnder the name of his Potion: he might after haue bene hanged for a couer of their sinne. Marie the said Doctor remayned vvel assured that this vvay taking no place, she should not long escape violence as after ensued. And the thing vvas so beaten into the heades of the principal mē of the vniuersitie of Oxeford, by thes and other meanes: as for that she vvas found murdered (as al men said) by the Crovvners inquest, and for that she being hastelie and obscurelie buried at Cumner (vvhich vvas condemned aboue as not aduisedlie done) my good Lord, to make plane to the vvorld [Page 43] the great loue he bare to her in her lyfe, and vvhat a gryef the losse of so vertuous a Lady vvas to his tēder hart, vvould needes haue her taken vp againe and reburied in the vniuersitie church at Oxeford, vvyth great Pomp and solemnitie: That Doctor Babington my L. chaplaine, making the publique Doctor Babingtō funeral Sermon at her second buryall, tript once or tvvice in his speach, by recommending to ther memories that vertuous Ladie so pittefullie murdered, in stead of so pittifullie slaine.
A third cause of this maner of the Ladies death, A Third reason. may be the dispositiō of my Lordes nature: vvhich is bold and violent vvher it feareth no resistaunce (as all covvardly natures are by kinde) and vvhere anie difficultie or daunger apeareth, ther, more redie to attempt al by arte, subtiltie, treason and trecherie. And so for that he doubted no great resistaūce in the poore Ladie to vvythstand the handes of them vvhich should offer to breake her necke: he durst the bolder attempt the same openlie.
But in the men vvhom he poysoned, for that they vvere such valiaunt knightes the moste parte of them, as he durst as soone haue eaten his scabard, as dravve his svvorde in publique against them: he vvas inforced, (as al vvretched ireful and dastardlie creatures are) to supplant them by fraud and by other mens handes. As also at other tymes he hath sought to do vnto diuers other noble and valiaunt personages, vvhen he vvas a feard to meet them in the field as a knight should haue done.
His treacheries tovvardes the noble late Earle of Sussex in their manie breaches, is notorious to al England. As also the bloodie practizes against diuers others.
But as among manie, none vvere more odious & misliked of all men, then those against Monsieur Simiers a straunger & Ambassador: vvhom first he practised to haue poysoned (as hath bene touched The intē ded murder of Mō sieur Simiers by sundrye meanes. before) & vvhen that deuise toke not place, thē he appointed that Robin Tider his man (as after vpon his ale bench he confessed) should haue slaine him at the blacke friars at Grenevvich as he vvent furth at the garden gate: but missing also of that purpose, for that he found the Gentleman better prouided and guarded then he expected, he delt vvyth certaine Flusshyners and other Pyrates to sinke him at sea vvyth the Englishe Gentlemen his fauourers, that accompanied him at his returne into Fraunce. And though they missed of this practize also, (as not daring to set vpon him for feare of some of her Ma. shippes, vvho, to break of this designement attended by special commaundement, to vvafte him ouer in safitie) yet the foresaid English Gentlemen, vvere holden fovver hovvers in chace at their comming backe: as M. Ravvley vvel knovveth being then present, and tvvo of the Chacers named Clark and Hatris confessed aftervvard the vvhole designement.
The Earle of Ormond in like vvyse hath often declared, and vvill auovvch it to my Lord The intē ded murder of the Earle of Ormond. of Leycesters face, vvhen so euer he shalbe called to the same, that at such tyme as this man had a quarell vvyth him and therby vvas likelie to be enforcede to the fielde (vvhiche he trembled to thinke of) he first soughte by all meanes to get him made avvay by secret murder, [Page 45] offeringe fiue hundreth poundes for the doing therof: and secondlie vvhen that deuise toke no place, he appointed vvyth him the fielde, but Secretlie suborning his seruaunte VVyllm Killegre VVyllm Killegre to lye in the vvaye vvhere Ormonde shoulde passe, and so to massaker him vvyth a Calliuer, before he came to the place appointed. VVhich murder thoughe it toke no effecte, for that the matter vvas taken vp, before the day of meetinge: yet vvas Killigre placed aftervvarde in her Ma. Priuie Chamber by Leycester, for shevving his redie minde, to do for his master so faythful a seruice.
SCHOL.
So faithfull a seruice (quoth I?) truelie, in my opinion, it vvas but an vnfit preferment, for so facinorous a facte. And as I vvoulde be lothe that manie of his Italians, or other of that arte, shoulde come nighe aboute her Ma. kitchen: so muche lesse vvould I, that manie suche his bloodie Champions, shoulde be placed by him in her highnesse chamber. Albeit for this Gentleman in particulare, it may be, that vvyth chaunge of his place in seruice, he hath chaunged also his minde and affection, and receyued better instruction in the feare of the Lorde.
But yet in generall I muste needes say, that it cannot be but preiudicial & exceeding daungerous vnto our noble Prince and Realm, that anie one mā vvhatsoeuer (especialie such a one as the vvorld taketh this man to be) should grovv to so absolute authoritie and commaundrie in the Court, as [Page 46] to place about the Princesse person (the head, the Preocupation of her Ma. person. hart, the lyf of the land) vvhat so euer people liketh him best, & that not vpon their desertes tovvardes the Prince, but tovvardes him self: vvhose fidelitie being more obliged to their aduaūcer then to their soueraign, do serue for vvatchmen about the same, for the ꝓfit of him, by vvhos apointmēt they vvere placed. VVho by their meanes casting indeed but Nettes & Chaynes, & īuisible bādes about that person, vvhō moste of al he pretēdeth to serue, he shutteth vp his Prince in a prison moste sure, though svveet and senselesse. An ordinarie vvaye of aspiring by preocupation of the Princes person
Neither is this arte of aspiring nevv or straunge vnto anie man that is experienced in affaires of former tyme: for that it hath bene from the beginning of al gouernment a troden path of al aspirers. In the stories both Sacred and Prophane, forrein and domestical of al natiōs, kingdomes, countries, and states you shal reade, that such as meant to mount aboue other, and to gouern al at their ovvn discretion: did laye this for the first grounde and principle of their purpose: to possesse them selues A Comparison. of al such, as vvere in place about the principal: euē as he vvho intending to holde a great Citie at his ovvn disposition, nor dareth make open vvarre against the same: getteth secretlie into his handes or at his deuotion, al the Tovvnes, Villages, Castles, Fortresses, Bulvvarkes, Rampires, vvaters, vvayes, Portes and passages, about the same, and so vvyth out dravving anie svvord against the said Citie, he bringeth the same into bondage to abide his vvil & pleasure.
This did all these in the Romane Empire, vvho [Page 47] rose from subiectes to be great Princes, and to put dovvne Emperours. This did al those in Fraunce and other kingdomes, vvho at sundrie tymes haue tyrānized their Princes. And in our ovvn countrie the examples are manifest of Vortiger, Harolde, Henrye of Lancaster, Rycharde of VVarvvyk, Richard of Glocester, Iohn of Nortumberland and diuers others, vvho by this meane specialie, haue pulled dovvn their Lavvful soueraignes.
And to speake onlie a vvord or tvvo of the last, for that he vvas this mans father: doth not al England knovv, that he first ouerthrevv the good The vvay of aspirīg in Duke Dudley. Duke of Sommerset, by dravving to his deuotion the verie seruauntes and friendes of the said Duke? And aftervvard did not he possesse him self of the kinges ovvn person, and brought him to the end vvhich is knovvē, & before that, to the moste shā ful disheriting of his ovvn Royal Sisters: & al this, by possessing first the principall mē, that vvere in authoritie about him?
VVherfore Sir yf my Lord of Leycester haue the same plot in his head (as most men think) and that he meaneth one daye to giue the same pushe at the Crovvn by the house of Huntington, against al the race and line of king Henrie the seuenth in general. vvhich his father gaue bef [...] him, by pretence of the house of Suffolk, against the children of king Henrie the eight in particular: he vvanteth not reason to folovv the same meanes & platform of planting special persōs, for his purpose about the Prince for surelie his fathers plot lacked no vvittie deuice or preparation, but onlie that God ouerthrevv it at the instant: as happelie he may doe this mans) also, [Page 48] notvvithstanding any diligence that humane vvisdom can vse to the contrarie.
GENTL.
To this said the Gentleman: that my Lord of Leicester hath a purpose to shoot one day at the Diademe by the title of Huntington, is not a thing obscure in it self, and it shalbe more plainelie proued heerafter But novv vv [...]l I sh [...]vv v [...]to you, for your instruction, hovv vvel [...]his man hath folovved his fathers platform (or rather passed the same) in possessing him self of al her Ma. seruaunts, friendes, and forces, to serue his turne at that tyme for execution, and in the meane space for preparation.
First in the Priuie chamber, next vnto her Ma. Leycester povver in the pri [...]y chamber. person, the moste parte are his ovvn creatures (as he calleth them) that is, such as acknovvledg their being in that place, from him: and the rest he so ouer-ruleth either by flatterie or feare, as none may dare but to serue his turn. And his reigne is so absolute in this place, (as also in al other partes of the Court) as nothing can passe but by his admission, nothīg can be said, done, or signified, vvherof he is not particularly aduertised: no bill, no supplicatiō, no complainte, no sute, no speach, can passe from anie man to the Princesse (except it be from one of the Councell) but by his good lyking: or if ther do: he being admonished therof (as presently he shal:) the partie delinquēt is sure after to abide the smart therof. VVherby he holdeth as it vvere a lock vpō the eares of his Prince, and the tongues of al her Ma. seruauntes, so surelie chained to his girdle, as no man dareth to speake anie one thing that may offend him, though it be neuer so true or behouefull for hir Ma. to knovve. Leycester married at vvaensteade vvhen her Ma. vvas at M. Stoners hous Doctor Culpeper Phisitian Minister.
As vvel apeared in his late mariage vvith Dame [Page 49] Essex, vvhich albeit it vvas celebrated tvvise: first at Killingvvorth, and secondlie at VVaensteade (in the presence of the Erle of vvarvvick, L. North, Sir Fran. Knooles & others) and this exactly knovven to the vvhole Court, vvith the verie daye, the place, the vvitnesses, and the Minister that married them together: yet no man durst open his mouth to make her Ma. priui [...] therunto, vntil Monsieur Simiers disclosed the same, (and therby incurred his high displeasure) nor yet in manie dayes after for feare of Leycester. VVhich is a subiection most dishonorable & daungerous to anie Prince liuing, to stand at the deuotion of his subiect, vvhat to heare or not to heare, of thinges that passe vvithin his ovvne Realme.
And hereof it folovveth that no sute can preuaile No su [...]e can pass [...] but by Leycester Reade in Court, be it neuer so meane, except he first be made acquainted thervvith, and receiue not onlie the thankes, but also be admitted vnto a great part of the gaine & commoditie therof. VVhich, as it is Polidore in the 7. yeare of K Rich [...]. and yovv shal finde this proced [...]ng of certaine abou [...]e that K to be put as a great cause of his oue [...] throvv a great iniurie to the suter: so is it a far more greater to the boūtie, honour & security of the Prince, by vvhose liberalitie this man feedeth onlie, & for tifieth him self, depriuing his soueraign of al grace, thanks, & good vvil for the same. For vvhich cause also he giueth out o [...]dinarilie, to euery suter, that her Ma. is nigh & parsimonious of her self, & very difficile to graunt anie sute, vvere it not onlie vpon his incessant solicitation. VVherby he filleth his ovvn purse the more, & emptieth the harts of such as receiue benefit, from due thankes to their Princesse for the sure obtayned.
Hereof also ensueth, that no man may be preferred [Page 50] in Court (be he othervvyse neuer so vvell a deseruing seruaunt to her Ma. except he be one of Leycesters faction or folovvers: none can be aduaunced, except he be lyked and prefered by him: none receyue grace, except he stand in his No preferments but by Leycester to Leycestrians. good fauour, no one may liue in countenaunce, or quiet of life, except he take it, vse it, and acknovvledg it from him, so as al the fauours, graces, dignities, prefermentes riches and revvardes, vvhich her Ma. bestovveth, or the Realm can yeeld: muste serue to purchase this man priuate friendes, and fauourers, onlie to aduaunce his partie, and to fottifie his factiō. VVhich factiō if by thes meanes it be great, (as indeed it is:) you may not maruaile, seing the riches and vvealth, of so vvorthie a common vveal, do serue him but for a price to buy the same.
VVhich thing him self vvel knovving, frameth his spirit of proceding accordinglie. And first, vpon Leycester anger & insolēcie. confidence therof, is become so insolent & impotent of his Ire that no man may beare the same, hovv iustlie or iniustlie so euer it be conceiued: for albeit he begin to hate a man vpon bare surmises onlie (as commonlie it falleth out, ambition being allvvaies the mother of suspition) yet he prosecuteth the same, vvyth such implacable crueltie, as ther is no long abyding for the partie in that place. As might be sh [...]vved by the examples of manie vvhom he hath chased from the Court, vpon his onlie displeasure, vvythout other cause, being knovven to be othervvise zealous protestantes. As Sir Ierome Bovves, M. George Scot and others that vve could name.
To this insolencie is also ioyned (as by nature it folovveth) moste absolute and peremptorie dealing [Page 51] in al thinges vvherof it pleaseth him to dispose, Leicester peremptorie dealing. vvythout respect either of reason, order, due, right, subordination, custom, conueniencie, or the like: vvherof notvvythstandinge Princes them selues are vvount to haue regarde in disposition of their matters: as for example amonge the seruauntes of the Q Ma. houshold, it is an auncient and moste commendable order & custom, that vvhen a place of higher roume falleth voyd, he that by succession is next, & hath made proof of his vvorthynes in an inferior place, should rise and possesse the same, (except it be for some extraordinarie cause) to the end that no man vnexperienced or vntried, should be placed in the higher roomes the first daye, to the preiudice of others, and disseruice of the Prince.
VVhich moste reasonable custom, this man contemning Breaking of order in her Maiesté hovvsholde. & breaking at his pleasure, thrusteth into higher roumes anie person vvhatsoeuer, so he like his inclination or feele his revvarde: albeit he neither be fit for the purpose, nor haue bene so much as clark in anie inferior office before.
The like he vseth out of the Court, in all other Leicester. violating of al ordre in the countrie abrode. places vvher matters should passe by order election or degree: as in the vniuersities, in election of Scholars and heades of houses, in Ecclesiastical persons, for dignities of churche, in officers, Magistrates, stevvardes of landes, Shiryues and Knightes of the shiers, in Burgesses of the parliament, in commissioners, iudges, iustices of the peace, (vvherof many in euerie shire must vveare his lyuerey) and al other the like: vvher this mans vvil, must stand for reason, and his Letters for absolute lavves, neither [Page 52] is there anie man, magistrat, or communer in the Realme, vvho dareth not sooner denie ther petition of her Ma. letters, vpon iust causes (for that her highnesse is content after to be satisfied vvyth reason) then to resist the commaundment of this mans letters, vvho vvil admit no excuse or satisfaction, but onelie the execution of his said commandement, be it right or vvrong.
LAVV.
To this ansvvered the lavvyer, novv verelie (Sir) you paynte vnto me a straunge paterne of a perfect Potentate in the Court: belike that staunger, vvho calleth our state in his prynted booke Leicestrensem rempublicam, a Leicestrian cō mon A Leicestryane common vvealthe. vvealth, or the common vvealth of my Lord of Leycester, knovveth much of thes maters. But to hold (Sir) stil vvithin the Court: I assure you that by cōsiderations, vvhich you haue laid dovvn, I do begin novv to perceaue, that his partie must needs be verie great and stronge vvythin the said Court, seing that he hath so many vvayes & means to encrease, enrich, and encourage the same, and so strong abilities, to treade dovvn his enimies. The cōmon spech of many vvāteth not reasō I perceiue, vvhich caleth him the hart & life of the Court.
GENTL.
They vvhich cal him the hart (said the Gentleman) vpon a litle occasion more, vvould cal him Leycester called the harte and life of the Court. also the head: and then I maruaile vvhat should be left for hir Ma. vvhen they take from her both life, harte, and headship in her ovvn Realm? But the trueth is, that he hath the Court at this day, in almoste the same case, as his father had it, in king Edvvards dayes, by the same deuice, (the Lord forbid, that euer it come fullie to the same state, for then [Page 53] vve knovve vvhat ensued to the principal:) and yf you vvyl haue an euident demonstration of this mans povver and fauour in that place: cal you but to minde the tymes vvhen her Ma. vpon moste iust and vrgent occasions, did vvyth-dravv, but a litle her vvounted fauour and contenaunce tovvardes him: did not al the Court as it vvere, mutinie presentlie? A demō stratiō of Leyc Tyrannie in the Court did not euerie man hang the lippe? except a fevv, vvho aftervvard paid svvetlie for their mirth. vvere ther not euery d [...]ye nevv deuises sought out, that some should be on their knees to her Ma. some should vvepe & put finger in their eyes: other should finde out certaine couert maner of threatning: other reasons and persvvasions of loue: other of profit: other of honour: other of necessitie: & al to get him recalled back to fauour againe? And had her Ma. anie rest permitted vnto her, vntil she had yeelded and graunted to the same?
Consider then (I pray you) [...]hat yf at that tyme, in his disgrace, he had his faction so fast assured to him self: vvhat hath he novv in his prosperitie, after so many years of fortification? vvherin by al reason he Leyc. prouideth neuer to come in the Q. daunger againe. hath not bene negligēt, seing that in policy the first point of good fortificatiō is, to make that fort impregnable, vvhich once hath bene in daunger to be lost. VVherof you haue an exāple in Rich. Duke of York, in the tyme of K. Henry the sixt, vvho being once in the kinges handes by his ovvn submissiō, & dimissed again (vvhē for his deserts he should haue suffred: prouided after, that the king should neuer be able to ouer-reache him the secōd tyme, or haue him in his povver to doe hym hurt, but made him Anno Regni. 31. self strong enough to pul dovvn the other vvyth extirpation of his familie.
And this of the Court, housholde and Chamber of her Ma. But novv if vve shal passe from Court to Councel, vve shal finde him no lesse fortyfied but Ley puissance in the priuie Coucell. rather more: for albeit the prouidence of God hath bene such, that in this moste honorable assemblie, ther hath not vvanted some tvvoe or three of the vvisest, grauest, and moste experienced in our state, that haue seene and marked this mās perilous proceedinges from the beginning, (vvherof notvvythstanding tvvo are novv disceased, and their places L. Keeper L. Chamberlaine. supplied to Leycesters good liking:) yet (alas) the vvisdom of thes vvorthie mē, hath discouered alvvayes more, then their authorities vvere able to redresse: (the others great povver and violence considered) and for the residue of that benche and table, though I doubt not but there be diuers, vvho do in hart detest his doinges (as ther vvere also, no doubt among the Councellors of king Edvvard, vvho misliked this mans fathers attemptes, though not so hardie as to contra [...]ie the same:) yet for moste parte of the Councell present, they are knovven to be so affected in particular, the one for that he is to him a brother, the other a father, the other a kinsmā, the other an allie, the other a fast obliged friend the other a fellovv or folovver in faction, as none vvil stand in the breach against him: none dare resist or encounter his designements: but euerie man yeelding rather to the force of his flovve, permitteth him to pearce, & passe at his pleasure, in vvhat soeuer his vvil is once setled to obteine.
And hereof (vvere I not stayed for respect of some vvhom I may not name) I could alledge straunge examples, not so much in affaires belonging to [Page 55] subiectes and to priuate men, (as vvere the cases Maters vvherin the Coū cel are inforced to vvink at Leycester of Snovvden forrest, Denbigh, of Killingvvorth, of his faire Pastures fovvlie procured by Southam, of the Archbishop of Cāturburie, of the L. Barkley. of Sir Iohn Throgmartō, of M. Robinson, and the like,) vvherin those of the Councell that disliked his doinges, least dared to oppose them selues to the same: but also in thinges that appertaine directly to the Crovvn & dignitie, to the state and commō vveale, and to the safitie and continuance therof. It is not secure for anie one Coūcellor, or other of authoritie, to take notice of my Lordes errors or misdeedes, but vvyth extreme peril of ther ovvn ruin.
As for example: in the beginning of the rebellion in Ireland, vvhen my Lord of Leycester vvas in some disgrace, and consequentlie, as he imagined Leycester intelligē ce vvyth the rebelliō in Irelande. but in fraile state at home, he thought it not vnexpedient, for his better assurance, to hold some intelligence also that vvaye, for al euentes, and so he did: vvherof ther vvas so good euidence and testimony found, vpon one of the first of accompt, that vvas there slaine, (as honorable personages of theyre knovvledge haue assured me) as vvoulde haue bene sufficient, to touch the lyfe of aine subiect in the land, or in anie state Christian, but onelie my Lord of Leycester: vvho is a subiect vvythout subiection.
For vvhat think you? durst anie man take notice hereof, or auo vvche that he had seene thus muche? durst he that tooke it in Ireland, deliuer the same vvher especialy he should haue done? or they vvho receyued it in Englād, (for it came to great handes,) vse it to the benefit of their Princesse and countrie? [Page 56] No surelie: for yf it had bene but onelie suspected, that they had seene such a thing, it vvould haue bene as daungerous vnto them, as it vvas to Acteon to haue sene Diana & her maydens naked: vvhose Acteons case novv come in England case is so common novv in England as nothing more, & so do the examples of diuers vvell declare: vvhose vnfortunate knovvlege of to many secrets, brought them quicklie to vnfortunate endes
For vve heare of one Saluatore a straunger, long Saluatore Slaine in his bed vsed in great Mysteries of base affaires and dishonest actions, vvho aftervvard (vppon vvhat demerite I knovv not) susteined a hard fortune, for being late vvith my Lord in his studie, (vvell neare vntill midinght, (yf I be rightelie informed) vvent home to his chambre, and the next morning vvas founde slayne in his bed. VVe heare also of one Doughtie, hāged in hast by Captaine Drake vpon Doughty hāged by Drake. the sea, and that by order (as is thought) before his departure out of England, for that he vvas ouer pryuie to the Secretes of this good Erle.
Ther vvas also this last sommer past, one, Gates The story of Gates hāged at Tiborne. hanged at Tiborne, amonge others, for robbing of Carriars, vvhich Gates had bene latelie clark of my Lords kitchinge, and had layed out much mony of his ovvne, (as he said) for my L. prouision, being also othervvise, in so greate fauour and grace vvith his L. as no man lyuing vvas thought to be more priuy of his secrets thē this mā, vvher vpō also it is to be thought, that he presumed the rather to commit this robberie, (for to such thinges doth my Lordes good fauour most extende:) and being apprehēded & in daunger for the same, he made his recourse to his honour for, protestiō, (as the fashon [Page 57] is) and that he might be borne out, as diuers of lesse merite had bene by his Lordship, in more heynous causes before him.
The good Erle ansvvered his seruant and deare Priuado curteouslie, and assured him, for his lyffe, hovv so euer for vtter shevv or complement the forme of lavv might passe against him. But Gates seing him self cōdemned, & nothing novv betvven his heade and the halter, but the vvorde of the Magistrate vvhich might come in an instante, vvhen it vvould be to late to send to his Lorde: remembring also the smal assurance of his said Lords vvord by his former dealinges tovvardes other men, vvherof this man vvas to much pryuie: he thought good to sollicit his case also by some other of his frindes, thoughe not so puisant as his L. and master, vvho dealinge in deed, both diligentlie and effectuallie in his affaire, founde the mater more difficult a great deal then ether he or they had imagined: for that my Lord of Leycester, vvas not onely not his fauorer, but a great hastener of his death vnder hād and that vvith such care, diligence, vehemencie, and irresistable meanes, (hauing the lavv also on his syde,) that ther vvas no hope at all of escaping: vvhich thing vvhen Gates heard of, he easelie belieued for the experience he had of his Masters good nature, and said, that he alvvayes mistrusted the same, considering hovv much his Lordship vvas in debt to him, and he made pryuie to his Lordship fovvle secretes, vvhich secrets he vvould, ther presentely haue vttered in the face of all the vvorld, but that he feared tormētes or speedie death, vvith some extraordinarie crueltie, if he should so haue [Page 58] donne, and therefore he disclosed the same onely to a Gentleman of vvorshippe, vvhom he trusted speciallie, vvhose name I may not vtter for some causes (but it beginneth vvith H.) & I am in hope ere it be long, by means of a friēd of myne, to haue a sight of that discourse & reporte of Gates, vvhich hytherto I haue not sene nor euer spake I vvith the Gētleman that keepeth it, though I be vvel assured that the vvhole mater passed insubstance as I haue here recounted it.
SCHOL.
VVherunto I ansvvered, that in good faith it vvere pittye that this relation should be lost, for that it is very lyke, that many rare thinges be declared This relation of Gates, may serue hereafter for an addition in the secōd editiō of this boke therin, seing it is donne by a man so priuie to the affayres them selfes, vvherin also he had bene vsed an instrument. I vvill haue it (quoth the Gentleman) or els my friendes shal fayle me, hovvbeit not so soone as I vvould, for that he is in the vvest countrie that should procure it for me, & vvill not returne for certaine monethes, but after I stall see him agayne, I vvill not leaue him vnril he procure it fot me, as he hath promissed. vvell (quoth I,) but vvhat is become of that euidence founde in Ireland vnder my Lords hand, vvhich no man dare pursue, auouche, or behold.
GENTL.
Treulie (said the Gentilman) I am informed that it lyeth safelie reserued in good custodie, to be brought furth and auovvched, vvhen so ouer it shal please God so to dispose of her Ma. hart, as to lend an indifferent eare, asvvell to his accusers, as to him self, in iudgement.
Neither must you think, that this is straunge, nor that the thinges are fevv, vvhich are in such sorte [Page 59] reserued in deck for the tyme to come, euen amōg The deck reserued for Leycester. great personages, and of high calling, for seing the present state of his povver to be such, and the tempest of his tyrannie to be so strong and boisterous, as no man may stand in the rage therof, vvithout peril, for that euen from her Ma. her self, in the lenitie of her Princelie nature, he extorteth vvhat he designeth, either by fraud, flattery, false informatiō, Leycester puyssant vyolence vvith the Prince her self. request, pretence, or violent importunitie, to the ouer-bearing of al, vvhom he meaneth to oppresse: No maruaile then though manie euen of the best and faythfullest subiectes of the land, do yeeld to the present tyme, and do keep silence in some matters, that othervvise they vvould take it for duetie to vtter.
And in this kinde, it is not long sithence a vvorshipful and vvise friende of myne tolde me a testimonie in secret, from the mouth of as noble and graue a Councellor, as England hath enioyed thes The Erle of Sussex his speech of the Erl of Leices. manie hundreth yeares: I meane the late L. Chamberlayne, vvith vvhom my said friend being alone at his house in London, not tvventie daies before hsi death, conferred somvvhat familiarlie about thes and like maters, as vvith a true father of his countrie and common vvealth: and after manie complaintes in the behalf of diuers, vvho had opened their griefes vnto Councellors, and savve that no notice vvould be taken therof: the said noble man, turning him self somvvhat about from the vvater (for he satte neare his pond syde, vvher he beheld the taking of a pike or carpe) said to my friend: It is no maruaile (Sir) for vvho dareth intermedle him self in my Lords affaires? I vvil tel yovv [Page 60] (quoth he) in confidence betvven you and me, ther is as vvyse a man and as graue, and as faythful a Councellor, as England breedeth, (meaning therby The L. B [...]rghlei. the L. Treasurer) vvho hath asmuch in his keping of Leycesters ovvn hand vvriting, as is sufficient to hang him, if either he durst present the same to her Ma. or her Ma. do iustice vvhen it should be presented. But indeed (quoth he) the time permitteth neither of them both, & therfore it is in vaine for anie man to struggle vvith him.
Thes vvere that noble mans vvordes, vvherby you may consider vvhether my L. of Leicester be strong this daye in Councell or no: and vvhether his fortification be sufficient in that place.
But novv if out of the Councell, vve vvil turne Leycester povver in the country abrod but our eye in the countrie abrode, vve shal finde as good fortification also ther, as vve haue pervsed alredie in Court and Councell: and shal vvel perceiue that this mans plot, is no fond or indiscrete plot, but excellent vvel grounded, and such as in al proportions hath his due correspondence.
Consider then, the chiefe and principal partes of this land for martial affaires, for vse and commoditie of armoure, for strength, for opportunitie, for libertie of the people, as dvvelling farthest of from the presence and aspect of their Prince, such partes (I saye) as are fittest for sudden entreprises, vvithout daunger of interception: as are the Northe, the VVest, the countries of VVales, the Ilandes round about the land, and sundry other places vvythin the same: Are they not al at this day at his disposition? are they not all (by his procurement) in the onelie handes of his friendes and allies? or of such, as by other matches, haue the same complot and [Page 61] purpose vvith him? Yorke Erle of Huntington.
In York is president, the man that of al other is fittest for that place, that is, his nearest in affinitie, his dearest in friendship, the head of his faction, & open competitor of the Scepter. In Barvvik is Captaine, Barvvick. The L. Hunsdē. his vvyues vncle, moste assured to him self & Huntinghtō, as one vvho at conuenient tyme, may as much aduaunce their designementes, as anie one man in England.
In VVales the chiefe authoritie from the Prince, VVales. Si [...] Hērie Sidney. The Er. of Pēbrook. The vvest Earle of Bedford. is in his ovvn brother in lavv: bu [...] among the people, of natural affectiō, is in the Earle of Penbrook: vvho both by Mariage of his sisters daughter is made his allie, and by dependence is knovven to be vvholie, at his dispositiō. The vvest parte of Englād is vnder Bedford, a man vvholie deuoted to his & the Puritanes faction. In Irelād vvas gouernour of The L. Grey. † Her Ma. (as he saith for stricking of M. Fortescue called him lame vvretch: that gryeued h [...]m so. (for that he vvas hurt in her seruice at Lyeth) as he said, he vvould liue to be reuenged. late the principall instrument appointed for their purposes: both in respect of his heat, and affection tovvard their designementes, as also of some secret discontentment, vvhich he hath tovvardes her Ma. and the state present for certaine harde † speaches and ingrate recompences, as he pretendeth: but indeed for that he is knovven to be of nature fyrie, and impatient of staye, from seeing that common vvealth on foote, vvhich the next competitours for their gayne, haue paynted out to him and such others, more pleasaunte then the Terrestrial Paradise it self.
This thē is the Hector, this is the Aiax, appoīted for the enterprise, vvhen the tyme shal come. This must be (forsooth) an other Richard of VVar [...]vik, to gaine the Crovvn for Hērie the ninth of the house of York: as the other Richard did put dovvn Hērie [Page 62] the sixt of the house of Lācaster, & placed Edvvard the fourth, from vvhom Huntington deriueth his title: therfore this man is necessarilie to be enterteyned from tyme to tyme, (as vve see novv he is) in some charge and martial action, to the end his experience, povver, and credit may grovv the more, and he be able at the tyme to haue souldiours at his commaundement. And for the former charge vvhich helde of late in Ireland, as this man had not bene called avvay, but for execution of some other secret purpose, In Scotlād or els vvhere, a gaynst the next īheritors or presēt possessor. for aduancement of their designemēts: so be vvel assured that for the tyme to come, it is to be furnished agayne vvyth a sure and fast friend to Leycester and to that faction. Sir Ihon Parotte.
