NEVER was there wanting vnto euill sub­iectes pretence to take Armes agaynst their princes, and neuer also was there wanting to Princes meanes to bee reuenged of such subiects: For God that maketh Princes, and appointeth them ouer peoples and nations, taketh their cause into his hands, and findeth himselfe offended and hurt in their persons. God which seeth y^e hearts, knoweth all colours and pretences, and hath skill to distinguish and sort them out from true causes. Nothing prouoketh him more, then the abuse of his name alleaged in vaine, & without warrāt: he punisheth nothing more then hypocrisie, treason, & confusion disguised and cloked with the [Page 2] faire names of fayth, religion and iustice.

At this present, when as we see these troubles and alterations arising in this Realme, it behooueth euery subiect of this Realme of France to be circumspect and to take heede, that they be not led to any euil by any colour or apparance what­soeuer which may bee cast before them. Let vs therefore call to mynde thinges which are past, and thereunto compare and apply things present: so shall we see whence these troubles proceede, we shall also foresee whereunto they tend, and so shall we easily iudge what issue wee may expect of them in tyme to come.

It is a thing notoriously knowen in this Realme, that those of the house of Guise giue out and pretend that they be descen­ded of the race of Charlemaigne, and by this title pretend that the kingdome ap­pertaineth vnto thē. The petigrees which they haue not long since falsified, the de­clarations which they haue dispersed from hand to hand, and many other their like practises doe witnesse this sufficiently: But especially, not to looke too farre back, this appeareth by the volume which they [Page 3] caused to be printed at Paris foure or fiue yeeres since, written by one De Rosiers, Archdeacon of Thowl. In which, by alle­gations vntruely suggested, counterfeited and drawen beyond and against the true sence, y^e said De Rosiers laboreth to prooue that those of this house are descended frō Pharamond, and from line to line continu­ed to those which are now liuing, inten­ding therby to insinuate that this Crowne pertained vnto thē, before Capet, Charles, and Meroue were euer called thereunto. This booke was then commonly sold at Paris, and so through all France: & com­ming to the kings knowledge, Monsieur Brulart now President of the Inquests, was sent to Thowl with Commission to pro­ceed agaynst the authour, which hee did according to lawe: but by the kings mer­cy hee obtained pardon, neuerthelesse was adiudged to make a solemne submis­sion and amendes in open presence, to confesse himselfe guiltie of treason, and to retract by some contrary writing that which he had done.

It was alwayes well knowen to those of this house, that as long as this realme [Page 4] remained vnited and in peace, it would be very hard for them to attaine vnto their purpose, and therefore haue they sought to continue it in troubles. And so long as they could winne this point, what mise­ries soeuer the warre did bring vpon the poore people, or confusion into the state, they neuer seemed at all thereat to bee mooued, nor gaue any signe or semblance to be touched or grieued therewith. And the reason was, because the blood of France was by this meanes shed & spent, and they minded to make their profite of this weakenesse, beyng at that tyme the chiefe instruments of the miserie of the people, & making account that the more the same did growe vpon the people, the better occasion they should one day haue to vse it for a meanes of their innouati­ons, hauing withall gotten both the for­ces and authoritie into their hands, wher­with they might gayne credit and power amongst men: and in this maner by de­grees haue they laied the foundation of their greatnesse vpon our ruines, whilest the warre by litle and litle proceeded on, corrupting the mindes of men, and sup­planting [Page 5] their allegiaunce, acquaintyng them with following of partialities and factions, and so making them fitter for a­ny alterations and changes, agaynst the tyme that should seeme best for their purpose.

The pretence of religion serued them for an occasion to entertaine these ciuill warres, and no heede was taken at the first, how vnder this goodly title they abu­sed the deuotion of our princes, and the zeale of our nation to their purposes, and how this was but a pretence & not a true cause: who so euer knew the Cardinal of Lorraine vncle to these that now are, will make small doubt thereof. For whilest he kindled fire at the fower corners of this realme, putting all in combustion vn­der a colour of feruencie of this pretended zeale of religion, hee doubted not to de­clare to the princes of Germany that hee was of their confession, and that his mea­ning was to bring it into Fraunce: and, to gratifie them, caused his nephewes to bee brought vp and instructed in the confessi­on of Ausburge, & then let speaches fall a­mongst his familiar friends, that if those [Page 6] of the reformed religion had not accoun­ted and made those of his house as ene­mies and parties, there had bene good meanes to haue made some friendly com­position and agreement concernyng the difference which was for religion.

In the end it was found by the wisdom of our Princes, after all extremities had bene assaied, that religion woulde not be planted nor taught by armes: that force might in deede breede hypocrites, but not Christians: that the warres, as mothers of all corruption, in steade of driuing out a contrary religion, did bring in Atheisme: & especially, that these persons which so earnestly gaue counsell to make warre for religion, were no more religious then o­thers, but that they were like cunning Barbers, which tooke a course to keepe the wounde greene, and to drawe the cure in length for their owne profite, and that there was apparant daunger, least in time they should verifie the prophecie of king Francis the great, vttered in these wordes, That those of the house of Guise, would strippe his children into their dou­blets, and his poore people to their shirtes. [Page 7] And in deede it was obserued by certaine Catholikes, that on S. Bartholomews day of the Massacre in Paris, after they had in­duced the late king Charles to destroy those of the Religion, they were content vnder this shadowe to dispatch the parti­cular enemies of their house, and to re­uenge their priuate quarels: yea, they she­wed them selues milde and pitifull in all the places of their gouernments, and so euery way made their profite of the rigour and seueritie of that Prince, who by the sharpnesse of his witte coulde right well finde it out at length.

It is known also, that the king that now reigneth, employed his yong yeeres with all the prosperous and fortunate successe that could be wished, to suppresse those of the contrary religion, and afterwardes comming to the crowne, for a while con­tinued all the former rigorous maners of proceeding, till he found that it lay not in forces to subdue and quiet the conscien­ces of men, & that in seeking to roote out one part of his people, he did ouerthrowe and bring to ruine his whole realme and state. Hee resolued therefore after the ex­ample [Page 8] of many great princes and states his neighbours rounde about him which he had seene, to ende the troubles of his realme by a good peace, permitting eue­ry man to liue according to his cōscience, vntill such time as by a good and generall Council some order might be taken ther­in. In the meane while, he determined to trauell to reduce the Cleargie to their an­cient order, to bestow the places and dig­nities of the Church vpon persons suffici­ent and carefull in their charges as much as he might, and knowing of what force the example of a Prince is in all things, he endeuoured to frame himself as a paterne of deuotion to his Court, his Princes and Nobilitie, esteeming this to be the onely true & lawfull meanes, ordeined of God, and practised by the wisest princes for the reuniting of the Church, and reducing of mens consciences.

But scarcely had his Maiestie made the peace which was concluded about the ende of the yeere 1577, and shewed some desire in himselfe to continue it, and no more vnprofitably to bende his forces a­gainst the forces of his subiectes, but these [Page 9] men seeing therby their meanes cut from them to aduance their authority by warre and armes, bethought themselues of new attemptes, and made it appeare that the ciuill warres were to them a commodi­tie and vantage, that is to say, that our pulling downe was their building: And therefore, when as religion serued not their turne, they aduised to trouble y^e state vnder another pretence.

