THe Jews being a people favoured especi­ally by God, and chosen by him above all others, on whom to shew his grace, and in them on all mankinde, have yet in all ages shewn abundance of ingra­titude; for which, several ways and times they have been scourged: No sooner were they freed from the Egyptian bondage, but presently for­getting the mercies received, Exod. 16. Numb 20. and the miseries lately suffered, they murmure against their deliverer; and being settled in the Land of Promise, easily forget­ting how they came thither, change their God, and worship those Idols, which were not able to deliver the former Inhabitants from their Invasion.

Then quarrelling against the dispensations of God, 1 Sam. 8. 1 & 2 Kings. they desire the Government of Kings; under whom whilst they lived, partly by their own depraved blind­ness, partly by their Princes carnal Policies, they were still drawn in their Religion and Manners, after the customs of the Heathen; to whom, after some few hundreds of years, they were left to be subjected and inthralled.

And, though after the Babylonish captivity, they were [Page 2]not found guilty of so gross Idolatry as formerly; yet ere long, they fell off from the purity of Religion, and the inwards of it, Sadducisin. Pharisaism. to that Corruption and Forma­lity, which made way for that mist of Error; which, overspreading their mindes, and possessing their spirits, kept out that light, which in the fulness of time clear­ly shone amongst them.

Many have been the ways, many the instruments, by which God hath plagued their disobedience. The carkasses of the rebellious ones fell in the wildernesse; the Nations were part preserved to be as thorns in their eyes, and goads in their sides: And after the death of Solomon, Israel began to be against himself, and did not only struggle with Esau after some 130. years from the rooting out of the ten Tribes by Sal­manasser: 1 & 2 Kings. after many inroads made by the Babyloni­ans, Egyptians and Syrians; Judah is also carried away into Captivity, the City destroyed, the Temple burnt, and nothing left of the face of a Common-wealth.

Neither did afflictions from Forreign invasions and captivities cease after their reduction, though they were not clean removed from their Land. For what multitudes were enthralled in their ancient house of bondage! One hundred and twenty thousand being reported to have been set at liberty by Ptolomy Phi­ladelphus, at such time as erecting his renowned Li­brary at Alexandria, he sent for the Law of God, and 72. Josephus, An­riq. lib. 12. Interpreters to translate it. How did Ptolomy Philopator or Physcon prophane the Temple? and ga­thering many thousands of them together, intended by subjecting them to the teeth of Elephants, to feed his cruel and malitious humor? And what they endu­red from the Syrian and Asian Kingdoms, especially [Page 3]under Antiochus Epiphanes that vile person, the book of Maccabees, with other Histories sufficiently de­clare; besides what tumults, broils, seditions and slaughters arose, through the ambitious transactions of themselves for the Priesthood, and royal dig­nity?

And the Scepter was departed from Judah when Shiloh came; falling out amongst themselves, they were subjected to a Forreign power, called in to help. Josephus. Great Pompey had reduced that Kingdom to Roman obedience: aliens were placed over them; Matth. 1. Herod the great was harassing them with his Tyrannies and Op­pressions, when Christ came; who by the special Pro­vidence of God escaped his hands: whilest they reject­ed the Government of Christ, they were still under the Roman Tyrannie; maintained partly by Herods off-spring, partly by others sent from Rome: cruci­fying the Lord of Life, rejecting the Gospel of Sal­vation, they were spued up by their own land into all Countreys, despised by all, and hated by most.

The destruction of Jerusalem foretold by Christ some fourty years before (whose blood they had char­ged upon themselves and posterity) came to pass in the days of Vespasian the Emperor by Titus his Son; Josephus lib. 7. de bell [...] Judai [...]. who being for the especial sweetness of disposition, the love and delight of mankinde, was yet their overthrow, but that occasioned by their own stubborness. Great was the concourse of people at that time, out of respect to the season; their Superstition disarming themselves, put a strong weapon in to the hands of the enemy; that City came the second time to desolation, being con­sumed with fire, together with its ornament the Temple; some few pillars only left to posterity, [Page 4]to testifie the stateliness of what had been.