In the Ile of VVyght I graunt that Leycester hath lost a great friend and a trustie seruaunt by the death of Captaine Horsey, but yet the mater is supplyed Sir Edvv. Horsey. Sir Georg Carevv. by the succession of an other, no lesse assured vnto him, then the former, or rather more, through the bāde of affinitie by his vvife. The tvvo Ilands of Gersey and Gernsey are in the possession of tvvoe Sir Amias Paulet. Sir Thomas Layton. friēds & most obliged depēdētes. The one, by reasō he is excedingly addicted to the Puritane procedīgs: the other, as novv being ioyned vnto him by the mariage of Mistres Besse his vviues sister, both daughters to Sir Frauncis, or (at least) to my Ladie Knooles, and so become a riuale, companion and brother, vvho vvas before (thoughe trustie) yet but his seruaunt.
And thes are the chiefe Keyes, Forteesses, and Bulvvarkes, vvythin, vvithout & about the realm, vvhich my Lord of Leyces. possessing, (as he doth,) he may be assured of the bodie vvythin: vvher [Page 63] notvvythstanding (as hath bene shevved) he vvanteth no due preparation for strength: hauing at his disposition (besides al aydes and other helpes specified Her Ma. Stable. Her Armour Munitition, and Artilerye. The Tovver. before) her Ma. horse, and stables, by interest of his ovvn office: her Armour, Artilerie and Munitiō, by the office of his brother the Erle of VVarvvick. The Tovver of London and treasure therin, by the dependence of Sir Ovvyne Hopton his svvorne seruaunt [...] as redie to receyue and furnish him vvyth th [...] vvhole (yf occasion serued) as one of his predecessors vvas, to receyue his father in K. Edvvardes dayes, for the lyke effect, against her Ma. and her sister.
And in the Citie of London it self, vvhat this London. Sir Rovv [...]and Heivvard, & Madd▪ Fleet vvo [...] man at a pinche, could doe, by the help of some of the principal mē, & chief leaders, & (as it vvere) commaunders of the commons ther, and by the bestirring of Fleetvvoode his madde Recorder, and other such his instrumentes: as also in al other Tovvnes, Portes and Cities of importaunce, by such of his ovvn setting vp, as he hath placed ther to serue his designementes, and iustices of peace vvith other, that in most Shyres do vvere his liuerey, and are at his appoyntement: the simplest man vvhithin the Realm doth consider.
VVherunto yf you adde novv his ovvn forces and furniture, vvhich he hath in Killingvvorth Castle and other places, as also the forces of Huntington in particular, vvith their friendes, folovvers, allies, and Compartenours: you shal finde that they are not behind in their preparations.
SCHOL.
For my Lord of Huntingtons forvvardnes in the cause (said I) ther is no man, I think, vvhich maketh [Page 64] doubt: marie for his priuate forces, albeit they may be verie good, for anie thing I do knovve to the cōtrary, (especiallie at his house vvythin 25. miles of My L. of Hūtingtons preparation at Ashby. Killingvvorth, vvhere one tolde me some yeares paste, that he had furniture redie for fiue thovvsand men:) yet do I not think, but that they are far inferior to my L. of Leycest. vvho is takē to haue excessiue store, & that in diuers place. And as for the Castle laste mentioned by you, ther are men of Killingvvorth Castle. good intelligence, and of no smal iudgement, vvho report, that in the same, he hath vvel to furnish, ten thovvsand good souldiars, of al thinges necessarie both for horse & man, besides al other munition, armour, & artillerie, (vvherof great store vvas brought thither vnder pretence of tryumphe, vvhē her Ma. vvas ther, & neuer as yet carried back again) & besides the great abundāce of redie Coyne, ther laide vp (as is said) sufficient for anie great exploit to be done vvythin the Realme.
And I knovve that the estimation of this place vvas such, amonge diuers, many years ago: as vvhē at a tyme her Ma. laye daungerouslie syck, and lyke [...]lphe [...]ane. to die, at Hampton Court, a certaine gentleman of the Court, came vnto my L. of Huntington, & told him, that for so much as he toke his L. to be next in succession after her Ma. he vvoulde offer hyma meane of great help, for cōpassing of his purpose, after the discease of her Ma. vvhich vvas, the possessiō of Killīgvvorth Castle (for at that time thes tvvo The offer & acceptation of Killingvvorth Castle. Earles vvere not yet verie friendes, nor confederate together) & that being had, he shevved to the Earle the great furniture and vvealthe, vvhich therby he should possesse for pursute of his purpose.
The proposition vvas vvel liked, & the mater esteemed of great importaunce, and consequentlie receyued vvyth manie thankes. But yet aftervvard her Ma. by the good prouidence of God, recouerīg againe, letted the executiō of the bargaine: and my L. of Huntington hauing occasion to ioyne amitie vvyth Leycester, had more respect to his ovvn cō moditie, thē to his friendes securitie, (as commonly in such persons & cases it falleth out) & so discouered the vvhole deuice vnto him, vvho forgat not after, from tyme to tyme, to plague the deuiser by secret meanes, vntil he hath brought him to that poor estate, as al the vvorld seeth: though manie mē be not acquainted vvyth the true cause of this his disgrace and bare fortune.
LAVV.
To this ansvvered the Lavvyer: In good faith (Gentlemen) you open great misteries vnto me, vvhich either I knevv not, or cōsidered not so particularlie before, and no maruaile, for that my profession and exercise of lavve, restraineth me from much companie keeping: and vvhen I happen to be among some that could tel me much herein, I dare not either aske, or heare if anie of him self beginne to talke, least aftervvard the speech cōming to light, I be fetched ouer the coals (as the prouerbe is) for the same, vnder pretēce of an other thing. But you (vvho are not suspected for religiō (haue much greater priuiledge in such maters, both to heare & speak againe, vvhich mē of mine estate dare not do: Onelie this I knevv before, that throughout al England The prerogatiue of my [...]. of Leycester my L. of Leycester is taken for Dominus sac totum: VVhose excellencie aboue others is infinite, vvhose authority is absolute, vvhos cōmaundemēt [Page 66] is dreadful, vvhos dislike is daungerous, & vvhose fauour is omnipotent.
And for his vvill, though it be seldome lavve, yet alvvayes is his povver aboue lavve: and therfor vve lavvyers in al cases brought vnto vs, haue as great regarde to his inclination, as Astronomers haue to the Planet dominaunte, or as sea men haue to the Northe Pole.
For as they that sayle, do direct their course, according Leyc. the Starre directorie to Lavvyeres in theyr Clientes affayres. to the situation & direction of that starre vvhich guideth them at the Pole: and as astronomers vvho make prognosticatiōs, do fortel thinges to come, according to the aspect of the Planet dominaunte, or bearing rule for the tyme: so vve do guide our Cliēts barke, and do prognosticate vvhat is lyke to ensue of his cause, by the aspecte & inclinatiō of my L. of Ley. And for that reasō, as soone as euer vve heare a case proposed, our custome is to aske, vvhat part my L. of Ley. is like to fauour in the mater (for in al maters lightly of any importance, he hath a parte) or vvhat may be gathered of his inclination therin: and according to that vve giue a gesse, more or lesse, vvhat end vvil ensue.
But this (my masters) is from the purpose: and therfore returning to your former speach againe, I do saye, that albeit I vvas not priuie before to the particular prouisions of my L. and his friendes, in such and such places: yet seing him accompted L. generall ouer al the vvhole Realm, and to haue at his commaundemēt, al these seueral commodities and forces perteyning to her Ma. vvhich you haue mentioned before, and so manie more as be in the Realm, and not mentioned by you (for in fine, [Page 67] he hath al:) I could not but accompt him (as he is) a porent Prince of our state, for al furniture needful to defence or offence, or rather the only Monarche of our nobilitie, vvho hath sufficient of him self to plunge his Prince, yf he should be discontented, especial for his abundance of money, (vvhich, by the vvyse, is tearmed the Sinours of Martial actions) vvherin by al mēs iudgemēts, he is better furnished Ley. furniture in money▪ at this daye, thā euer anie subiect of our land, either hath bene heretofore, or lightly maye be hereafter, both for bāks vvithout the realm & stuffed coffers vvithin. In so much that being my self in the Last Parliamēt, vvhē the mater vvas moued, for the graūt of a Subsidie, after that, one for her Ma. had giuē very good reasons, vvhy her highnesse vvas in vvāt of money, and consequentlie needed the assistance of her faithful subiects therin: an other that sat next me of good accōpt said in mine eare secretlie: these reasōs I do vvel allovve, & am cōtented to giue my The sayīg of a knight of the shyre touching Leycester money. partī money: but yet, for her Ma. need, I could mak ansvvere as one ansvvered once the Emperour Tiberius in the like case & cause. Abūdè ei pecuniā fore, si a liberto suo in societatē reciperetur. that her Ma. should haue money enough, yf one of her seruaūts vvould voutchsafe to make her highnesse partaker vvyth him: meaning therby my L. of Leycester, vvhose treasure must needes in one respect, be greater, then that of her Ma. for that he layeth vp vvhat soeuer he getteth, & his expences he casteth vpon the purse of his Princesse.
GENTL.
For that (said the Gētlemā) vvhether he do or no, it importeth litle to the mater: seing both that [Page 68] vvhich he spendeth, & that he hoordeth, is truelie & properlie his Princesse treasure: and seing he hath so manie & diuers vvaies of gaining, vvhat should he make accompt of his ovvn priuate expences? yf The infi [...] nit vvays of gayning that Leycester hath. he lay out one for a thousand, vvhat can that make him the poorer? he that hath so goodlie lādes, possessions, Seigniories and riche offices of his ovvn, as he is knovven to haue: he that hath so special fauour and authoritie vvith the Prince, as he can obteine Sutes. vvhat soeuer he listeth to demaund: he that hath his parte and portion in al sutes besides, that passe by grace, or els (for the moste parte) are ended Landes. by lavve: he that may chop & chaunge, vvhat lādes he lysteth vvith her Ma. dispoile them of al their vvooddes and other commodities, and rack them aftervvard to the vttermoste penny, and then returne the same, so tenter-stretched and bare shorne, into her Ma. handes againe, by fresh exchaunge, rent for rent, for other landes neuer enhaunsed before: he that possesseth so manie gainful licences to hī self alone of VVine, Oyles, Currātes, Cloth, veluets, Licenses. vvith his nevv office for Licēce of alienation, moste pernicious vnto the cōmon vvealth, as he vseth the same, vvith manie other the like, vvhich vvere sufficient to enriche vvhole tovvnes, corporations, countries, and common vvealthes: he that Fallinge out vvith her Ma. hath the arte, to make gainful to him self euerie offence, displeasure, and faling out of her Ma. vvith him, & euery angry coōtenaunce cast vppō him: he that hath his share in al offices of great profit and Offices. holdeth an absolute Monopole of the same: he that disposeth at his vvil the Ecclesiastical liuinges of the Realm, maketh Bisshoppes, none, but such as Cleargie [Page 69] vvil do reason, or of his Chaplanes vvhom he listeth, & reteineth to him self so much of the liuing as liketh hī best: he that svveepeth avvay the glebe frō so many benefices throughout the lād & cōpoū deth Benefices vvith the persōne for the rest: he that so schoureth the Vniuersitie & Colleges vvher he is Chauncelor, Vniuersitie. & selleth both headships & Scholars places, & al other offices, roumes & dignities, that by arte or violēce maye yeeld money: he that maketh title to vvhat land or other thing he please, and driueth the parties to compound for the same: he that taketh Oppressions. in vvhole Forests, Cōmons, VVooddes & Pastures to him self, compelling the tēnauntes to pay Rapines. him nevv rent, and vvhat he cesseth: he that vexeth and oppresseth vvhom so euer he list, taketh from anie vvhat he list, & maketh his ovvn clayme, sute, Princes fauour. and end as he list: he that selleth his fauour vvith the Prince, both abrode in forreine countries, and at home, and setteth the price therof vvhat him self vvil demaund: he that hath & doth al this, & besids Presentes. this, hath infinit presents dailie brought vnto him of great valevv, both in Ievvels, Plate, al kinde of Furniture & redie Coyne: this man (I say) may easelie beare his ovvn expēces, & yet lay vp sufficientlie also to vverie his Prince vvhē needes shal require.
LAVV.
You haue said much Sir, (quoth the Lavvyer) and such mater, as toucheth neerlie both her Ma. & the cōmon vvealth: and yet in my conscience if I vvere to plead at the barre for my Lord: I could not tel vvhich of al these members to denie. But for that Leycester homegaine by her Ma. fauour▪ vvhich you mētion in the last parte, of his gaining by her Ma. fauour, both at home & abrode: Tovvching his home gaine it is euident, seing al that he [Page 70] hath is gotē onlie by the opiniō of her Ma. fauour tovvardes him: and many mē do repaire vnto him, vvith fatte presentes, rather for that they suppose, he may by his fauour do them hurt, if he feele not their revvarde, then for that they hope he vvil labour anie thing in their affaires.
You remēber (I doubt not) the storie of him, that A pretye story. offred his Prince a great yearelie rent, to haue but this fauour only, that he myght come euerie day in open audience, and say in his eare, God saue your Ma. assuring him self, that by the opinion of confidence and secret fauour, vvhich hereby the people vvould cōceiue, to be in the Prince tovvardes him▪ he should easilie get vp his rent againe double told. VVherfore, my L. of Leycester receiuing dailie from her Ma. greater tokens of grace and fauour then this, and him self being no euil marchaunt, to make his ovvn bargain for the best of his commodities: cannot but gaine excedinglie at home by his fauour.
And for his Lucre abroode vpon the same cause, Leycester forraine gayne by her Ma. fauour. I leaue to other men to conceiue, vvhat it may be, sithence the beginning of her Ma. raigne: the times vvherof and condition of al Christendom hath bene such, as al the Princes and Potentates round about vs, haue bene constreyned at one tyme or other, to sue to her highnesse for ayde, grace, or fauour: in al vvhich sutes, men vse not to forget (as yovv knovve) the parties moste able by their credit, to furder or let the same.
In particular onlye this I cā say, that I haue heard of sundrie frenche men, that at such tyme, as the treatie vvas betvvene Fraunce and England, for [Page 71] the redeliuerie of Callis vnto vs againe, in the first yeare of her Ma. raigne that novv is, vvhē the frēch mē vvere in great distresse & misery, & K. Philippe refused absolutelie to make peace vvith them, except Callis vvere restored to England (vvhether for that purpose he had novv deliuered the french hostages:) Leycester bribe for betrayīg of Callis. the french men do reporte (I say) that my L. of Leycester stoode them in great steade at that necessitie, for his revvard, (vvhich you may vvel imagine vvas not smal, for a thing of such importāce,) & becā a suter, that peace might be cōcluded, vvith the release of Callis to the frēche: vvhich vvas one of the most impious factes (to saye the trueth,) that euer could be deuised against his cōmon vvealth.
GENTL.
A smal mater in him (said the Gentleman) for in this he did no more, but as Christ said of the Ievves: that they filled vp the measure of their fathers sinnes. And so if you reade the storie of K. Edvvardes tyme, you shal finde it moste euident, that this mās father before him, solde Bullogne to the french by Leycester father solde Bullogne. like trecherie. For it vvas deliuered vp vpon cōposition, vvith out necessity or reason, the. 25. of April, in the fourth yeare of K. Edvvard the sixt, vvhē he (I mean duke Dudley) had novv put in the Tovver the L. Protector, & thrust out of the Councel vvhō Erles of Arundel and Souchamptō put out of the Councell by D. Dudley. he listed: as namly the Erles of Arundel & Southāpton, & so inuaded the vvhole gouernmēt him self, to sel, spoile & dispose at his pleasur. VVherfore this is but natural to my L. of Leycester by discent, to make marchandize of the state, for his Grādfather Edmund also, vvas such a kinde of Copesman.
LAVV.
An euil rase of marchauntes for the common vvealth (quoth the Lavvyer) but yet, Sir, I pray you [Page 72] (said he) expoūd vnto me somvvhat more at large, the nature of these licences vvhiche you named, as also the chaunging of landes vvyth her Ma. yf you can set it dovvn anie playner: for they seeme, to be thinges of excessiue gaine: especialie his vvay of gayning by offending her Ma. or by her hyghenes offence tovvardes him, for it seemeth to be a deuice aboue all skill or reason.
Not so Leycester gayne by fallinge out vvith her Ma. (quoth the Gentleman for you knovv that euery falling out must haue an attonement againe, vvherof he being sure by the many & puisaunt meanes of his fryendes in Court, as I haue shevved before, vvho shall not gyue her Ma. rest vntil it be donne: then for this attonement, and in perfect reconciliation on her Ma. parte, she must graunte my Lorde some sute or other, vvhich he vvil haue alvvayes redie prouided for that purpose, and this sute shal be vvell able to revvarde his friendes, that laboured for his recōcilement, and leaue also a good remaynder for him selfe. And this is novv so ordinarie a practize vvith him, as all the Realm obserueth the same, and disdaigneth that her Ma. should be so vnvvorthelie abused: For yf her hyghnesse fall not out vvith him as often as he desireth to gayne this vvaye, then he picketh some quarrell or other, to shevv him selfe discontended vvith her, so that one vvaye or other, this gaynful reconciliation must be made, and that often for his commoditie. The like arte he excerciseth in inuiting her Ma. to his bāquettes and to his houses, vvher if she come, she must graunt him in sutes, ten tymes so much as the charges of al amount vnto: so that Robin plaieth the broker ī al his affaires, & [Page 73] maketh the vttermost pēny of her Ma. euery vvay.
GENTL.
Novv for his chaunge of landes, I think I haue bene reasonable plaine before: yet for your fuller satisfactiō, you shal vnderstand his further dealing therin, to be in this sorte. Besides the good landes & of auncient possession to the Crovvn, procured at her Ma. hand, and vsed as before vvas declared: he vseth the same trick for his vvurst landes, that he possesseth any vvaie, vvhether they come to him, by extort meanes & plaine oppressiō, or through maī tenaunce & broken tiltes, or by cosinage of simple Leycester fraudulēt chaunge of landes vvith her Maie [...]t [...]e vvherby he hath notablye endāmaged the Croune. Gentlemen, to make him their heire, or by vvhat hard title or vnhonest meanes so euer, (for he practizeth store of such and thinketh litle of the reckening:) after he hath tried them likevvise, to the vttermost touche, & letten thē out to such, as shal gaine but litle by the bargaine: then goeth he and chaūgeth the same vvith her Ma. for the best lādes he cā pick out of the Crovvn, to the end that herby he may both enforce her Ma. to the defence of his bad titles, and him self fil his coffers, vvith the fines and vttermoste commoditie of both the landes.
His licences do stand thus: first he got Lycence Leycester Licences. for certaine great numbers of Clothes, to be transported out of this land, vvhich might haue bene an vndoing to the marchant subiect, if they had not redemed the same vvith great summes of money: so that it redounded to great dammage of all occupied about that kinde of commodity. After that he had the graunt for carrying ouer of barrell stanes & of some other such like vvares. Then procured he a Monopole, for bringing in of svveet vvines, oyles, currātes & the lik: the gaine vvherof is inestimable. [Page 74] He had also the forfeit of al vvyne that vvas to be dravven aboue the olde ordinarye price, vvith licence to giue authoritie to sell aboue that price: vvherin Captaine Horsey vvas his instrument, by vvhich means it is incredible vvhat treasure & yearlie rent vvas gathered of the Vinteners throughout the Land.
To this adde novv his licence of Silkes & Veluettes, Sylkes & Veluetes. vvhich onelie vvere enough to enrich the Maior and Adermen of Lōdon, if they vvere al decayed (as often I haue heard diuers Marchauntes affirme). And his licēce of alienatiō of lādes, vvhich (as in parte I haue opened before) serueth him not onelie to excessiue gaine, but also for an extreme scourge, vvhervvith to plague vvhom he please in the Realm. For seing that vvythout this licence, no man can buy, sell, passe, or alienate, anie land The Tirā nical Lycence of alienatiō. that anie vvayes may be dravven to that tennure, as holden in chiefe of the Prince: as commonlie novv moste lād maie) he calleth into questiō vvhat souer liketh him best, be it neuer so cleare: and vnder this colour, not onelie enricheth him selfe vvythout al measure, but reuengeth him selfe also, vvher he vvil, vvythout al order.
LAVV.
Heare the lavvyer stood stil a pretie vvhile, byting his lippe, as he vvere astonished, and then said. Verilie I haue not hearde so manie and so apparaunt thinges or so odious, of any man that euer liued in our cōmon vvealth. And I maruaile much Edmond Dudley. of my L. of Leycester, that his graundfathers fortune doth not moue him much, vvho lost his head in the begnining of K. Henrie the eightes dayes, for much lesse and fevver offences, in the same [Page 75] kinde, committed in the tyme of K. Henrie the seuenth: for he vvas thought to be the inuentor of these poolinges and molestations, vvhervvith the people vvere burdened, in the later dayes of the said king. And yet had he great pretence of reason to aleage for him self: in that these exactiōs vvere made to the kings vse, and not to his, (albeit no doubt but his ovvn gaine vvas also there. M. Stovve vvriteth ī his Chronicle, that in the tyme of Ebmund Dudleys bokevvrit ten in the Tovver. his imprisōment in the Tovver, he vvrot a notable boke, intituled The tree of commonvvealth, vvhich booke, the sayd Stovve sayth, that he hath delyuered to my Lord of Leycester manye yeares gone. And yf the said boke be so notable as M. Stovve affirmeth: I maruaile, that his L. in so manie yeares, doth not publish the same, for the glorie of his auncestors?
GENTL.
It may be (said the Gentleman) that the secretes therin conteyned, be such, as it seemeth good to my Lord, to vse them onelie him self, and to gather the fruit of that tree into his ovvn house alone. For if the tree of the commōvvealth in Edmūd Dudleys booke, bee the Prince and his race: and the fruites to be gathered from that tree▪ bee riches, honours, dignities, & preferments: then no doubt, but as the vvriter Edmund vvas cunning therin: so haue his tvvo folovvers▪ Iohn and Robert, vvel studied and practized the same, or rather haue exceded and far passed the author him self. The one of thē gathering so egarly, & vvythsuch vehemēcy, as he vvas like to haue broken dovvn the mayne boughes for greedines: the other yet plucking and [Page 76] heaping so fast to him self and his freindes, as it is and maye be, moste iustlye doubted, that vvhen they haue cropped al they, can, from the tree lefte them by their father Edmund (I meane the race The supplanting of the race of Henrie the 7. The inserting of Hūtingtō of K. Henrie the seuē [...]h:) then vvil they pluck vp the Stemme it self by the rootes, as vnprofitable: and pitch in his place another Trunk, (that is the line of Huntington) that may begin to feed a nevv, vvith, fresh fruites againe, and so for a tyme contēt their appetites, vntill of gatherers, they may become trees, (vvhich is their finall purpose) to feed them selues at their ovvn discretion.
And hovv so euer this be, it cannot be denyed, Edmund Dudleys broode more cū ning then hym self. but that Edmund Dudleys brood, haue learned by this boke, and by other meanes, to be more cū ning gatherers, thē euer their first progenitor vvas, that made the boke. First for that he made professiō to gather to his Prince (though vvickedly) & these men make demonstration, that they haue gathered for them selues: & that vvyth much mote iniquity. Secondlie for that Edmund Dudley though he got him self neare about the tree, yet vvas he content to stand on the ground, and to serue him selfe from the tree, as commoditie vvas offred: but his childrē not esteeming that, safe gathering, vvill needes mount alofte vpon the tree, to pul, croppe, and rifle at their pleasure. And as in this second point the sonne Iohn Dudley vvas more subtile, then Edmund Northū ▪ & Leices vvill rule theyre Prince & [...]t be ruled. the father: so in a third point, the Nephevv Robert Dudley is more craftie then they both▪ For that, he seeing the euil successe of those tvvo that vvent before him, he hath prouyded to gather so much in conuenient tyme, and to make hym [Page 77] self thervvyth so fat and strong, (vvherin the other, tvvo fayled: as he vvil neuer be in daunger more, to be called to anie accompt for the same.
LAVV.
In good faith Sir (quoth the Lavvyer) I thank you hartelie, for this pleasaunt discourse vpon Edmond Dudleys tree of common vvealth. And by your opiniō, my L. of Leicester is the most learned of al his kinred, and a verie cunning Logitioner indeed, that can dravv for him self so commodious conclusiōs, out of the perilous premisses of his progenitors.
GENTL.
No maruaile (quoth the Gentleman) for that his L. is Master of Arte in Oxeforde, and Chauncelor besides of the same Vniuersitie, vvher he hath store (as you knovve) of manie fine vvittes & good Leycester master of arte and a cunning Logitioner. Logitioners at his cōmandmēt: and vvher he learneth not onelie the rules and arte of cunning gathering: but also the verie practize (as I haue touched before: seyng there is no one College, or other thing of commoditie vvythin that place, vvherhence he hath not pulled, vvhat so euer vvas possiblye to be gathered, eyther by arte or violence.
SCHOL.
Touching Oxeford (said I) for that I am an Vniuersitie man my self, and haue both experience of Cambrige, and good aequaintaunce vvith diuers studentes of the other Vniuersitie: I can tel you [...]ey. abusing and spoyli [...]g of Oxford enough, but in fyne al tendeth to this conclusion, that by his Chauncelorship, is cancelled almost al hope of good in that Vniuersitie: and by his protection, it is like soone to come to destruction. And surelie if ther vvere no other thing, to declare the oddes and difference betvvixt him, and our [Page 78] Chauncelor, (vvhom he cānot beare, for that euery The L. treasurer vvay he seeth him, to passe him in al honour and vertue) it vvere sufficient to behold the present state of the tvvo Vniuersities, vvherof they are heades and gouernours.
For our ovvn, I vvil not say much, lest I might perhaps Cābrige. seme partial: but let the thing speak for it self. Cōsider the fruit of the garden, & therby you may iudge of the gardiners diligence. Looke vpon the Bisshoprickes, pastorshippes, and pulpits of England, and see vvhence principalie they haue receiued their furniture for aduauncemēt of the Gospel. And on the contrarie side, looke vpon the Seminaries of Papistrie at Rome and Rhems, vpon the Colleges of Iesuists, and other compagnies of Papystes Beyond the seas, and see vvher-hence they are, especiallie, fraught.
The Priestes and Iesuists here executed vvythin the land, and other that remaine either in prison, or abrode in corners: are they not al (in a maner) of that Vniuersitie? I speake not to the disgrace of anie good that remaine ther, or that haue issued out thence into the Lords vyneyard: but for the moste parte ther, of this our tyme, haue they not either gone beyond the seas, or lefte their places for discontentment in Religion, or ells become seruing mē, or follovved the bare name of lavve or Phisick, vvythout profiting greatlie therin, or furdering the seruice of Gods Church or their common vvealth?
And vvhethence (I pray you) ensueth al this, bur by reason that the chiefe Gouernour therof is an Atheist him self, and vseth the place onlie for [Page 79] gayne and spoile? for herehence it commeth, that The disorders of Oreforde by the vvickednes of their Chācellour. al good order and discipline is dissolued in that place: the feruour of studie extinguished: the publique lectures abandoned (I meane of the more parte:) the Tauernes and ordinarie tables frequented: the apparel of studentes grovven monstruous: and the statutes and good ordinaunce, both of the Vniuersity & of euerie College and hall in priuate, broken and infringed at my Lordes good pleasure, vvythout respect either of othe, custome, or reason to the contrarie. The heades and officers are put in & out at his onlie discretion: & the scholars places either solde, or disposed by his letters, or by these of his seruauntes and folovvers: nothing can be had there, novv, vvythout present money: it is as common buying and selling of places in that Vniuersitie, as of horses in Smithfeild: vvherby the good & vertuous are kept out, and compagnions thrust in, fit to serue his L. aftervvard, in al affaires that shal occure.
And as for Leases of farmes, VVoodes, Pastutes, Leases. Personages, Benefices or the like, vvhich belong anie vvay to anie parte of the Vniuersitie, to let or bestovv, these, his L. and his seruauntes haue so fleesed, shorne, and scraped alredie, that there remayneth, litle to feed vpon hearafter: albeit he vvant not stil his spies and intelligencers in the place, to aduertise him from tyme to tyme, vvhen anie litle nevv morsel is offred. And the Principal Leycester instruments. instrumentes, vvhich for this purpose, he hath had there before this, haue bene tvvo Phisitians Baylye and Culpeper, both knovvē Papistes a litle vvhile ago, but novv iuste of Galens religion, [Page 80] and so much the fitter for my Lords humour: for his Lordship doth alvvayes couet, to be furnished vvyth certaine chosen men about him, for diuers affaires: as these tvvo Galenistes for agentes in the Vniuersitie: Dee & Allen (tvvo Atheistes) for Figuring and Coniuring: Iulio the Italian & Lopas the Ievve, for Poysoning, & for the arte of destroying children in vvomens bellies: Verneys for Murderynge: Digbyes for At Digbys house in vvarvvik shire Dame Lettice laye, and some other such peeces, of pleasure. Bavvdes: and the like in other occupations vvhich his Lordship exercyseth.
VVherfore to returne to the speach vvhere vve began: moste cleare it is, that my Lord of Leycester hath meanes to gaine and gather also by the Vniuersitie, as vvel as by the coūtrie abrod. VVherin (as I am tolde) he beareth him self so absolute a Lord, as yf he vvere their king, and not their Chauncelor: Nay far more then, yf he vvere the general and particular founder of al the Colledges and other houses of the Vniuersitie: no man daring to contrarie or interrupt the least vvorde or signification of his vvil, but vvyth his extreame daunger: vvhich is a proceding more fit for Phalaris the Tyraunt, or some Gouernour in Tartarie, then for a Chauncelor of a learned Vniuersitie.
LAVV.
To this ansvvered the Lavvyer, for my Lords vvrath, tovvardes such as vvil not stande to his iudgement and opinion, I can my self be a sufficient vvitnes: vvho hauing had often occasion to deale for cōposition of matters, betvvixt his Lordship and others, haue seene by experience, that alvvaies they haue sped best, vvho stood lest in cō tention vvyth him, vvhat soeuer their cause vvere. For as a great & violēt riuer, the more it is stopped [Page 81] or cōtraried, the more it riseth and svvelleth bigge, and in the end, deiecteth vvith more force the thing that made resistaunce: so his Lordship being the great and mightie Potentate of this Realm, The perill of stāding vvith Leicester in anything. and accustomed novv to haue his vvyll in all thinges, can not beare to be crossed or resisted by anie man, though it vvere in his ovvn necessarie defence.
Hereof I haue seene examples, in the causes of Snovvden forest, in VVales, of Denbighe, of Killingvvorth, of Drayton and others: vvhere the parties that had interest, or thought them selues vvrounged, had bene happie, yf they had yeelded at the first to his Lordships pleasure, vvythoutfurther question: for then had they escaped much trouble, charges, displeasure and vexation, vvhich by resistaūce they incurred, to ther great ruine.) and Poore men resistīg VVarvvikes inclosure at North hal vvere hanged for his pleasure by Leicesters authoritie. losse of lyfe to some) and in the end vvere faine also to submit them selues vnto his vvil, vvith far vvorse conditions, then in the beginning vvere offred vnto them: vvhich thing vvas pitiful indeed to behold, but yet such is my Lords disposition.
GENTL.
A noble disposition (quoth the Gentleman, that I must giue him my Coat yf he demand the same, and that quicklie also, for feare least yf I staggar or Great Tyrannie. make doubt therof, he compel me to yeeld both Coat and Doublet, in penaunce of my staye. I haue red of some such Tyranntes abrode in the vvorld: Marie their end vvas alvvayes according to their lyfe, as it is verie like that it vvilbe also in this man, for that ther is smal hope of his amendment, and God passeth not ouer commonlie such matters vnpunished in this life, as vvel as in the lyfe to come.