Then they did finde meanes to solicite sundrie prouinces of this realme to rebel­lion by certaine men of their faction, set­ting before them the oppression of the Cleargie, but not telling them that the warres which they had kindled and nou­rished were the cause thereof, and that the late Cardinal of Lorraine their vncle was hee that first had propounded & pro­cured the increase of the accustomed tenthes, and the sale and alienation of part of the Temporalties of the Spiritualtie: whereupon hee got at Rome the name of the scourge of the French Church. They alledged the decay and disgrace of the Nobilitie, not telling them that those of their house, during the time they were in [Page 10] authoritie, had kept downe and discoun­tenanced as much as in them lay, euen the Princes of the blood, presuming them­selues to be called the chiefe persons of all the Nobilitie: And the decay of the Nobi­litie can not or ought to be ascribed but to the authours of the ciuill warres, and so likewise the embasing of all places, offi­ces and dignities belonging to that cal­ling, for as much as he that bringeth in ci­uill warre into a state, bringeth in by the same gate confusiō into all roomes & cal­lings, which it is not possible afterwards sudainly to redresse and reduce at once: They propounded the raising of taxes and inuentions of new exactions and imposi­tions vpon the poore people, but added not that the warre alwaies causeth newe charges to Princes and to the people con­sequently, and that the only meanes to re­lieue them, was to suffer the peace to con­tinue. For the people coulde not yet haue any feeling of the goodnes of their Prince, because when hee was but newly gotten foorth of one warre, he entred into newe trouble, & so hoping to haue ease at their Princes hand, it was found that the reme­die [Page 11] grew worse then the first sore: yea, on the contrary side, this did take from the Prince the meanes to disburden his peo­ple, considering especially that ten yeeres of impositions are not so chargeable vnto the people as one yeeres warre, and tenne yeeres of warre well ordered do them not that domage as one yere of ciuill sedition, such as they thought to stir vp vnder this pretence.

Then, in their aduertisements sent a­broade, they made no mention of Religi­on. This zeale of theirs, vnder which they shrowded themselues before and since, came not then in sight: but contrarywise, they treated with those of the contrary Religion (as all men knowe) to winne them to take their partes: they assured them of their exercises according to the Edicts, and more then the Edicts if neede were: They negotiated in Germany, by name, with Duke Casimire, aswel to make him enter into this association, as also by him to induce those of the contrary Reli­gion, and to become vnto them as a sure­tie of their faith and promise which they gaue to doe nothing to their preiudice: [Page 12] yea, and they further offered him Townes in their gouernements for counterpled­ges of the faith which they vsed, and gaue vnto him in their owne name. And per­haps, things at that time had passed fur­ther on, if those of the Religion woulde haue hearkened thereunto.

The King also by his wisedome coulde well diuerte and put backe this desseigne: he sawe wherein they were grieued, and being vnwilling to suffer that their parti­cular discontentments shoulde hurt the people, yeelded vnto them so farre, as to assaye to content them. Then called hee them neere vnto him, did them honour, gaue them occasion to hope well at his handes, yea, and bestowed rewardes vpon them, and appointed assignations of so much as was due, which they demaun­ded and accepted vpon certaine Edictes and Ordinaunces of newe impositions which were then established: so that the same windes which had assembled and gathered the cloude of their discontent­ments, blewe the same ouer and dispersed it. Easely then they forgot the Clergie, the Nobilitie, and the People. And when [Page 13] the Deputies of the Prouinces which be­fore they would haue stirred to rebellion, came to the Court, hardly woulde they seeme to looke on them or knowe them: yea, they were priuie & assisted in Coun­cill at the making and publishing of ma­ny Edicts, which the King sithe hath disa­nulled and abolished, vpon informations made vnto him what great charge they brought vpon the people: And neuer was it heard that they euer spake one worde to the King, either priuately or in Coun­cill, or other open assembly, for the ease and vnburthening of his subiects. Where­upon it came to passe, that they of best iudgement in the said Prouinces, founde that it was not the ill gouernement (if any were) wherewith they of the house of Guise were in trothe offended, but onely that they had not such parte and interest in the estates as they thought appertained vnto them, being readier without doubt to abuse the same, whensoeuer they should get it into their handes, then those against whom they pretended to forme such complaints vnder the name of the people.

That which since hath chiefely grieued their minde, is that they haue seene the peace to continewe, that they haue seene the King bent to establish it more and more, and by meanes thereof to reforme the abuses which be crept into the offices of the Church, to restore the Nobilitie to their auncient places and reputation, and to ease his poore people of such impositi­ons and taxes, which had vndone them, and were euils for the most part brought in by the continuance of warres, and con­sequently, not to be remedied but by the continuance of peace.

Nowe, after it had pleased God to call out of this world Monsteur the Kings bro­ther, they thought that the season was come wherein they ought to assay to put in practise their former olde deuises: And so accordingly they began by and by to set on foote againe their practises, aswell within as without the Realme, with such neighbours especially as alwaies haue bin most suspected and dangerous to this Crowne: Complotting together that it was necessarie for them at this time to bee in armes whatsoeuer came of it, to the end [Page 15] to make a way and preparatiue for that change which they seeke to bring into this State. And this and none other is the cause, for which wee see that nowe they haue put themselues in fielde, whatsoeuer faire pretence they haue made to entan­gle men of all sortes in the same crime: for it is neither charitable nor reasonable to suspect that they haue the same meaning and drift as they of the house of Guise haue.

And will you see a plaine proofe that they knowe not well howe to couer this their enterprise against the State? They haue made certaine protestations vpon their first taking of armes, the vntrothes whereof may appeare by the contradicti­ons conteyned in the same. In one of them they haue sworne to the extirpati­on of the contrary Religion: in some other they speake nothing of it. If zeale moue them, howe is this zeale so soone forgot­ten? In one they will that the King name a successor to his crowne and kingdome: In another they leaue this Article cleane out. If they haue such care of the Catho­like Church, if they feare so much that [Page 16] any inconuenience will happen vnto it af­ter the death of the King, howe chance they kept this out of their penne? In ano­ther they make themselues protectors of the Church and of the people, and vse o­ther pretexts: Wherefore who seeth not in these diuersities, that they cannot tell on what ground to stand? In these vncer­tainties of these protestations there can­not be but an vncertaintie of conscience. Surely they be but speaches of men that cannot tell wherewith to giue colour to their ill intention, which thinke to couer one vntrothe with two, & two with three, and all put together, serue but to make them lyars, and to bewray themselues to besuch as in deede they are.

But they will that there shalbe but one Religion in France: It is the desire which is commonly made by all good men and Christians of the Realme. And what course is holden to bring this to passe? If force be the meanes, the great Emperour Charles the fifth did wel finde the weake­nesse and insufficiencie thereof in matters of conscience. The King of Spaine (as Ca­tholike as he will seeme to be) after hee [Page 17] had reduced his subiects of Holland and Zelande to great extremities by meanes of his forces, was yet constrained in the yeere 1576. to come vnto a peace, and in that peace to leaue vnto them their Religion as it was, not somuch as resto­ring the Catholike and Romane Religi­on in the saide Countries, nor repossessing the Ecclesiasticall persons of their goodes: yea, and about two yeeres since he offered them like conditions by the Duke of Ter­ra noua, not for those Countreys alone, but for others also. Our Kings more then all they, haue burnt, haue drowned, haue ouercome in many battayles, haue surpri­sed in diuers sorts, haue made sundry at­tempts for the space of fiftie yeeres, haue spared no meanes to make an ende of those of the Religion in this Realme. That which was accompted christiā in Charles the fift, that which is reputed Catholike in the King of Spaine, in the one to saue his subiects rather apperteyning vnto him by election then naturally borne, in the other to keepe such Countreys which are in a maner nothing to him, in comparison of other great Estates ouer which hee reig­neth: [Page 18] why should it not so be in like sort vnto our king, to spare those which na­ture hath put in his protection, to pre­serue his whole state from an ouerthrow ineuitable, especially seeing his state late­ly so flourishing, was by this course which they would recontinue, brought vnto that extremitie in which we now behold it? If they say that the warres haue not bene well manned and conducted, where can they lay the fault, and who are to bee bla­med for it but themselues? Haue not they and their fathers commanded in them for the most part? Haue they not bene arbi­trators both of peace and warre? Haue they not sounded (as seemed best vnto them, and as their conceit and humour led them) sometime the charge, and some­time the retraict? And if they will binde the king by othe to a perpetuall warre, that is to say, to the ruine of his poore e­state, & this poore people which hath bin wearied so many yeres, to a finall destru­ction, and continuall miserie: certainely, this is a lawe intollerable for the subiect to lay vpon his prince: assuredly, it is a manifest token that they beare a great de­uotion [Page 19] to see our ouerthrowe, that by de­uotion seeke to compell vs thereunto: yea, and to say more, vndoubtedly it is an argument most certaine, that these mē wil be in armes at their pleasure, that they wil not be disarmed, that they will burie the king either in the middest of their Armes, or perhappes by their Armes if they can. And oh how miserable are we to liue vn­der such an insolencie? how vnhappy are we (if their enterprises take place) which shall suruiue our Prince and his blood, and behold the calamities of our desolate coū­trey, and ouerthrowe of the lawes of this Estate?