Of the remnant of this people, Idem ibid. few were left be­hinde in their own Countrey; eleven hundred thou­sand perished in the Siege, and ninety seven thousand were taken Captives: they being scattered abroad in divers Countreys, yet especially abounded in Egypt, Cyrene and Cyprus, where after some fifty years con­tinuance, they begin to commit outrages in an unheard of manner; Dion lib. 9.8. here 200000 there 250000 are butcher­ed by them; they eat their flesh, besmear themselves with their blood, wear their skins, saw them asunder, cast them to beasts, make them kill one another. The Emperor Trajan wondering, and scarce believing such horrid treachery, prosecutes them as so many Monsters and enemies of mankinde; an infinite number are of­fered up as a parentation.

Yet still they cannot rest. Dion lib. 69. In his Successor Adrians days they must up again and try their fortune. That Prince had built a new City where their Jerusalem stood, and called it after himself Aelia, setting up a Sow over the gates thereof, in opposition to them; giving free liberty to all Nations for the exercise of their Religion; such injuries offered to their Supersti­tion as they cannot digest: whilst he remains amongst them they murmure; being gone, break out into open rebellion; joyn battel with one of the most expert Captains in his time; Julius Severus. which brings a bloody victory to the adversary, and a fearful slaughter to themselves.

Those that remained, Joan: vasaeus, Chron. Hi [...]p. Anno 137. Adrian transports into Spain, his own Countrey; and thence, or from elsewhere we have nothing considerable of them, until the decay of the Roman Empire. Papirius Nas. senus, lib. 1. At last it comes to that pass, that Christians selling Church-livings for money; the Jews [Page 5]buy Christians for their slaves; which being taken no­tice of by Gregory the great, and Heraclius the Empe­ror proving their enemy; the Kings of France and Spain are stirred up by him to their conversion or ex­tirpation. Ammonis l. b 4. Hist. Hisp. Under Theodebert and Theodorick Kings of France they enjoyed the most serene times; but Dago­bert joyns with Sesebodus of Spain to their undoing: Yea so odious afterwards became they to Christians, Pertrus Cluni­acensis. that some perswading Christian Princes to the recove­ry of the Holy Land out of the hands of their bre­thren the Saracens; their goods are presently pointed at, as most fit to pay the Souldiers wages: yea some flew so high to pronounce the only way, Rodulphus vilis. Papirius Messo­nus in Lud. 7. to obtain their ancient Countrey from the Infidels, was to take away their lives here; as fighting more against the Cause by their superstition and cruelties (which being suffered made God displeased) then the other by their swords and military Engines.

A stop was given to this heady and rash sentence by the interposition of St. Bernard and others. But as if such mischief nothing concerned them, some of them seated about Orleance, in the year one thousand, sent an Ambassage to the Prince of Babylon, Papirius Messo­nus, ex Glabo. stirring him up against the Christians. The Ambassador suspected and examined, the truth is discovered; they are thence run upon, and destroyed as Monsters of men, by the People.

Not long after they arrive here in this Island; Stow, Holins [...]. Baker, say they were first of al admitted by him; if there were any be­fore here in the Land, they were but very few. about the year 1070 first of all admitted by William the Conqueror, being brought from Roan by him. Their good welcom in other parts was no cause of their de­sire to see this Country. He had made room enough for them, by that hav [...] he had made of the English [Page 6]Nation: little good will bare he to it; and this was never taken by it as a sign of his contrary disposition. He and all his Successors intended to use them to their own advantage, dealing with them as spunges; suffer­ed them to suck up the English treasure, which they then squeeze out into their own Coffers. For in his fourth yeer, holding a Council of his Barons, he sum­mons up 12. out of each County; Roger de Hove­den in Hen 2. Wilielmus rex. 4. anno regni su [...], &c. commands them to shew their Laws and Customs, and agree upon that, which afterwards was held authentick. Here it is pro­vided, that the Jews setled in the Kingdom (as the title runs) should be under the Kings protection; that they should not subject themselves to any other without his leave: it is declared that they and all theirs are the Kings; and if any should detain any of their goods, he might challenge it as his own.