But I pray you Sir, seing mention is novv made of the former oppressions, so much talked of throughout the Realm, that you vvil take the paines, to explaine the substaunce therof vnto me: for albeit in general, euerie man doth knovv the same, and in hart do detest the Tyrannie therof: yet vve abrode in the countrie, do not vnderstand it so vvel and distinctlie as you that be Lavvyers, vvho haue seene and vnderstood the vvhole processe of the same.
LAVV.
The case of Killingvvorth and Denbighe, (said the Lavvyer) are much alike in mater and maner of proceding, though different in tyme place and importance. For that the Lordship of Denbighe in The Lord sh [...]ppe of Dēbighe & Leyces. oppressiō vsed the [...]ī North vvales, being giuen vnto him by her Ma. a gteat vvhile agoe at the beginning of his rysing, (vvhich is a Lordship of singular greatimportaūce, in that countrie, hauing (as I haue heard) vvel nere tvvo hundreth vvorshipful Gentlemen free-holders to the same:) the tennauntes of the place considering the present state of thinges, & hauing learned, the hungrie disposition of their nevv Lord: made a common purse of a thovvsand poundes, to p [...]esent him vvythal, at his first entraunce. VVhich though he receyued (as he refuseth nothing,) yet accōpted he the summe of smal effect for satisfacction of his appetit: and therfore applied him self, not onelie to make the vtermoste that he could by leases, & such like vvayes of commoditie: but also vvould needs enforce the Freeholders, to raise their olde rent of the Lordship, from tvvo hundreth and fiftie poundes a yeare or there aboutes (at vvhich rate he had receiued the same in guift from her Ma.) [Page 83] vnto eight or nine hundreth poundes by the yeare. For that he had found out (forsooth) an olde recorde, (as he said) vvherby he could proue, that in aunciēt tyme long past, that Lordship had yelded so much olde rent: & therfore he vvould novv enforce the present tennauntes, to make vp so much againe vpon their landes, vvhich they thought vvas against al reason for them to do: but my L. perforce, vvould haue it so, and in the end compelled thē to yeld to his vvil, to the impouerishing of al the vvhole countrie about, The Manor of Killīgvvorth and Ley. oppressiō ther.
The like proceding he vsed vvyth the tennauntes about Killingvvorth, vvher he receyuing the said Lordship & Castle frō the Prince, in guifte of tvvē ty fovver poundes yearlie rent or ther about, hath made it novv better then fiue hundreth by yeare: by an olde recorde also, found by great fortune in the hole of a vval as is giuen out (for he hath, singular good luck alvvayes in finding out recordes for his purpose) by vertue vvherof, he hath taken from the tennauntes, rovvnde aboute, their landes, VVooddes, Pastures, and Commous, to make him self Parkes, Chaces, and other commodities thervvyth, to the subuersion of manie a good familie, vvhich vvas mainteyned ther, before this devourer set foote in that countrie.
But the matter of Snovvden Forest, doth passe al The case of Snovvden forest most pittiful. the rest, both for cuning and crueltie: the tragedie vvherof vvas this. He had learned by his intelligencers abrode, (vvherof he hath great store in euerie parte of the Realm) that ther vvas a goodly aunciēt Forest in Northvvalles, vvhich hath al most infinit borderers about the same: for it lieth in the middest [Page 84] of the country, beginning at the hills of Snovvden (vvherof it hath his name) in Carnarvan shite, and reacheth euery vvay tovvards diuers other shires. VVhen my Lord heard of this, he entered presentlie into the conceit of a singular great pray: and going to her Maiestie, signified that her highnesse vvas often tymes abused, by the incroching of such as dvvelt vpon her Forestes, vvhich vvas necessarie to be restreined: and therfore beseched her Maiestie, to bestovve vpon him the incrochementes onelie, vvhich he should be able to finde out, vpon the forest of Snovvden, vvhych vvas graunted:
And ther vpon he chose out commissioners fit for the purpose, and sent them into VVales, vvith the like commission, as a certaine Emperour vvas vvount to giue his Magistrates, vvhen they departed from him to gouerne, as Suetonius vvriteth: An olde Tyrannical Commission. Scitis quid velim, & quibus opus habeo. You knovv vvhat I vvould haue, and vvhat I haue neede of. VVhich recommendation, these commissioners taking to hart, omitted no diligence in execution of the same: And so going into VVales, by such meanes as they vsed, of setting one man to accuse an other: brought quicklie al the countrie round about in three or fovver shires, vvithin the compasse of forest ground: and so entred vpon the same, for my L. of Leycester. VVher vpon, vvhen the people vvere amazed, and expected vvhat order my Lord him self vvould take therin: his L. vvas so far of from refusing anie parte of that, vvhich his cōmissioners had presented [Page 85] & offered him as he vvould yet furder stretch A ridieulous demonstratiō of excessiue ana [...]ice. the Forest beyond the sea, into the Ile of Anglesey, & make that also vvithin his compas & boūder.
VVhich vvhen the commonaltie savve, and that they profited nothing, by their complaining and crying out of this Tyrannie: they appointed to send some certaine number of them selues, to London, to make supplication to the Prince: and so they did: Choising out for that purpose a dozen Gentlemen, and manie more of the commons of the countrie of LLyn, to deale for the vvhole. VVho comming to London and exhibiting a most humble supplication to her Ma. for redresse of their oppression: receiued an ansvvere, by the procuremēt of my Lord of Leycester, that they should haue iustice, if the commonaltie vvould returne home to their houses, and the Gentlemen remaine ther, to sollici [...]e the cause. VVhich as soone as they had yeelded vnto, the Gentlemen vvere al taken and cast into prison, & there kept for a great space, and aftervvard vvere sent dovvn to Ludlovve, (as the place most eminent of al these countries) ther to vveare papires of periurie, and receiue other punishmētes of of infamie, for their cōplaining: vvhich punishmentes notvvithstanding, aftervvarde vpon great su [...]e of the parties and their friendes, vvere turned into great fynes of money, vvhich they vvere constreined to pay, and yet besides to agree A singular oppression. also vvith my L. of Leycester for their ovvn landes, acknovvledging the same to be his, and so to buy it of him againe.
VVherby not onelie thes priuate Gētlemen, but al the vvhole countrie ther about, vvas and is (in a [Page 86] maner) vtterlie vndonne. And the participation of this iniury, reacheth so far and vvide, and is so general in these partes: as you shal skarce finde a man that commeth from that coast, vvho feeleth not the smart therof: being either impouerished, beggered, or ruinated therby.
VVherby I assure you that the hatred of al that Leycester extremly hated in VVales. countrie, is so vniuersal and vehement against my Lord: as I think neuer thing Created by God, vvas so odious to that Nation, as the verie name of my Lord of Leycester is. VVhich his Lordship vvel knovving, I doubt not, but that he vvil take heed, hovv he go thither to dvvell, or send thither his posteritie.
GENTL.
For his posteritie (quoth the Gentleman) I suppose he hath litle cause to be solicitous: for that God him self taketh care commonlie, that goodes and honours so gotten and mainteined, as his be, shal neuer trouble the third heire. Marie for him self, I confesse (the matter standing as you saye) that he hath reason to forbeare that countrye, and to leaue of his buildyng begonne at Denhighe, as I heare saye he hath done. For that the vniuersal hatred of The ende of Tyrāts a people, is a perilous matter. And if I vvere in his Lordships case, I should often thinke of the ende of Nero: vvho after al hys glorye, Nero. vpon furie of the people vvas adiudged to haue his head thrust into a Pillorie, and so to be beaten to death, vvith roddes and thvvonges.
Ot rarher I should feare the successe of Vitellius, Vitellius. the third Emperour after Nero, vvho for his vvickednes and oppression of the people, [Page 87] vvas taken by them at length, vvhen fortune began to fayle him, and led out of his Palace naked, vvith hookes of Iron fastened in his fleshe, and so dravven through the Citie vvith infamie, vvhere, loden in the streets vvyth filth and ordure cast vpon him, and a prick put vnder his Chinne, to the end he should not looke dovvn or hide his face, vvas brought to the banke of Tyber, and ther after manie hundreth vvoundes receiued, vvas cast into the riuer. So implacable a thing is the furor of a multitude, vvhen it is once stirred, and hath place of reuenge. And so heauie is the hand of God vpon Tyrantes in this vvorld, vvhen it pleaseth his diuine Maiestie to take reuenge of the same.
I haue red in Leander, in his description of Italie, hovv that in Spoleto (if I be not deceiued) A most terrible reuenge take vpō a Tyraut. the chiefe Citie of the countrie of Vmbria, ther vvas a straunge Tyraunt: vvho in the tyme of his prosperitie, contemned al men, and forbare to iniurie no man, that came vvithin his clavves: esteming him self sure enough, for euer being called to render accompt in this lyfe, and for the next he cared litle. But God vpon the sudden turned vpsidedovvn the vvhele of his felicitie, and cast him into the peoples handes: vvho tooke him, and bound his naked bodie vpon a planke, in the marcket place, vvith a fyar and iron tonges by him: and then made proclamation, that seeing this man vvas not othervvise able to make satisfaction, for the publique iniuries that he had done: euerie priuate person annoied by him, should come in order, and vvith the hoat [Page 88] burning tonges there redie, shoulde take of his flesh so much, as vvas correspondent to the iniury receyued, as indeed they did vntil the miserable man gaue vp the ghoste, & after to: as this authour vvriteth.
But to the purpose: seing my Lorde careth litle for suche examples, and is become so hardie novv, as he maketh no accompte to iniurie and oppresse vvhole countries and commonalties together: it shalbe bootles to speake of his procedinges Leye. oppression of particular mē. tovvardes particular men, vvho haue not so great strength to resist, as a multitude hath. And yet I can assure you, that there are so manie and so pytyful thinges published daylie of his Tyrannie in this kinde: as do moue great compassion tovvardes the partie that do suffer, and horrour against him, vvho shameth not dayly to offer such iniurye.
As for example: vvhose harte vvoulde not bleed to heare the case before mentioned, of M. Robinsō of Staffordshire: a properyong gentlemā. M. Robinson. and vvel giuen both in religion ond other vertues. VVhose father died at Nevvhauē in her Ma. seruice, vnder this mans brother the Earle of VVarvvik: & recōmended at his death, this his eldest sōne, to the special protectiō of Leycest. & his brother, vvhose seruaunt also this Robinson hath bene, from his youth vpvvard, and spent the most of his liuing in his seruice. Yet notvvythstanding al this, vvhen Robinsons landes vvere intangled vvyth a certaine Londoner, vpon interest for his former maī tenaunce in their seruice, vvhose title my L. of Leycester (though craftilie, yet not couertlie) vnder [Page 89] Ferris his cloke, had gotten to him self: he ceased not to pursue the poore Gentleman euen to imprisonment, arraignement, and sentence of death, for greedines of the said liuing: together vvith the M. Harcourt. vexation of his brother in lavve M. Harcourt and al other his friendes, vpon pretence, for sooth, that ther vvas a man slayne by Robinsons partie, in defence of his ovvn possession against Leycesters intruders, that vvould by violence breake into the same.
VVhat shal I speake of others, vvherof ther vvould be no ende? as of his dealing vvith M. Richard Ric. Lee. Lee, for his Manor of Hooknorton (if I faile Lodouik Greuill. not in the name:) vvith M. Lodourke Griuell, by seeking to bereaue him of al his liuing at once, if the drifte had taken place? vvith George VVitney, George VVitney. in the behalf of Sir Henrie Leigh, for inforcīng him to for-go the Coūtrollership of VVoodstock, vvhich he holdeth by patent from K. Henrie the seuenth? VVith my L. Barkley, vvhom he enforced L. Barkley to yeeld vp his landes to his brother VVarvvike, vvhich his auncestors had held quietlie for almost tvvo hundreth yeares to gether?
VVhat shal I say of his intollerable Tyrānie vpō Archbis. of Cātur. the last Archbisshop of Canturburie, for doctor Iulio his sake, and that in so fovvle a matter? Vpon Sir Iohn Throgmarton. Sir Iohn Throgmarton, vvhom he brought pitifullie to his graue before his tyme, by cōtinual vexations, for a peece of faithful seruice done by him to his countrie, and to al the line of K. Henrie, against this mās father, in K. Edvvard & Q. Maries dayes? Vpon diuers of the Lanes for one mans sake Lane▪ [Page 90] of that name before mentioned, that offred to take Killinvvorth Castle? vpon some of the Giffordes, Gifforde. and other for Throgmartons sake? (for that is also his L. disposition, for one mans cause vvhom he brooketh not, to plague a vvhole generation, that anie vvaye perteyneth, or is allied to the same:) his endlesse persecuting of Sir Drevve Drevvrie, and Sir Drevv Drevvry. manie other Courtyers both men and vvomen? Al thes (I say) and manie others, vvho daylie suffer iniuries, rapines & oppressions at his hādes, throughout the Realm, vvhat should it auaile to name thē in this place: seing neither his L. careth anie thing for the same, neither the parties agrieued are like to attaine anie least release of affliction therby, but rather double oppressyon for theyr complayninge.
VVherfore, to returne againe vvheras vve began, The present state of my L. of Leices. you see by this litle, vvho, and hovv great, & vvhat maner of man, my L. of Leycester is this day, in the state of England. You see and may gather, in some parte, by that vvhich hath bene spokē, his vvealth, his strength, his cūning, his dispositiō. His VVealth is excessiue in all kinde of riches for a priuate man, Leycester VVealth. and must needes be much more, then anie bodie lightlie can imagine, for the infinit vvayes he hath had of gaine, so many years to gether. His Strēgth Leycester Strength. and povver is absolute and irresistable, as hath bene shevved, both in Chamber, Court, Councell, and Countrie. His Cunning in plotting and fortyfying Leycester Cūning. the same, both by Force and Fraud, by Mines and Contermines, by Trenches, Bulvvarkes, Flankers, and Rampiers: by Friēdes, Enimies, Allies, Seruātes, Creatures, and Dependētes, or anie other that may [Page 91] serue his turne: is verie rare and singular. His Disposition Leycester disposition. to Cruelty, Murder, Treason, and Tyrāny: and by all these to Supreame Soueraignetie ouer other: is moste euydent and cleare. And then iudge you vvhether her Ma. that novv raigneth (vvhose lyfe and prosperitie, the Lord in mercie long preserue,) haue not iuste cause to feare, in respect of these thinges onlie: yf ther vvere no other particulars to proue his aspiring intent besides?
LAVV.
No doubt (quoth the lavvyer) but these are great maters, in the questiō of such a cause as is a Crovvn. And vve haue seene by example, that the least of these, fovver, vvhich you haue here named, or rather some litle braunshe conteyned in anie of thē. Causes of iust feare for her Maiesty. hath bene sufficient to found iust suspition, distrust or iealousie, in the heades of most vvise Princes, tovvardes the proceedinges of more assured subiectes, thē my L. of Leycester, in reason may be presumed to be. For that the safitie of a state & Prince, standeth not onelie in the redines and habilitie of resisting open attemptes, vvhen they shal fal out: but also (& that much more as Statistes vvrite) in a certaine prouident vvatchfulnes, of preuenting al possibilities and likelihoodes of daunger or surpression: for that no Prince commonlie, vvil put him self to the courtesie of an other man) be he neuer so obliged) vvhether he shal retayne his Crovvn or no: seing the cause of a Kingdom, acknovvledgeth neither kinred, duety, fairh friendship, not societie.
I knovv not vvhether I do expound and declare my self vvel or no, but my meaning is, that vvheras, euerie Prince hath tvvo pointes of assurance from [Page 92] his subiect, the one, in that he is faithful & lacketh vvill, to annoie his souueraigne: the other, for that he is vveake and vvanteth habylytye, to do the A point of necessarie policie for a Prince. same: the fyrst is alvvayes of more importance then the second, and consequentlie more to be eyed and obserued in policie: for that oure vvill may be chaunged at oure pleasure, but not oure habilitie.
Considering then, vpon that vvhich hath bene said and specified before, hovv that my Lorde of Leycester, hath possessed him self of al the strength, povvers and sinovves of the Realm, hath dravven al to his ovvn directiō, and hath made his patty so strong as it seemeth not resistable: you haue great reason to say, that her Ma. maye iustlie conceyue some doubt, for that yf his vvil vvere according to his povver, most assured it is, that her Ma. vvere not in safitie.
SCHOL.
Say not so, good Sir, (quoth I) for in such a case truelie, I vvould repose litle vpō his vvil, vvhich is so manye vvayes apparant, to be moste insatiable of ambition. Rather vvoulde I thinke that as yet his habilitie serueth not, either for Tyme, Place, Force, or some other circumstaunce: then that anie parte of good vvil should vvante in him: seing that not onelie his desire of soueraigntie, but also his intent and attempt to aspire to the same, is sufficientlie declared (in my conceit) by the verye particulars of his povver and plottes alredy set dovvn. VVhich, yf you please to haue the patience, to heare a Scholars argument, I vvil proue by a Principle of our Philosophie.
For if it be true vvhich Aristotle sayeth, ther [Page 93] is no agent so simple in the vvorld, vvhich vvorketh A Philosophicall argumēt to proue Ley▪ intēt of soueraigntie. not for some final end, (as the birde buildeth not her nest but to dvvel and hatche her yong ones therin:) & not only this, but also that the same agent, doth alvvayes frame his vvorke according to the proportion of his entended end: (as vvhen the Fox or Badger maketh a vvide earth or denne, it is a signe that he meaneth to dravve thither great store of pray:) then must vve also in reason think, that so vvyse and polityke an agent, as is my L. of Leycester for him self, vvanteth not his end in these plottinges and preparations of his: I meane an end proportionable in greatnes to his preparatiōs. VVhich end, cā be no lesse nor meaner then Supreame Soueraigntie, seing his prouisiō & furniture doe tend that vvay, & are in euerie point fullie correspondent to the same.
VVhat meaneth his so diligent beseeging of the The preparatiōs of Leyc. declare his intē ded ende Princesse person? his taking vp the vvayes and passages about her? his insolencie in Court? his singularitie in the Councel? his violent preparation of strength abrode? his enriching of his Complices? the banding of his faction, vvyth the abundance of friendes euerie vvhere? vvhat do thes thinges signifie (I say) and so manie other, as you haue vvel noted and mentioned before: but onelie his intent and purpose of Supreamacie? VVhat did the same thinges protend in tymes past in his father, but euen that vvhich novv they protend in the sōne? or hovv should vve think, that the sonne hathe an other meaning in the verie same actions, then had his father before him, vvhose steppes he folovveth.
I remember I haue heard, often tymes of diuers Hovv the Duke of Northū. dissēbled his end. auncient and graue men in Cambrige, hovv that in K. Edvvards dayes the Duke of Northumberland this mans father, vvas generaly suspected of al men, to mean indeed as aftervvard he shevved, especialie vvhen he had once ioyned vvyth the house of Suffolk, and made him self a principal of that faction by mariage. But yet for that he vvas potent, and protested euerie vvhere, & by al occasions his great loue, devvtie, and special care, aboue al others, that he bare tovvardes his Prince & coū trie: no man durste accuse him openlie, vntil it vvas to late to vvythstand his povver: (as commonlie it falleth out in such affaires) and the like is euident in my L. of Leycesters actions novv (albeit to her Ma. I doubt not, but that he vvil pretend and protest, as his father did to her brother), especialy novv after his open association vvith the faction of Hū tington: vvhich no lesse impugneth vnder this mans protection, the vvhole line of Henrie the 7. for right of the Crovvn, then the house of Suffolk did vnder his father the particular progenie of K. Henry the eighte.
GENTL.
Nay rather much more (quoth the gentleman) for that I do not reade in K. Edvvards reign, (whe the mater vvas in plotting notvvytstanding) that The boldnes of the titlers of Clarence. the house of Suffolk durst euer make open clayme to the next succession. But novv the house of Hastinges is become so confident, vpon the strength and fauour of their fautors▪ as they dare both plot, practize and pretend, al at once, and feare not to set out their title, in euerie place, vvher as they come.
LAVV.
And do they not feare the statute (said the Lavvyer) so rigorous in this point, as it maketh the matter treason to determine of titles?
GENTL.
No, they need not (quoth the Gentleman) seing The abuse of the statute for silēce in the true succession. their partie is so strong and terrible, as no man dare accuse them: seing also they vvel knovv, that the procurement of that statute, vvas onely to endaunger or stoppe the mouthes of the true successors, vvhiles them selues, in the meane space, vvēt about vnder-hand, to establish their ovvn ambushment.
LAVV.
VVel, (quoth the Lavver) for the pretence of my L. of Huntington to the Crovvn, I vvil not stand vvyth yovv, for that yt ys a matter sufficientlye knovvē & sene throughout the Realm. As also that my L. of Leicester is at this day, a principal fauourer and patron of that cause. albeit some years past, he vvere an earnest aduersarie and enimie to the same. But yet I haue heard some friendes of his, in reasoning of these matters, deny stoutly a point or tvvo, vvhich you haue touched here, and do seeme to belieue the same.
And that is, first, that hovv soeuer my Lord of Tvvo excuses alleaged by Leycester friendes. Leycester do meane to help his friend, vvhen tyme shal serue yet pretēdeth he nothing to the Crovvn him self. The seconde is, that vvhat soeuer may be ment for the title, or compassing the Crovvn after her Ma. death, yet nothyng is intended duryng her raigne. And of both these pointes they alleage reasons.
As for the first, that my Lord of Leycester is verie vvel knovven, to haue no title to the Crovvn him self, either by discent in blood, alliaunce or othervvayes. For the second, that his L. hath no cause to [Page 96] be a Mal-Cōtent in the present gouernement, not hope for more preferment, if my L. of Huntington vveare king to morovve next, then he receaueth novv at her Ma. handes: hauing al the Realm (as hath bene shevved) at his ovvn disposition.
GENTL.
For the first (quoth the Gentleman) vvhether he meane the Crovvn for him selfe, or for his friēd, it importeth not much: seing both vvayes it is euident, VVhether Leycester meane the Crovva sincerelie for Huntington or for him selfe. that he meaneth to haue al at his ovvn disposition. And albeit novv for the auoiding of enuie, he giue it out, as a craftye fox, that he meaneth not but to runne vvith other men, and to hunt vvith Huntington and other houndes in the same chase: yet is it not vnlike, but that he vvil pl [...]ie the Beare, vvhen he commeth to deuiding of the praye, and vvil snatch the best parte to him selfe. Yea & these self same persons of his traine and faction, vvhom you cal his friendes, though in publique, to excuse his doinges, & to couer the vvhole plot, they vvil & must denie the matters to be so meāt: yet othervvise they both think, hope & knovv the cōtrary, and vvil not stick in secret to speak it, and among them selues, it is their talke of consolation. The vvoordes of the Lord Northe, to M. Poolie.
The vvordes of his special Councellour the Lord Northe, are knovvē, vvhich he vttred to his rrustie Poolie, vpon the receipt of a letrer from Court, of her Ma. displeasure tovvardes him, for his being a vvitnesse at Leycesters second mariage vvith Dame Lettice (although I knovv he vvas not ignorant of the first) at VVanstead: of vvhich displeasure, this Lord making fat lesse accompt then, in reason he should, of the iust offence of his soueraigne, said: that for his ovvn parte he vvas resolued to sink or [Page 97] svvimme vvith my L. of Leycester: vvho (saith he) Poolie tolde this to Syr Robert Iermine. if once the Cardes may come to shufflīg (I vvil vse but his verie ovvn vvordes) I make no doubt but he alone shal beare avvay the bucklers.
The vvordes also of Sir Thomas Layton, to Sir The vvordes of [...]n Thomas Layton brother in Lavve to my Lord. Henrie Neuile, vvalking vpon the. Tarresse at VVindsore are knovven, vvho tolde him, after lōg discourse of their happie conceiued kingdom, that he doubted not, but to see him one day, hold the same office in VVindsore, of my L. of Leicester, vvhiche novv my L. did hold of the Quene. Meaning therby the goodlie office of Constableship, vvythal Royalties and honours belōging to the same, vvhich novv the said Sir Henrie exerciseth onelie as deputie to the Earle. VVhich vvas plainly to signifie, that, he douted not but to see my L. of Leycester one day king, or els his other hope could neuer possiblie take effect or come to passe.
To the same point, tēded the vvordes of Mistres The vvordes of Mistres Anne VVest Sister vnto this holie Countesse. Anne VVest Dame Lettice sister, vnto the Ladie Anne Askevve in the great Chamber, vpon a day vvhen her brother Robert Knovvles had daunsed disgratiouslie & skornefulie before the Q. in presence of the Frēche. VVhich thing for that her Ma. took to proceed of vvil in him, as for dislik of the straungers in presence, & for the quarel of his sister Essex: it pleased her highnesse to check him for the same, vvith addition of a reprochful vvord or tvvo (ful vvel deserued) as though done for dispite of the forced absence, from that place of honour, of the good olde Gētlevvomā (I mitigate the vvords) his sister. VVhich vvordes, the other yonger tvvigge receiuing in deepe dudgen, brake forth in great [Page 98] choler to her fornamed companion, and said, that she nothing doubted, but that one day she should see her sister, vpon vvhom the Q rayled novv so much (for so it pleased her to tearme her Ma sharp speech) to sit in her place and throne, being much vvorthier of the same, for her qualities and rare vertues, thē vvas the other. VVhich vnduetiful speech, albeit, it vvere ouer heard and cōdemned of diuers that sat about them: yet none durst euer reporte the same to her Ma. as I haue heard sundrie courtiers affirme, in respect of the reuenge vvhich the reporters should abid at my L. of Leycesters handes, vvhē so euer the matter should come to light.
And this is novv concerning the opinion and secret speech of my Lordes ovvn friendes, vvho cannot but vtter their conceipt and iudgement in tyme and place conuenient, vvhat so euer they are vvilled to giue out publicklie to the contrarie, for deceiuing of such as vvil belieue faire paīted vvordes, against euident and manifest demonstration of reason.
I say reason, for that if none of thes signes and Three argumēces of Leycesters meaning for him self before Hūtington. tokens vvere, none of thes preparations nor an [...] of thes speeches & detections, by his friendes th [...] knovv his hart: yet in force of plaine reason, [...] could aleadge vnto you three argumentes onelie, vvhich to anie man of intelligence, vvould easilie persvvade and giue satisfaction, that my L. of Leycester meaneth best & first for him self in this sure▪ VVhich three argumentes, for that you seme to be attent, I vvil not stick to runne ouer in al breuitie.
And the first, is, the verie nature and qualitie of The first argumēt the Nature of ambition ambition it self, vvhich is such (as you knovv,) that [Page 99] it neuer stayeth▪ but passeth from degre to degre, and the more it obteyneth, the more it coueteth, and the more esteemeth it self, both vvorthie and able to obteyne. And in our matter that novv vve handle, euen as in vvovvyng, he that sueth to a Ladie for an other, and obteineth her good vvil, entereth easilie into conceipt of his ovvn vvorthines therby, and so commonlie into hope of speeding him self vvhile he speaketh for his friend: so much more in kingdomes: he that seeth hī self of povver to put the Crovvne of an other mās head, vvil quicklie step to the next degre vvhich is, to set it of his ovvn, seing that alvvaies the charitie of such good men, is vvount to be so orderlie, as (according to the precept) it beginneth vvith it self first.
Adde to this, that ambitiō is Ielious, suspitious, and feareful of it self, especialie vvhen it is ioyned vvith a conscience loaden vvith the guilt of manie crymes, vvherof he vvould be loth to be called to accompt, or be subiect to anie man that might by authoritie take reuevv of his life and actions, vvhē it should please him. In vvhich kinde, seing my L. of Leycester hath so much to encrease his feare, as before hath bene shevved▪ by his vvicked dealinges: it is not like, that euer he vvil put him self to an others mās courtesie, for passing his Audicte in particular reckoninges, vvhich he can no vvay ansvver or satisfie: but rather vvil stand vpon the grosse Summe, and general Quietus est, by making him self chiefe Auditour and Master of al accomptes for his ovvn parre in this life, hovv so euer he do in the next: vvherof such humours haue litle regarde. [Page 100] And this is for the nature of ambition in it self.
The second argument may be taken from my L. The second argument. Leycester particular disposition. particulars disposition: vvhich is such, as may giue much light also to the matter in question: Being a disposition so vvel liking & inclined to a kingedō, as it hath bene tampering about the same, from the first day that he came in fauour. First by seeking openlie to marrie vvith the Q. Ma. her self, and so Leycester disposition to [...]āp [...] for a kingdō. to dravv he Crovvn vpon his ovvn head, and to his posteritie. Secondlie, vvhen that attempt tooke not place, then he gaue it out, as hath bene shevved before, hovv that he vvas priuilie contracted to her Maiestie (vvherin as I tolde you his dealing I meane the noble olde Erle of Pe [...] brooke. before for satisfaction of a straunger, so let him vvyth shame and dishonour remember novv also, the spectacle he secretlie made for the persvvading of a subiect and Councellor of great honour in the same cause) to the end that if her highnes should by anie vvay haue miscarryed, then he might haue entituled anie one of his ovvn broode, (vvherof he hath store in manie places as is knovven) to the lavvful succession of the Crovvn, vnder coulour of that priuie and secret mariage, pretending the same to be by her Maiestie: vvherin he vvil vvant no vvitnesses to depose vvhat he vvil. Thirdlie vvhen The vnduetifull deuise of▪ Naturall issue, in [...]he statu [...] of suc [...]ssion. he savve also that this deuise vvas subiect to daunger, for that his priuie contract might be denied, more easilie, then he able iustlie to proue the same, after her Maiesties discease: he had a nevv fetch to strengthen the matter and that vvas to cause thes vvordes of (NATVRAL ISSVE) to be put into the statute of succession for the Crovvn, against all [Page 101] order and custome of our Realm, and against the knovven common stile of lavv, accustomed to be vsed in statutes of such matter: vvherby he might be able after the deathe of her Ma. to make legitimate to the Crovvn, anie one bastard of his ovvn by anie of so manie hakneis as he keepeth, affirmīg it to be the Naturall issue of her Maiestie by him self. For no other reason can be imagined vvhy the auncient vsual vvordes of, LAVVFVL ISSVE should so cunninglie be chaunged into NATVRAL ISSVE Therby not onelie to indaunger our vvhole Realme vvith nevv quarels of succession but also to touch (as far as in him lieth) the Royall honour of his soueraigne, vvho hath bene to him but to bounteful a Princesse.
Fourthlie, vvhen after a tyme thes fetches and deuises, began to be discouered, he chaunged streight his course, and turned to the Papistes and Scottish faction, pretending the mariage of the Q. in prison. But yet after this againe, finding therin not such successe as cōtented him throughlie, and hauing in the meane space a nevv occasion offred of baite: he betook him self fiftlie to the, partie of Huntington: hauing therin (no doubt) as good meaning to him self, as his father had by ioyning vvith Suffolk. Marie yet of late, he hath The marriage of Arbella cast a nevv about, once againe, for him self in secret, by treating the mariage of yong Arbella, vvith his sonne intitled the Lord Denbighe.
So that by this vve see the disposition of this man bent vvholie to a scepter. And albeit in right, title and discent of blood (as you say) he can iustlie clayme neither kingdome nor Cotage [Page 102] (considering either the basenesse or disloyaltie of his auncestors:) yf in respect of his present state & povver, & of his naturall pride, ambitiō, & crafty conueyance receyued frō his father: he hath learned hovv to put him self first in possession of ch [...]ef rule, vnder other pretences, and after to deuise vpō the title at his leysure.