But it will be sayd, that it were pitie to see this Realme after the Kings death, in the handes of an heretike. They are (no doubt) good Tutors: but let vs see the or­der which they take for it. Our King is yong, and (thankes be to God) in health: they will haue him to name a successour, nay, they name one to his hand: For they set vp in Armes the Cardinal of Bourbon, a good Prince of himselfe, who perceiueth not the Tragedie that they play, causing him to take vpon him the qualitie of the [Page 20] principall prince of the blood, and heire apparant to the Crowne. But what kinde of monstrous conceit is this? If this bee a matter of so great importance, & so much to be feared for the maintenance of the Catholike church: to whom ought they rather to addresse themselues, then to our King, a Prince most Christian, a Prince most deuout, a Prince (if any bee in the world) zealous in his religion? On whom ought they lesse to cast their eye, if they meant that which they pretend, then vpon the Cardinal of Bourbon, a Prince stricken in yeres, a Prince impotent and declining to his graue, I may say further, a Prince that by course of nature they cannot once thinke to be likely to ouerliue the King, if so be they haue not limited the terme of his life, or if they haue not set downe and concluded the time of his death? Shall they that haue al their life time made sport of religion, shew vnto our king the way of conscience? Shall they of Lorraine teach Frenchmen the zeale and loue of their countrey? Shall Princes strangers inter­prete our lawes, order and rule our de­bates? Shall they be arbitrators or iudges [Page 21] ouer the princes of the blood royall tou­ching the degrees & proximitie of blood? Who seeth not here (the Lord open the eyes of the sayd Cardinal) that they onely pretend to haue hired or borowed him to play the king vpon a stage, it may be some halfe yeere, till their partie shal be suffici­ently prouided for? who seeth not that they minde not him, although they speake of him, but intend themselues? When as they name vnto a king of thirtie three yeeres of age, a successor past three skore: when as they will supply the default of heires which they alleage agaynst our King, by a manlinesse and habilitie of the Cardinall, who hath already passed the dangerous yeere of threescore and three: and for the naming of a successor vnto the King, to leuie Armes, and as it were to set their feete vpon his throte, to seaze his places and holdes, and to abuse the autho­ritie they haue from him against him, and (which is more) to receiue and distribute the money of the king of Spaine, to call and bring in the Spanish forces into this Realme: Surely I say (let my Lorde the Cardinall pardon me in that I speake it) if [Page 22] he seeth not this yet, he is to bee accoun­ted starke blinde. For this is truely to pro­fesse that they be no more French, but to haue solde the Realme to the King of Spayne, and to haue cast lots for our gar­ments: for the obtaining whereof, seeyng they finde themselues too weake to com­passe and hold all alone, they will deuide the stake with Spaine, they sel vs vnto him, and vnder a shadowe of libertie expose vs to the spoyle.

Let vs iudge aright of this conspiracie, whether it can come from any other but from Spayne. It is knowen that the Duke of Guise is in debt more then his habilitie can answer, and notwithstanding he hath of late distributed great summes of money through this Realme, and all in Pistolets, yea, and hath sent some where they were not demaunded. From whence can this great treasure come, considering what coyne it is? And by whom can these trou­bles be mooued, but from & by the coun­sell of Spayne? He was to be assisted with the forces of the Prince of Parma, from whom hee should haue receiued Lance-knights and certaine companies of horse­men, [Page 23] but God hath prouided otherwise sithe against their hope. And who is the prince of Parma, but the head and dire­cter in these partes of all the desseignes of Spaine? The Duke of Guise hath sent his children beyond the mountaines, and the Duke of Sauoy hath lately married a daughter of Spaine. To what ende, if it be not to haue them kept as hostages for the money which he hath receiued, and holden as pledges for the promises which he hath made? He hath demaunded also, that the towne of Cambrey should be re­stored into the same state, as it was before it receiued Monsieur the Kings late bro­ther. Cambrey an Imperiall towne, but violently vsurped by the king of Spayne: Cambrey the onely remaine of so deare & chargeable trauailes of a sonne and bro­ther of France: Cambrey besides, a ram­pier of France on the side where it is least fortified against the strength & puissance of Spayne: who can be ignorant hereof? who can doubt, but that vnder these Frēch habites, they couer and shrowd Spanish hearts? Ioyne hereunto the secret mee­tings and communications had betweene [Page 24] the Duke of Guise and the Prince of Par­ma, the familiar cōferences with the Em­bassadours of Spaine, the goings to and fro of Don Giouan Bardactim to the bi­shop of Comminges bastard of Lansacke, and infinite other like practises. Who can then doubt, but that the army of these conspirators is at the commaundement of the king of Spaine? So as I doubt not, but that yer long we shall see their Squa­drons dispersed, and the Enseigns folded vp, when as such of their company y^t cary noble mindes and are true French men, being now caried away for enuy and pri­uate respects, or otherwise allured and se­duced by false suggestions shall bethinke themselues better, and call to minde that they are true Frenchmen, and shall haue considered how monstrous and vn­naturall a thing it is and woulde bee al­wayes thought for a Frenchman to beare Armes agaynst France, especially against France for the seruice of Spayne.