Being here thus brought in and settled, they lose no time: by their great extortion they fill their purses for the treasury, and the English treasure up prejudice and heart-burnings against them; both which will be shewed in the sequel of our story; when, mixing the blood of innocents with their sacrifices, they made so great impression on the Englishmens hearts, as scarce ever will be worn out with the strength of time; and then never could be satisfied but with their expulsion.

Indeed, in the days of K. William the second, little of transaction occurs in reference to them, but what was caused by his own means. That Kings Scepticism in Religion, Baker. Will. Malmsbu. in Will. 2. or rather profaneness, did but increase the fury of their Superstition. Being at Roan in Normandy, he takes upon him, for a reward, to reduce one who was turned Christian to his former ways again; but being not able to perform his promise, and put to a stand by his young adversary, he bids him be gone [Page 7]out of his presence, but keeps half of the money to him­self. And here at London he makes a disputation be held betwixt the Christians and them. The Bishops assem­ble, the King is present, & promises to pass into the Jews cause, if clearly conquerors. They are said to have car­ried away nothing but confusion; but this came of it, that afterwards they became more confident; stiffly affirming themselves not to have been overpowerd with reason, but faction.

The [...]solency of their carriage in this business wrought grudges in Christians; Will. Ma [...]m. which, joyned with the natural enmity to them as Jews, might have done more, if the joy conceived for the Kings stability, and their own victory, had not something allayed the mat­ter; and as yet scarce knowing one another: there wanted experience of the Jews conditions, which time produced; when growing secure through peace and plenty, they easily betrayed themselves.

Throughout the reign of Henry the first, we hear nothing of them. As yet they were not so fully set­led; coming over, removing from place to place, pro­viding themselves ways of livelyhood; and were so active, as though they were not many at the first, and scarce for a while residing any where but at London; yet shortly they wre spread throughout the whole Land; no Town at all considerable, but multitudes in it.

At the first they had this advantage, that through the English peoples ignorance of their manners (for the generality) and the horridness of them (which afterwards appeared) they might have opportunity to conceal their malice against the truth. Yet at length it is fully discovered; when in the year 1144. and the ninth of King Stephen, all Laws of humanity broken, Fox Acts and Monum. [Page 8]all ingenuity which ought to be shewed by strangers towards them that harbor them; in a malitious oppo­sition against the truth, and furious despight against Jesus Christ the Saviour of the world: in the City of Norwich they lay violent hands upon a poor infant; which, following the example of their Ancestors, they most cruelly cruefie and murder.

What the Christians might think hereupon, we may easily judge; what indignation and implacable hatred might arise: and that not only in respect to Re­ligion; but out of sollicitation for the children of their own bowels, who, living amongst them, might easily be insnared, catched, and miserably butchered: when any childe was missing, suspitions and jealousies could not but abound.

This they could not be ignorant of, and how by this means they digged pits to fall into themselves. Fox Acts and Monum. Not­withstanding, having got a taste of Christian blood, and delighting much in that wretched cruelty, seventeen years after, and the seventh of King Henry the second, in the Town of Glocester, they act the former part over again, Stow in his Survey of London. crucifying another child in like manner, in scorn and derision of our Saviour and Profession. This together with clipping and spoiling the coyn, might justly have provoked more then we can read of. No great stir was made about it, though such acts were not likely long to be tolerated with more then ordina­ry patience. Yet this King, instead of taking such course with them as they might deserve, rather strives, and bears with such enormities; takes away no privi­ledge, but adds unto them. For whereas ever before, for the space of 100. years, they had had no burying place allowed them any where but at London; and so were constrained to bring all their dead from the most [Page 9]remote parts hither: Rog. de Hove­den in Hen. 2. Stows survey. Hollinsh. he gives them leave upon their Petition at the Parliament at Oxford, to purchase ground convenient for their service in all places; pro­vided it were without the Town walls.