But novv to come to the third argument: I saie The 3. argument. The nature of the cause it self. more and aboue al this, that the nature and sta [...]e of the matter it self, permitteth not, that my L. of Leycester should meane sincerelie the Crovvn, for Huntington, especialie seing ther hath passed betvven them so many yeares of dislike and enimity: vvhich, albeit, for the time & present commodity, be couered and pressed dovvn: yet by reason and experience vve knovv, that aftervvard vvhen they shal deale together againe in matters of importaunce▪ and vvhen ielousie shalbe ioyned to other circumstaunces of their actiōs: it is impossible that the former mislike should not breake out in far higher degre, then euer before.
As vve savve in the examples of the reconciliation, The nature of olde reconciled enimyty. made betvvixt this mans father and Edvvard Duke of Somerset, bearing rule vnder king Edvv. the sixt: and betvven Richard of York, & Edmund Duke of Somerset, bearing rule in the time of king Henry the 6. Both vvhich Dukes of Somerset, after reconciliatiō vvyth their olde, craftie & ambitious enimies▪ vvere brought by the same to their destruction soone after. VVherof I doubt not, but my L. of Leycester vvil take good heed, in ioyning by reconciliation vvyth Huntington, after so long a breach: and vvil not be so improuident, as to make [Page 103] him his soueraign, vvho novv is but his dependēt. He remembreth to vvel the successe of the L. Stāley vvho helped K. Hērie the 7. to the Crovvn: of the Duke of Buckingham, vvho did [...]he same for Richard the 3. of the Earle of VVarvvick, vvho set vp K. Edvvard the 4. and of [...]he three Percies, vvho aduaūced to the Scepter K. Henry [...]he 4. Al vvhich noble men vpon occasions that after fel out: vvere revvarded vvyth death, by the self same Princes, vvhom they had preferred
And that not vvythout reason as Siegnior Machauel The reason of Machauel. my L. Councellor affirmeth. For that such Princes, aftervvard can neuer giue sufficient satisfaction to such friendes, for so great a benefit receiued. And consequentlie, least vpon discontentmēt, they may [...]haunce do as much for others against them, as they haue done for them against others: the surest vvay is, to recompence them, vvyth such a revvarde, as they shal neuer after be able to complaine of.
VVherfore I can neuer think that my L. of Leycester vvil put him self in daunger of the Like successe at Huntingtons hādes: but rather vvil folovv The meaninge of the Duke of Nort [...]umber. vvyth Suffolk. the plot of his ovvn father, vvyth [...]he Duke of Suffolk, vvhom no doubt, but he meant onelie to vse for a pretext and help, vvherby to place him self in supreame dignitie, and aftervvardes vvhat so euer had befallen of the state, the others head could neuer haue come to other end▪ thē it enioyed. For yf Q. Marie had not cut it of, K. Iohn of Northūberland▪ vvould haue done the same in tyme, and so al men do vvel knovv, that vvere priuie to anie of his cunning dealinges.
And vvhat Huntingtons secret opinion of Leycester is (notvvythstanding this ovvtvvarde shevv of depēdence) [...]t vvas my chaūce to learne, from the South hovvse. mouth of a special man of that Hastie king, vvhoe vvas his ledger or agent in London and at a tyme faling in talke of his masters title, declared, that he had heard him diuers tymes in secret, complaine to his Ladie, (Leycesters sister) as greatlie fearing that in the end, he vvould offer him vvrong, and pretend some title for him selfe.
LAVV.
VVel (quoth the Lavvyer) it seemeth by this last point, that thes tvvo Lords, are cunning practisioners in the arte of dissimulation: but for the former vvherof you spake, in truth, I haue hearde men of good dicourse affyrme, that the Duke of The meani [...]g of the D. of No [...]thū ▪ tovvards the D▪ of Suffolk. Northumberland had straunge deuises in his head, for deceauing of Suffolk (vvho vvas nothing so fine as him self,) and for bringing the Crovvn to his ovvn familie. And among other deuises it is thought, that he had most certaine intention to marrie the Ladie Marie him self, (after once he had brought her into his ovvn handes) and to haue bestovved her Ma. that novv is, vpon some one of his children (yf it should haue bene thought best to giue her lyfe,) & so cōsequentlie to haue shaken of Suffolk and his pedegre, vvyth condigne punishment, for his bolde behauiour in that behalf.
SCHOL.
Verilie (quoth I) this had bene an excellent Stratageme, yf it had taken place. But I pray you (Sir) hovv could him self haue taken the Ladie Matie to vvyfe, seing he vvas at that tyme married to an other?
GENTL.
Oh (quoth the Gentlemen) you question like [Page 105] a Scholar. As though my L. of Leycester had not a vvyfe a liue, vvhen he first began to pretend mariahe to the Q. Ma. Doe not you remember the storie of K Richard the third, vvho at such tyme as he thought best for the establishing of his title: The practise of K. Richard for dispatching his vvyfe. to marrie his ovvn nepce, that aftervvard vvas married to king Henrie the seuēth, hovv he caused secretlie to be giuen abroode that his ovvn vvyfe vvas dead, vvhom al the vvorld knevv to be then a liue and in good health, but yet soone aftervvard she vvas sene dead indeed. Thes great personages, in matters of such vveight, as is a kingdom, haue priuileges to dispose of vvomens bodies, mariages, liues and deathes, as shalbe thought for the tyme moste conuenient.
And vvhat do you think (I pray you) of this nevv A nevv Triumuirate betvvē Ley. Talbot & the Coū tesse of Shre [...]sbury. TRIVMVIRAT so latelie concluded about Arbella? (for so I must cal the same, though one of the three persons be no, Vir, but, Virago,) I meane of the mariage betvvene yong Dēbigh & the litle daughter of Lenox, vvherby the father in lavve, the Grandmother & the vncle of the nevv designed Queene, haue conceyued to them selues a singular tryumphant reigne. But vvhat doe you think may ensue hereof? is ther nothing of the olde plot of duke Iohn of Northumberland in this?
LAVV.
Marie, Sir, (quoth the Lavvyer) yf this be so: I dare assure you ther is sequele enough pretended hereby. And first no doubt, but ther goeth a deep drift, by the vvife and sonne, against olde Abraham (the husband and father) vvith the vvel lyned large poutch. And secondlie a far deeper by trustie Robert against his best Mistres: but d [...]pest of [...]l by the vvhole Cravv, against the designememes [Page 106] of the Hastie Earle: vvho thirsteth a kingdome, Huntington. vvith great intemperaunce, and seemeth (yf there vvere plaine dealing) to hope by thes good people to quenshe shortlie his drought. But either parte, in truth, seeketh to deceyue other: and therfore it his hard to saye vvher the game in fine vvil reste.
GENTL.
VVel hovv so euer that be (quoth the Gētleman) I am of opinion, that my Lord of Leycester, vvyl vse both this practize and manie moe, for bringing the scepter finalie to his ovvn head: & that he vvil The sleightes of Le [...]. for b [...]inging al to him self. not onlie imploy Huntington to defeat Scotland, and Arbella to defea [...] Huntington: but also vvould vse the mariage of the Q. imprisoned, to defeat them both, yf she vvere in his hand: and anie one of al three to dispossesse her Ma. that novv is: as also the authoritie, of al fovver to bring it to him self: vvyth mainie other fetches, flinges & friscoes besides, vvhich simple men as yet do not conceiue.
And hovv so euer thes tvvo conioyned Earles, Scābling betvven Ley. and Huntington at the vpshot. do seeme for the tyme to dravv together, and to playe bootie: yet am I, of opinion, that th'one vvill beguile th'other at the vpshopt. And Hastīgs for ought I see, vvhen he commeth to the scambling, is like to haue no better luck by the Beare, then his auncestor had once by the Boare. VVho vsing his help first in murdering the sonne & heire of K. Henrie the sixt, and after in destroying the Richard of Glocester An 1. Edvv. 5. faithful friendes and kinsmen of K. Edvvatd the fift, for his easier vvay to vsurpation: made an ende of him also in the Tovver, at the verie same day & houre, that the other vvere by his coūsail destroied in Pontfract Castle. So that vvhere the Goale and price of the game is a kingdom: ther is neither [Page 107] faith, neither good fellovvship, nor faire playe, amōg the Gamesters. And this shalbe enough for the first point: viz. vvhat good my L. of Leycester meaneth to him self in respect of Huntington.
Tovvching the second, vvhether the attempt be 2. That the conpirators meane in her Ma. dayes. purposed in her Ma. dayes, or no, the matter is much lesse doubtful, to him that knovveth or can imagine, vvhat a tormēt the delaye of a kingdome is, to such a one as suffreth hungar therof, and feareth that euerie houre may breed some alteration, to the preiudice of his conceyued hope. VVe see often tymes that the chylde is impatient in this matter, to expect the natural ende of his parentes lyfe. VVhom, notvvythstanding, by nature he is enforced to loue: and vvho also by nature, is like long to leaue this vvorlde before him: and after Fovver considerations. vvhos discease, he is assured to obteine his desire: but most certaine of dāgerous euent, yf he attempt to get it, vvhile yet his parēt liueth. VVhich fovver considerations, are (no doubt) of great force to conteine a childe in duetie, and bridle his desire: albeit some tymes not sufficient to vvhythstand the greedie appetit of reigning.
But vvhat shal vve think, vvhere none of thes fovver cōsideratiōs do restreine? vvhere the present possessor is no parent? VVher she is like by nature, to out-liue the expector? vvhos death must needes bring infinit difficulties to the enterprise? and in vvhos lyfe tyme, the matter is moste easie to be atchiued, vnder coulour and authoritie of the present possessor? shal vve think that in such a case the ambitious mā, vvil ouerrule his ovvn passion, and leese his commoditie?
As for that, vvhich is alleaged before, for my L. in the reason of his defenders: that his present state is so prosperous, as he cannot expect better in the next chaunge vvhat soeuer should be: is of small moment, in the conceipt of an ambitious head, A thing vvorthye to be noted in ambitious men. vvhos eye and hart is alvvayes vpon that, vvhich he hopeth for, and enioyeth not: and not vpon that vvhich alredie he possesseth, be it neuer so good. Especialie in matters of honour and authoritie, it is an infalible rule, that one degre desired & not obteyned, afflicteth more, then fiue degrees alredie possessed, can giue consolation: the storie of Duke Aman, confirmeth this euidenly, vvho being the greatest subiect in the vvorld vnder kinge Assuerus, Hest. 5. after he had reconed vp all his pōpe, riches, glory & felicity to his friēdes, yet he sayed, that al this vvas nothing vnto hī, vntil he could obteine the reuenge, vvhich he desyred, vpon Mardo [...]haeus his enimy: & hereby it cōmeth ordinarily to passe, that amōge highest in authoritie, are foūd the greatest store of Mal-Contents, that most doe endanger ther Prince and countrie.
VVhen the Percies toke parte vvyth Henrie The [...]rcies. of Bolingbrook, against K. Richard the seconde their lavvful soueraign: it vvas not for lack of preferment: for they vvere excedinglie aduaunced by the said king, and possessed the three Earle [...]omes of Northumberland, VVorcester, and Staf [...]rd together, besides manie other offices and di [...]ies of honour.
[...]ke sort, vvhen the tvvo Neuiles, toke vpon The Neuiles. [...]yne vvyth Richard of York, to put [...] moste benigne Prince king Henrie [Page 109] the sixt: and after againe in the other side, to put dovvn king Edvvard the fourth: it vvas not vppon vvant of aduauncement: they being Earles both of Salisburie and VVarvvick, and Lordes of manie notable places besides. But it vvas vpon a vaine imagination of future fortune, vvherby such men are commonlie led: and yet had not they anie smell in their nostrells, of gettinge the kingdō fot thēselues, as this mā hath to prick hī forvvard.
Yf you say that thes men hated their soueraign, and that therby they vvere led to procure his destruction: Leycester hatred to [...]er Ma. the same I may ansvvere of my L. lyuinge though of al men he hath least cause so to do. But yet such is the nature of vvicked ingratitude, that vvhere it ovveth most, & disdeigneth to be bound: The euill nature of ingratitude. ther vpon euerie litle discontentement, it turneth double obligation into triple hatred.
This he shevved euidentlie in the tyme of his litle disgrace, vvherin he not onelie did diminish, vilipend, and debase among his friendes, the inestimable benefites he hath receyued from her Ma. Leycester speeches of his Ma. in the tyme of his disgrace. but also vsed to exprobrate his ovvn good seruices & merites, & to touch her highnes vvyth ingrat consideration and recompence of the same▪ vvhich behauiour together vvyth his hastie preparation to rebellion, and assault of her Ma. Royal person & dignitie, vpon so smal a cause giuen: did vvel shevv vvhat minde invvardlie he beareth to his soueraign, and vvhat her Ma. may expect, if by offending him, she should once fal vvythin the copasse of his surious pavves: seing such a smoke of disdaine could not proceed, but from a fy [...]e furnace of hatred vvythin.
And sure he it is a vvoūderful matter to consider vvhat a litle check, or rather the bare imagination of a smal ouerth vvart, may vvorke in a proude and disdeignful Stomack. The remembraunce of his The causes of hatred in Leycester tovvards her Ma. mariage missed, that he so much pretended and desired vvyth her Ma. doth stick deeplie in his breast and stirreth him daylie to reuenge. As also doth the disdeigne of certaine checkes & disgraces receyued at some tymes, especialie that of his last mariage: vvhich irketh him so much the more, by hovv much greater feare and daunger it brought him into, at that tyme, and did put his vvidovve in such open phrensie, as she raged manie monethes after, against her Ma. and is not cold yet: but remayneth as it vvere a svvorne enimie, for that iniurie, and standeth like a fiend or furie at the elbovve of her Amadis, to stirre him forvvard vvhē occasion shal serue. And vvhat effect such female suggestiōs may The force of female suggestions. vvorke, vvhen they finde an humour proude and pliable to their purpose: you may remember by the example of the Duches of Somerset, vvho inforced her husbāde to cut of the head, of his onely deare brother, to his ovvn euident destruction, for her contentation.
VVherfore, to conclude this matter vvythout An euident Cō clusion that the executiō is meat [...] tyme of her Ma. further dispute or reasō: seyng ther is so much discouered in the case as ther is: so great desire of reigne, so great impatience of delay, so great hope and habilitie of succes, if it be attempted, vnder the good fortune and present authoritie of the competitors: seing the plattes be so vvel layde, the preparation so forvvarde, the fauorers so furnished, the tyme so propitious, and so manie other causes conuiting [Page 111] together: seing that by differring, al may be hazarded, and by hastening, litle can be indaungered, the state and condition of thinges vvel vveyed: finding also the bandes of duetie so broken alredie in the conspiratours, the causes of mislike and hatred so manifest, and the solicitours to execution, so potent and diligent, as vvomen, malice, and ambition, are vvount to be: it is more then probable, that they vvil not leese their present commoditie, especialie seing they haue learned by their Architype or Protoplote vvhich they folovv (I meane the conspiracie of Nortumberland and Suffolk in An error of the father novv to be corrected by the sonne king Edvvards dayes) that herein ther vvas some error committed at that tyme, vvhich ouerthrevv the vvhole, land that vvas, the differring of some thinges vntil after the kinges death, vvhich should haue bene put in execution before.
For yf in the tyme of their plotting, vvhen as yet theyr desygnementes vvere not publyshed to the vvorld, they had vnder the countenance of the kinge (as vvel they might haue done) gotten into their handes the tvvo sisters, and dispatched some other fevv affaires, before they had caused the yong Prince to die: no doubt, but in mans reason the vvhole designement had taken place: and consequentlie it is to be presupposed, that thes men (being no fooles in their ovvn affaires) vvil take heed of falling into the like errour by delay: but rather vvil make al sure, by striking vvhile the iron is hoat, as our prouerbe vvarneth them.
LAVV
It can not be denied in reason (quoth the Lavvier) but that they haue manie helpes of doing vvhat they list n [...], vnder the present fauour, countenaūce [Page 112] & authoritie of her Ma. vvhich they should not haue after her highnes discease: vvhen ech man shal remain more at libertie for his supreame obedience, by reason of the statute ptouided for vncertentie of the next successor: and therfore I for my parte, vvould rather counsail them, to make much of her Ma. lyfe: for after that, they litle knovv vvhat may ensue, ot befal their designementes.
GENTL.
They vvyl make the most therof (quoth the Gētleman) for their ovvn aduantage, but after that, vvhat is like to folovv, the examples of Edvvard & Richard the secōd, as also of Henrie & Edvvard the sixt, doe sufficientlie for vvarne vs: vvhos liues vvere prolonged, vntil their deathes vvere thought more profitable to the conspirators, & not longer. Her Ma. lyfe and [...]eath, to serue the conspirators turn. And for the statute you speak of, procured by them selues, for establishing the incertaintie of the next true sucessor (vvheras al our former statutes vvere vvount to be made for the declaration & certentie of the same) it is vvyth PROVISO, (as you knovv) that it shal not endure longer, then the lyfe of her Ma. that novv reigneth: that is, indeed, no longer then vntil them selues be redie to place an other. A proclamation vvyth halters. For then, no doubt, but vve shal see a faire proclamation, that my L. of Huntington is the onelie next heire: vvith a bundle of halters to hāg al such, as shal dare once open their mouth for deniall of the same.
LAVV.
At thes vvordes the olde Lavvyer stepped back, as some vvhat astonied, and began to make crosses Papistical [...]lessing. in the ayer, after theyr fashyon, vvherat vve laughed, and then he said: truelie my masters I had [Page 113] thought that no man had conceyued so euil imagination of this statute, as my self: but novv I perceiue The statute of cō cealīg the heire apparent. that I alone am not malitious. For my ovvn parte, I must confesse vnto you, that as often as I reade ouer this statute, or think of the same (as by diuers occasions manie tymes I do) I feele my self much greeued and afflicted in minde, vpon feares vvhich I conceyue vvhat may be the end of this statute to our countrie, and vvhat priuie meaning, the chiefe procurers therof might haue for their ovvn driftes, against the Realm and lyfe of her Ma. that novv reigneth.
And so much more it maketh me to doubt, for Richard going tovvards Hierusalē begā the custome by parlement, as Polydore noteth Anno 10. of Rich. 2. to declare the next heire. that in al our recordes of lavv, you shal not finde (to my remembraunce) anie one example of such a deuise, for concealing of the true inheritour: but rather in all ages, states, and tymes (especiallie from Richard the first dovvnevvard) you shal finde statutes, ordinaunces, and prouisions, for declaration and manifestation of the same, as you haue vvel obserued and tovvched before. And therfore this straunge & nevv deuise, must needes haue some straunge and vnaccustomed meaning: & God of his mercie graunt, that it haue not some straunge and vnexpected euent.
In sight of al men, this is alredie euident, that The daunger of our countrie by cōcealing the next heire neuer countrie in the vvorld, vvas brought into more apparent daunger of vtter ruin, then ours is at this daye, by pretence of this statute. For vvher as ther is no Gentleman so meane in the Realm, that cannot giue a gesse more or lesse, vvho shal be his next heire, and his tennauntes soone coniecture, vvhat manner of person shalbe theyr [Page 114] next Lord: in the title of our noble Crovvn, vvherof al the rest dependeth, nether is her Ma. permitted to knovv or saye, vvho shalbe her next successor, nor her subiectes allovved to vnderstand or imagine, vvho in right may be their future soueraigne: An intollerable iniurie in a matter of so singular importaunce,
For (alas) vvhat should become of this our natiue countrie, if God should take frō vs her moste excellent Ma. (as once he vvil) and so leaue vs destitute vppon the sudden? vvhat should become of our liues, of our states, and of our vvhole Realm or gouernement? can anie man promisse him self, one Great inconueniences. daye longer of rest, peace, possession, lyfe or libertie vvithin the land, then God shal lend vs her Ma. to reigne ouer vs? VVhich albeit, vve do & are bound to vvish that it may be long: yet reason telleth vs, that by course of Nature, it cannot be of anie great continuance, and by a thovvsand accidentes it may be much shorter. And shal then our moste noble common vvealth and kingdome, vvhich is of perpetuitie, and must continevv to our selues and our posteritie, hang onelie vpon the life of her highnes alone, vvel strocken in years, and of no great good health or robustious and strong complexion.
I vvas vvithin hearing some six or seuen yeares Sir Christopher Hattons oration. ago, vvhen Sir Christopher Hatton, in a verie great assemblie, made an eloquent oratiō (vvhich after I vvene vvas put in print) at the pardoning and deliuerie of him from the gallouse, that by errour (as vvas thought) had discharged his peece vpon her Ma. Barge, and hurte certain persons in her hignes presence. And in that oration he declared and [Page 115] described verie effectualie, vvhat inestimable dā mage had ensued to the Realm, yf her Ma. by that or anie other meanes should haue bene takē from vs. He set foorth moste liuelie before the eyes of al men, vvhat dyuysion, vvhat dissension, vvhat bloodshed had ensued, and vvhat fatal daungers vvere moste certaine to fal vpon vs, vvhen so euer that doleful day should happen: vvherin no man should be sure of his lyfe, of his goods, of his vvife, of his childrē: no mā certaine vvhether to flie, vvhō to folovv, or vvhere to seek repose and protection.
And as all the hearers ther present did easilie graunt that he therin said trouth and far lesse then might haue bene said in that behalf, thinges standing as they do: so manie one (I trovve) that hearde thes vvordes proceed from a Councellor, that had good cause to knovv the state of his ovvn coūtrie: entered into this cogitation, vvhat punishmēt they might deserue then, at the vvhole state & common vvealths hādes, vvho first by letting her Ma. from Intollerable treasons. mariage, & thē by procuring this statute of dissembling the next inheritour: had brought their Realm into so euidēt & ineuitable daūgers? for euerie one vvel cōsidered & vveighed vvith him self, that the thing vvhich yet onely letted thes daūgers & miseries set dovvn by Sir Christopher, must necessarilie one day faile vs al, that is, the lyfe of her Ma. novv present: And then (say vve) hovv falleth it out, that so general a calamitie as must needes ouertake vs ere it be long (& may, for anie thing vve knovv to morovv next) is not puided for, asvvel as foresene.
Is ther no remedie, but that vve must vvillinglie & vvyttingly rūne into our ovvn ruin? and for the [Page 116] fauour or feare of some fevv aspirours, betraye our countrie & the blood of so many thovvsand innocentes, as liue vvythin the land?
For tel me (good Sirs) I pray you, yf her Ma. should die to morovv next (vvhos lyfe God long preserue and blesse,) but yf she should be taken The miseries to follovve vpon her Maiest. death. from vs, (as by condition of nature and humane frailtie she may) vvhat vvould yovv doe? vvhich vvay vvould you looke? or vvhat head or parte, knevv anie good subiect in the Realm to folovv? I speake not of the cōspiratours, for I knovve they vvilbe redie and resolued vvhom to folovv: but I speake of the plaine, simple and vvel meaning subiect, vvho folovving novv the vtter letter of this fraudulent statute, (fraudulēt I meane in the secret conceipt of the cunning aspirours:) shalbe takē at that day vpō the sudden, & being put in a maze by the vnexpected cōtentiō about the Crovvn, shalbe brought into a thousand daungers, both of bodie & goodes, vvhich novv are not thought vpon, by them vvho are moste in daunger of the same. And this is, for the common vvealth and countrie.
But vnto her Ma. for vvhos good and safitie, the statute is onely pretēded to be made, no doubt, but that it bringeth far greater daungers, then anie The daū ger to her Ma. by this statute. deuise that they haue vsed besides. For hereby vnder coulour of restrayning the claymes & titles of true successours, (vvhos endeuours notvvythstanding, are commonlie more calme and moderate then of vsurpers,) they make vnto them selues, a meane to forster and set forvvard their ovvn conspiracie vvythout controlment: seing no man of might may oppose hīself against thē, but vvyth [Page 117] suspition, that he meaneth to clayme for him self. And so they being armed, on the one side, vvyth their autoritie and force of present fortune, & defended, on the other side, by the pretence of the statute: they may securelie vvork and plot at their pleasure, as you haue vvel proued before that they do. And vvhen soeuer their groundes and foundatiōs shalbe redie, it can not be denied, but that her Ma. lyfe, lyeth much at their discretiō, to take it, or vse it, to their best cōmoditie: (& ther is no doubt, but they vvil), as such men are vvount to do in such affaires. Marie one thing standeth not in their povvers so absolutelie, and that is, to prolong her Ma. dayes or fauoure tovvardes them selues, at theyr pleasures: vvherof it is not vnlike but they vvil haue due consideration, least perhappes vppon anie sudden accident, they mighte be found vnredie.
GENTL.
They haue good care therof I can assure you, (quoth the gentleman) & mean not to be preuēted by anie accident, or other mishappe vvhat soeuer: they vvilbe redie for al euentes: and for that cause, they hasten so much their preparations at this day, The hastnyng of the conspirators more then euer before: by sending out theyr spies and solicitours euerie-vvhere, to proue and confirme their friendes: by deliuering their common vvatch-vvord: by cōplainīg on al hādes of our protestāt Bishoppes & Cleargy, & of al the presēt state of our irreformed religiō, (as thei cal it:) by amplyfiyng only the daunger of Papists & Scottishe factiō: by giuīg out opēly that novv her Ma. is past hope of childbirh, & cōsequently seing god hath giuē no better succes that vvay in tvvo vvomē one after the [Page 118] other: it vvere not conuenient (say they) that an other of that sexe should ensue: vvyth highe commendation of the Lavv Salick in Fraunce, vvherby vvomen are forbidden, to succede. VVhich speech though in shevv, it be deliuered against the Q. of Scottes and other of K. Henrie the 7. his line, that discend of sisters: yet al men see that it tovvcheth as vvel the disabling of her Ma. that is present, as others to come: and so tendeth directlie to Maturatiō of the principal purpose, vvhich I haue declared before.
SCHOL.
Here said I, for the rest vvhich you speak of, besides the vvatch-vvord, it is common and euerie vvhere treated in talke amōg them: but yet for the vvatch-vvord it self (for that you name it) I think (Sir) manie knovv it not, if I vvere the first that The vvatchvvord of the conspirators tolde you the storie, as perchaunce I vvas. For in trueth I came to it by a rare happe (as then I tolde you) the thing being vttered & expoūded by a Baron of their ovvn faction, to an other noble man of the same degre and religion, though not of the same opinion in thes affaires. And for that I am requested not to vtter the secōd, vvho tolde it me in secret, I must also spare the name of the first: vvhich othervvise I vvould not, nor the tyme and place vvher he vttered the same.
LAVV.
To this (said the Lavvyer) you do vvel in that: but yet I beseech you, let me knovv this vvatchvvord (if ther be anie such) for mine instruction and help, vvhen need shal require. For I assure you that this gentlemans former speech of halters, hath so terrified me, as if anie should come and aske or feele my inclination in these matters, I vvoulde [Page 119] ansvvere them fullie to their good contentment, if I knevv the vvatch-vvord, vvherby to knovv thē. For of al thinges, I loue not to be hanged for quarrells of kingdomes.
The vvatch-vvorde is, (said I.) VVHETHER YOVV BE SETLED OR NO? and if you ARE YOV SETLED? ansvvere yea, & seeme to vnderstand the meaning therof: then are you knovven to be of their factiō, & so to be accōpted and dealt vvythall for thinges to come. But if you staggar or doubt in ansvvering, as yf you knevv not perfectlie the misterie (as the noble man my good Lord did, imagining that it had bene ment of his religion, vvhich vvas verie vvel knovven to be good & setled in the ghospel:) then are you discried therby, either not to be of their side, or els to be but a Punie not vvel instructed, A great misterye. and consequentlie, he that moueth you the question, vvil presentlie break of that speach, and turn to some other talk, vntil aftervvard occasion be giuē to persvvade you, or els instruct you better in that affaire.
Marie the noble man, vvherof I spake before, perceyuing by the demaūding, that ther vvas some misterie in couert, vnder the question: tooke holde of the vvords, & vvould not suffer the propoūder to slip avvaye (as he endeuored (but vvith much intreatie, brought him at length, to expound the ful meaning & purpose of the ridle. And this vvas the first occasion (as I think) vvherby this secret came abrode. Albeit aftervvardes at the publique communions, vvhich vvere made thoughout so manie shires, the matter became more common: especialie, amonge the straungers that inhabite as [Page 120] you knovv) in great numbers vvith vs at this daye. Al vvhich (as they say) are made moste assured to this faction, and redie to assist the same vvith great forces at al occasions.
LAVV.
Good Lord (quoth the Lavvyer) hovv manie misteries & secretes be ther abrode in the vvorld, vvherof vve simple men knovv nothing & suspect lesse. This vvatch-vvord should I neuer haue imagined: Assēblyes at Communions. and for the great and often assemblies vnder pretence of Communions, though of them selues & oft her ovvn nature, they vvere vnaccustomed, & consequētlie subiect to suspition: yet did I neuer cōceiue so far foorth as novv I do: as nether of the Straūgers vvythin the Land. lodging and enterteining of so manie straungers in the Realm, vvherof our Artizās do cōplaine euerie vvhere. But novv I see the reason therof, vvhich (no doubt) is foūded vpon great policy for the purpose. And by this also I see, that the house of Huntington, presseth far forvvarde for the game, & shouldreth neare the goale to lay hādes vppon the same. VVhich to tel you plainlie, liketh me but a litle: both in respecte of the good vvil I beare to the vvhole line of K. Henrie, vvhich hereby is like to be dispossessed: as also for the miserie, vvhich I do forsee, muste necessarilie ensue vpon our countrie, The peril of oure countrie if Hūtingtons claime take place. if once the chalenge of Huntington take place in our Realm. VVhich challenge being deriued from the title of Clarence onlie, in the house of Yorke, before the vnion of the tvvo great houses: rayseth vp againe the olde cōtention, betvven the families of Yorke and Lancaster, vvherin so much English blood vvas spilt in tymes past, and much more like to be poured out novv, if the same contention [Page 121] should be set on foot againe. Seing that to the controuersie of titles, vvould be added also the controuersie of religion, vvhich of al other differences is most daungerous.
GENTL.
Sir (quoth the Gentleman) novv you touche a matter of consequence indeed, & such as the verie naming therof, maketh my hart to shake & trēble. I remember vvel, vvhat Philippe Cominus setteth dovvne in his history of our countries calamitie, by that cōtention of thos tvvo houses, distingvvished The read rose and the vvhyt by the read rose & the vvhyte: but yet both in their armes might iustlie haue borne the coulour of read vvith a firie svvorde in a black field to signifie the aboundaunce of bloode and mottalitie, vvhych ensued in our countrie, by that moste vvoful and cruel contention.