But these men will not come vnder the obedience of an Hereticke Prince, and thereupon adde that the Frenche subiects otherwise sweare no allegiance vnto their [Page 25] King, but conditionally to maintaine the Catholike, Apostolike, and Romish Church. This is a dangerous proposition, which sauoureth much of the auncient deposing of Chilpericke to place Pepin, vnder colour that the Church had not bin wel by him defended against the Sarasens. But the Lord will, I trust, giue mercie and power vnto our King, well and long to maintaine and defende his place other­wise. But what then? If he hap to die, or rather let vs say, if they shall procure his death as they are in hope, their meaning is neuer to endure that the King of Na­uarre whom they hold for an Hereticke, should come to succeede in this Estate, as in their conscience (howsoeuer they dis­guise) they know he ought in right to do. The King of Nauarre, besides the right and interest which hee hath by nature, hath also wit inough to consider, howe much in this time the life of the King is necessarie and profitable for him: And therefore it behooueth him to stand vpon his defence in this point. The King of Na­uarre may answere them, that he hath bin borne and brought vp in the Religion [Page 26] which he professeth, that in conscience he cannot depart from it, without being otherwise instructed, and therefore that hee is and alwayes shalbe readie to receiue instruction from a free and lawfull Coun­cill, and to leaue his error when it shalbe prooued vnto him. But if they wil require, that without instruction, for hope or losse of a Crowne, hee change and shift vpon the sudden from one profession to ano­ther: what demande they of him, but in­constancie, infidelitie and hypocrisie, and not to make him capable to be a King, but rather vnworthy of a kingdome? If he offer himselfe to them to be better taught, and if hee be readie to yeelde to trueth when he shalbe so dealt with: where finde they in the auncient Canons, that this obedience, or this submission is called an heresie? Euery error (say the Canons) is not by and by to be holden for an heresie: for heresie is an error of importance, an error in the groundes of our faith, and in the Articles of our saluation. Nowe the King of Nauarre may say vnto them, that he is a Christian, he beleeueth his saluation to be one onely in Iesus Christ, that hee [Page 27] holdeth and reuerenceth his worde as the infallible rule of trueth, that he beleeueth the Creedes of the Church, that he recei­ueth the generall Councils which were held in the beginning of the said Church, that he condemneth all heresies condem­ned by the same Councils, that hee sub­mitteth himselfe euen at this present to a generall Councill duely called, and law­fully held, and so can there be no heresie in him, to speake duely and aright: For hee beleeueth, as in the beginning of the Church men did beleeue. Schisme also there is none: for Schisme presupposeth a diuision, a rent and departure asunder. Nowe let them holde a good Councill, and if there be cause, they shall see him readie to reconcile himselfe. This may be further saide, that euery man (as the Ca­nons teach) which holdeth an heresie, is not by and by an heretike: the name of an heretike presupposeth an ambition and newfanglednesse, a selfe wil and way­wardnesse against such Religion and rea­son, which is taught and plainely proo­ued and set downe. And hereby euery man may iudge, whether the King of [Page 28] Nauarre be carried with ambition in this matter or no: For as saith the Lawyer, Cui bono? what profite can arise vnto him thereby? Such ambition is incident vnto a Doctor of Diuinitie, and not to a Prince: such contumacie is incident to a Clerke and Schooleman, and not to the simplici­tie of one which is taught by another. If he were mooued with ambition, it were more profitable for him to be ambitious of the fauour of the king, of the loue of all the Catholikes in this realme, and of the desire & good liking of the greatest Prin­ces in Christendome abroade, by a chaun­ging vpon the sodaine of his religion. But he is mooued with conscience, it is consci­ence that maketh him set a side all other considerations which might be more for his aduantage, assuring him selfe that hee hath not to doe with a people which li­keth or desireth a prince faithlesse and vn­true to God and his owne conscience, but only contented to accept of such a one as is peaceable, capable of reason, ready and willing to learne better, and doe better when hee shall be better instructed. The lawe of this kingdome and state disableth [Page 29] not any person for cause of religion, to in­herite that which in the right or Collate­rall line may descend and appertaine vn­to him: and is there not the same reason for a Prince? The lawe admitteth to the administration and exercise of all other offices and places indifferently, both of the one and the other: and why not then to the dignitie Regall? The lawe permit­teth vnto euery man the exercise of his religion, and excludeth no man: where­fore then shall the prince be put from the priuiledge which a prince graunteth? Wherefore shoulde he alone be a slaue in conscience in that which he holdeth most pretious, he, I say, which graunteth such a libertie vnto all others? When I speake of the lawe, I meane the law of this Crowne and State: It is the lawe, by which onely we liue, and are to liue in peace, & there­by may be able to reduce this estate to her first paterne, and raise vp and preserue it from miserie: It is the lawe approoued by the States of the whole Realme, holden at Orleans, which was an assembly not for­ced, not laboured, nor before hand com­bined by the plots and practises of those [Page 30] which nowe trouble vs: I say more, they were Estates summoned by themselues, when as they were in the prime of al their credite, yea and at their instance, & which none euer since went about to infringe, but that we straightwayes fell into ciuill warre: and when I vse the name of ciuill warre, I comprehend vnder that worde, all sortes of calamities and confusions. This then is a iust lawe, for it is most ne­cessarie, it is a lawe not reuocable, in re­spect of y^e condition of this present estate: for the reuocation thereof bringeth vs a­gaine to ruine. It is a lawe ratified, adiud­ged and confirmed by the othes of all the Princes, Gouernours, Lieutenants Gene­rall, Counsellors of Estate, Courtes of Parliament, and other places of Iustice, of all the Corporations of y^e Cities, Townes and Comminalties of this Realme, and by them which at this time vnaduisedly pre­sume to be their protectors: and yet is it such a lawe as referreth y^e decision of mat­ters of religion to a free Councill: and before that be had, no man in this estate can be said to be an heretike, either stub­borne, or schismatike. Many Emperours, [Page 31] and Constantine himselfe towards his end, sundry Kings of Spaine also for many yeeres together, held erroneous opinions, and that in most important pointes of Re­ligion: Thankes be giuen to God, that this is not the King of Nauarre his case. Is it written by any, that euer it was thought meete that these princes should be depo­sed? or was it euer propounded in any consultation that they should be disabled? Some Popes themselues which take vpon them to be the teachers of others, haue iustly deserued the names of heretikes and Archheretikes: for they haue beleeued a­misse of Christ, yea & haue taught amisse touching his diuinitie, which is the groūd of our saluation, and foundation of our Christian faith. All Christendome was herein interessed, when as the common fountaine from whence euery man fet­ched water, grewe to be so corrupted and poysoned.

Let vs consider what was then done. Men had the patience solemnly to assem­ble a Councill, the parties were heard, in­structed, receiued to amendment and re­pentance, and neuer were they pronoun­ced [Page 32] heretikes, but in full Councill: neuer was there any thing attempted against their dignitie by presumption or preuen­tion, or by force, but at all times such due circumstances were exactly obserued, their condemnation orderly proceeded, yea, & after the denuntiation thereof, time was giuen them to thinke of the matter, and respite to conuert themselues and re­turne to the better side if they listed.

But the danger is great (say they) if the King of Nauarre come to the Crowne, least hee should put downe the Catholike religion in this Realme. I answere, that it is a good while or euer hee can come thi­ther: & this great & too too forward care taken out of season, is but a very violent passion, which can not bee stirred vp by any Religion at all. I answer, that (thankes be to God) our King is in the flower of his age, if they intende no treacherie or mis­chiefe vnto him, which as yet is hid from vs, and I beseeche the Lord to preserue him from it. I answere that he is not past hope to haue children, and that he and the Queene his wife, in respect of their age, may haue a whole dousen without any [Page 33] miracle. I answere, that for this their pre­tended lacke, they haue founde a weake and seely remedie, of a Cardinall, as olde againe as the King, a Cardinall which is not married, and likely ynough to die be­fore he can attaine thereunto, and very vn­likely to haue any issue.