In the year 1189. King Henry the second dieth; Hollinsh. Speed. and before this his son whom most unfortunately, as it hap­pened, he had assumed to the Government, and made partaker of his Kingdom: some think this young King to have born no great good will to the Jews, and that he would have manifested the same, had he survived his father. But he dying, Richard succeeds, of that name the first. Now the people begun to be very weary of these their guests: besides what's said, being grievously op­pressed with their usury. Now also were they reported to do mischief in companies where they came, & poyson men and women, as they had done the wels in Germany during the troubles betwixt the Emperour and Pope. Whereupon King Richard the day before his Corona­tion, Krantius Wan­dal. Hist. lib. 9. forbids any of them by Proclamation, or their wives to come within the Church or Palace, during the solemnity. They as yet having not experienced the fu­ry of the people, or expecting impunity for their pre­sents, they intended to offer approach neer the Court gate: Chron. West. whereof the Chieftain with divers of his affi­nity enter. Hereupon a Christian strikes one of them with his hand, bidding him stand further off, as the King had commanded; whereat others taking occasion, as watching for an opportunity, lay at them with stones and other things that come to hand; whereof ensues the death of some, and hurt of many.

It happened, that one of them being hurt in the tu­mult, Matth: Paris in Rich. 1. Holinsh. desired to be baptized, which he was accordingly; but being brought before the King and examined, re­nounced again the Christian Faith: Polydor. Virg. whereupon the [Page 10]King looking upon the Bishops, and demanding what was to be done with him; the Archbishop of Canter­bury wisely replied; If he will not be a childe of God, then let him be a childe of the devil; but others would have had him dealt with after another fashion.

But the noise of what was done at Court presently arrives in the City of London. Matth. Paris, Speed, Holinsh. Then the heady multi­tude, having got what they wished, presently make to the Jews houses; but finding them entred, and the doors locked, some they break open, pillage and rifle the houses; those that are too strong they set on fire, the owners miserably perishing in the flames; and those that come forth are unmercifully received on the points of swords and spears, by their implacable and furious enemies. Tidings hereof being brought to the King, he dispatches away Rich. de Glanvill his chief Justice, and other Ministers of State, to appease the People; but they being little reverenced, and their authority as little regarded, return again as they came, having only ventured their lives to no purpose. This lasted from the noon of one day, to two a clock of the next and then the rout broke up: inquisition was made for offenders, and some executed; some houses of Christians having also perished, and much harm done.

This on the morrow draws out a proclamation from the King, Matth. Paris, Holinsh. to the end the like for the future might be prevented; none under great penalties are to hurt or molest a Jew. But the King having taken upon him the Cross, and having crossed the Seas into France; upon his expedition into the Holy Land, the people take occasion at his absence, having the memory of the stirs at London fresh in their minds, to satisfie their greedy desires in the Jews destruction, in divers parts of the Realm.

Yet the occasion was given by themselves: Polidor. Virgil. Holinsh. That free­dom from molestation which was indulged to them by the King, they will not bestow upon one of their own Nation. It hapned in Lin, that one of them turned Christian, and being for that mortally hated by them, they sought occasion to take away his life, resolving to kill him where ere they meet him. Accordingly meet­ing him on a time in the streets, they sell upon him. He to save his life, betakes himself to the next Church; whither they also pursuing him, break it open. Here­upon a tumult is raised by the crying out of the Chri­stians who earnestly endeavoured to save the Convert; and with that, many of the Inhabitants, and divers Mar­r [...]nors (who were strangers) came in unto the rescue. The Jews are beaten home to their houses; which the Sailers out of greediness of gain, rob, rifle, and pil­lage; and setting them on fire, get them to their ships, hoise up sails, and away they go. Thus God raises up even strangers (who came thither to trade) to scourge this crooked and rebellious people.