I vvil not stand here to set dovvn the particulars, obserued & gathered by the forsaid author, though a straunger, vvhich for the moste parte he savv him self, vvhile he liued about the Duke of Burgundie & king Levves of Fraūce of that tyme: namely the pitiful description of diuers right noble mē of our Realm, vvho besides al other miseries, vvere driuen The miserie of England by the cōtentiō betvvē York and Lācaster. to begge openlie in forraine countries, & the like. Mine ovvn obseruation in reading ouer our cōtrie affaires, is sufficiēt, to make me abhorre the memorie of that tyme, and to dread al occasion, that may lead vs to the like in tyme to come: seing that in my iudgement, neither the ciuil vvarres of Marius & Sylla, or of Pompey & Caesar among the Romanes Guelphians & Gibilines nor yet the Guelphiās & Gibilines among the Italiās, did euer vvork so much vvoe, as this did to our poore coūtrie. VVherin by reason of the cōtention [Page 122] of York and Lancaster vvere foughten sixtiene or seuentiene pitched fieldes, in lesse then an hūdreth yeares. That is, from the eleuenth or tvvelfth yeare of K. Richard the second his reigne (vvhen this controuersie first began to bud vp) vnto the thirtienth yeare of K. Henrie the seuenth. At vvhat tyme by cutting of the chiefe titler of Huntingtōs Edvvard Plantaginet Erle of vvarvvik. house, to vvit, yong Edvvard Plantaginet Earle of VVarvvik sonne and heire to George Duke of Clarence, the contention moste happily vvas quēshed and ended, vvherin so manie fieldes (as I haue said) vvere foughten, betvven brethren & inhabitantes of our ovvn nation. And therin, and othervvise onelie about the same quarrel, vvere slaine murdered & made avvay, about 9. or 10. kinges & kinges sonnes, besides aboue fortie Earles, Marquesses, & Dukes of name: but manie mo Lordes knights and great Gentlemen and Captaines: and of the common people vvithout nūber, and by particular cōiecture verie neare tvvo hundreth thousand▪ The battaile by Tadcaster on palme Sō daye An. 1460. For that in one battaile foughten by K. Edvvard the fourth, ther are recorded to be slaine on both partes, fiue & thirtie thousand seuen hundreth and eleuen persons, besides other vvounded and taker prisoners, to be put to death aftervvard, at the pleasure of the Conquerour: at diuers battails after, ten thousand slaine at a battaile. As in thos of Barner & Tukesbury, foughten both in one yeare.
This suffred our afflicted countrie in thos dayes, by this infortunat and deadlie contention, vvhich could neuer be ended, but by the happy cōiunction of thos tvvo houses to gether, in Henry the seuēth: neither yet so (as appeareth by Chronicle) vntil (as I [Page 123] haue said) the state had cut of, the issue male of the Duke of Clarēce, vvho vvas cause of diuers perils to K. Henrie the seuenth, though he vvere in prison. By vvhos sister the faction of Huntington at this day, doth seeke to raise vp the same contention againe, vvith far greater daunger, both to the Realm and to her Ma. that novv reigneth, then euer before.
And for the Realm it is euident, by that it giueth The daū ger of Hūtingtons claime▪ to the Realm & to hir Ma roome to straūgers Competitours, of the house of Lancaster: better able to mainteine their ovvn title by svvorde, then euer vvas any of that linage before them. And for her Ma. perril present, it is nothing hard to cōiecture: seing the same title in the forsaid Erle of VVarvvik, vvas so daūgerous and troublesome to her graundfather (by vvhō she holdeth,) as he vvas faine tvvice to take armes in defence of his right, against the said title: vvhich vvas in thos dayes preferred & aduaunced by the friēdes of Clarence, before that of Hērie: as also this of Huntington is at this daye, by his faction, before that of her Ma. though neuer so vniustlie.
LAVV.
Touching Huntingtons title, before her Ma. (quoth the Lavver) I vvil say nothing: be cause in reasō, I se not by vvhat pretēce in the vvorld, he may thrust him self so far foorth: seing her Ma. is descē ded, not onelie of the house of Lancaster: but also before him moste apparentlie, from the house of Hovv Hūtington maketh his title before her Maiestie. York it self, as from the eldest daughter of king Edvvard the fourth, being the eldest brother of that house. VVheras Huntington claimeth onelie, by the daughter of George Duke of Clarence the yonger brother. Marie yet I must cōfesse that if the [Page 124] Earle of VVarvviks title, vvere better then that of K. Henrie the seuēth (vvhich is moste false, though manie attempted to defend the same by svvord:) then hath Huntington some vvronge at this daye, by her Ma. Albeit in verie trueth, the The moste of Hūtingtōs ancetours by vvhō he maketh title, attainted of treason. attaintes of so manie of his auncestors by vvhom he clameth: vvould ansvvere him also sufficientlie in that behalf, if his title vvere othervvise allovvable.
But I knovv besides this, they haue an other fetch Th [...] in famous deuice of K. Rich. the third allovved by Huntington. of K. Richard the thirde, vvherby he vvould nedes proue, his elder brother kīg Edvvard to be a Bastard: & cōsequētlie his vvhole line asvvel male as female to be void. VVhich deuise though it be ridiculous, and vvas at the tyme vvhen it vvas first inuented: yet, as Richard foūd at that tyme a Doctor Shavve, that shamed not to publish and defend the same, at Paules Crosse in a Sermon: and Iohn of Northumberland Anno. 1. Mariae. my L. of Leycesters father, founde out diuers preachers in his tyme, to set vp the title of Suffolk, and to debase the right of king Henries daughter, both in London, Cambridge, Oxeforde and other places, moste apparentlie against al lavve and reason: so I dout not, but thes mē vvould finde out also, both Shavves, Sandes, and others, to set out the title of Clarēce, before the vvhole interest of K. Henrie the seuēth & his posteritie, if occasion serued. VVhich is a point of importance to be considered A point to be noted by her Ma. by her Ma. albeit for my parte, I meane not novv to stād thervpon, but onlie vpon that other of the house of Lancaster, as I haue said.
For as that moste honorable, lavvful, and happie coniunction of the tvvo aduetsarie houses, in king Henrie the seuenth and his vvife, made an [Page 125] end of the shedding of English blood vvithin it The ioyninge of bothe hovvses. self, & brought vs rhat moste desired peace, vvhich euer sithence vve haue enioied, by the reigne of their tvvo moste noble issue: so the plot that novv is in hand, for the cutting of, the residue of that issue, and for recalling backe of the vvhole title to the onelie house of Yorke againe: is like to plunge vs deeper, then euer in ciuile discorde, and to make vs the bayte of al forreine Princes: seing ther be among them at this daye, some, of no small The Line of Portugalle. povver (as I haue said) vvho pretend to be the next heires by the house of Lancaster: and consequentlie, are not like to giue ouer or abandone their ovvn right, if once the doore be opened to contention for the same, by disanulling the Line of K. Henrie the seuenth: vvherin onelie the keies of al concord remaine knit together.
And albeit I knovv vvel that such as be of my Lord of Huntingtons partie, vvil make small accompte of the title of Lancaster, as lesse rightfull a great deale then that of Yorke (and I for my parte meane not greatlie to auovve the same, as novv it is placed, being my selfe no fauourer of forreine titles:) yet indifferent men haue to consider, hovv it vvas taken in tymes paste, and hovv it may againe, in tyme to come, if contention should arise: hovv manie Noble personnages The olde estimation of the house of Lancaster. of our Realm did offer them selues to die in defence therof: hovv manie othes & lavves vvere giuen & receiued throughout the Realm for maītenaunce of the same, against the other house of York for euer: hovv manie vvorthy kinges vvere Crovvned, & reigned of that house & race, to vvit, the fovver [Page 126] moste noble Hēries, one after an other, the fourth, the fift, the sixt, and the seuenth: vvho both in nūber, Gouernment, Sanctitie, Courage, and feares of armes, vvere nothing inferior (yf not superior) to thos of the other house and lyne of Yorke, after the diuision betvvene the families.
It is to be considered also, as a special signe of the fauour and affectiō, of oure vvhole natiō vnto that familie: that Henrie Earle of Richmond though Henrie Earle of Richmōd discending but of the last sonne, and third vvyfe of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lācaster, vvas so respected, for that onelie by the vniuersal Realm: as they inclyned vvholie, to cal him from banishment, & to make him king, vvith the deposition of Richard, vvhich then ruled of the house of York, vpon condition onlie, that the said Henrie should take to vvyfe, a daughter of the contrarie familie: so great vvas in thos dayes, the affection of English hartes, tovvards the line of Lancaster, for the great vvorthynes of such kinges as had reigned of that race, hovv good or bad so euer their title vvere: vvhich I stand not heare at this tyme to discus, but onlie to insinuate, vvhat partie the same found in our Realm in tymes past, and consequentlie, hovv extreame daungerous the contention for the same may be herafter: especialie, seing that at this day, The line of Portugal. the remander of that title, is pretended to rest vvholie in a straunger▪ vvhos povver is verie great. VVhich vve Lavvyers are vvount to esteme as a point of no smal importaunce, for iustifying of anie mans title to a kingedom.
SCHOL.
You Lavvyers vvant not reason in that Sir (quoth I) hovv so euer you vvant right: for if you vvil [Page 127] examine the succession of gouernmentes, from the begnining of the vvorld vnto this daye, either among Gentile, Ievve, or Christian people, you shal find that the svvord hath bene alvvayes better The svvord of greate force to iustifie the title of a kingdom. then half the title, to get, establishe, or mainteyne a kingdom: vvhich maketh me the more apalled to heare you dicourse in such sorte of nevv cōtentiōs, and forraine titles, accōpained vvyth such povver and strength of the titlers. VVhich cannot be but infinitelie daungerous and fatal to our Realm, yf once it come to action, both for the diuision that is like to be at home, and the varietie of parties from abrode. For as the Prince vvhom you signifie, vvil nor faile (by al likeliehood) to pursue his title vvyth al forces that he can make, if occasion vvere offered: so reason of state and pollicie vvil enforce other Princes adioynīg, to let & hinder him therin Greate dangers. vvhat they can: and so by this meanes shal vve become Iuda & Israel among our selues, one killing and vexing the other vvyth the svvord: and to forraine Princes vve shalbe, as the Iland of Salamina vvas in olde tyme to the Athenians and Megarians: and as the Iland of Cicilia vvas aftervvard to the Grecians, Carthaginians and Romans: and as in our dayes the kingdom of Naples hath bene to the Spaniards, Frenchemen, Germans and Venetians, That is, a bayte to feed vpon, and a game to fight for.
VVherfore, I beseech the Lord, to auerte from vs all occasions of such miseries. And I pray you Sir, for that vve are fallen into the mētion of thes matters, to take so much paines as to open vnto me the grovvnd of thes controuersies, so long novv quiet, [Page 128] betvven York and Lancaster: seing they are novv like to be raised againe. For albeit in general I haue heard much therof, yet in particular, I either conceaue not, or remember not, the foundation of the same: and much lesse the state of theire seueral titles at this daye, for that it is a studie not properlie perteyning vnto my profession.
LAVV.
The controuersie betvvene the houses of York and Lancaster (quoth the Lavvyer) tooke his actual beginning in the issue of K. Edvvard the third, The beginning of the cō trouersie betvvixt York and Lācaster. vvho died somevvhat more then tvvo hundreth yeares gone: but the occasion, pretence or cause of that quarrel, began, in the children of K. Henrie the third, vvho died an hundreth yeares before that, and left tvvo sonnes, Edvvard vvho vvas king after him, by the name of Edvvard the first, and vvas Graundfather to Edvvard the third: and Edmond, (for his deformitie called Crookback.) Earle of Lancaster and beginner of that house, vvhos inheritaunce aftervvard in the fovverth discent, fel vpon a daughter named Blanche, vvho vvas married to the fourth sonne of king Edvvard the third, named Iohn of Gaunt, for that he vvas Edmond Crookeback begi [...]ner of the house of Lācaster. borne in the Citye of Gaunt in Flaunders, and so by this his first vvyfe, he became Duke of Lancaster and heire of that house. And for that his sonne Henrie of Bolingbrook (aftervvarde called K. Henrie the fourth) pretended among other thinges, that Edmond Crookback, great graundfather to Blanche his mother, vvas the elder Blanche. sonne of K. Henrie the third, and iniustelie put by the inheritaunce of the Crovvn, for that Iohn of Gaunt. he vvas Crookebacked and deformed: he toke [Page 129] by force, the kingdom from Richard the second, Hovv the kingdom vvas first broght to the house of Lancaster▪ nephevv to king Edvvard the third by his first sonne, & placed the same in the house of Lācaster, vvhere it remained for three vvhole discētes, vntil aftervvarde, Edvvard Duke of York descended of Iohn of Gauntes yonger brother, making clayme to the Crovvn by title of his graundmother, that vvas heire to Lionel Duke of Clarence, Iohn of Gauntes elder brother: toke the same by force from Henrie the sixt, of the house of Lancaster, and brought it backe againe to the house of Yo [...]: vvher it contineued vvith much trouble in tvvo kinges onlie, vntil bothe houses vvere ioyned together in king Henrie the seuenth and his noble issue.
Hereby vve see hovv the issue of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, fourth sonne to K. Edvvard the third, pretended right to the Crovvn by Edmond Crookbacke, before the issue of al the other thre sonnes of Edvvard the third, albeit they vvere the elder brothers, vvherof vve vvil speake The issue of Iohn of Gaunt more hereafter. Novv Iohn of Gaunt though he had manie children, yet had he fovver onlie, of vvhom issue remaine, tvvo sonnes and tvvo daughters. The first sonne vvas Henrie of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster, vvho toke the Crovvn from K. Richard the second, his vnkles sonne, as hath bene said, and first of al planted the same in the house of Lancaster: vvhere it remayned in tvvo discentes after him, that is, in his sonne Henrie the first, and in his nephevv Henrie the sixt, vvho vvas aftervvard destroyed together vvith Henry Prince of VVales, his only sonne & heire, and consequelie [Page 130] al that Line of Henrie Bolingbrok extinguished, by Edvvard the fourth of the house of York.
The other sōne of Iohn of Gaūt, vvas Iohn Duke of Somerset by Katherin S Finsford, his third vvife: The pedegree of K Henrie the 7. vvhich Iohn, had issue an other Iohn, and he, Margaret his daughter & heire, vvho being married to Edmond Tyder Earle of Richmond, had issue Henrie Earle of Richmond, vvho after vvas named K. Henrie the seuenth, vvhos Line yet endureth.
The tvvoe daughters of Iohn of Gaunt, vvere married to Portugal and Castile: that is, Philippe The tvvo daughte [...]s maried to Portugal & Castile. borne of Blanche, heire to Edmond Crookback, as hath bene said, vvas married to Iohn king of Portugal, of vvhom is descended the king that novv possesseth Portugal, and the other Princes vvhich haue or may make title to the same: and Katherin borne of Constance heire of Castile, vvas married back againe to Hentie king of Castile in Spaine, of vvhom king Philip is also descended. So that by this, vve see, vvhere the remainder of the house of Lancaster resteth, yf the Line of K. Henrie the seuenth vvere extinguished: & vvhat pretext forreine Forrayne titles. Princes may haue to subdue vs, yf my L. of Huntington either novv or after her Ma. dayes, vvil open to them the doore, by shuting out the rest of K. Hēries Line, & by dravving back the title to the onlie house of York againe: vvhich he pretendeth to do, vpon this that I vvil novv declare.
King Edvvard the third, albeit he had manie children, yet fiue onlie vvil vve speak of, at this tyme. The issue of king Edvvard the third VVherof thre vvere elder then Iohn of Gaunt, and one yonger. The first of the elder, vvas named Edvvard the Black Prince, vvho died before his [Page 131] father, leauing one onlie sonne named Richard, vvho aftervvard being king and named Richard the second, vvas deposed vvythout issue, and put to death by his Cosin germain, named Henrie Bolingbrook Duke of Lancaster, sonne to Iohn of Gaunt as hath bene said, and so there ended the Line of K. Edvvardes first sonne.
King Edvvardes second sonne, vvas VVilliam of Hatfield that died vvythout issue.
His thirde sonne, vvas Leonell Duke of Clacence, vvhos onlie daughter & heire called Philippe, vvas married to Edmond Mortymer Earle of Marche: and after that, Anne the daughter and heire of Mortymer, vvas married to Richard Plantaginet Tvvoe Edmūdes the tvvoe begīners of the tvvoe houses of Lancaster & York. Duke of York, sonne and heire to Edmund of Langley the first Duke of York: vvhich Edmund vvas the fift sonne of K. Edvvard the third, and yonger brother to Iohn of Gaunt. And this Edmund of Langley may be called the first beginner of the house of York: euen as Edmund Croocbacke the beginner of the house Lancaster.
This Edmund Langley then, hauing a sonne named Richard, that married An [...] [...]ortymer sole heire to Leonel Duke of Clarēce, ioined tvvo Lines and tvvoe titles in one: I meane the Line of Leonel and of Edmund Langley, vvho vvere (as hath bene said) the third and the fift sonnes to K. Edvvard the third. And for this cause, the childe that vvas borne of this marriage, named after his father Richard Plantaginet Duke of York, seing him self strong, and the first line of K. Edvvard the thirds eldest sonne, to be extinguished in the death of K. Richard the second: and seing VVilliam▪ of Hatfield [Page 132] the secōd sōne dead likevvise vvythout issue: made demaund of the Crovvn for the house of York, by The claime & title of York. the title of Leonel the third sonne of K. Edvvard. And albeit he could not obteine the same in his daies, for that he vvas slaine in a bataille against K. Henrie the 6. at VVakefield: yet his sonne Edvvard got the same, & vvas called by the name of king Edvvard the fovverth.
This king at his death lefte diuers children, as namlie tvvoe sonnes, Edvvard the fift and his brother, The issue of king. Edvvard the 4. vvho after vvere both murdered in the Tovver, as shalbe shevved: & also fiue daughters: to vvit Elyzabeth Cicilie, Anne, Katherine, and Briget. VVherof, the first vvas maried to Hēry the 7. The last became a Nūne, & the other thre, vvere bestovved vpon diuers other husbandes.
He had also tvvo brothers: the first vvas called George Duke of Clarence, vvho aftervvard vpon his desertes (as is to be supposed), vvas put to death in Callys, by commandement of the king, & his attaynder The Duk of Clarence attaynted by parlament. allovved by parlament. And this man left behind him a sonne named Edvvard. Erle of VVarvvik, put to death aftervvard vvythout issue, by king Henrie the seuenth, and a daughter named Margaret, Countesse of Salisburie, vvho vvas married to a meane Gentlemā named Richard Poole, by vvhom she had issue Cardinal Poole that died vvythout Mariage, & Hērie Poole that vvas attainted & execuded in K. Henrie the 8. his tyme (as also her self vvas) & this Hēry Poole left a daughter married Huntīgtons title by the Duke of Clarēce. aftervvard to the Earle of Huntingtō, by vvho this Earle that novv is maketh title to the Crovvn. And this is the effect of my L. of Huntingtōs title.
The second brother of king Edvvard the fourth, vvas Richard Duke of Glocester, vvho after the K. K. Rich. the third. death, caused his tvvo sonnes to be murdered in the Tovver, and toke the kingedom to him self. And aftervvard he being slaine by king Henry the 7. at Bosvvorth fielde, left no issue behind him▪ VVherfore king Henry the 7. descending as hath bene shevved of the house of Lancaster, by Ihon of The happie cōiūctiō of the tvvoe houses Gaunts last sonne & third vvife, & taking to vvyfe ladie Elizabeth eldest daughter of K. Edvvard the fourth of the house of York: ioyned most happely the tvvo famylies together, and made an end of al controuersies about the title.
Novv K. Henrie the 7. had issue three children: The issue of king Hēry the seuenth. of vvhom remayneth posterity. First Henry the 8. of vvhom is descended our soueraine, her Ma. that novv happilie raigneth, and is the last that remaineth a liue of that first Line. Secōdlie he had tvvo daughters: vvherof the first named Margaret, vvas married tvvice, first to Iames king of Scotland frō The Line and title of Scotland by Margar. eldeste daughter to king Hēry the seuenth. vvhome are directlie discended the Q. of Scotland that novv liueth and her sonne: & K. Iames being dead, Margaret vvas married againe to Archybalde Douglas Earle of Anguishe: by vvhom she had a daughter named Margaret, vvhich vvas married aftervvard, to Mathevv Stevvard Earle of Lenox, vvhos sonne Charles Stevvard, vvas married to Elizabeth Cādishe daughter to the presēt Coūtesse of of Shrevvsburie, & by her hath left his onlie heire, Arbella. a litle daughter named Arbella, of vvhom you haue heard some speech before. And this is tovvching the Line of Scotland, descending from the first & eldest daughter of K. Henrie the seuenth.
The second daughter of K. Henrie the seuenth The Lyne & title of Suffolke by Marie seconde daughter to king Henry 7. called Marie, vvas tvvice maried also: first to the kig of Frannce b [...] vvhom she had no issue: and after his death to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk, by vvhom she had tvvo daughters, that is, Fraūcis, of vvhich the childrē of my L. of Hartford doe make their clayme: & Elenore by vvhom the issue of the Earle of Darbie pretēdeth right, as shalbe declared. For that Fraūcis the first daughter of Charles Brandon by the Quene of Fraunce, vvas married to the Marques of Dorset, vvho after Charles Brandons death vvas made Duke of Suffolk in right of his vvife, and vvas beheaded in Q Maries time, for his conspiracie vvvth my L of Leycesters father. And she had by this man three daughters: that is, Iane, The issue of Fraūcis eldest daughter to Charls Brandō Duke of Suffolk. that vvas married to my L. of Leycesters brother, & proclaimed Queene after king Edvvards death, for vvhych both shee and her husbande vvere executed: Katherine the second daughter, vvho had tvvoe sonnes, yet lyuyng, by the Earle of Hartford: & Marie the third daughter, vvhich left no children.
The other daughter of Charles Brandon by the Q. of Fraūce caled Elenor, vvas married to George Clifford Earle of Cumberlād, vvho left a daughter The issue of [...]lenor seconde daughter to Charls Brandō. by her named Margaret, married to the Earle of Darbye, vvhich yet liueth & hath issue. And this is the title of al the house of Suffolk▪ descended frō the second daughter of K. Henrie the seuēth, married (as hath bene shevved) to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk. And by this, you see also hovv manie their be, vvhoe do thinck ther titles to be far before that of my Lord of Huntingtons, if [Page 135] either right, Lavv, reason, or consideration of home affaires may take place in our Realm: or yf not, yet you cannot but imagine hovv manie great Princes and potentates abrode, are like to ioyne and buckle vvyth Huntingtons Line for the preeminence: if once the matter fal againe to cōtention by excluding the Line of K. Henry the 7. vvhich God forbid.
SCHOL.
Trulie Sir (quoth I) I vvel perceyue that my Lords turne is not so nighe as I had thought, vvhether he exclude the Line of king Henrie, or Hūtīg [...]ō behinde manie other titles. no. For if he exclude that, then must he enter the Cumbat vvith forraine titlers of the house of Lancaster: and if he exclude it not, then in al apparence of reason & in Lavve to (as you haue said) the succession of the tvvoe daughters of king Henrie the seuenth (vvhich you distingvvishe by the tvvoe names of Scotland and Suffolke) muste needes be as clearlie before him and his Line, that descendeth onlie from Edvvard the fourth his brother: as the Q. title that novv raigneth is before him. For that both Scotland, Suffolk, and her Ma. do hold al by one foundation, vvhich is, the vnion of both houses and titles together, in K. Henry the seuenth her Ma. Graundfather.
GENTL.
That is true (quoth the Gentleman) and euident enough in euery mans eye: and therfore no doubt, but that as much is meant against her Maiestie yf occasion serue, as against the rest that holde by the same title. Albeit her Maiesties state (the Lorde be praysed) be such at this tyme, as it is not safitie to pretend so much against her, as against the reste, vvhat soeuer be meant. And that in [Page 136] trueth, more should be meante gainst her highnes, then against all the rest, ther is this reason: for that her Maiestie by her present possession letteth more their desires, then al the rest together vvyth ther future pretences. But as I haue said, it is not The pollicie of the Conspirators for the deceyuing of her Maiesty. safitie for them, nor yet good policie to declare openlie, vvhat they meane against her maiestie: It is the best vvay for the present, to hevve dovvn the rest, and to leaue her Maiestie, for the laste blovve and vpshoote to their game. For vvhich cause, they vvill seeme to make great difference at this daye, betvvene her Maiesties title, and the rest, that descende in likevvise, from king Henrie the seuenth: auovving the one, and disalovving the other. Albeit, my Lord of Leycesters father, preferred that of Suffolk, vvhen tyme vvas, before this of her Ma. and compelled the vvhole Realm to svveare therunto. Such is the variable pollicy of men, that serue the tyme, or rather, that serue them selues, of al tymes, for their purposes.
SCHOL.
I remember (quoth I) that tyme of the Duke, & vvas present my self, at some of his proclamatiōs for that purpose. VVherin my L. his sonne that novv liueth, being thē a doer, (as I can tel he vvas:) I meruaile hovv he can deale so contrarie novv: Leycester variabilitie. preferring not onlie her Ma. title before that of Suffolk (vvherof I vvonder lesse because it is more gainful to him,) but also an other much furder of. But you haue signified the cause, in that the tymes are chaūged, & other bargaines are in hād of more importaunce for him. VVherfore leauing this to be considered by others, vvhō it cōcerneth, I beseech you, Sir, (for that I knovv, your vvorship hath bene [Page 137] much conuersant amonge their friendes and fauourers) to tel me vvhat are the barres and lettes vvhich they do aleadge, vvhy the house of Scotlād and Suffolk descending of K. Henrie the seuēth his daughters, should not succed in the Crovvn of England after her Ma. vvho endeth the Line of the same K. by his sonne: for in my sight the matter appeareth verie plaine.
GENTL.
They vvant not pretences of barres and lettes against them al (quoth the Gentleman) vvhich I vvil lay dovvn in order, as I haue heard thē aleaged. Barres pretēded gainst the claime of Scotland & Suffolk First in the Line of Scotland theire are thre persōs as you knovv that may pretende right: that is, the Quene and her sonne by the first mariage of Margaret, and Arbella by the second. And against the first mariage I heare nothing affirmed: but against the tvvoe personnes proceeding therof, I heare them aleage three stops: one, for that they are straū gers Against the Queene of Scotland & her sonne. borne out of the land, and consequentlie incapable of inheritaunce vvythin the same: an other, for that by a special testament of K. Hērie the eight, authorized by tvvoe seueral Parliamentes they are excluded: the third, for that they are enimies to the religion novv receiued amonge vs, & therfore to be debarred.
Against the seconde mariage of Margaret Against Arbella. vvyth Archibalde Douglas, vvherof Arbella is descended, they aleage, that the said Archibalde had a former vvyfe at the tyme of that mariage, vvhich liued lōg after: and so neither that marage lavvful, nor the issue therof legitimate.
The same barre they haue against al the house and [Page 138] Line of Suffolk: for first they say, that Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk, had a knovven vvyfe a liue vvhen he married Marie Queene of Fraunce, & cō sequentlie, that neither the Ladie Fraunces nor Elenore, borne of that mariage, can be lavvfulie borne. And thes is al, I can heare them say against the succession Against Darbye. of the Coūtesse of Darby, descended of Elenore. But against my Lord of Hartfords children, that come from Fraūces the eldest daughter, I heare them aleage tvvo or three bastardies more, besides Against the children of Har [...]ford this of the first mariage. For first, they affirme that Hērie Marques Dorset, vvhen he married the Ladie Fraunces, had to vvife the olde Earle of Arundels sister, vvho liued both then and manie years after, and had a prouision out of his liuing, to her dying day: vvherby that mariage could no vvay be good. Secondlie, that the Ladie Katherin daughter to the said Lady Fraunces, by the Marques (by vvhom the Earle of Hartford had his children) vvas lavvfulie maried to the Earle of Penbrook that novv liueth, and consequentlie, could haue no lavvful issue by anie other during his life. Thirdlie, that the said Katherin vvas neuer lavvfulie maried to the said Earle of Hartford, but bare him thos childrē as his Concubine. VVhich (as they say) is defined and regestred in the Archbisshop or Cāturburies Court, vpon due examination taken by order of her Ma. that novv reigneth, and this is in effect so much as I haue heard them aleage, about thes affaires.
SCHOL.
It is much (quoth I) that you haue said, if it may be al proued. Marie yet by the vvay, I cannot but smile, to heare my Lord of Leycester alovve of so manie bastardies novv vppon the issue of Ladie [Page 139] Fraunces, vvhom in tyme paste, vvhen lane her Leicester dealing vvith the house of Suffolk. eldest daughter vvas married to his brother, he aduaunced in legitimation before both the daughters of K. Henrie the eight. But to the purpose: I vvould gladie knovv vvhat groundes of veritie thes alegations haue, and hovv, far in trueth they may stoppe from inheritance: for indeed I neuer heard them so distinctlie aleaged before.
GENTL.
VVherto ansvvered the Gentleman, that our friend the Lavvier could best resolue that, if it pleased him to speak vvythout his fee: though in some points aleaged, euerie other man (quoth he) that knovveth the state and common gouernment of England, may easily giue his iudgement also. As in the case of Bastardie, if the matter may be proued, Bastardy. ther is no difficultie, but that no right to inheritaunce can iustlie be pretended: as also (perhaps) Forreyne byrth. in the case of forreine birth, though in this I am not so cunning: but yet I see by experience, that forreiners borne in other landes, can hardlie come and claime inheritaunce in England, albeit, to the contrarie, I haue heard great and long disputes, but such as indeed passed my capacitie. And if it might please our friēd here present, to expound the thing vnto vs more clearly: I for my parte vvould gladlie bestovv the hearing, and that vvith attention.
LAVV.
To this ansvvered the Lavvyer. I vvil gladie, Sir, tel you my mind in anie thīg that it shal please you demaund: & much more in this matter vvherin by occasiō of oftē cōference, I am somevvhat perfect.
The impedimētes vvhich thes men aleage against the succession of K. Henrie the 8. his sisters, are of tvvo kindes, as you see: The one knovven and [Page 140] alovved in our lavv, as you haue vvel said, if it may be proued: and that is bastardie: vvherby they seck Bastardies, lauful stops. to disable al the vvhole Line and race of Suffolk: as also Arbella, of the second and later house of Scotlād. VVherof, it is to smal purpose to speak any thing here: seing the vvhole controuersie stādeth vpon a matter of fact onlie, to be proued or improued by recordes and vvitnesses. Onlie this I vvil say, that some of thes bastardies, before named, are rife in manie mens mouthes, & auovved by diuers that yet liue: but let other men loke to this, vvho haue moste interest therin, and may be moste damnified by them, if they fal out true. The impedimentes agaīst Scotland three in number.
The other impedimentes, vvhich are aleaged onlie against the Q of Scottes and her sonne, are in number three, as you recite them: that is, forreine birth, K Henries Testamēt, and religion: vvherof I am contente to say somevvhat, seing you desire it: albeit ther be so much published alredy in bokes of diuers languages beyond the sea, as I am enformed, concerning this matter, as more cannot be said. But yet so much as I haue heard passe among Lavvyers▪ my betters, in conference of thes affaires: I vvil not let to recite vnto you, vvith this Prouiso A protestation. and protestation alvvayes, that vvhat I speake, I speak by vvay of recital of other mens opinions: not meaning my self to incurre the statute of affirming or auovving any persons title to the Crovvn, vvhatsoeuer.
First then touching forreine birth, ther be some Touchīg the first impediment of f [...]yue by [...] men in the vvorld that vvil say, that it is a common and general rule of our lavv, that no straunger at al, may inherit anie thing, by anie meanes, vvithin the [Page 141] lād: vvhich in trueth I take to be spoken vvithout ground, in that general sense. For I could neuer yet come to the sight of anie such common or vniuersal rule: and I knovv, that diuers examples may be alleaged in sundrie cases to the contrarie: and by that, vvhich is expreslie set dovvne in the seuenth and ninthe yeares of K. Edvvard the fouerth, and in the eleuenth and fouertienth of Henrie the fourth, it appeareth plainlie that a An Alien may purchasse. straunger may purchase landes in England, as also inherite by his vvife, if he marrie an inheritrix. VVherfore this common rule is to be restreined from that generalitie, vnto proper inheritaunce onlie: in vvhiche sense I doe easilie graunte, The true Maxima against Aliens. that our common lavv hathe bene of auncient, and is at this day, that no person borne out of the aleagiaunce of the kinge of England, vvhos father and mother vvere not of the same aleagiaunce at the tyme of his birthe, shalbe able to haue or demaunde anie heretage vvithin the The statute of K. Edvvard vvhence the Maxima is gathered same aleagiaunce, as heire to anie person. And this rule of our common lavve is gathered in thes selfe same vvordes of a statute made in the 25. yeare of K. Edvvarde the thirde, vvhiche in deede is the only place of effecte, that can be aleaged out of our lavve against the inheritaunce of straungers in suche sense and cases, as vve novv treate of. Reasons vvhy the Scottish title is not leted by the Maxima Against Aliens.