And as concerning that which they al­ledge touching the change of Religion, which is by them so much feared, the king of Nauarre can answere them, how in the Religion which he professeth, he hath not learned to force mens consciences, howe in the greatest broyles of the ciuill warres, whē as all exercise was forbiddē to those of the refourmed Religion throughout Fraunce, hee alwayes permitted the vse of the Catholike Religion vntouched in all the townes which he had vnder his power. And for proofe thereof, he desireth no other witnesses then the Clergie, priestes, and religious persons of the citie of Agen, where hee then made his most residence. Both in peace and warre he hath alwayes bene indifferently serued, aswell in places about his person, as in all other offices and charges which were in his gift and dispo­sition, [Page 34] both by the one sort and by the other, euen in his Chamber, in his Coun­cill, and in his gardes, and neuer hinde­red the aduancement of any for matter of conscience: and such as haue at any time bene acquainted with his house & Court, know this to be true. In that part which God hath left him of his kingdome of Nauarre, which is farre greater then his countrey of Bearne, he hath permitted the Catholike and Romane religion vnchan­ged, without hauing altered or innouated any thing therein, otherwyse then hee found it at his first comming to the Estate: which his doings, men of purpose haue maliciously concealed, and onely pleased themselues with slaundering and spea­king euil of that which hath bene done in Bearne. And cōcerning this his said coun­trey of Bearne, forasmuch as hee founde it reduced by the late Queene his mother, with the assent of the generall assembly of the States of that Countrey, to the Reli­gion which he professeth, he hath in trueth left it in the same estate still wherein hee founde it, hauing bene so busied in other affaires which haue happened vnto him, [Page 35] that hee had no opportunitie to attempt any chaunge. Neuerthelesse in the meane while, it is not vnknowen, that euen there hee hath moderated the former ordinan­ces made before his time, and cleane abro­gated the rigour and seueritie of them, and likewise caused the pensions to bee truely payde which apperteyned to the Eccle­siasticall persons, yea sometime out of his owne purse, which thing the Bishop and other Church men that had liuing in the same Countrey can not denie. Besides that, he hath alwayes offered at any time to yeelde vnto a generall assemblie and Parliament of his people of that Coun­trey, to the intēt that they may there free­lie open their mouthes, and declare vn­to him what they woulde require at his hands, for the quieting of their soules and consciences. And if men be ready to con­strue and inferre the worst to his preiudice of this, that hee hath not restored the Ca­tholike and Romane religion in Bearne: why doe they make the like construction to his profit of this, that he hath not abro­gated it in base Nauarre, where hee hath the same power and authoritie? Surely [Page 36] hereby all persons being not addicted to their particular passions, ought to make this indifferent cōsequence of his actions in both these cases, that he hath preserued his Estates and Countreys as hee founde them, and not made any alteration in any of them, saue that hee hath mitigated the seuerity of the ordinances in Bearne, vpon hope of the better: that he is not a Prince that delighteth in innouations, or that is lightly ledde to alterations by any violent passion, either against the one Religion or the other, but leaueth thinges in such stay and termes as hee findeth them, if hee see not an euident commoditie to come by the said chaunge. And in deede, who can esteeme the King of Nauarre to bee so voyde of sound iudgement, or so much an enemie of his owne greatnesse and com­moditie, that when as God and nature should cast any estate vpon him, he would then enter into a course to venture the losse or hazarde thereof by a violent ma­ner of proceeding, both contrarie to all reason, and such as coulde not worke the effect that hee might desire, but must ne­cessarily bring with it his owne ouerthrow [Page 37] and fall. And therefore, who can belieue that hee which woulde not force in any wise his owne countrey of base Nauarre, which he might haue done without con­tradiction, will goe about to force a king­dome of Fraunce, which hee cannot at­tempt to doe without both loosing of it, and of himselfe also? Such doubts may be conceiued by idiots, but not by men of any vnderstanding. They themselues that make these protestations, do not so them­selues, although they goe about for the seruing of their owne tournes, to make others to beleeue the contrary. And fi­nally, in case things were brought to that point, that this were to bee feared, then some assurance might bee taken vpon doubtes which might be then conceiued, the people might demaunde it, and the Prince ought to graunt it: and in this Prince (thankes be to God) no man could euer hitherto see or marke either any re­uenge or breach of faith.

But for them to take armes vpon them at this present, for a matter so farre off by course of nature and time, to preuent and put by strokes which are nothing neare [Page 38] vs, yea, and by the space of these twentie or thirtie yeeres, are in all apparance not likely to come neare vs, and vnder so slen­der a pretence, to set this State on fire, to bring the Spanyarde in among vs, to our vtter ruine as much as in them may be, which are mischiefes more assured & dan­gerous, then the euil (which they pretend) if it happened could euer doe vnto vs, is it not to giue one a Potion of Hemlocke or some other poyson, to preuent a fit of an hotte Ague? bringeth it not vnto the cra­zed person a most assured death in steade of a medicine for no dangerous a disease? Wherefore this is a most manifest fraude and abuse: for it is too grosse to be taken for any ouersight or ignorāce: It is an em­poysoning of the patient, it is a treason vnto this Estate, it is a conspiracie against the King. And in case the King woulde name this pretended successour, which neuerthelesse is not likely to suruiue him, but onely to haue a bare title and name, and be satisfied with a vaine hope: what assurance can the King haue of them, that they wil not, (when as occasion shal serue their turne) be weary and rid them selues [Page 39] of him also?

But I will forbeare to speake any more of y^e king of Nauarre, I trust that he wil be able, (when neede shall require) to pleade his owne cause, and yet God graunt, that wee neuer see any neede thereof. Let vs consider, if the rest of their protestations cary any more trothe or apparance. They complaine of certaine yōg persons, which they terme to possesse the King, and to get great things at his handes, to keepe backe the Princes, the auncient officers of the Crowne, and chief personages of the No­bilitie, without speciall naming of any, howbeit euery man may see whome they meane, that is to say, the Dukes of Ioyeuse and Espernon. If the King loue them, it is not a thing to be wondered at or made so strāge: priuate persons in choyse of frends desire to be free, howe muche more then ought Princes so to be? And if wee peruse our hystories, can there be found any king of this Realme, that in such sort fauou­red not some one or other? If the King bee bountifull towardes them, this is the effect of his good will towards them: For to loue properly is to wish well, and to doe well, [Page 40] and true good will extendeth it selfe ac­cording to the proportion of the abilitie and power that is ioyned with it. But if they say he hath giuen much, & that their liking and Censure ought here to take place: surely seeing they are so good re­formers, their example were much worth, if they woulde begin with the redresse of that poynt them selues. For, let them shew howe it is come to passe, that their grand­father when hee came first into France, had not in al aboue fiue thousād Crownes of yeerely reuenue, and howe at this day they of that house haue gotten a million amongst them: if it be not by the liberali­tie & goodnesse of our Kings, of our Kings I say, which haue bestowed vpon them many high dignities, great Bishoprickes, rich Abbeis, and sundry the most profita­blest offices of this realme, of our kinges I say againe, whose purse they had great skill to rifle and emptie so long as it was in their fingering, so as they haue thence had sixe or seuen Millions of gold, where­with they beene made able to compasse their great purchases. At the first com­ming of king Charles to the Crowne, it [Page 41] was concluded by the assembly of the e­states holden at Orleans, that these men shoulde be called to render an accounte, and to answere such excessiue giftes as they had receiued of the kinges his prede­cessours, and in especial from the late king Francis the seconde, of whose purse & per­sō they were masters at once. But instead of thinking how to giue a good account, these iolie reformers bethought thēselues of a meane howe to giue none account at all: beginning without the commaunde­ment of the king, and contrary to the de­termination of the saide Estates of this Realme, to murther those of the reformed religion in the towne of Vassy: that is to say, to kindle a fire in one of the corners of the realme, which afterwardes for a long time was blowen throughout all France. Their father to keepe him selfe from ac­count, was then the cause of our first mis­chiefes, and nowe the sonne taketh vpon him a warre to bring in others to accoūt. And let vs consider what they say hereun­to, if they meane it in earnest and dallie not or mocke not the people. Doe not all men knowe that S. Luke & Do their prin­cipall [Page 42] adherēts, & some others, are growen riche by this kings gifts? haue they not had their handes as deepe in his Cofers, and finally helde the same place which others do now, whom they blame and challenge, and woulde haue brought to an account? Were it not reason, that they shoulde be first accomptants which were first parties to the receipt? let them therefore begin. Surely to speake plainely, these men are only offended, that the fauours of y^e Court are not powred only and continually vp­on them selues: and for that some of the dewe is sprinkled vpon others, they are ready to burst with despite & enuie. These men seeke to drawe vnto them certaine discontented persons from all partes of the realme, and who so shall consider the conditions and qualities of the same mal­contents without passion, shall finde that they are in trothe so well at their ease, & haue receiued so many benefites at the kings handes, as that their very ease, idle­nesse, and aboundance onely hath marred them: and yet but for the benefites which they haue had from the king, they had had at this present no meanes to haue annoied [Page 43] others. The true male content, and he that hath most iust cause to complaine, and he whose state is most to be pitied, is vndou­tedly y^e king himselfe, in that he hath done so much for so vnthankfull a race, and be­stowed vpon them the meanes, authoritie and habilitie, which nowe is turned & em­ployed against him selfe.