The next place which took the alarum was S. Ed­mundsbury in Suffolk, on the 15 of March, Holinsh. and the 2 of the King; when they being no less hated for their cruel oppression, are set upon by the people, plundred and slain. Things were sooner composed here by the care of the Abbot, and the residue of the Jews expel­led the Town, never to return thither again. At Stam­ford, and at Lin also at the same time, were great stirs, all places desiring nothing more, then to be rid of these their guests.

But the greatest commotion was at York; Mat. Paris. alii. when the hand of God severely punished their stubbornness and cruelty: There, March the 17. in the same year, the people envying the happiness of those Towns who so [Page 12]used them, set most violently upon them, forcing them for safety to take their heels. Hence four or five hun­dred fly to Towers to save themselves; where being be­sieged, and seeing little hopes to escape the danger, one of their Rabbies makes an Oration to them, exhorting them rather to kill one another, then fall into their hands who opposed their Law: He begins first, cuts his wives throat (whose name was Anna) next his childrens, then his friends, and lastly his own; the rest follow his example, throwing their slain relations over upon their Christians heads. Some in another Tower, hearing what was become of these, set the place and themselves on fire, calling upon their companions hard by to do the like; but these esteeming better of their lives then so, offer to yield, on condition, that for turn­ing Christians, and being baptized, they might have them spared.

This is agreed upon and concluded, but they coming out, were most perfidiously & cruelly butchered, malice and passion breaking the bounds of faith given. After this massacre, the people run to the Cathedral, get all their Bonds and Obligations into their hands, by which they had bound many a man unto them so unreasona­bly, as if the Authors were not of credit which report it, it were incredible. But all these, a fire being made in the midst of the Church, they reduce to ashes.

Now the King was beyond the Seas, on his way to Palestine; Mat. Paris & alii. but receiving this news, hears it with great indignation, fretting that his orders being so little ob­served, his authority should be so much infringed; as also, for that he had received upon his setting forwards, great sums of money from the Jews; wherefore he sends his commands to the Bishop of Ely, to see these insurrections severely punished. The Bishop, accord­ing [Page 13]to these injunctions, marches down to York with a great Army, but mist his prey, the chief Actors in the Tragedy being fled into Scotland upon the rumor of his coming. The Magistrates and chief Citizens excused themselves, as not accessary to the fact, which was committed principally by the Souldiers (who be­ing crossed and gathered together, were to pass over to the King, and follow him on his expedition) and other Countrey people, which flocked thither from the Towns near adjoyning. But the stout Bishop would not be satisfied with this put off, but fleeced the Citi­zens, the multitude being pardoned, for that the Ring­leaders of the rout were fled away. The Inhabitants of Lin excused themselves, laying the matter upon the Sailers, and had little said unto them.

In the sixth year of this Kings reign, 1194. Rog Hoved. in Rich. 1. were Justices Itinerant sent throughout the Land in Septem­ber. Amongst other Instructions, this is given them in charge, to enquire diligently of murthers of Jews; of the Jews Pledges, Goods, Lands and Writings: Commissioners and places are appointed to inroll all their Debts, Pledges, Lands, Rents, and Possessions, and great penal [...]ies appointed to the breakers of these orders, according to that above-mentioned, that they and all theirs are the Kings.

All this while these several Kings bore with them, by reason of the profit which redounded to their coffers; yet no great damage did they hitherto suffer. But now their actions rendring them more and more obnoxious, as well as their Religion; and having hoarded up abun­dance of wealth, to the undoing of the subject, from henceforth they become a prey to the Prince, as often as his necessities call upon him; who knowing where to have supply, forces them always by strong hand to [Page 14]disgorge themselves; which provoking them for re­cruit to double their diligence, the people come to pay for it at the last.