And albeit novv the cōmon lavv of our countrie, do runne thus in general, yet vvil the friends of the Scottishe clayme affirme, that hereby that title is nothing let or hindered at al tovvards the Crovvn: and that for diuers manifest and vveighty reasons: vvherof the principal are thes vvhich ensue.
First it is common, and a general rule of our The first reason. English lavves, that no rule, Axiome, or Maxima of lavv (be it neuer so general) can touche or binde the Crovvn, except expresse mētion be made therof, in the same: for that the king and Crovvn haue great preuiledge and prerogatiue, aboue the state and affayres of subiectes, and great differences alovved in pointes of lavv.
As for example, it is a general and common The rule of thirds. rule of lavv, that the vvyfe after the decease of her husband, shal enioy the thyrd of his landes▪ but yet the Queene shal not enioye the third parte of the Crovvn, after the kings death: as vvel appeareth by experience, and is to be seene by lavv, Anno. 5. & 21. of Edvvard the third: and Tennant by courtisie. Anno. 9. & 28. of Henrie the sixte. Also it is a common rule, that the husband shal hold his vvyues lands after her death, as tennaunt by courtisie duringe his life, but yet it holdeth not in a kingdom.
In like maner, it is a general and common rule, Diuision among daughters. that if a man die seased of lād in fee simple, hauing daughters and no sonne: his landes shalbe deuided by equal portions among his daughters: vvhich holdeth not in the Crovvn: but rather the eldest daughter inheriteth the vvhole, as if she vvere the issue male. So also it is a common rule of our lavv, Executours. that the executour shal haue al the goodes and chattels of the testatour, but yet not in the Crovvn. And so in manie other cases vvhich might be recited, it is euident that the Crovvn hath priuiledge aboue others, and can be subiect to no rule, be it neuer so general, except expresse mention be made therof in the same lavv: as it is not in the former [Page 143] place and a statute alleaged: but rather to the contrarie, (as after shalbe shevved) ther is expresse exception, for the prerogatiue of such as descend of Royal blood.
Their second reason is, for that the demaund or The secōd reason. title of a Crovvn, cannot in true sense be comprehended vnder the vvordes of the former statute, forbidding Aliens to demaund heritage vvithin The Crovvn no such inheritaunce as is meant in the statute▪ the alegiaunce of England: and that for tvvoe respectes. The one, for that the Crovvn it self cannot be called an heritage of alegiaunce or vvithin alegiaunce, for that it is holden of no superior vpon earth, but immediatelie from God him self: the seconde, for that this statute treateth onlie and meaneth of inheritaunce by discēt, as heire to the same, (for I haue shevved before that Aliens may holde lādes by pourchase vvithin our dominion) & then say they, the Crovvn is a thing incorporat & descē deth not according to the cōmon course of other priuate inheritaunces: but goeth by succession, as other incorporations do. In signe vvherof, it is euident, The Crovvn a corporation. that albeit, the king be more fauoured in al his doinges then anie common person shalbe: yet cannot he auoide by lavv his grauntes and letters patentes by reason of his nonage (as other infantes & common heires vnder age may do,) but alvvayes be said to be of ful age in respecte of his Crovvn: euen as a Prior, Person, Vicare, Deane, or other person incorporat shalbe, vvhiche cannot by anie meanes in lavv be said, to be vvithin age, in respect of their incorporations.
VVhich thing maketh an euident difference in our case, frō the meaning of the former statute: [Page 144] for that a Prior, Deane, or Person, being aliens and no denizens: might alvvayes in tyme of peace, demaund landes in England in respect of their corporations, notvvythstanding the sayd statute or common lavv against aliens, as apeateth by manie boke cases yet extant: as also by the statute made in the tyme of K. Richard the secōd, vvhich vvas after the foresaid statute of king Edvvard the third.
The third reason is▪ for that in the former statute The third reason. it selfe, of K. Edvvard, ther are excepted expreslie frō this general rule INFANTES DV ROY, that is, the The Kīgs issue excepted by name. kings ofspring or issue, as the vvord INFANT doth signifie bothe in Fraunce, Portugale, Spaine, and other countries: & as the latin vvord liberi (vvhich ansvvereth the same) is taken commonlie in the L. liberorum F. de verb sign. Ciuil lavv. Neither may vve restreine the french vvordes of that statute INFANTES DV ROY, to the kings childrē onlie of the first degre (as some do, for that the barraynnes of our lāguage, doth yeld vs no other vvorde for the same▪) but rather, that therby are vnderstood, as vvel the nephevves and other discendantes of the king or blood Royal, as his immediate children. For it vvere both vnreasonable and ridiculous to imagine, that K. Edvvar [...] by this statute, vvould goe about to disinherit hi [...] ovvn nephevves, yf he shoulde haue any borne ou [...] of his ovvn aleagiaunce (as easilie he myght a [...] that tyme, his sonnes being much abrode from England, and the blacke Prince his eldest sonne hauing tvvoe children borne beyonde the seas: and consequentlie, it is apparent, that this rule o [...] Maxima set dovvn against Aliens is no vvay to be [Page 145] stretched against the descendantes of the king or of the blood Royal.
Their fourth reason is, that the meaning of king The fovvrth reason. The kīgs meaning Edvvard and his children (liuing at such tyme as this statute vvas made) could not be, that anie of their linage or issue might be excluded in lavv, from inheritaunce of their right to the Crovvn, by their forreine byrth vvhersoeuer. For othervvise, it is not credible that they vvould so much haue dispersed their ovvn bloode in other countries, as they did: by giuing their daughters to straungers, and other meanes. As Leonel the The matches of England vvyth forreyners. kinges third sonne vvas married in Millan: and Iohn of Gaunte the fourth sonne gaue his tvvoe daughters Phylippe and Katherine to Portugal & Castile: and his neipce Ioan to the king of Scottes: as Thomas of VVoodstock also the yongest brother, married his tvvoe davvghters, the one, to the king of Spain, and the other, to the Duke of Brytane. VVhich no doubt (they being vvyse Princes and so neere of the bloode Royal) vvould neuer haue done: yf they had imagined that herebie their issue should haue lost al clayme and title to the Crovvn of England: and therfore it is moste euident, that no such barre vvas then extante or imagined.
Their fift reasō is, that diuers persons borne out The fifte reason. Exāples of forreiners. admitted of al English dominion and aleagiaunce, both before the conquest and sithence, haue bene admitted to the succession of oure Crovvne, as lavvful inheritours, vvythoute anie exception againste them for theyr forreyne byrthe. As before the [Page 146] conquest is euident in yong Edgar Etheling borne in Hungarie, and thence called home to inherit the Crovvn, by his great vncle king Edvvard the Confessor, vvith ful consent of the vvhole Realm, the Bishop of VVorcester being sent as Ambassador to Flores hist. An. 1066. fetch him home, vvith his father named Edvvard the ovvtlavve.
And since the conquest, it appeareth plainlie in kinge Stephen and kinge Henrie the seconde, bothe of them borne out of English dominions, and of Parentes, that at their birth, vvere not of the English alleagiaunce: and yet vvere they both admitted to the Crovvn. Yonge Arthure also Duke of Bretaigne by his mother Constance that matched vvith Geffray K. Henrie the secondes sonne, vvas declared by K. Richard his Pol. lib. 15 Flor. hist. 1208. vncle, at his departure tovvardes Ierusalem, and by the vvhole Realm, for lavvfull heire apparent to the Crovvne of England, though he vvere borne in Bretaigne out of English alleagiaunce, and so he vvas taken and adiudged by all the vvorlde at that day: albeit after king Richards death, his Kinge Ioh [...] a Tyraunt. other vncle Iohn, moste Tyrannouslie toke both his kingdome and his lyfe from him. For vvhich notable iniustice he vvas detested of all men both abrode & at home: and most apparentlie scourged by God, vvith grieuous and manifolde plagues, both vppon him selfe and vppon the Realme vvhich yeelded to his vsurpation. So that by this also it appeareth, vvhat the practize of our countrie hath bene from tyme to tyme in this case of forreine birth: vvhich practize is the best interpretor of our common English lavv: vvhich dependeth [Page 147] especialie and moste of al vpon custome: nor can the aduersarie aleage anie one example to the contrarie.
Their sixt, is of the iudgement and sentence of K. The sixt reason. The iudgement and sentence of K Henry the seuenth. Henrie the seuēth, and of his Councell: vvho being together in consulation, at a certaine tyme, about the mariage of Margaret his eldest daughter into Scotland: some of his Councell moued this doubt, vvhat should ensue, if by chaunce the kinges issue male should faile, and so the succession deuolue to the heires of the said Margaret as novv it doth? VVherunto that vvise and moste prudent Prince made ansvvere: that if anie such euent should be, it could not be preiudicial to England, being the bigger parte, but rather beneficial: for that it should dravve Scotland to Englād: that is, the lesser to the more: euen as in tymes paste it hapened in Nor mandie, Aquitane, and some other Prouinces. VVhich ansvvere apeased all doubtes, and gaue singular contention to thes of his Councell, as Polidore vvriteth that liued at that tyme, and vvrote the special matters of that reigne, by the kinges ovvn instruction. So that hereby vve see no question made of K. Henrie or his Councellours tovvching forreine birth, to let the succession of Ladie Margarets issue: vvhich no doubt vvould neuer haue bene omitted in that learned assemblie, if anie lavv at that tyme had bene estemed or imagined to barre the same
And thes are sixe of their principalest reasons, to proue, that neither by the vvordes nor meaning of our common lavves, nor yet by custom or practize of our Realm, an Alien may be debarred frō claime [Page 148] of his interest to the Crovvn, vvhen it falleth to him by rightful discent in blood and successiō. But in the particular case of the Q. of Scottes and her The seuenth reason. The Q of Scot. and her sonne no Aliens. sonne, they do ad another reason or tvvo: therby to proue thē in verie deed to be no Aliens. Not only in respect of their often & cōtinual mixture vvith English blood frō the beginning (and especialie of late, the Q▪ Graūdmother & husbād being English, & so her sonne begoten of an English father) but also for tvvo other causes & reasōs, vvhich seme in trueth of verie good importaunce.
The first is, for that Scotland by al Englishe men (hovv so euer the Scottes denie the same) is taken & holdē as subiect to Englād by vvay of Homage: vvhich manie of their kinges, at diuers tymes haue acknovvledged: & cōsequētlie, the Q. and her sonne being borne in Scotland, are not borne out of the aleagiaunce of England, and so no forreyners.
The second cause or reason is, for that the forenamed statute of forreyners in the fyue and tvventie yeare of K. Edvvard the third, is intituled of those that are borne beyond the seas. And in the bodie of the same statute, the doubt is moued of children borne out of English aleagiaunce beyond the seas: vvherby cannot be vnderstood Scotlād, for that it is a peece of the cōtinent land vvithin the seas. And al our olde recordes in England, that talke of seruice to be done vvithin thes tvvo countries: haue vsualy thes latin vvordes infra quatuor Maria, or in frensh, deins lez quatre mers, that is, vvithin the foure seas: vvherby must needes be vnderstood as vvel Scotland [Page 149] as England, and that perhapes for the reason before mentioned, of the subiectiō of Scotland by vvay of Homage to the Crovvn of England. In respect vvherof it may be, that it vvas accompted of olde, but one dominion or aleagiaunce. And consequently, no man borne therin can be accompted an Alien to England. And this shal suffice for the first point, touching forreine Natiuitie.
For the secōd impedimēt obiected, vvhich is the The second impediment against the Q. of Scot. and her sonne vvhich is K. Hērie the eight his Testament. Testamēt of K. Hērie the eight, authorized by parliamēt, vvherby they affirme the successiō of Scotland to be excluded: it is not precisely true that they are excluded, but only that they are put back behīd the succession of the house of Suffolk. For in that pretended Testamēt (vvhich after shalbe proued to be none indeed) king Henrie so disposeth, that after his ovvn children (if they should chaunce to die vvithout issue) the Crovvn shal passe to the heirs of Fraunces, and of Elenore his neipces by his yonger sister Marie Q. of Fraunce: and after them (deceasing also vvithout issue) [...]he succession to returne to the next heires againe. VVherby it is euidēt that the successiō of Margaret Q. of Scotlād his eldest sister, is not excluded: but thrust back only frō their due place and order, to expect the remainder, vvhich may in tyme be left by the yonger. VVherof in mine opinion do ensue some considerations Forreine birth: no impediment in the iudgment of K. Henry the eight against the present pretenders them selues.
First, that in K. Henries iudgement, the former pretended rule of forreine birth, vvas no sufficient impedimēt against Scotlād: for if it had bene, no doubt but that he vvould haue named the same in his aleaged Testament, and therby haue vtterlie excluded that succession. But there is no such [Page 150] thing in the Testament.
Secondlie, yf they admit this Testament, vvhich The succession of Scotland nexte by the iudgment of the cōpetitours. alloteth the Crovvn to Scotlād next after Suffolk: then, seing that al the house of Suffolk,) by thes mens assertion) is cexcluded by Bastardie: it must needes folovv, that Scotland by their ovvn iudgement is next, and so this testament vvil make against them, as indeed it doth in al pointes moste apparentlie, but onelie that it preferreth the house of Suffolk, before that of Scotland. And therfore I think (Sir) that you mistake somvvhat about their opinion in aleaging this Testament. For I suppose, that no man of my Lord of Huntingtons faction, vvil aleage or vrge the testimonie of this Testament: but rather some friend of the house of Suffolk in vvhos fauour, I take it, that it vvas first of al forged.
GENTL.
It may be (quoth the Gentleman) nor vvil I stand obstinatlie in the cōtrarie: for that it is hard, sometyme, to iudge of vvhat faction eche one is, vvho discourseth of thes affaires. But yet I maruail (yf it vvere as you say) vvhie Leycesters father after king Edvvardes death, made no mention therof in the fauour of Suffolk, in the other Testament vvhych then he proclaymed, as made by K. Edvvard deceased, for prefermēt of Suffolk before his ovvne sisters?
LAVV.
The cause of this is euident (quoth the Lavvyer) The Duk of Northumbe [...] landes drift. for that it made not sufficientlie for his purpose: vvhich vvas to disinherit the tvvo daughters of K. Henrie him selfe, & aduaunce the house of Suffolk before them both.
GENTL.
A notable chaunge (quoth the Gentleman) that [Page 151] a title, so much exalted of late by the father, aboue al order, right, rank, and degre: should novv be so much debased by the sonne, as though it vvere not vvorthie to hold anie degre, but rather to be trodē vnder foote for plaine bastardie. And you see by this, hovv true it is vvhich I tolde you before: The mutable dealig of the house of Dudley. that the race of Dudleys are moste cunning Marchantes, to make their gaine of al thinges, men, & tymes. And as vve haue seene novv tvvo testamētes aleaged, the one of the king father, & the other of the king sonne, & both of them in preiudice of the testators true successours: so, manie good subiectes begin greatlie to feare, that vve may chaunce to see shortlie a third testament of her Ma. for the intituling of Huntington and extirpation of K. Henries, blood, & that before her Ma. can think of sicknes: vvherin I beseech the Lord I be no Prophet. But novv (Sir) to the forsaid vvil & testamēt of K. Hēry, I haue often heard in trueth, that the thing vvas counterfeit, or at the leaste not able to be proued: and that it vvas discouered, reiected and defaced in Q. Maries tyme: but I vvould gladlie vnderstand vvhat you Lavvyers esteme or iudge therof.
LAVV.
Touching this matter (quoth the Lavvyer) it cannot be denied, but that in the tvventy and eight and thirtie and sixt yeares of king Henries reigne, vpon consideration of some doubt & irresolution, The authoritie, and occasion of K. Henries testamē [...] ▪ vvhych the king him selfe had shevved, to haue about the order of succession in his ovvn children, as also for taking avvay al occasions of controuersies in thos of the next blood: the vvhole parliament gaue authoritie vnto the said king, to debate & determine thos matters him self together vvyth [Page 152] his learned councell, vvho best knevv the lavves of the Realm, and titles that anie man might haue therby: and that vvhat soeuer succession his Ma. should declare as moste right and lavvful vnder his letters patentes sealed, or by his last vvil and testament rightfullie made and signed vvyth his ovvn hand: that the same should be receyued for good and lavvful.
Vppon pretence vvherof, soone after K. Henries death, ther vvas shevved a vvil vvyth the kings stamp at the same, & the names of diuers vvytnesses, vvherin (as hath bene bene said) the succession of the Crovvn, after the kings ovvn children, is assigned to the heires of Fraunces and of Elenore, neipces to the king, by his yonger sister. VVhich assignatiō of the Crovvn, being as it vvere a mere guifte in preiudice of the elder sisters right (as also of the right of Fraunces and Elenore them selues, vvho vvere omitted in the same assignation, & their heires intituled onlie) vvas esteemed to be against al reason, lavv, and nature, & consequentlie not thought to proceed from so vvise and sage a The kīgs Testamēt forged. Prince, as K. Henrie vvas knovvē to be: but rather, ether the vvhole forged, or at Leastvvyse that clause inserted by other, and the kinges stampe set vnto it, after his death, or vvhen his Ma. lay novv past vnderstanding. And hereof there vvanteth not diuers moste euident reasons and proofes.
For first, it is not probable or credible that K. The first reason. Henrie vvould euer go about, against lavv and reason, to disinherit the line of his eldest sister, vvythout Iniustice & improbabilitie. anie profit or interest to him self: and therby, giue moste euident occasion of Ciuil vvarre and [Page 153] discorde vvyrhin the Realm, seing, that in such a case of manifest and apparent vvrong, in so great a matter, the authoritie of parliament, taketh litle effect, against the true & lavvful inheritour: as vvel apeared in the former tymes & contētions of Henrie the sixt, Edvvard the fourth, and Richard the third: in vvhose reignes, the diuers and contrarie parliamentes made and holden, against the next inheritour, held no longer vvyth anie man, then vntil the other vvas able to make his ovvn partie good.
So Likevvise, in the case of king Edvvard the The example of Fraunce. third his succession to Fraunce, in the right of his mother, though he vvere excluded by the general assemblie and consent of their parliamentes: yet he esteemed not his right extinguished therby: as neither did other kinges of our countrie that ensued after him. And for our present case, yf nothing els shoulde haue restreyned king Henrie, from such open iniustice tovvardes his eldest sister: yet this cogitation, atleast, vvould haue stayed him: that by geuing example of supplanting his elder Sisters Line by vertue of a testament or pretence of parliament: some other might take occasion to displace his children by like pretence: as vve see that Duke Dudley did soone after, by a forged testament of K. Edvvard the sixt. So redie Scholars ther are to be found, vvhich easilie vvil learne such The secōd reason. Incōgruities & indignities. Lessons of iniquitie.
Secondlye, ther be to manye incongruyties and indignities in the sayd pretended VVyll to proceed from suche a Prince and learned Councell [Page 154] as king Hēries vvas. For first vvhat can be more ridiculous, then to giue the Crovvn vnto the heires of Fraunces and Elenore, and not to anie of them selues? or vvhat had they offended that their heires should enioye the Crovvn in their right, and not they them selues? VVhat yf king Henries children should haue died, vvhiles Ladie Fraunces had bene yet a liue? vvho should haue possessed the kingdō before her, seing her Line vvas next? and yet by this testament she could not pretēd her self to obteine Adrian Stokes. it. But rather hauing married Adrain Stokes her horskeper, she must haue suffred her sonne by him (yf she had anie) to enioy the Crovvn: and so Adriā of a seruing-man and master of horses, should haue become the Great Master & Protector of Englād. Of like absurditie is that other clause also, vvherin the king bindeth his ovvn daughters to marrie, by cōsent & directiō of his counsell, or othervvise to leese the benefit of their succession: but yet bindeth not his neipces daughters, to vvit, the daughters of Frauncis and Elenor (if that they had any) to any such condition.
Thirdlie ther may be diuers causes and argumentes The third reason. The presupposed vvil is not Authentical. aleaged in lavve, vvhy this pretēded vvil is not authentical: if othervvise, it vvere certaine that king Henrie had meant it: First, for that it is not agreable to the minde and meaning of the Parliament, vvhich intended onlie to giue authoritie, for declaration and explication of the true title: & not for donation or intricating of the same, to the ruin of the Realm. Secōdly, for that ther is no lavvful & Authentical Copie extant therof, but onlie a bare inrolment in the Chauncerie, vvhich is not sufficient [Page 155] in so vveightie an affaire: no vvitnes of the Priuie Councel or of Nobilitie to the same: vvhich had bene conuenient in so great a case (for the best of the vvitnesses therin named, is Sir Iohn Gates, vvhos miserable death is vvel knovvē:) no publike Notarie: no Probation of the vvil before anye Bishop, or anie lavvful Court for that purpose: no examination of the vvitnesses, or other thing orderlie done, for lavvful authorizing of the matter. The disprouing of the vvil by vvitnesses. The Lord Pagett.
But of al other thinges this is moste of importaunce: that the king neuer set his ovvn hande to the foresaid vvil, but his stamp vvas put therunto by others, either after his death, or vvhen he vvas paste remembrance: as the late L. Paget in the beginning of Quene Maries dayes, being of the priuy Councel, first of al other discouered the same, of his ovvn accorde, and vpō mere motion of consciēce, confessing before the vvhole Councel, and aftervvard also before the vvhole parliament, hovv that him self vvas priuie therunto, and partlie also culpable, (being dravven therunto, by the instigation and forcible authoritie of others:) but yet aftervvard vpon other more godlie motions detested the deuice: and so of his ovvn free vvil, verie honorablie vvent and offered the discouerie therof to Sir Edvv. Mōtague the Councel. As also did Sir Edvvard Montague, Lord chiefe iustice, that had bene priuie and presēt VVillm. Clarcke. at the said doinges, and one VVillm. Clark, that vvas the man vvho put the stamp vnto the paper, and is ascribed among the other pretensed vvitnesses, confessed the vvhole premisses to be true, & purchased his pardō for his offence therin. VVher vpon Q. Marie and her Councel, caused presentlie [Page 156] the said inrolment, lying in the Chauncerie, to be canceled, defaced and abolished,
And sithence that tyme in her Ma. dayes that novv liueth about the 11. or 12. yeare of her reign, (if I compt not amisse) by occasion of a certen litle boke spred abrode at that tyme, verie secretlie, for aduauncing of the house of Suffolk, by pretence of A meting together about this matter of the nobility. this testament: I remember vvel the place vvhere the late Duke of Norfolke, the Marques of VVinchester (vvhich then vvas Treasurer) the olde Earls of Arundell and Penbrooke that novv are dead, vvyth my L. of Penbrooke that yet liueth, (as also my L. of Leicester hīself if I be not deceyued) vvith diuers others, met together vpō this matter: & after long conferēce about the foresaid pretēsed vvil, & manie proffes & reasons layd dovvn, vvhy it could not betrue or authētical: the olde Earle of Pēbrook protesting that he vvas vvyth the K. in his Chābet frō the first day of his sicknes vnto his last houre, & therby could vvel assure the falsificatiō therof: at length it vvas moued, that from that place they should go, vvyth the rest of the nobilitie, and proclaime the Q of Scotland heire aparent in Cheapside. My L. of Leycester agayne playeth double. VVherin my L. of Leycester (as I tak it) vvas thē as forvvard as anie man els: hovv be it, novv, for his profit, he bee turned aside, and vvould turne back againe to morovv next, for a greater commoditie.
And albeit, for some causes to them selues best knovvē, they proceeded not in the opē publishīg of their determination at that time: yet my Lord of Penbrook novv liuing, can beare vvitnes that thus [Page 157] much is true: and that his father the olde Earle The olde Earle of Pēbroks admonition, to the Earle his sonne yet liuīg. at that tyme, tolde him openlie before the other noble men, that he had brought him to that assemblie and place, to instruct him in that trueth, and to charge him, to vvitnes the same, and to defende it also, vvyth his svvorde (if need required) after his death. And I knovve that his Lordship is of that honour and nobilitie, as he can not leaue of easilie the remembraunce or due regarde of so vvorthie an admonition. And this shal suffice for the second impediment, imagined to proceed of this supposed testament of king Henrie the eight.
As for the third impediment, of religion, it is not The third impediment of Religiō. general to al: for that onlie one person (if I be not deceyued) of al the Competitours in K. Hērys line, can be touched vvyth suspition of different religiō, from the present state of England. VVhich person notvvythstanding (as is vvel knovven) vvhile she vvas in gouernmēt in her ovvn Realm of Scotlād, permitted al libertie of conscience, & free excercise of religion, to thos of the contrarie profession and opiniō, vvythout restreynt. And yf she had not: yet do I not see, either by prescript of lavv, or practize of thes our times, that diuersitie of religiō, may stay iust inheritours from enioying their due possessiōs, in anie state or degre of priuate men: and much lesse in the clayme of a kingdom: vvhich alvvayes in this behalf (as hath bene said before) is preferred in priuilege.
This vve see by experience, in diuers countries Princes of Germanye. and partes of the vvorld at this daye: as in Germanie, vvhere among so manie Princes, and so de [Page 158] in religiō as they be: yet euerie one succedeth to the state, vvherto he hath right, vvythout resistaunce for his religion. The examples also of her Ma. that novv is, and of her sister before, is euidēt: Q▪ Mary. Q Elizabeth. vvho being knovven to be of tvvo different inclinations in religion, and the vvhole Realm deuided in opinion for the same cause: yet both of them at their seueral tymes vvyth general consent of al, vvere admitted to their lavvful inheritaunce: excepting onlie a fevv The Dudleys. Mōsieur. traytours against the former, vvho vvythstood her right as also in her, the right of her Ma. that is present, & that not for religion (as appeared by their ovvn confession after) but for ambition and desire of reigne. Monsieur, the kings brother and heire of Fraunce, as all the vvorld knovveth▪ is vvel accepted, fauored and admitted for successoure of that Crovvne, by al the protestantes at this day of that Countrie, not vvythstanding his opinion in religion knovven to be diffeferent. And I doubt not, but the king of Nauarre or Prince of Condie, in the contrarie parte, vvould King of Nauarre▪ Prince of Condye. think them selues greatlie iniuried by the state of Fraunce, vvhich is different from them in religion at this day, if after the death of the king that novv is & his brother vvithout issue, (yf God so dispose) they should be barred frō inheriting the Crovvn, vnder pretence onlie of their religion. My Lord of Huntingtō him self also, is he not knovvē to be of My L. of Huntingtons religion. a different religiō from the present state of Englād? and that, yf he vvere king to morovve next, he vvould alter the vvhole gouernment, order, condition, & state of religion, novv vsed & estblished, vvythin the Realm?
But as I said in the beginning, yf one of a vvhole familie, or of diuers families▪ be culpable, or to be The title of thos vvhiche ensevve the Q. of Scottes. touched herein: vvhat haue the rest offēded therby? vvil you exclude al, for the mislike of one? And to descend in order: yf the first in K. Henries line, after her Ma. may be touched in this point, yet, vvhy should the rest be damnified therby? The king of Scotland her sonne, that next ensueth (to speake in equitie) vvhie should he be shut out for his religion? And are not al the other in like maner protestantes, vvhos discent is consequent, by nature, order and degre?
SCHOL.
For the yong king of Scotland (quoth I) the trueth is, that alvvayes for mine ovvn parte, I haue had great hope and expectation of him, not onlie The yōg k [...]ng of Scotland for the conceipt vvhich commonlie men haue of such Orient youthes, borne to kingdomes: but especialie for that I vnderstod frō tyme to time, that his educatiō vvas in allearning, prīcelie exercises & instruction of true religiō, vnder rare and vertuous men for that purpose. VVherby I conceyued hope, that he might not onelie become in tyme, an honorable and profitable neighbour vnto vs, for assurance of the ghospel in thes partes of the vvorld: but also (yf God should depriue vs of her Maiesty vvhithout issue) might be a meane by his suc [...]ssion to vnite in Concord and Gouernment, the tvvoe Realmes together, vvhich heretofore hath bene sought, by the price of manie a thousand mens blood, and not obteyned.
Marie yet novv of late (I knovv not by vvhat meanes) ther is begon in mens hartes a certaine mislike or grudge against him, for that it is giuen [Page 160] ou [...] euerie vvhere, that he is inclyned to be a Papist, & an enimie to her Ma. proceedinges. VVhich argueth him verelie, of singular ingratitude, if it be true, considering the great helpes and protection vvhich he hath receyued from her highnes euer sithence he vvas borne.
GENTL.
And are you so simple (quoth the Genleman) as to beleeue euerie report that you heare of this matter? knovv you not, that it is expedient for my L. of Leycester and his factiō, that this youth, aboue al other, be held in perpetual disgrace vvyth her Ma. and vvyth this Realm? You knovv, that Richard The deuice to set out her Ma vvith the yong king of Scotlād. of Glocester had neuer bene able to haue vsurped as he did, if he had not first persvvaded kīg Edvvard the fovverth to hate his ovvn brother the Duke of Clarence, vvhich Duke stood in the vvaye, betvvene Richard and the thing, vvhich he moste of al thinges coueted. That is, the possibility to the Crovvn, and so in this case is ther the lyke deuice to be obserued.
For truelie, for the yong king of Scotlands religion, it is euident to as manie as haue reason, that it cā be no other of it self but inclined to the best: both in respect of his education, instruction, & cō uersation, vvith thos of true religion: as also by hi [...] former Actions, Edictes, Gouernment, and priuat [...] behauiour, he hath declared. Marie thes men vvhos profit is nothing lesse, then that he or any other of that race should do vvel: do not cease daylie by al secrete vvayes, driftes, and molestations possible, to driue him either to mislke of our religion, or els to incur the suspitiō therof, vvith such of our Realm, as othervvise vvould be his best friendes: or if not [Page 161] this: yet for verie need & feare of his ovvn lyfe, to make recourse to such other Princes abrode, as may most offend or mislik this state.
And for this cause, they suborne certaine busie felovves of their ovvn crevv and faction, perteyning to the ministerie of Scotland, (but vnvvorthy of so vvorthie a calīg) to vse such insolēcy tovvards The intolerable procedinges of certayne Ministers in Scotlād agaīst they [...] kig. by s [...]bornation of [...]ys [...]ymyes in England. their king and Prince, as is not onlie vndecent, but intollerable. For he may do no thing, but they vvil examin and discusse the same in pulpit. If he go but on hunting, vvhen it pleaseth them to cal him to their preaching: if he make but a dinner or supper, vvhen, or vvhere, or vvyth vvhom they like not: if he receiue but a coople of horses or other presēt frō his friendes or kinsmen beyond the seas: yf he salute or vse courteouslie anie mā or messiger vvhich cōmeth from them▪ (as you knovv Princes of their nobilitie & courtesie are accustomed, though they come frō their enimies, as often hath bene seene & highlie commended in her Ma. of England:) yf he deale familiarlie vvyth anie Ambassadour vvhich liketh not them: or finalie if he do say, or signifie, any one thing vvhatsoeuer, that pleaseth not their humour: they vvil presentlie, as seditious tribunes of the people, exclame in publique, and stepping to the pulpit vvher the vvord of the Lord only ought to be preached: vvil excite the commonaltie to discontentation, inveying against their souerain vvith such bitternes of speech, vnreuerend tearmes, and insolēt controlmentes, as is not to be spokē, Novv imagine vvhat her Ma. & her graue coūcell vvould do in England, if such procedinges should be vsed▪ by the cleargie against them.