They bemone the estate of the poore people, & why then doe they not let them liue in rest? Why doe they ouerthwart and crosse the king in the good minde which he hath to ease them, whereof there ap­peared some good effecte and successe? For it is wel knowen, that he vnburthened them this yeere of a contribution amoun­ting to two hundred thousande markes, and in one day reuoked & cancelled foure score or a hundred ordinances, vpon in­formation made vnto him, that the same were burthensome to his people. He was also in hand with a generall reformation of his whole Realme, and if they had let him alone another yere, he had procee­ded further: for in such things when as the wil and disposition of a Prince is bent and forwarde to doe good, great matters are [Page 44] brought to passe in a very small time. But as things be nowe, can it be thought, but that a newe warre will put him to newe expence, and bring newe euils vpon the people? And besides, what good husban­drie (trow you) meane these men to make, which already haue begun to leuie great summes of mony vpon the townes which they haue seised, as namely, they of late haue taxed the towne of Burge besides Burdeaux at ten thousand crownes, which is so great a summe, as they shoulde not haue yeelded to the king so much in ten yeeres? and yet the Maior and Iurates of the said towne were threatned for the re­fusall thereof to be sent prisoners to Bro­uage. Let vs thinke vpon the armies on both sides, as well of French as of straun­gers which must be victualled, entertai­ned and paide. Let vs consider howe the Kings treasure is entrapped and seased by them, which must be made vp and suppli­ed by some other meanes. Let vs thinke vpon the prouisions for victuals, muniti­ons, custodies and gardes of holdes and passages, and other necessarie charges which a warre requireth. And seeing all [Page 45] warre, no doubt of it, is a rauening and deuouring monster: how much more is a ciuill warre? All warre is a very confusi­on, but how much more that warre which is conducted by men of confusion, such as these are? Surely I will say it, and haue of­ten sayd it, (the computation being iustly made) three dayes of a ciuill sedition will be more chargeable vnto the poore peo­ple, then one yeere of taxes and impositi­ons: And three yeeres of the most iust & right warre which might be made, (if they meant well, as they doe not) would neuer be woorth so much to the poore people, as one dayes peace.

But the king is to blame forsooth (as they say:) for he doeth not make due ac­count of his Nobilitie. Well then let vs see what persons follow them, & what kinde of people are ioyned with them in their protestatiō. For the Princes of the blood, I see not one on their side, saue onely the good Prince, whom they haue abused and inchaunted, causing him to bestowe his goods vpon them, taking it euen from his owne nephewes. And yet must these men needes be Heads & principall Protectors [Page 46] of the Nobilitie. Of the aūcient officers of the Crowne, of the noble Knightes of the Order, & of the olde Captaines of France, I also see scarce one: yea, euery where I see but them of Lorraine, and with them cer­taine other malecontents, which haue had more then they deserued, men desperate, men of their owne faction, men (as Caesar said) which make their profite by ciuill warres and ruine of others, like vnto Cati­lina in Rome, and those which followed him. Can any man thinke that they of Lorraine (which euer heretofore haue sought as much as in thē lay, to discoun­tenaunce and diminish the dignitie of our Princes of the blood,) are so desirous now, that euery man should holde the degree and place which apperteineth vnto them? They cannot alledge that their places haue beene taken from them, they haue solde them, they haue bene paid for them, and that dearely: Wherefore it is a shame for them to alledge, that some men haue bene constrained to depart with them: This grieueth them in deede, because they were men for the most part at their deuo­tion, and of their faction: & therefore no [Page 47] marueile though it offended them that they were displaced. Some other honou­rable personages haue in deede surrendred their offices and charges into the Kings hands, but doe not complaine thereof. Are any of them to be seene following their parte? nay rather against them. For why? they well vnderstand that their said offices and places were but charges in deede, which the Kings of this Realme by the auncient lawes and customes before these late innouations and troubles hap­pened, were wont to commit from time to time, and but for a time, as occasion requi­red: Commissions rather for to serue for a time, and not places or offices of continu­ance or perpetuitie. For our princes were wont to rappeale them at their pleasure, without any other formalitie, or any re­compence or allowances at all, or without shewing any cause wherefore they did it: and yet they had not any intention to de­priue them as vnworthy persons, but did it for some other speciall intent and ser­uice, not to disappoint them wholy, but with an intent when occasion serued to consider and honour them in some other [Page 48] sort, so as they also tooke it in good part. They did not abuse their gouernments, to make their princes bounde to them, as though they might not stande without them, or to seeme to bee still bought and hired, or to make their places as an inhe­ritance vnto their name. This is a late euil brought in by the authors of these innoua­tiōs, who to inueigle certaine gouernors, and more liberall of other mens purses then their owne, haue assured themselues that their gouernments shoulde continue vnto them and theirs as their patrimonie. For in so muche as they seeke no other thing but the dissipation of this estate, and perceiue that they cannot attaine to the whole kingdome themselues, they are contented to make a good penyworth of the rest vnto others, and so without a­ny dissimulation are content to offer it to the sale.

And to make it more euidently ap­peare, that they them selues haue shewed the first example vnto others to bring in such abuses as are now by them misliked, touching the chaunging of the principall offices and gouernments of this realme: It [Page 49] is to be remembred, howe they of this house, when as they werein great credite, tooke away from the late great Consta­ble, who had so wel deserued of this realm of Frāce, the office of L. Steward or great master of the kinges house, and from the house of Longeuille, the dignitie of Lorde great Chamberlaine, which before was graunted as a kind of inheritance vnto the house, for sundry seruices which they had done in former warres against the English natiō. And of late memorie, haue they not brought to passe, that the gouernment of the Dukedome of Brittaine is brought in­to their house, procuring it partly by cun­ning and deuise, and partly by constraint, from the late good Prince the Duke of Montpensier, which had obtained a pro­mise of it for his sonne the Prince of D'o­fin, who also serued in the place? And all this notwithstanding, they are not asha­med to complaine of some particular per­sons, which (as they say) haue made a mar­chandise of their places, forgetting them­selues so many great personages whome they haue spoyled of their offices and dig­nities.