Now had King John succeeded his brother, Matth. Westin. a Prince sufficiently covetous and griping. Being in want, or at least pretending it; in his eleventh year 1210 he commands all the Jews of both Sexes, throughout his Kingdom, to be apprehended; imprisons them, and inflicts great punishments upon them, that they might empty themselves to fill his purse; some he commands to have an eye pull'd out: one at Bristol, being more resolute then his fellows, stands it out, refusing to re­deem his liberty at so great a rate as the King required. Matth. Paris. He to take a speedy and certain way with him as he thought, commanded he should every day, as long as he refused to submit, K. John in the first of his raign, granted them such a priviledge as can scarce be paralleld, making one Jo­cob of London High-Priest, that so they might acrifice, which else could not be done. J. [...]cok. have a tooth pull'd out of his head. The poor man had but eight in all; stood out seven days; then, having but one tooth left him, to save that, agrees to the Kings demand, and pays the money.

By this time their iniquities were grown so high, that they were counted a burden to the earth on which they trod; no rising, no stir, but part of it must fall upon them. In the Wars betwixt the King and Ba­rons, the City of London was taken by the Barons men; who, presently breaking in, fall upon the Jews, destroy them as the common plague, Stows survey. and rase their houses down to the ground; of the stones of which Ludgate was afterwards partly repaired; as appeared by an inscription in a stone, when the gate was builded the last time.

King John after this leaves this life, Speed. and his King­dom also to a childe in a sad condition Now was Lewis the Dolphin in England, and the royal prerogative in [Page 15]the hands of the Barons: yet by the honesty and prudence of the Earl of Pembrook, all things were re­duced to a quiet state condition; the aliens expel­led, and peace setled. The Jews during his non-age were little molested; but in his 14. year 1230. they did sufficiently smart. K. H 3. is for France, and wanting money, whither should he betake himself, but to their purses; he gets the third part of all their movables, Hollinsh. and away he goes.

What people in the world would not have laid these things to heart, and striven by the amendment of their lives to have hindred succeeding plagues? but wretch­ed is that people which commits iniquity by a Law, and whose very principles of Religion prompts them to horrid and unlawful actions. They count it no sin, but rather the contrary, even to commit murder, so they can but thereby scoff at and deride the Christian profession. Some five years after the Kings going in­to France, keeping his Christmass at Westminster se­ven Jews are brought before him by one Tolie, Matth. Westm. and grievously accused. They had gotten a childe at Nor­wich and had circumcised him, calling him Jeremiah; [...] 16. [...]at. Paris kept him a year together, intending to crucifie him at Easter, when they should meet together for that pur­pose. The thing was confessed by them, and they there­upon cast into prison, abiding there the Kings pleasure.

Now begun this Prince to be sore pinched with want. Coming to the Crown so extream young, Sir Rob. Cotton. he wanted that experience which others might attain, who having not so much of their will at first, by discipline, with years might gather experience. His Minions cost him dear; he flew to that height in lavishments, that at last he was constrained to break up house, and betake himself to the Monks, to take his Commons. [Page 16]This could not but turn to the Jews cost and disquiet. He so orders the matter, Baker. that one Abraham, found to be a delinquent; redeems himself with 7000. marks: and Aaron protests the King hath since his last being in France taken from him, at times 30000. marks, be­sides 200. of gold given to the Queen.

In the year 1239. they are grievously fined again; paying the fifth part of all their movables. They had committed a murder secretly, and the King takes hence occasion to empty their purses; imploying Geofrey Templar, Mat. Paris one of his Minions, in the Collection. About this time also they are reported to have done over that at Norwich again, which they did some 4. years before; circumcising another childe, whom they called Jurnin, who is also destined by them to the Cross. But the just God turned the mischief upon their own heads, the childe being in time discovered, whilest his father heard him crying in the Jews house. William de Raele the Bi­shop, with other of the Nobility, being inraged for the fact, apprehend all that live in the Town. The Jews pretending the Kings protection, the Bishop an­swers, It belongs not to the King, but to the Church, to Judge this matter of Circumcision: wherefore four of them, being drawn at horses tails to the place of exe­cution, Krantzius lib. 7. Wandal. receive their reward. At Prague also they are said this year to have crucified a Christian.