STHOL.
No doubt (quoth I) but that suche vnquiet spirites should be punished in our Realm. And so I said of late to their moste Reuerend and vvorthie Prelat & Primat the Archbisshop of S. Andrevves, vvith vvhom it vvas my Luck to come acquainted Sir Patrik Adamson Archbishop of S. Andrevves. in London, vvhether he vvas come by his kings apointment (as he said) to treate certaine affaires vvith our Quene and Councell. And talking vvith him of this disorder of his Ministerie, he confessed the same vvith much greife of minde, & tolde me, that he had preached therof before the king him self, detesting and accusing diuers heades therof, for vvhich cause, he vvas become verie odious to them and other of their faction, both in Scotland & Englād. But he said, that as he had giuen the reasons of his doinges vnto our Quene: so meaneth he shortlie to do the same vnto Monsieur Beza and to the vvhole church of Geneua, by sending thither the articles of his and their doinges, Protesting vnto me that the procedinges and attemptes of thos factious and corrupt men, vvas moste scandalous, seditious and perilous, both to the kinges person, and to the Realm: being sufficient indeed, to alienate vvholie the yong Prince from al affection to our religion, vvhen he shal see the chiefe professours therof, to behaue them selues so vnduetifulie tovvards him.
GENTL.
That is the thing vvhich thes men, his competitours, moste desire (quoth the Gentleman) hoping therby, to procure him moste euil vvil & daunger, Treasons Plotted Against the K. of Scottes. both at home & frō Englād. For vvhich cause also, they haue practized so manie plotes & treacheries vvith his ovvn subiectes against him: hoping by [Page 163] that meanes, to bring the one in distrust and hatred of the other, and consequentlie the king in daunger of destruction by his ovvn. And in this machination, they haue behaued them selues so dexterouslie, so couertlie vsed the manage and cōtriuing herof, and so cunninglye conueied the execution of many thinges: as it might, indeed, seme aparent vnto the yong king, that the vvhole plot of treasons against his Realm & person, doth come from England, therby to driue him into ielousie of our state, & our state of him: and al this for their ovvn profit.
Neither is this anie nevv deuice of my Lord of Leycester, to dravv men for his ovvn gaine, into daunger & hatred vvith the state, vnder other pretences. For I could tel you diuers stories and stratagemes of his cunning in this kinde, and the one far different from the other in deuice: but yet al to one end. I haue a friend yet liuing, that vvas tovvardes the olde Earle of Arundel, in good credit, and by that meanes had occasion to deal vvith the late Duke of Norfolke in his chiefest affaires before his troubles. This mā is vvount to report straunge thinges from the Dukes ovvn mouth, of my Lord Leycester cunning deuice for ouerthrovvīg the Duke of Norforke. of Leycesters moste treacherous dealing tovvardes him for gayning of his blood, as after apeared: albeit the Duke vvhen he reported the same, mistrusted not so much my Lordes malice therin. But the summe of al, is this in effect: that Leycester hauing a secret desire, to pul dovvn the said Duke, to the end that he might haue no man aboue him selfe, to hinder him in that vvhich he moste desireth: by a thovvsand cūning deuises drevv in the Duke to the [Page 164] cogitation of that mariage vvyth the Q. of Scotland, vvhich aftervvard vvas the cause or occasion of his ruine. And he behaued him self so dexterouslie in this drift, by setting on the Duke on the The impudencie of Iudas. one side, and intrapping him on the other: as Iudas him self neuer played his parte more cunninglie, vvhen he supped vvyth his master, and set him self so nere, as he dipped his spoone in the same dishe, & durst before others aske, vvho should betraye him? meaning that night, to do it him self, as he shevved soone after supper, vvhē he came as a Captaine vvyth a band of conspiratours, and vvyth a courteous kisse deliuered his person, into the hādes of thē, vvhō he vvel knevv to thirst after his blood
The very like did the Erle of Leycester vvyth the Duke of Norfolk for the arte of treason, though in the parties betrayed ther vvere great difference of innocēcie. Namely at one time, vvhen her Ma. vvas at Basing in Hampshire, & the Duke attēded their lo haue audience, vvyth great indifferencie in him self, to folovv or leaue of, his sute for mariage: (for The speaches of Leices to the D. of Norfolk. that novv he began to suspect, her Ma. liked not greatlie therof:) my Lord of Leicester came to him, and counsayled him in anie case to perseuere & not to relent, assuring him vvyth manie othes and protestations, that her Ma. must & should be brought to alovv therof, vvhether she vvould or no, and that him self vvould scale that purpose vvyth his blood. Neither vvas it to be suffred that her Ma. should haue her vvil herein: vvyth manie other like speaches to this purpose: vvhich the Duke repeated againe then presentlie to my said friend: vvyth often laying his hand vpon his bosome and [Page 165] saing: I haue here vvhich assureth me sufficientlie of the fidelitie of my L. of Leycester: meaning not onlie the foresaid speeches, but also diuers letters vvhich he had vvriten to the Duke of that effect, Ley. cousynage of the Quene. as likevvise he had done to some other person of more importaunce in the Realm: vvhich matter comming aftervvard to light, he cousyned most notablie her Ma. by shevving her a reformed copie of the said letter, for the letter it self.
But novv hovv vvel he performed his promis, in dealing vvyth her Ma. for the Duke, or against the Duke in this matter, her highnes can best tel, and the euent it self shevved. For the Duke being admitted soone after to her Ma. speech, at an other place, and receyuing a far other ansvvere then he had in hope conceyued vpon Leycester promisses: retired him self to London, vvhere the same night folovving he receyued letters both from Leycester, The Duke of Norfolks flyīg into Norfolk. and Syr Nicholas Throgmarton, vpon Leycesters instigation (for they vvere at that tyme both friēdes and of a faction,) that he should presentlie flee into Norfolk as he did, vvhich vvas the last and final complement of al Leycesters former deuices, vvherby to plunge his friende ouer the eares in suspition and disgrace, in such sorte, as he should neuer be able to dravv him self out of the ditch againe, as indeed he vvas not, but died in the same.
And herein you see also the same subbtile & Machauilian Machauellian Sleyghtes sleight, vvhich Imentioned before, of driuing men to attēpt somevvhat, vvherby they may incur daunger or remaine in perpetual suspition or disgrace. And this practize he hath long vsed, and doth daylie, against such as he hath vvil [Page 166] to destroye. As for example: VVhat say you to the Leycester deuises for the overthrovv of Syr Christopher Hatton. deuice he had, of late, to intrap his vvel deseruing friende Sir Christopher Hatton, in the matter of Hall his Priest, vvhom he vvould haue had Sir Christopher to send avvay & hide, being touched and detected in the case of Ardent, therby to haue dravven in Sir Christopher him self, as Sir Charles Candis he can vvel declare, yf it please him, being accessarie to this plot, for the ouerthrovv of Sir Christopher. To vvhich intent & moste diuelishe drift perteyned (I doubt not) yf the matter vvere duelie examined, the late interception of letters in Paris from one Aldred of Lyons then in Rome, to Henrie Vmpton, seruaunt to Sir Christopher, in vvhich letters, Sir Christopher is reported to be of such credit and special fauour in Rome, as if he vvere the greatest Papist in England.
VVhat meaneth also thes pernitious late dealīges Leycester deuises against the Earle of Shrevvsburie. against the Earle of Shrevvsburie, a man of the moste auncient and vvorthiest nobilitie of our Realm? vvhat meane the practizes vvyth his nearest both in bed and blood against him? vvhat meane thes moste false and slaunderous rumours cast abrode of late of his disloyal demeanure tovvardes her Ma. and his countrie, vvyth the great prisoner commited to his charge? Is al this to anie other end, but onlie to driue him to some impatience, and therby to cōmit or say some thing vvhich may open the gate vnto his ruyn? Diuers other thinges could I recite of his behauiour tovvardes other noble men of the Realm, vvho liue abrode in their countries much iniuried & malcontented by his insolencie: albeit in respect of his present povver they dare not complaine. And surelie [Page 167] it is straunge to see, hovv litle accompt he maketh Ley contempt of the anciēt Nobility of Englād of al the auncient nobilitie of our Realm: hovv he contemneth, derideth & debaseth them: vvhich is the fashion of al such as meane to vsurp, to the end they may haue none vvho shal not acknovvledge their first begīning & aduancemēt from thē selues.
LAVV.
Not onlie vsurpers (quoth the Lavvier) but al others vvho rise and moūte aloft frō base lynage, be ordinarilie moste cōtemptuous contumelious, and insolēt against others of more antiquitie. And this vvas euident in this mans father, vvho being a Nevv mē most cō tēptuous. Buck of the first head (as you knovv) vvas intolerable in contempt of others: as appeareth, by thos vvhom he trode dovvn of the nobility in his tyme: as also by his ordinarie ieastes against the Duke of Somerset and others. But among other tymes, sitting one daye at his ovvn table (as a Councellor told me that vvas present,) he toke occasion to talke of the Earle of Arundel vvhom he then had D. Dudleys ieste at the Erl. of Arūdel not onlie remoued from the Councell, but also put into the Tovver of London, being (as is vvel knovven) the first and chiefest Earle of the Realm. And for that the said Earle, shevved him self somevvhat sad and afflicted vvith his present state (as I maruaile not, seing him self in prison and vvythin the compas of so fearce a Bears pavves) it pleased this goodlie Duke, to vaunt vpon this Earls miserie, at his ovvn table (as I haue said,) and asked the noble men and Gentlemen ther present, vvhat Creste or Cognizaūce my Lord of Arundel did giue? and vvhen euerie one ansvvered that he gaue the vvhite horse: I thought so (quoth the Duke,) and not vvythout great cause: for as the [Page 168] vvhite Paulfrey vvhen he standeth in the stable, & is vvel prouendred, is proud and fearce, and redie to leape vpon euery other horses back, stil neying and praunsing, and troubling al that stande about him: but vvhen he is once out of his hoat stable, and depriued a litle of his ease and fat feeding, euerie boye may ryde and master him, at his pleasure: so is it (quoth he) vvith my Lord of Arundel: VVherat manie maruailed that vvere present, to heare so insolent speech passe from a man of iudgment, against a Peere of the Realm, cast into calamitie.
GENTL.
But you vvould more haue maruailed (quoth the Gentleman,) if you had sene that, vvhich I did aftervvard, vvhich vvas the moste base and abiect behauiour, of the same Duke, to the same Earle of The most abiecte behauior of Duke Dudley in aduerse fortune Arundel at Cambrige, and vpon the vvay tovvards London: vvhen this Earle vvas sent to apprehend and bring him vp, as prisoner. Yf I should tel you hovv he fel dovvn on his knees, hovv he vvept, hovv he besought the said Earle, to be good Lord vnto him, vvhom a litle before, he had so much contemned and reproched: you vvould haue said, that him self might as vvel be compared to this his vvhite Paulfrey, as the other. Albeit in this, I vvil excuse neither of them both, neither almoste anie other of thes great men, vvho are so proude and insolent in their prosperous fortune, as they are easily led to contemne anie man, albeit them selues be moste contemptible of al others, vvhen soeuer their fortune begīneth to chaunge: & so vvil my L. of Leycester be also, no doubt at that daye, though novv in his vvealth, he triumphe ouer al, & careth not vvhom or hovv manie he offend and iniurie.
STHOL.
Sir therin I belieue you (quoth I) for vve haue had sufficient trial alredie of my Lords fortitude in aduersitie. His base and abiect behauiour in Leycester base behauiour in aduersitie. his last disgrace about his mariage, vvel declared vvhat he vvould do, in a matter of more importaunce. His favvning & flattering of them, vvhom he hated most: his seruile speeches, his feigned & dissembled teares, are al verie vvel knovven: Then Sir Christopher Hatton, must needes be inforced, to receiue at his handes the honorable and great office of Chamberlanship of Chester, for that he Leycester deceyuīg of Syr Christopher Hatton. vvould by anie meanes resigne the same vnto him, vvhether he vvoulde or no: and made him prouide (not vvithout his charge) to receyue the same, though his Lordship neuer meant it, as after vvel appeared. For that the presente pangue being past, it liked my Lord to fulfil the Italian prouerbe, of such as in daungers make vovves to sainctes: Scampato il pericolo, gabbato il Santo, the daunger escaped, the sainct is deceyued.
Then, and in that necessitie, no men of the Realm vvere so much honoured, commended and serued by him, as the noble Chamberlane deceased, and the good L. Treasurer yet liuing: to vvhō, at a certaine tyme, he vvrote a letter, in al fraude and base dissimulation, and caused the same, to be deliuered A pretie shifte of my Lorde of Leyc. vvith great cūning in the sight of her Ma. & yet so, as to shevv a purpose that it should not be seene: to the end, her highnes might the rather take occasion to cal for the same and reade it, as she did. For Mistres Fraunces Havvard (to vvhō the stratageme vvas cōmitted) playing her parte dexterouslie, offered to deliuer the same to the L. Treasurer, nere the dore of the vvithdravving chāber, he thē cumming [Page 170] from her Ma. And to dravv the eye and attentiō of her highnes, the more vnto it, she let fal the paper, before it touched the Treasurers hand, and by that occasion, brought her Maiestie to cal for the same: VVhich after she had red and considered the stile together vvyth the metal and constitution of him that vvrote it, & to vvhō it vvas sent: her highnes could not but break for [...]h in laughter▪ vvy [...]h detestation of such absurd and abiect dissimulation: saying vnto my L. Treasurer, ther present: my L. belieue Her Ma speech of Leyce. to the Treasurer. hī not, for if he had you in like case he vvould plaie the Beare vvyth you, though, at this presēt he favvne vpon you neuer so fast.
But novv, Sir, I pray you go forvvard in your speech of Scotland, for ther, I remember you lefte of, vvhen by occasion vve fel into thes digressions.
VVel then, (quoth the Gentleman) to return againe to Scotland, (as you moue) frō vvhence vve haue digressed: moste certaine and euident it is to al the vvorld, that al the broyles, troubles, & daūgers The daū ger of her Ma by oppressiō of the fauourers of the Scottishe title. procured to the Prince in that countrie, as also the vexations of them, vvho anie vvay are thought to fauoure that title in our ovvn Realm, do proceed from the drift and complot of thes conspirarours. VVhich besides the great daungers mentioned before, both domestical and forreine, temporal and of religion, must needes infer great ieopardie also to her Ma. person and present reigne, that novv gouerneth▪ through the hope and heat of the aspirors ambitiō, inflamed and increased so much the more, by the nearnes of their desired pray.
For as souldiars entred into hope of a riche and [Page 171] vvel furnished Citie, are more fearce & furious, A Similitude. vvhen they haue goten and beaten dovvn the Bulvvarks round about: and as the greedie Burglarer that hathe pearsed and broken d [...]vvn many vvales to come to a treasure, is lesse patient of staye, stop and delaye, vvhen he cummeth in sight of that vvhich he desireth, or perceyueth onlie some partition of vvaneskot or the like, betvvixt his fingers and the cofers or monie bagges: so thes men, vvhē they shal see the succession of Scotland extinguished, together vvyth al friendes and fauourers therof, (vvhich novv are to her Maiestie as Bulvvarkes and VVales, and great obstacles to the aspirours) and vvhen they shal see onlie her Ma. life and person, to stand betvvixt them and their firie desires, (for they make litle accompt of al other cō peritours by K. Hēries line:) no doubt, but it vvilbe to them a great prick & spurre, to dispatch her Ma▪ also: the nature of both Earles being vvel considered, vvherof the one killed his ovvn vvyfe (as hathe bene shevved before) onlie vpō a litle vayne Earle of Leicester hope of mariage vvyth a Quene & the other being so far blinded and borne avvay, vvith the same furious Earle of Hūtingt. fume, and most impotent itching humour of ambition: as his ovvn mother, vvhen shee vvas a liue, seemed greatlie to feare his fingers, yf once the matter should come so neare, as her life had onlie stood in his vvaye. For vvhich cause, the good olde Coūtesse, vvas vvoūt to pray god, (as I haue heard The olde Coūtesse. of Huntingtons speach of her sōne diuers saye) that she might die before her Maiestie, (vvhich hapilie vvas graunted vnto her) to the end that by standing in her sonnes vvay (vvhō she savve to her griefe, furiously bent to vveare a Crovvn:) [Page 172] their might not some daūgerous extremitie grovv to her, by that nearnes: And if his ovvn mother feared this mischaunce, vvhat may her Ma. doubt, at his and his companyons handes, vvhen she only shalbe the obstacle of al their vnbrydled and impatient desires?
LAVV.
Cleare it is (quoth the Lavvyer) that the nearnes of aspirours to the Crovvn, endaungereth greatly the present possessors, as you haue vvel prooued Nearnes in cōpetitors doth incite thē to aduē ture. by reason, & I could shevv by diuers examples, yf it vvere need. For vvhen Hērie Bollingbrook Duke of Lancaster savve, not onlie Richard the second to be vvythout issue, but also Roger Mortymer Earle of Marche, that should haue succeded in the Crovvn, to be slaine in Ireland: though before (as is Henrye Bolingbrooke after K. Hēry the fourth. thought) he meant not to vsurp, yet seing the possibilitie and nere cut that he had: vvas inuited thervvyth, to lay handes of his soueraines blood & dignitie, as he did. The like is thought of Richard Duke of Glocester, that he neuer meāt the murder Richard Duke of Glocest. after K. Richard the third. of his nephevves, vntil he savve their father dead, & them selues in his ovvn handes: his brother also Duke of Clarēce dispatched, & his onlie sonne & heire Earle of VVarvvick, vvythī his ovvn povver.
VVherfore, seing, it hath not pleased almighty God, for causes to him self best knovven, to leaue vnto this noble Realm, any issue by her moste excellent The great vvisdom of her Ma. in cō seruīg the next heirs of Scotland. Ma. it hath bene a point of great vvisdom in mine opinion, and of great safitie to her highnes person, state, and dignitie: to preserue hitherto, the line of the next inheritours by the house of Scolad (I meane both the mother and the sonne,) vvhos deathes hath bene so diligēgly sought, by the other [Page 173] competitours, and had bene long ere this atchiued, if her Ma. ovvn vvisdom and Royal clemencie (as is thought,) had not placed special eye vppon the conseruation therof, from tyme to tyme. VVhich Princelie prouidēce, so long as it shal endure, must needes be a great safitie and fortresse to her Ma. not onlie against the claimes, aydes, or annoiaunce of forr [...]ine Princes, vvho vvil not be so forvvard to aduaunce straunge titles, vvhile so manifest heires remaine at home, nor yet so vvilling (in respect of policie) to help that line to possessiō of the vvhole Iland: but also against ptactises of domestical aspirours (as you haue shevved,) in vvhos affaires no doubte but thes tvvo braunshes of Scotland are great blockes, as also special Bulvvarkes to her Ma. life and person: seing (as you saye) thes comparteners, make so litle accompt of al the other of that Line, vvho should insue by order of succession. The K. of Scotlands destruction of more importance to the cō spirators, then his mothers.
Marie yet of the tvvo, I thīk the youth of Scotlād be of much more importaunce, for their purpose, to be made avvay, both for that he may haue issue, and is like in tyme to be of more abilitie, for defence of his ovvn inheritaunce: as also for that he being once dispatched, his mother should soone ensue, by one sleight or other, vvhich they vvould deuise vnvvitting to her Ma. albeit, I must needes confesse, that her highnes hath vsed most singular prudence for preuention therof: in placing her restreint The Erle of Shreusburie disgraced by the cōpetitoures. vvith so Noble, stroung, and vvorthie a Peere of our Realm, as the Earle of Shrevvsburie is: vvhos fidelitie and cōstancy being nothing pliable to the others factiō, giueth thē litle cōtentatiō. And [Page 174] for that cause, the vvorld seeth, hovv manie sundrie and diuers deuises they haue vsed, and do vse dailie to slaunder and disgrace him, and therby to pull from him his charge commited.
To this the Gentleman ansvvered nothing at al, but stood stil musing vvith him self, as though he had conceiued some deep matter in his head: and after a litle pause he began to saye as folovveth.
GENTL.
I cannot truelie but much maruaile, vvhen I do cōpare some thinges of this tyme & gouernment, vvith the doinges of former Princes progenitours The vigilant eye that her Ma. ancestours had to the collaterallyne to her Ma. Namelie of Hērie the seuenth & Henry the eight: vvho had so vigilant an eye to the lateral line of K. Edvvard the fourth by his brother of Clarence, as they thought it necessarie, not onlie to preuent al euident daungers, that might ensue that vvaye, but euen the possibilities of al peril: as may vvel appeare by the execution of Edvvard Earle of VVarvvike before named, sonne and heire to the said Duke of Clarence, and of Margaret his sister Countesse of Salisburie, vvith the Lord Henrie Montague her sonne, by vvhos daughter the Earle Persons executed of the house of Clarēce. of Huntington novv claimeth. Al vvhich vvere executed for auoiding of inconueniences, and that at such tymes, vvhen no imminent daunger could be much doubted, by that Line▪ especialie by the later. And yet novv vvhen one of the same house and line, of more habilitie and ambition, then euer anie of his auncestors vvere, maketh open title and claime to the Crovvn, vvith plotes, packes, and preparations to moste manifest vsurpation, against al order, al lavv, and al rightful succession: & against a special statute prouided in that behalf: yet is he permitted, [Page 175] borne out, fauored, and friended therin: and no man so hardie, as in defence of her Ma. and Realm, to controle him for the same.
It may be, that her Ma. is brought into the same opinion of my L. of Huntingtons fidelitie, as Iulius The example of Iulius Caesars destruction. Caesar vvas of Marcus Brutus, his dearest obliged friend: of vvhos ambitious practises, and aspiring, vvhē Caesar vvas aduertised, by his careful friēdes: he ansvvered, that he vvel knevv Brutus to be ambitious, but I am sure (quoth he) that my Brutus vvil neuer attēpt anie thing for the Empire, vvhile Caesar lyueth: and after my death, let him shift for the same among others, as he can. But vvhat ensued? Surelie I am loth to tel the euent, for ominations sake, but yet al the vvorld knovveth, that ere manie monethes passed, this moste Noble and Clement Emperoure, vvas pitifulie murdered by the same Brutus and his parteners, in the publique Senate, vvhen least of al he expected such treason. So daungerous a thing it is, to be secure in a matter of so great sequele, or to trust them vvyth a mans lyfe, vvho may pretend preferment or interest, by his death.
VVherfore, vvould God her Ma. in this case, might be induced, to haue such due care & regarde of her ovvn estate & Royal person, as the vveighty moment of the matter requireth: vvhich cōteineth the blisse and calamitie of so Noble and vvorthie a kingdom, as this is.
I knovv right vvel, that moste excellent natures To much cōfidence very perilous in a Prince. are alvvayes furdest of, from diffidence in such people, as profes loue, and are moste bounden by devvtie: and so it is euident in her Ma. But yet [Page 176] surelie, this confidence so commendable in other men, is scarse alovvable often tymes in the person of a Prince: for that it goeth accompanied vvyth so great peril, as is ineuitable to him that vvil not suspect: principallie vvhen daungers are fortolde or presaged, (as commonlie by Gods appointment they are, for the speciall hand he holdeth ouer Princes affaires,) or vvhen ther is probable coniecture, or iust surmise of the same.
VVe knovv that the forenamed Emperour Caesar, had not onlie the vvatning giuen him of the inclination and intent of Brutus to vsurpation, but euen the verie day vvhen he vvas going tovvardes the place of his appointed destinie, ther vvas giuen vp into his handes a detection of the vvhole treason, vvyth request to read the same presentlie, vvhich he vpon confidence omitted to do. VVe read also of Alexander the great, hovv he vvas not The example of Alexāder the great hovv he vvas for tolde his daunger. onelie forbidden by a learned man, to enter into Babylō (vvhether he vvas then going) for that ther vvas treason meant agaīst him, in the place: but also that he vvas foretolde of Antipaters mischieuous meaning against him, in particular. But the yong Prince hauing so vvel deserued of Antipater, could not be brought to mistrust the man that vvas so deare vnto him: & by that means vvas poisoned in a bāquet, by three sōnes of Antipater, vvhich vvere of moste credit & cōfidence in the kinges Chāber.
SCHOL.
Here, truelie, my hart did somevvhat tremble vvyth feare, horrour, and detestation of such euentes. And I said vnto the Gentleman. I beseech you, Syr, to talke no more of thes matters, for I cannot vvel abide to heare them named: hoping [Page 167] in the Lord, that ther is no cause, nor euer shalbe, to doubt the like in Endland: specialie from thes men vvho are so much bounden to her Ma. and Late execution [...]. so forvvard in seeking out and pursueing al such, as may be thought to be daungerous to her Ma. person, as by the sundrie late executions vve haue seene, and by the punishmentes euerie vvaye of Papistes, vve may perceyue.
GENTL.
Trueth it is (quoth the Gentleman) that iustice hath bene done vpō diuers of late, vvhich cōtenteth me greatlie, for the terrour and restreint of others, of vvhat sect or religion so euer they be: And it is moste necessarie (doubtles) for the compressing of parties, that great vigilance be vsed in that behalf. But vvhen I consider, that onlie one kinde of men are touched herein: and that al speech, regarde, doubt, distrust, and vvatche, is of them alone, vvythout reflexion of eye vpon anie other mens doinges or designementes: vvhen I see the double diligence, & vehemencie of certaine instrumentes, vvhich I like not, bent vvholie to rayse vvounder and admiration of the people: feare, terrour, and attention, to the doeinges, sayinges, and meaninges Fraude to be feared in putsueing one parte o [...] faction onlie. of one parte or faction alone, and of that namlie and onlie, vvhich thes cōspiratours esteme for most daungerous and opposite to them selues: I am (belieue me) often tempted to suspect fraude and false measure: and that thes men deale, as vvolues by nature in other countries are vvount to doe: VVhich going together in great numbers to assaile a flock of shepe by night, do set some one or tvvo of their cōpanie vpō the vvinde side of the folde a far of, vvho partly by their sent & other bruteling▪ [Page 178] vvhich of purpose they make, may dravv the doggs and shepheardes to pursue them alone, vvhiles the The comparison of vvolues & Rebels. other do enter and slea the vvhole flock. Or as rebelles that meaning to surprise a tovvn, to turn avvay the inhabitantes from consideration of the daunger, & from defence of that place, vvhere they intend to enter: do set on fire some other partes of the tovvn furder of, and do sound a false al'arme at some gate, vvher is ment least daunger.
VVhich arte, vvas vsed cunninglie by Richard Rychard Duke of York. Duke of York in the tyme of K. Henrie the sixt, vvhen he to couer his ovvn intent, brought al the Realm in doubt of the doinges of Edmond Duke of Sometset, his enimie. But Iohn of Northumberland, father to my Lord of Leycester, vsed the same Duke Dudley. arte much more skilfulie, vvhen he put al England in a maze and musing of the Protector and of his friēdes: as though nothing could be safe about the yong king, vntil they vvere suppressed: and consequentlie, al brought into his ovvn authoritie, vvythout obstacle. I speak not this, to excuse Papistes, or to vvyshe them anie vvaye spared vvherin they offend: but onlie to signifie that in a countrie, A good rule of policie. vvher so potent factions be, it is not safe, to suffer the one to make it selfe so puissant by pursute of the other: as aftervvards the Prince must remaine at the deuotion of the stronger: but rather as in a bodie molested and troubled vvyth contrarie humours, yf al cannot be purged, the best Phisick is, vvythout al doubt, to reduce and holde them at such an equalitie: as destruction may not be feared of the predominante.
LAVV.
To this sayd the Lavvyer laughing, yea Marie [Page 179] Sir, I vvould to God, your opinion might preuaile in this matter: for then should vve be in other tearmes, then novv vve are. I vvas not long since, in companie of a certaine honorable Ladie of the Court, vvho, after some speech passed by Gentlemen that vvere present, of some aprehended, and some executed, and such like affaires: brak into a great complaint of the present tyme, and thervvyth (I assure you) moued al the hearers to griefe (as vvomen you knovv are potēt in styrring of affections,) and caused them al to vvyshe that her Maiestie, had bene nigh to haue heard her vvordes.
I do vvel remember (quoth she) the first douzen The spech of a certayne Ladie of the Court. yeares of her highnes reign, hovv happie, pleasant and quiet they vvere, vvith al maner of comfort and consolation. Ther vvas no mention then of factions in religion, neither vvas anie man much noted or reiected for that cause: so other vvyse his conuersation vvere ciuile and courteous. No suspition of treason, no talke of bloodshed, no cōplaint of troubles, miseries or vexations. Al vvas peace, al vvas loue, al vvas ioye, al vvas delight. Her Ma. (I am sure) toke more recreation at that tyme, in one day, then she doth novv in a vvhole vveek: and vve that serued her highnes, enioyed more contentation in a vveek, then vve can novv in diuers yeares. For novv, ther are so manie suspitions, euery vvhere, for this thing and for that: as vve cannot tel vvhom to trust. So manie melancholique in the Court, that seme malcontented: so manie complayning or sueing for their friendes that are in trouble: other slip ouer the sea, or retire them [Page 180] selues vpon the sudden: so manie tales brought vs of this or that daunger, of this man suspected, of that man sent for vp, and such like vnpleasant and vnsauerie stuffe: as vve can neuer almoste be merry one vvhole day together.
VVherfore (quoth this Ladie) vve that are of her Ma. trayne and special seruice, and do not onlie feel thes thinges in our selues, but much more in the griefe of her moste excellent Ma. vvhom vve see daylie molested herevvith (being one of the best natures, I am sure, that euer noble Princesse vvas indued vvith al:) vve cannot but mone, to beholde More moderation vvisshed in matters of factiō. contentions aduaunced so far foorth as they are: and vve could vvish most hartilie that for the time to come, thes matters might passe vvith such peace, friendship & tranquility, as they do in other countries: vvher difference in religion breaketh not the bande of good felovvship or fidelitie. And vvith this in a similing maner, she brake of: asking pardon of the cōpanie, if she had spoken her opinion, ouer boldlie, like a vvoman.
To vvhom, ansvvered a Courtier, that sat next The speache of a Courtier. her: Madame, your Ladiship hath said nothing in this behalf, that is not dailie debated among vs, in our common speech in Court, as you knovv. Your desire also herein is a publique desire, if it might be brought to passe: for ther is no man so simple, that seeth not, hovv perilous thes cōtentions and deuisions among vs, may be in the end. And I haue heard diuers Gētlemen, that be learned, discourse at large vpon this argument: aleaging olde examples of the Athenians, Lacedemonians, Carthagenians, and Romans, vvho receyued notable dammages, [Page 181] and destruction also, in the end, by their diuisions and factions among them selues: and specialie frō thē of their ovvn Cities and Countries, vvho vpō The peril of diuisions & factions in a common vvealth. factiōs liued abroode vvyth forreyners: and therby vvere alvvayes as fire-brandes to carrie home the flambe of vvarre, vpon their countrie.
The like, they also shevved by the long experiēce of al the great Cities and states of Italie: vvhich by their factious and foruscites, vvere in cōtinual garboile, bloodshed and miserie. VVherof our ovvn countrie hath tasted also her parte, by the odious contention betvvene the houses of Lancaster and York: vvherin it is merueilous to consider, vvhat trouble a fevv men often tymes, departing out of the Realm, vvere able to vvork, by the parte of their factiō remaining at home (vvhich commōlie encreaseth tovvardes them that are absent,) & by the redines of forreine Princes, to receiue alvvaies, and comfort such, as are discontented in an other state: to the ende, that by their meanes, they might holde an ore in their neighbours bote: VVhich, Princes that are nigh borderers, do alvvayes aboue al other thinges most couet and desire.