Concerning the Clergie, whose cause they will seeme to haue vndertaken, I woulde knowe what better reformation they woulde preferre, then the king him selfe went about. If you consider his per­son, the king sheweth the way, and ser­ueth as an example vnto all his Court and Countrey, to haue them in due reuerence: he hath of his Counsell the most notable and excellent men among them: vnto the places and dignities of the Church by the good ordinances which hee hath made conformable with the auncient Canons, (whereof neuer any of his predecessours was so seuere an obseruer as him selfe is) he maketh choise of such men, which hee knoweth in his realme to be reputed and accounted most excellent and fit, either for life or doctrine: reiecting all others, which are thought vnwoorthy and vnca­pable of such places, without any partiall fauouring or misliking otherwise of any their qualities: he admitteth but those on­ly, that naturally are able to exercise these places: hee compelleth the Bishops to be resident in their diocesses, more straightly and exactly then the Pope himselfe doth, [Page 51] and besides, is a paterne & example vnto all his people of zeale & deuotion. What may be added to his goodly directions & orders, but only leasure to reap some fruit thereby, and to see it bring forth that good successe and profit which was looked for? But it is not the preaching of the worde of God that these men desire, they care not whether this realme bee furnished with good Pastours, that the people be truely instructed in the poynts of their saluation, & that the wandring and stray shepe may be reduced & brought to his folde againe. They are onely desirous to haue Iesuites, which doe nothing els but disperse tho­row out the whole realme the venome & infection of their conspiracies vnder the shadowe of holinesse: And vnder colour thereof (oh most horrible and detestable hypocrisie) abuse the deuotion of suche persons which put any trust in them, bin­ding men by othe vnto this league, and to follow this faction: exhorting the subiects to kill and murther their Princes, promi­sing them plenarie and absolute remission of their sinnes, and making men beleeue, that by actes most execrable they shall [Page 52] merite heauen. They be the very Colonies of Spanyardes, or rather the very leauen of Spaine, vnseasonably brought into this realme, which within these fewe yeeres hath empaired and sowred our dowe, and vnder a Pharisaicall face and counte­naunce, made our Cities and Townes in Fraunce become Spanish, whose co­uents are more dangerous then Citadels, whose Synodes & assemblies are nothing but plaine conspiracies. Such are they knowen to be, such were the fruites of the assembly generall of that sect, which they helde at Paris not long sithe in Septem­ber, where a certaine Iesuite of Pont d' A­monsson a towne in Lorraine did preside, and was a principal director of their coun­sels. Some others there bee of this kinde of people, that cry out vpon the King in open pulpit, that stirre vp the people fu­riously, incensing & arming them against the Magistrates, preaching the prayses, and recommēding the vertues of this pre­tended ofspring of Charlemaigne. This is their feruent zeale: this is their religion which maketh them too forwardes: And will you see howe? when they be in Ger­manie, [Page 53] they seemed to bee Lutherans: But when they waxed discontented, with a lit­tle adoe they might haue bin brought to haue fauoured y^e Caluinistes: They seeme to be careful of the Clergie, carefull of the Diuine seruice, carefull of residence: and yet they possesse diuers Byshoprickes and Abbeyes, contrary to the ancient Canons, and also the late Councill of Trent, which they speake so much of to vs, and woulde bring into Fraunce: They fell the woods, they dismember the demeanes, suffer the Churches and other buildings to fall to the ground, they sell the reliques, and ga­ther vnto them selues all the ornaments and iewels of any price or value: And in the meane while wee see little charitie or almes, the poore lieth still naked, the poore priestes are readie to die for hunger. And thus are they true and rightfull heires in deede, not of Charlemaigne, but assuredly of Charles of Lorraine, which coulde very deuoutly sell to his owne commoditie the great Crosse, and the richest iewels of his Bishopricke of Mets, and caused the Cler­gie of this Realme to sell and alien a great part of their Temporalties, and to increase [Page 54] their tenthes, and was not ashamed, for the good seruice which hee pretended to haue done in bringing it to passe, to take a good part thereof vnto himselfe for a rewarde.

There onely remayneth, that we speake a little concerning the lawe and Iustice now vsed in this Realme, which these vp­right censors would (as they say) reduce to his former vse and integritie. But who euer sawe, that a ciuill warre was meete to reforme disorders in Iustice? who seeth not plainly, that one onely yeere of warre, doth more weaken and hinder the course of lawes, and take more authoritie from Iustice, then tenne yeeres of peace can re­couer? It looseth the bridle more vnto all disorders and mischiefes, then ten yeeres can drawe backe. As for example, euen these men when as they shall haue execu­ted their vttermost rage, and shall happen to make a shewe of repentance, must haue pardons, remissions, abolitions of their of­fences, the lawes must lye sleeping, the Iudges must winke at many things which of late began to recouer their former re­putation and authoritie. One ill still folow­eth [Page 55] vpon another, former mistrustes and ielousies conceiued on both sides, by the wisdome of the King were almost remoo­ued and quenched: Those of the contrary religion did finde by little and little, that in ordinarie Courtes they might obteine Iustice, without hauing cause to contende about any iurisdictions. These perturbers not protectors of the Courtes of Parlia­ments, vnder colour of procuring vnto them a more absolute authoritie, giue new occasions of mistrustes and contentions a­bout the saide iurisdictions, and so take a­way the meanes to reunite and reconcile the mindes and affections of the Kings subiectes in this point. And what coulde you desire more? Heretofore complaint was often made of the sale of Iudicial pla­ces, which disorder was brought in first, to helpe to support the charges of forraine warres, and hath bene since continued to maintaine the ciuill warres. And all men know, that the king was no sooner eased of those charges, but by and by he aboli­shed such sales, and all the meanes wher­by euen indirectly the same might bee practised and coloured. And whether this [Page 56] holy ordinance were by him holily obser­ued or no, all the Parliaments & Courtes in France can witnesse, which can remem­ber & beare witnesse that the King would not admit certaine resignations of such places, which otherwise might seeme to deserue to bee greatly fauoured, least the consequence thereof might haue defrau­ded the good meaning of that ordinance in time to come. Besides, what care his Maiestie hath had to furnish the princi­pall places of his Courtes of Parliaments, when they happened to be voide, may be seene in those personages, which nowe occupie the saide roomes, hauing beene named by his owne motion, and chosen by his owne good discretion and iudge­ment, and are knowen to be men of inte­gritie, capacitie and learning, whose life is a rule & paterne of vertue, and their lear­ning a light among all men. And further, what care he had, euen at the instant when these troubles began, to abridge the lēgth, tediousnesse and multitude of processes a­mongst his people, and to take away the exceeding great charge and fees of suites wherewith they were burdened, is known [Page 57] vnto such persons, whom he called to cō­ference about that matter, by whome hee was very willing and desirous to be par­ticularly informed of such thinges as con­cerned that matter. And euen these men which now trouble vs knowe it, they can­not pleade ignorance or pretende any doubt thereof: for some of them were thē­selues thereunto called herein. All our mis­chiefe consisteth, that they will either vt­terly ouerthrow the Court, or els wholy gouerne it at their owne will and lust, by placing of all men at their pleasure as they were heeretofore wont to doe, and if they coulde haue so continued, then offices in Courtes had bene solde still, iustice had bene well administred and not spoken a­gainst, these reformations & abuses which they nowe pretende, had neuer bene once mentioned.