This vvas that courtyers speech & reasō, vvherby I perceyued, that as vvel among them in Court, as among vs in the Realm and countrie abrode, the The daū gerous sequel of dissentiō in oure Realme. present inconueniēce & daungerous sequel of this our home dissention, is espyed: and consequentlie most English hartes inclined to vvishe the remedy or preuention therof, by some reasonable moderation, or revnion among our selues. For that the prosecution of thes differences to extremitie, can not but after manie vvoūdes & exulceratiōs bring [Page 182] matters finalie to rage, furie and most deadlie desperation.
VVheras on the other side, if any svveet qualification or small tolleration among vs, vvere admitted: ther is no doubt, but [...]hat affayres vvould passe in our Realm, vvyth more quietnes, safitie & publique vveale of the same, then it is like it vvil do long: and men vvould easilie be brought, that haue English bovvells, to ioyne in the preseruation of their countrie, from ruing, bloodshed, and forreine oppression, vvhich desperation of factions is vvoūt to procure.
GENTL.
I am of your opinion (quoth the Gentleman) in that, for I haue sene the experience therof, and al the vvorld beholdeth the same at this day, in al the Exāples of tolleration in matters of Reliligion. countries of Germanie, Polonia, Boemland, and Hungarie: vvher a litle bearing of th'one vvyth th'other, hath vvrought them much ease, & continued them a peace, vvherof al Europe besides, hath admiration and enuie. The first douzen yeares Germany also of her Ma. reigne, vvherof your Ladie of the Court discoursed before, can vvel be a vvitnesse of the same: VVherin the commiseration and lenitie that vvas vsed tovvards thos of the vveaker sorte, vvyth a certaine svvet diligence for their gaining, by good meanes: vvas the cause of much peace, cō tentation, and other benefit to the vvhole bodie,
VVe see in Fraunce, that by ouer much pressing The breach & revnion againe in Fraunce. of one parte onlie, a fyre vvas in kindled not manie yeares since, like to haue consumed and destroyed the vvhole: had not a necessarie mollification bene thought vpon, by the vvisest of that kinges Councell, full contrarie to the vvil & inclination of some [Page 183] great personnages, vvho meant perhapes to haue gained more by the other. And since that tyme, vve see vvhat peace, vvealth and revniō, hath insued in that countrie, that vvas so broken, disseuered & vvasted before. And al this, by yeeldīg a litle in that thing, vvhich no force can master, but exculcerat rather, and make vvorse: I mean the conscience and iudgement of men in matters of religion.
The like also I could name you in Flaūders, vvher Flaūders. after al thes broyles and miseries, of so manie yeares vvarres (caused principaly by to much streyning in such affaires at the beginning) albeit, the king be neuer so strycte-laced, in yeelding to publyque lybertye, and free exercyse on both partes: yet is he descended to this at length, (and that vpon force of reason,) to absteine from the pursute and searche of mens consciences, not onlie in the tovvnes vvhich vpō cōpositiō he receiueth, but also vvhere he hath recouered by force, as in Tornay, & other places: vvher I am informed that no mā is searched, demaunded, or molested for his opinion or conscience, nor anie acte of Papistry or contrarie religion required at their handes: but are permitted to liue quietlie to God & them selues, at home in their ovvn houses: so they performe othervvise, their outvvard obedience & dueties to their Prince & country. VVhich onlie qualification, tollerance, & moderatiō in our Realm (yf I be not deceyued, vvyth manie more that be of my opinion) vvould cōtent al diuisions, factiōs, & parties amōg vs, for their continuance in peace: be they Papistes, Puritanes, Familians, or of vvhat soeuer nyce difference or section besides, and vvould be sufficient to [Page 184] reteyne al parties, vvythin a temperat obedience to the magistrat and gouernment, for conseruatiō of their countrie: vvhich vvere of no smal importāce to the contētation of her Ma. and vveale publique of the vvhole kingdom
But vvhat shoulde I talke of this thing, vvhich Moderation impugned bythe cō spirators. Cicero. Cateline. is so contrarie to the desires and designementes of our puisant cōspiratours? VVhat should Cicero the Senatour vse persuasions to Captaine Cateline & his crevv, that quietnes and order, vvere better thē hurleburlies? Is it possible that our aspirours, vvil euer permit anie such thing, cause, or matter, to be treated in our state, as may tend to the stabilitie of her Ma. present gouernment. No surelie: it standeth nothing vvyth their vvisdō or pollicie: especialie at this instant, vvhen they haue such oportunitie of folovving their ovvn actions in her Maiesties name, vnder the vizarde and pretext, of her defence The conspirarors oportunytie. and safitie: hauing sovved in euerie mans head, so manie imaginations of the daungers present, both abrode and at home: from Scotland, Flaunders, Spaine, & Irelāde: so manie conspiracies, so manie intended murders, & others so manie cō triued or conceyued mishyeues: as my L. of Leycester assureth him self, that the troubled vvater cā not be cleared againe, in short space, not his baites and lines layde therin, easilie espied: but rather, that hereby ere long, he vvil catche the fishe he gapeth so gredilie after: and in the meane tyme, for the pursute of thes crymes, and other that daylie he vvil finde out, him self must remaine perpetual dictator.
But vvhat meaneth this so much inculcating of [Page 185] troubles, treasons, murders and inuasions? I like not surelie thes omnious speeches. And as I am out of doubt, that Leycester the caster of thes shadovves, doth loke to play his parte first in thes troublesome affaires: so do I hartelie feare that onles the tyrannie of this Leycestriane furie be spedilie stopped, that such miserie to Prince, & people (vvhich the Lord for his mercies sake turne from vs) as neuer greater fel before to oure miserable coū trie: is far nearer hād then is expected or suspected.
And therfore, for preuention of thes calamities, to tell you plainlie mine opinion (good Sirs) and thervvyth to dravv to an end of this our conferēce (for it vvaxeth late:) I vvould think it the most necessary point of al for her Ma. to cal his Lordship to accompt among other, and to see vvhat other Leycester to be called to accompt. men could say against him, at lēgthe, after so manie yeares of his sole accusing and pursueing of others. I knovv & am verie vvel assured, that no one acte vvhich her Ma. hath done since her cōming to the Crovvn (as she hath done ryght manie moste highlie to be cōmended.) nor anie, that lightlie her Ma. may do her after, can be of more vtilitie to her self, and to the Realm, or more grateful vnto her faithful & zelous subiectes: then this noble acte of iustyce vvould be, for tryal of thys mans desertes tovvardes his countrie.
I say it vvould be profitable to her Ma. and to the Realm, not onlie in respect of the manie daungers before mētioned, hereby to be auoided, vvhich are like to ensue most certenlie, if his courses be stil permitted: but also, for that her Maiestie shal by this, deliuer her self, from that general [Page 186] grudge and griefe of minde, vvith great dislike, vvhich manie subiectes, othervvise moste faythful, haue cōceiued against the excessiue fauour shevved to this man, so manie yeares, vvithout desert or reason. VVhich fauour, he hauing vsed to the hurt annoyance and oppression both of infinit seueral persons, and the vvhole cōmon vvealth (as hath bene said:) the griefe & resentimēt therof, doth redound commonlie in such cases, not onlie vpon the person delinquent alone, but also vpon the soueraine, by vvhos fauour & authoritie he offereth such iniuries, though neuer so much against the others intent, vvil, desire, or meaning.
And hereof vve haue examples of sundrie Princes, in al ages and countries: vvhos exorbitant fauour to some vvicked subiect that abused the same: hath bene the cause of great daunger and ruyn: the sinnes of the fauorit, being returned, and reuenged, vpon the fauourer. As in the historie of the Grecians is declared, by occasion of the pitiful The death of K. Philip of Macedonie & cause therof. murder of that vvise and victorious Prince Philip of Macedonie, vvho albeit, that he vvere vvel assured to haue giuen no offence of him self to anie of his subiectes, and consequentlie feared nothing, but conuersed openlie and confidentlie among them: yet, for that he had fauoured to much one Duke Attalus a proude and insolent Courtyer, and had borne him out in certaine of his vvickednes, or at least, not punished the same after it vvas detected and complained vpon: the parties grieued, accompting the crime more proper and hainous on the parte of him, vvho by office should do iustice, and protect other, then of the perpetrator, vvho [Page 187] folovveth but his ovvn passion and sensualitie: let passe Attalus, and made their reuenge vpon the blood and life of the king him self, by one Pausanias, Pausanias. suborned for that purpose, in the mariage day of the kings ovvn daughter.
Great store of like examples might be repeated, out of the stories of other countries, nothing being more vsual or frequēt amōg al nations, then the afflictions of Realmes and kingedomes, and the ouerthrovv of Princes and great potentates them selues, by their to much affection, tovvardes some vnvvorthie particular persons: a thing inded so common and ordinarie, as it may vvel seme to be the specialest rock of al other, vvherat kinges and Princes do make their shipvvrackes.
For if vve loke into the states and Monarchies of al Christendom, and consider, the ruines that haue bene of anie Prince or ruler vvithin the same: vve shal finde this point, to haue bene a great and principal parte of the cause therof: and in our ovvn state & coūtry, the matter is toto euidēt. For vvheras, Kinges of Englād ouer throvven by to much fauoring of some particular men. since the conquest, vve number principalie, thre iust and lavvful kinges, to haue come to cōfusion, by alienation of their subiectes: that is, Edvvard the second, Richard the second, and Henry the sixt, this onlie point of to much fauour tovvardes vvicked persons, vvas the chiefest cause of destruction, in al thre. As in the first, the excessiue fauour tovvardes Peter Gauesten and tvvo of the Spencers. In the second, the like extraordinarie, and indiscrete affection K. Edvvard. 2. tovvardes Robert Vere Earle of Oxeford, and Marques of Dubline, and Thomas Movvbray, tvvo K. Richard. 2. moste turbulent and vvicked men, that set the [Page 188] kinge againste his ovvne vncles and the nobilitie.
In the third, (being a simple and holie man) albeit, no great exorbitant affection vvas sene tovvards K. Henrie. 6. any, yet his vvife Quene Margarets to much fauour and credit (by him not controled) tovvards the Marques of Suffolke, that after vvas made Duke, by vvhos instinct and vvicked Counsail, she made avvay first the noble Duke of Glocester, and aftervvard committed other thinges in great preiudice of the Realm, and suffred the said moste impious & sinful Duke, to range & make hauock of al sorte of subiectes, at his pleasure, (much after the fashion of the Earle of Leycester novv, though yet not in so high and extreme a degre:) this I say vvas the principal and original cause, both before God and man, (as Polidore vvel noteth) of al the Pol. lib. 23. hist. Angl. calamitie and extreme desolation, vvhich after ensued both to the kinge, Queene, and theyr onelie child, vvith the vtter extirpation of theyr familie.
And so likevvyse novv to speak in our particular case, if ther be anie grudge or griefe at this day, anie mislike, repining, complaint or murmure, against her Ma. gouernment, in the hartes of her true and faithful subiectes, vvho vvish amendmēt of that vvhich is amisse, and not the ouerthrovv of that vvhich is vvel: (as I trovv it vvere no vvisdom to imagine ther vvere none at al:) I dare auouch vpon conscience, that either al, or the greatest parte therof, procedeth from this man: vvho by the fauour of her Ma. so afflicteth her people, as neuer did before him, either Gauestō, or Spēcer, or Vere, or Movvbray, or anie other mischieuous Tyraunt, [Page 189] that abused moste his Princes fauour vvithin our Realm of England. VVherby it is euident hovv profitable a thing it should be to the vvhole Realme, hovv honorable to her Ma. and hovv grateful to al her subiectes, if this man at length might be called to his accompt.
LAVV.
Sir (quoth the Lavvyer) you aleage great reason, and verilie I am of opinion, that if her Ma. knevv but the tenth parte of this, vvhich you haue here spoken, as also her good subiectes desires and complaint in this behalfe: she vvould vvel shevv, that her highnes feareth not to permit iustice to passe vpon Leycester, or anie other vvithin her Realm, for satisfaction of her people, vvhat soeuer some men may think and report to the contrarie, or hovv soeuer othervvise of her ovvne mylde disposition, or good affection tovvardes the person, she haue borne vvith him hitherto. For so vve see, that vvise Princes can do at tymes conuenient, for peace, tranquilitie, and publique vveale: though contrarie to their ovvn particular and peculiar inclination.
As to goe no furder, then to the last example named and aleaged by your self before: though Queene Margaret the vvife of K. Henrie the sixt, The punishemēt of VVilliā Duke of Suffolke. had fauoured moste vnfortunatlie manie yeares together VVillm. Duke of Suffolke, (as hath bene said) vvherby he committed manifold outrages, & afflicted the Realm by sundrie meanes: yet she being a vvoman of great prudence, vvhen she savv the vvhole communaltie demaund iustice vppon him for his demerites, albeit she liked and loued the man still: yet for satisfaction of the people, [Page 190] vpon so general a complaint: she vvas content, An. 30. of King [...] Hērie. 6. first to commit him to prison, and aftervvard to banish him the Realm: but the prouidence of God vvould not permit him so to escape: for that he being incountred, and taken vpon the sea in his passage, he vvas beheaded in the ship, and so receyued some parte of condigne punishment for his most vvicked, loose, and licentious life.
And to seeke no more examples in this case, vve knovv into vvhat fauour and special grace Sir Edmond Dudley my Lord of Leycesters good Graundfather vvas crept, vvith king Henrie the seuenth, in the later end of his reigne: and vvhat intollerable vvickednes & mischiefe he vvrought againste the vvhole Realme, and againste infinit particular persons of the same, by the poolinges & oppressions vvhich he practised: vvherby though the king receyued great temporal commoditie at that tyme, (as her Ma. doth nothing at al, by the present extorsions of his nephevv:) yet for iustice sake, & for meere compassion tovvardes The punishmēt of Edmond Dudley. his afflicted subiectes, that complained greuouslie of this iniquitie: that moste vertuous and vvise Prince K. Henrie, vvas content to put from him, this levvde instrument, and deuillishe suggestour of nevv exactions: vvhom his sonne Henrie, that insued in the Crovvn, caused presentlie before al other busines, to be called publiquelie to accompt, and for his desertes to leese his head. So as vvhere the interest of a vvhole Realm, or cōmon cause of manie, taketh place: the priuate fauour of anie one, cannot stay a vvise and godlie Prince, (such as al the vvorld knovveth her Ma. to be) frō permitting [Page 191] iustice to haue her free passage.
GENTL.
Truelie it should not (quoth the Gentleman) for to that end vvere Princes first elected, & vpon that consideration do subiectes paye them both tribute and obedience: to be defended by them The causes vvhie Princes vvere chosen & do receyue obediēce. from iniuries and oppressions, and to see lavves executed, & iustice excercised, vpon and tovvardes al men, vvyth indifferencie. And as for our particular case of my Lord of Leycester, I do not see in right and equitie, hovv her Ma. may denie this lavvful desire and petition of her people. For yf her highnes do permit and commaūd the lavves daylie to passe vpon thieues and murderers, vvythout exception, and that for one facte onlie, as by experience vve see: hovv then can it be denied in this man, vvho in both kindes hath committed more enormous actes, then may be vvel recompted.
As in the first, of theft, not onlie by spoyling Leycest. Theftes. and oppressing almoste infinit priuate men: but also vvhole tovvnes, villages, corporations, and countries, by robbing the Realme vvyth inordinate licences, by deceyuing the Crovvn vvyth racking, changing and imbezeling the landes, by abusing his Prince and soueraine in selling his fauour both at home and abrode: vvyth taking bribes for matter of iustice, grace, request, supplication, or vvhat soeuer sute els may depend vpon the Court or of the Princes authoritie: vvyth setting at saile and making open market, of vvhat soeuer her Ma. can giue, do, or procure, be it spiritual or temporal. In vvhich sorte of trafique, he committeth more thefte, often tymes in one day: then [Page 192] al the vvayekeepers, cutpurses, cousiners, pirates, burglares, or other of that arte in a vvhole yeare, vvythin the Realm.
And as for the seconde, vvhich is murder, you Leycest. murders. haue hearde before somevvhat saide and prooued: but yet nothing, to that vvhich is thought to haue bene in secret committed vpon diuers occasions at diuers tymes, in sundrie persons, of different calling in both sexes, by most variable meanes of killing, poysoning, charming, inchaunting, coniuring and the like: according to the diuersitie of men, places, opportunities and instrumentes for the same. By al vvhich meanes, I think, he hath more blood lying vpon his heade at this daye, crying vengeance against him at Godes handes and her Ma. then euer had priuate man in our countrie before, vvere he neuer so vvicked.
VVherto novv, yf vve ad his other good behauiour, A heape of Leices. enormities that vvould be redie at the daye of his trial as his intollerable licenciousnes in al filthie kinde and maner of carnalitie, vvyth al sorte of vviues, friendes and kinsvvomen: yf vve ad his iniuries and dis honours, done hereby to infinit: yf vve ad his treasons, treacheries and conspiracies about the Crovvn: his disloyal behauiour and hatred against her Ma. his ordinarie lying, and common periuring him self, in al matters for his gaine, both great and smal: his rapes and moste violent extorsions vpon the poore: his abusing of the Parliament and other places of iustyce, vvyth the Nobylytie and vvhole communaltie besides: yf vve ad also his open iniuries vvhich he offereth daylie to religion, and the Ministers [Page 193] therof, by tything them, and turning all to his ovvn gaine: together vvyth his manifest and knovven tyrannie practized tovvardes al estates abrode, throughout al Shires of the kingdom: his dispoylinge of both the vniuersities, and discouraging of infinit notable vvittes ther, from seeking perfection of knovvledge and learning, (vvhich othervvise vvere like to become notable) especialy in Gods vvord (vvhich giueth life vnto the soule,) by defrauding them of the price and revvarde proposed for their trauaile in that kinde, through his insatiable Simoniacal contractes: yf, I say, vve should lay together al thes enormities before her Maiestie, and thovvsandes more in particular, vvhich might and vvoulde be gathered, yf his day of tryal vvere but in hope to be graunted. I d [...] not see in equitie and reason, hovv her highnes sitting in throne, and at the Royal Sterne, as she doth, could denie her subiectes this moste lavvful request: considering, that euerie one of thes crymes aparte, requireth iustice of his ovvn nature: and much more al together ought to obteine the same, at the handes of anie good and godlie Magistrate in the vvorld.
SCHOL.
No doubt (quoth I) but that thes considerations, must needes vveigh much vvyth anie zelous Prince, and much more vvyth her moste excellent Maiestie: vvhos tender hatt tovvardes her Her Ma. tēder hart tovvardes the Realm Realm & subiectes, is verie vvel knovven of al mē. It is not to be thought also but that her highnes hath intelligence of diuers of thes matters aleaged, though not perhaps of al. But vvhat vvould you [Page 194] haue her Ma. to do? perhaps the consultation of this affayre, is not, vvhat vvere conuenient, but vvhat is expedyent: not, vvhat ought to be done in iustice, but vvhat may be done in safetie. You haue described my Lord before to be a great man, stronglie furnished and fortyfyed for al euentes. VVhat yf it be not secure to barck at the Beare that is so vvel I brytched? I speake vnto you but that vvhich I heare in Cambrige and other places, vvher I haue passed: vvhere euerie mans opinion is, that her Maiestie standeth not in free choyse to doe vvhat her self best lyketh in that case, at this daye.
GENTL.
I knovv (said the Gentleman) that Leycesters friends giue it out euerie vvhere, that her Ma. novv, is their good Lords prisoner, and that she either vvil or must be directed by him for the tyme to Lei. desire that men should think her Ma. to stand in feare of him. come, except she vvil do vvorse: VVhich thing his Lordship is vvel contēted should be spred abrode, and belieued, for tvvo causes: the one to hold the people therby more in avve of him self, then of their soueraine, and secondlie to dravv her Ma. in deed, by degrees to feare him. For considering vvith him self vvhat he hath done: and that it is impossible in trueth that euer her Maiestie should loue him againe, or trust him after so manie treacheries, as he vvel knovveth are come to her highnes vnderstanding: he thinketh that he hath no vvay of sure standing, but by terrour, and opinion of his puissaunt greatnes: vvherby he vvould hold her Maiestie, and the Realm in thraldom, as his father did in his tyme before him: And then for that [Page 195] he vvel remembreth the true saing, Malus custos Cicero in Officio. diuturnitatis, metus: he must prouyde shortlie that thos vvhich feare him, be not able to hurt him: and consequentlie you knovv, vvhat A rule of Machiuel obserued by the Dudleys. must folovv, by the example of K. Edvvard, vvho feared Duke Dudley extremelie, for that he had cut of his tvvo vncles heades, and the Duke toke order that he should neuer liue to reuenge the same: For it is a setled rule of Machiuel, vvhich the Dudleys do obserue: That, vvhere you haue once done a great iniurie, ther m [...]st you neuer forgiue.
But I vvil tel you (my friendes) and I vvil tel Lei strōg onlie by her Ma. fauour. you no vntrueth, for that I knovv vvhat I speake herein, and am priuie to the state of my Lord in this behalf, and of mens opinions and affections tovvardes him vvithin the Realm. Moste certaine it is, that he is strong by the present fauour of the Prince, (as hath bene shevved before) in respect vvherof, he is admitted also as chiefe patron of the Huntington faction, though neither loued nor greatlie trusted of the same: but let her Maiestie once turne her countenaunce a side from him, in good earnest, and speake but the vvord onlie, that iustice shal take place against him: and I vvil vndertake vvith gadging of both my life and litle landes that God hath giuē me, that vvithout sturre or trouble, or anie daunger in the vvorld, the Beare An offer made for taking & tyeig the Beare. shalbe taken to her Maiesties hand, & fast chained to a stake, vvith mouzele cord, collar & ring, and al other thinges necessarie: so that her Maiestie shal bate him at her pleasure, vvithout al daunger of bytyng, [Page 196] breaking loose, or anie other inconuenience vvhat soeuer.
For (Syrs) you must not think, that this man holdeth anie thing abrode in the Realme, but by violence, and that onlie vpon her Maiesties fauour and countenaunce tovvardes him. He hath not anie thing of his ovvn, either from his ancestoures, or of him self, to staye vpon, in mens hartes or conceiptes: h [...] hath not auncient nobilitie, as other of our Realme haue, vvherby mens affections are Lei. vvhat he recey ueth f [...]ō his ancestours. greatlie moued. His father Iohn Dudley vvas the first noble of his line: vvho raysed and made him selfe bygge by supplanting of other, and by setting debate amonge the nobilitie: as also his Grandfather Edmond, a moste vvicked promotor, and vvretched petifogar, enriched him self by other mens ruynes: both of them condemned traytours, though differēt in qualitie, the one being a Cousiner, and the other a Tyraunt, & both of their vices conioyned, colected, and comprised (vvith manie more additions) in this man (or beaste rather) vvhich is Robert, the third of their kinne & kinde. So that, from his ancestours, this Lord receyueth neither honour nor honestie, but onlie succession of treason and infamie.
And yet in him self hath he much lesse of good, vvhervvith to procure him self loue or credit among men, then thes ancestoures of his had: he being a man vvholie abandonned of humane vertue, and deuoted to vvickednes, vvhich maketh men odible both to God and man. In his father (no doubt) ther vvere to be seene manie excellent good [Page 197] partes, if they had bene ioined vvith faith, honesty, The compary son of Leices. vvyth his father. moderatiō, & loyalty. For al the vvorld knovveth, that he vvas verie vvyse, valyant, magnammous, liberal, and assured friendlie vvher he once promised: of al vvhich vertues, my Lord his sonne, hath neither shevv nor shadovv, but onlie a certaine false representation of the first, being craftie and subtile to deceiue, & ingenious to vvickednes. For as for val [...]ur, he hath as much as hath a mouse: his magnanimity, is base sordiditi [...] his liberality, rapine: his friendship, plaine fraude, holding onlie for his gaine and no othervvise, though it vvere bound vvith a thovvsand othes: of vvhich he maketh as great accōpt, as hennes do of cackling, but onlie for his commoditie: vsing them specialie and in greatest number, vvhen moste he meaneth to deceiue. Namelie if he svveare solemnlie, by his George, or by the eternal God, then be sure it is a false lye: for thes are obseruations in the Court: & some tymes in his ovvn lodging, in like case his maner is to take vp and svveare by the Bible, vvherby a Gētleman of good accompt, & one that seemeth to folovv him, (as manie do that like him but a litle) protested to me of his knovvledge, that in a verie short space, he obserued him, vvittingly & vvillingly, to be forsvvorne sixtiene tymes. The vveaknes of Ley. yf her Ma. [...]urne but her countenaunce from him.
This man therfore, so contemptible by his auncestours, so odible of him self, so plunged, ouervvhelmed, and defamed in al vice, so enuied in the Court, so detested in the countrie, and not trusted of his ovvn and dearest friendes: nay, (vvhich I am priuie to) so misliked and hated of [Page 198] his ovvn seruauntes about him, for his beastlie lyfe, nigardye, and Atheisme, (beyng neuer sene yet, to say one priuate prayer vvythin his chamber in his lyfe) as they desire nothing in this vvorld so much as his ruyn, and that they may be the first, to lay handes vpon him, for reuenge. This man (I say) so broken both vvythin and vvythout, is it possible that her Ma. and her vvyse Councell should feare? I can neuer belieue it: or yf it be so: it is Gods pe [...]ission vvythout al cause, for punishment of our sinnes: for that this man, yf he once perceyue indeed, that they feare him, vvil handle them accordingly and playe the Beare indeed: vvhych inconuenience I hope they vvil haue care to preuent, and so I leaue it to God and them: crauing pardon of my Lord of Leycester for my boldnes, yf I haue bene to plaine vvyth him. And so I pray you let vs go to supper, for I see my seruaunt expecting, yonder, at the Gallerie doore, to cal vs dovvn.
LAVV.
To that, said the lavvyer, I am content vvith The end & departure from the Gallerie. al my harte: and I vvould it had bene sooner, for that I am a feard, lest anie by chaunce haue ouerheard vs here since night. For my ovvn parte, I must say, that I haue not bene at such a conference this seuen yeares, nor meane to be hereafter, yf I may escape vvel vvyth this: vvherof I am sure I shal dreame this foruthnight, and think oftener of my Lord of Leycester, then euer I had entended: God amend him and me both. But yf euer I heare at other handes of thes matters hereafter, I shal surelie be quake-britch, and think euerie bushe [Page 199] a thyefe. And vvyth that, came vp the Mystres of the house, ro fetch vs dovvn to supper, and so al vvas vvhusht, sauing that at supper a Gentlemanor tvvo beganne againe to speake of my Lord, and that so conformable to some of our former speech (as indeed it is the common talke at tables euerie vvhere) that the olde Lavvyer began to shrink and be appaled, and to cast drye lookes vpon the Gentleman oure friende: doubting least somthing had bene discouered of our conference. But in deed, it vvas not so.
PIA ET VTILIS MEDITATIO, DEsumpta ex libro Iobi. CAP. 20.
HOC scio a principio, ex quo positus est homo super terram, quòd laus impiorum, breuis sit ex gaudiū hipocritae ad instar pūcti. Si ascēderit vs (que) ad coelū superbta eius, & caput cius nubes tetigerit: quasi sterquiliniū in fine perdetur, & qui eū viderāt, dicēt, vbi est? velut somniū auolās nō inuentetur, trāsiet sicut visio noctur na. Oculus qui eu viderat, nō videbit, ne (que) vltra intuebitur eū locus suus. Filij eius atterētur egestate, & manus illius reddēt ei laborē suū. Ossa eius implebūtur vitijs adolescētiae eius, & cum eo in puluere dermient. Panis eius in vtero illius; vertetur in fel aspidum intrinsecus. Diuitias quas deuorauit, euomet, & de ventre illius extrahet eas Deus. Caput aspidum surget, & occidet eum linguam viperae, [...]uet quae fecit omnia, nec tamen cōsumetur. luxta multitudinem adinuentionum suarum, sic & susiinebit. Quoniam cōfringens nudauit pauperes: domū rapuit, & non aedificauit cam: nec est satiatus venter eius, & cum habuerit quae concupierit, possidere non peterit. Non remā sit de cibo eius, & propterea non permanebit de bonis eius. Cum satiatus fuerit, arctabitur, aestuabit, & omnis dolor irruet super eum. Vtinā impleatur venter eius, vt immittat in eum (Deus) [...]ram furori [...] sui, & pluat super illum bellū suum. Fugiet arma ferrea, & irruet in arcū aereum. Gladius eductus & egrediēs de vagina sua, & fulgurās in amaritudine sua: Omnes tenebrae absconditae sunt in occultis eius. Deuorabit eum ignis qui non succenditur, affligetur relictus in tabernaculo suo. Apertum erit germen domus illtus, detrahetur in die furoris Dei. Haec est pars hominis impij, à Deo, & haereditas verborum eius à Domino.
A GODLIE AND PROfitable meditation taken out of the 20. Chapter of the Booke of Iob.
THIS I knovve from the first that man vvas The vvicked mans pompe. His ioye. His prid. His fall. placed vpō earth, that the prayse (or applause) gyuen to vvicked men, endureth but a litle, and the ioye of an hypocrite, is but for a moment. Thoughe his pride vvere so great as to mount to heauen, and his head should touch [...] the skyes: yet in the end shal he come to perdition as a dung-hill, & they vvho beheld him (in glorie before) shal saye, vvher is he? he shalbe founde as a flying dreame, & as a phantasie by night shal fade avvay. The eye that beheld him before, shal no more see him, nor yet shal his place (of honour) His children. His olde age. His breade. euer more behold him. His children shal be vvorne out vvith beggarie and his ovvn handes shal return vpon him his sorrovv. His (olde) bones shal be reple [...]ished, vvith the vices of his youthe, and they shal sleepe vvith him in his graue. His bread in his belly, shalbe turned invvardely into the gaule of serpentes. The riches vvhich he hath deuoured, he shal vomit foorth againe, and god His restitution. shal pull them foorth of his belly. He shal sucke the head of Cocatrices, & the (venemous) tōgues of adders shal slea him. He shal susteyne due punishemēt for al the vvickednes His punishemēt that he hath comitted, nor yet shal he haue end or consumation therof. He shal suffer according to the multitude of al his vvicked inuentions. For that by violence His vvickednes. he hath spoiled the poore, made hauock of his house, and not buylded the same. His vvombe is neuer satisfied, and yet vvhen he hath that vvhich he desyred, he shall not be able to possesse the same. Ther remayneth no part of his meate (for the poore:) and therfore ther shal His grief remayne nothinge of his goodes. VVhen his bellie is ful, then shal he begin to be straytened, then shal he svvear, and al kinde of sorrovv shal rush vpon him. I vvould his bellie vvere once ful, that God might send foorth vpon His afflictiō. him the rage of his furie, and rayne vpon him his vvarre. He shal flie avvay from y [...]on vveapons, and runne vpon [Page] abovve of brasse. A dravven svvorde comming out of his skabarde shal flashe as lightnīg in his bitternes. Al darknes His damnation. lye hydden for him in secret: the fiar that needeth no kindling shal deuoure him, & he shalbe tormented alone in his tabernacle. The ofspring of his house His posteritie. shalbe made open and pulled dovvn in the daye of Gods furie. This is the portion of a vvicked man from God, and this is the inheritaūce of his substance from the Lord.