Whereby euery man may see, that these pretextes and protestations are but vaine surmises: the true cause is their ambition and desire to rule and raigne, with an in­tention to ouerthrow and dismember that estate, and to catch a piece for themselues, and to bring in strangers to sease the rest. [Page 58] It is a continuance of the plotte which of long time they haue had in hand, & wher­of their memorials were taken and disco­uered in the yere 1576. The same shew­eth it selfe euery day nowe more plainly, as it approcheth nearer to the execution in­tended, and this estate to his vtter ruine & danger. Neuerthelesse, in the meane while they desire the king not to conceiue any euill opinion of them, pretending that all that they do, is done for his seruice, and that they haue all sworne to doe nothing, but for his seruice. So did Pipin (like vnto those now which alledge to be of his race) imploying in those daies against his soue­raigne king Chilperick the force & autho­rity which he had receiued from him, coū­tenanced and ioyned with the holinesse of Pope Zacharie. Our king is wise, the Frenchman is by nature loyall, the practi­ses are nowe discouered, and we all haue learned that true holinesse condemneth periuries, that godlines neuer counselleth any to breake or falsifie his faith, to force his Country, or to rebel against his Prince. And in this goodly enterprise, they are not ashamed to entreat the Queene the kings [Page 59] Mother, to assist them therein with her au­thoritie: Yea, that Queene, whome they confesse so many times to haue pre­serued this Estate, doe they nowe in­uite to the ruine and vtter ouerthrowe of the whole realme, by ioyning with them in this conspiracie which they haue entred into against the king her sonne: They inuite y^e Princes of the bloude to deferre and transport their honour to another nation, and another race: They inuite all the Peeres and Nobles of France to betray this Estate, whereof they are borne and created as it were ouerseers vn­der the authoritie of the king: They inuite the courtes soueraignes of this realme to subscribe to their intentions, whome God hath placed in iudgement for the con­demnation of such rebels and perturbers of the Estate. Finally, these persons which would seeme to be Catoes, but in deede re­semble rather Catiline, are not ashamed or afraide to call vpon God, and to take his name in vaine, to vouche him as a wit­nesse and recorde of their sincerity and vp­rightnesse in this cause. But God which is iealous of his holy name, and who sear­cheth [Page 60] mens heartes to the bottome, will not holde him guiltlesse which applieth his name to vanitie: how much lesse then will he spare them that abuse it in actions so execrable? Actions I say most detesta­ble and damnable, when as vnder the name of godlinesse, of iustice, and of or­der, they confound the whole estate, and fil it ful with quarels, reuēges, murthers, rob­beries, making infinite numbers of wid­dowes and orphanes, and bringing mul­titudes to pouertie & extreeme beggerie, onely to content and satiate their ambiti­ous and aspiring heartes. God seeth all this, and the Lorde graunt that the bot­tome and trothe thereof may be discoue­red vnto all men: God I say, whose name they mocke in calling vpon the same, and whose righteous wrath, curse and venge­ance they shalbe sure at length to feele. God mainteyneth Kings and Princes, hee is a preseruer of lawes, an vpholder of Estates and policies, a protector of the poore people, and will one day destroy, confounde and ouerthrowe all such, which destroy his people, confound all or­der, ouerthrowe all lawes, conspire against [Page 61] their Prince and his Estate, and specially abuse his sacred Name, the zeale of Chri­stianitie, and name of the Church, with an intent vnder such painted vailes and sha­dowes to make attempts against their su­perior, spoyle him of his Crowne, and to expose his subiectes to praye.

Wherefore (O ye people) whom they goe about to stirre vp vnto a rebellion, vn­der a colour and shadowe of a common weale and profite, call eftsoones to your remembrances the actions of these pre­tended ofsprings of Charlemaigne: and for the better vnderstanding of their sayings, doe but reade and consider such writings as haue passed from them heretofore. Thereby you shal perceiue, that their mea­ning is to be kings themselues, to the pre­iudice & disaduantage of our King. There­by you shal perceiue, what resolution they haue taken against vs and our naturall French Prince. You therefore which re­maine true French men, consider howe their souldiers are paide by the King of Spaine, and therefore it must needes be a warre proceeding from Spaine, which is a knowen enemie to all Frenchmen. They [Page 61] speake of a successor, but you haue seene for what cause it is, and in what sort: their desire and meaning onely is, that neuer a Prince of the French blood were liuing. They speake of reducing of the religion in this Realme to an vnity, and so likewise of the prouinces of this countrey: But to what intent is it, but to deuide the Estate, and to part among themselues the Shires and Prouinces of this Realme? for otherwise they neede not to make any question or doubt touching religion. For we haue a King, who is alone more zealous to God­warde, then the whole broode of them: who hath sufficient meanes to prouide by honest and conuenient wayes, for the suertie of the true religion, and for the be­nefite of the posteritie that shall come hereafter. This their pretended holinesse is onely a meere hypocrisie: this confede­racie (which they terme to bee holy) is but an euident dissimulation, and an vn­doubted coniuration against this Estate. They desire not in trothe any reformation of disorders in this Realme: For as long as they might feele and see their owne com­moditie, they neuer stirred: and in a cleane [Page 63] contrary sort ouer y^t litle where God had giuen them any authoritie, & those fewe subiects which they had, they neuer shew­ed but manifest tokens of all violence and tirannie. And then, I pray you, bethinke your selues well, what a remedie we shall haue for all our former euils, to be cast a­gaine into a ciuill warre. Is this a means to reforme the Clergie, by the insolencie of the souldier? to spare and cherish the No­bilitie, by an apparance of infinite cruelties and reuenges which must ensue among them? to ease & vnburthen the poore peo­ple of their former grieuances, by newe contributions, oppressions, spoiles and ran­somes, which this warre will bring with it? Can any good order & gouernement be established in the Estate, by this meanes which aboue all other at all times, hath or­dinarily brought a confusion and disorder of all things in all estates? And (which is worst of all) I beseech you cōsider whether this be a meanes to reforme and set vp the Estate of France, to lay it open on euery side, both vnto the corruptions & forces of Spaine, that is, (to speake plainely) to sell our Countrey vnto y^e Spaniard, & to driue [Page 64] France out of France, to make the same a seate & habitation for them of Lorraine & Spaine. Doe they not vse the name of the King of Nauarre, onely to abuse you? he is a prince of courage, a prince by birth, who­ly & naturally French, & therefore they holde him suspected, & stand in feare and awe of him, labouring by all meanes they can to bring him into contempt & hatred: they, I say, which are cōfederates, friends, and seruants vnto the Spaniard, do this to­wards him, who is a naturall Frenchman, and a naturall borne enemie (and that not without cause) vnto y^e Spaniard. It is there­fore at this time requisite, & this remaineth to be done at this time by vs, that such & so many of vs as be of the French Nation, should gather our selues together & ioyne to withstand this detestable conspiracie. Let vs forget, & neuer heare againe repea­ted y^e names of Papist & Hugenot, which are I trust buried and vtterly abolished by the former Edictes of pacification, and ought now most of all to be buried in ob­liuion, in respect of these ciuill warres, which can haue no other foundation or ground, but to be built vpon our ciuill dis­sentions [Page 65] & ruines: I beseech you let there be no other termes vsed amōg vs, but Spa­niard & French. And vpō this present oc­casiō, now at length let vs shew our selues rather reunited vnder y^e white Crosse, be­ing the auncient banner of our Kings, a­gainst the redde Crosse of Burgundie in Spaine, y^t it may be remembred & reported vnto our posteritie, y^t this diuision amongst vs, (as in former times it did among y^e Ro­manes) hath vnited vs together: that y^e re­bellion of these men hath brought vs vnto a true obedience, both vnto our Kings and our Lawes. This is y^e counter-league which we ought to make, a league that in trothe is borne and bred in vs, a naturall league betweene the head & all the members of the body: For the atchieuing whereof, we shall not neede to vse any further fet cun­ning, fetches or deuises. The blood ga­thereth vnto the heart, & the arme defen­deth the head so soone as it espyeth any apparant danger, or perceiueth the blowe to be comming. Let vs therefore vnite our selues in good friendship and amitie toge­ther: Let vs submit our selues vnder the o­bediēce of our King: Let euery member of [Page 66] the body of this Estate, endeuour to doe that which apperteineth vnto his office & function. And if we shall so do, me thinke I see these confederats and conspiratours to remaine as an vnbound besome, and as pieces vncunningly patched together to moulder and consume before vs, yea, and to grow to confusion among themselues: I seeme to see them alreadie discomfited, distressed, diuided and broken with their owne forces, euen by y^e testimonie of their owne soules and their consciences, and by the badnesse of the cause it selfe, or rather the vaine pretext thereof, then by any for­ces of their King, Prince and Magistrate: and instead of an Epitaph to be engraued as a monument vpō their tombe, whereof they assure themselues, I trust this sentence shall be euery where recorded of them:

These were the first French Spaniards.