And that which shewed their faithfulness sufficiently, and procured them ha [...]red not in the least degree, Holinsh. Ex Eulog. and Fox Acts and Monum. was, that in the year 1253. at Northampton they combined together, and that for the destruction of that City, which first harboured them; preparing to set even the City of London on fir [...]. This could not but enrage much; yet having entred such courses as rendred them more then odious, they are resolved to go on, though [Page 17]to their own destruction. But what they intended to do to the City they suffer themselves; for many of them being taken in the same Town where they hatcht their design, are themselves reduced to ashes, in the time of Lent.

And this year also were they expelled out of France, Matth. Westm. by command of King Philip, who then warred in their ancient Countrey. Matth. Paris. The Saracens there expostulating with him for his violence offered to themselves, who never injured Christ; upbraid him with the fostering them in his realm, who were his murderers. The cause was religion, and he thought all things reflecting up­on it were to be removed: to stop therefore the Sara­cens mouths, this people must quit their habitations.

King Henry was now about this time beyond the Seas, Matth. Paris. making a visit to his French Dominions; and there wanting money, sends over his brother Richard to procure it. The Nobility, for the most part, plainly deny to help him with any; but as for the Jews they are a sure refuge, they are fleeced at all hands, and they might thank their purses that here they lived. Not long after returning home; and having spent an incre­dible sum of money in his journey, and thereby con­tracted a great debt; (being put off by his Barons) he betakes himself again to his never failing treasury: he squeezes the Jews again; and yet having pressed out almost both blood and moisture, turns them over unto his brother. He pittying their condition, little molests them; but upon pawns supplies the King with a great sum of money.

But what shall we say to a people that is given up to a reprobate minde? and commits iniquity with gree­diness? whom neither fear of God, of the Laws, love unto mankinde, nor the dictates of humanity can [Page 18]bridle and restrain? whose blindness is such, whose stubborness is so great, that no experience can reme­dy, no affliction can lessen? They are not yet satisfied with Christian blood, they will rather venture all, then not vent their malice against Christian profession. They have another annual Tragedy to act, and Lincoln for this year must be the Stage. There in that City in the year 1255. they get a child into their hands of eighteen years of age; whom after many cruel whippings, scourgings, Matth. Paris, Holinsh. alii. and tortures, they again crucifie and mur­der: In derision of Christ a Pilate is made, before whom he is brought, accused and condemned; suffering their malice in the same manner as our Savior had done before, they imitating as near as they can their ancestors in this their horrid and abominable act. Being dead the childe is thrown into a well, near the ho [...]s [...] wh [...]re this butchery was committed. The poor woman missing her son, and inquiring after him, finds he was seen playing last, before that door with the Jews children: and hence upon suspition the well is search­ed, and the body found. The man of the house being apprehended and examined by John Lexinton, upon promise of pardon, confesses the murder, acknowledges it to be their custom every year to crucifie a child, but very secretly, and therefore not easie to be discover­ed. The King would not suffer the man to live, but pre­sently commands his execution, when coming to die, he accuses most of the Jews in England as accessory to the Fact; it being their custom (upon notice given) most of them to meet upon such a wicked occasion. In Novem­ber an hundred & two were carried up to the King be­ing [...]hen at Westminster; & thence were commanded to the Tower; of these afterwards 18. were hanged, the rest remain'd long time in prison. The body of the child [Page 19](whose name was Hugh) was honorably buried in the Cathedral, and he ever after accounted a Martyr.

About two years after, hapned a thing in Teuxbury, Hollinsh. Mat. Paris. which perhaps might as well be omitted as spoken of. It chanced there, that a Jew fell into a Jakes on Satur­day, which being their Sabboth, he would not that day be drawn out for breaking of it. The Earl of Glocester hearing this news, forbids him to be taken out the next, on Sunday; for that neither (he said) should the Christian Sabboth be broken by him; whereupon the poor man lying there till Munday, miserably died. Of this story, I have read these verses rimed, according to the Poetry of that age:

In the year, 1262. and of this Henry the 3. the 47. Holinsh. Stows survey. a Jew little remembring into what a tickle condition their deserts had brought them, wounds a Christian within Colechurch, in the Ward of Cheap. He is pur­sued home to his house by the multitude, and there slain; with whose life yet they would not be satisfied. But going on in their fury, they break up and pillage the houses of that Nation, and kill divers, so full were the Londoners of prejudice and spight against them, that upon all occasions they could not bu [...] discover it. But not onely against their persons do they rage: The publike toleration of their Religion was also a great offence to them; running therefore to their Syna­gogue at the west side of Olaves Jury (where they for the most part lived) they utterly destroy it. The [Page 20]ground being afterwards by the King given away, be­came the seat of Friers, next of a Nobleman, then of a Merchant, and since that of the Windmil Tavern. Sir Reb Cottor.

But now ere long the sparks of discontent and grudges betwixt the King & Barons were quite blown up into a flame His lavishments and neglect in admi­nistration of Justice, had subjected him to their plots and combinations, and betwixt both parties sprung a more then civil War. The Barons had gotten the hearts of the Citizens; who easily drawn with the promises of freedom and reformation of abuses, took their part; but the Jews (loving neither in reality) clave to the King, sufficiently knowing their own in­terest in this matter, though at other times they could take no warning, but by their abominable actions, drew still upon themselves, one plague at the heels of another. But here they saw on whom they depended, what it was that kept them here, and what they might expect if the Barons should prove victorious. Holinsh. Ex Eulog. Accor­dingly therefore in the year 1264. they that inhabite in London resolving to do what they may, plot the de­struction of Barons and Citizens altogether. But no­thing except desolation and misery attending them, they are detected hereof, almost all slain, their houses ransack'd, abundance of treasure being therein found scraped up together.

But within a while providence had decided the civil quarrel, Holinsh. giving the victory unto the King: whereupon a Parliament was called, and many turned out of their estates being proscribed by Law. Divers of those dis­inherited Gentlemen being thus out-lawed, and sore repining at their condition, betake themselves to the Isle of Oxholm, whither resorts a multitude of the baser sort, who rob and rifle the places near adjoyning, [Page 21]and act according to the custom of men carried by ne­cessity and desperation. Now Lincoln being not far distant, is taken and sacked by them; wherein not un­mindeful of the publique enemy, the Jews, they run to their Synagogue, which they burn, together with their Law; and many of them in it; thinking it even sin if to their other robberies, they should not add this of spoiling them, who in that place had broken the bounds of all humanity, and thereby deserved many deaths.

And now we come to the last passage we meet with, during the long raign of this King. Things seeming to be prettily settled, yet clouds begin to gather again. The Earl of Glocester is unsatisfied with affairs, and the efore must up and make way for better fortune by his sword. He comes up to London, and gets possessi­on of the City. The Jews then, their wives and chil­dren, being sensible of the approaching of their ruine with the Popes Legat, flock into the tower, of which they have a part assigned them to defend. But things being after a while composed, they also for a while en­joy quietness and security.

Now began the English liberty from these incroach­ers to draw on amain; for in the year 1272. King Ed­ward the first had ascended the throne, succeeding his father. Their oppressions were now grown so in tolle­rable, that longer they could not be endured, the people of England being almost ready to quit their dwellings, and leave them their habitations. Math. West, Edv. rex ad Parlamentum Westmonasterii [...]mnes Nobiles regni sui jusserat congregari, in quo Statuta multa ad utili­tatem regni fue­runt publicata, inter quae Judaeis fuit interdicta effraenatalicentia usurandi: Et ut poslent à Chri­stianis discerni, praecepit rex, quod instar ta­bularum unius palmaelongitudi­nem sign a fer­rent in exterin­ribus indumen­tis. Therefore in the third of the King a Parliament is called; and in it, a­mongst other things, their unreasonable usury is re­strained by Law; and for that they are accounted un­worthy of any charitable thought, they are ordered to wear plates in their clothes, clear to be seen, that eve­ry one might take notice who they were.

But that they cannot get one way, they will have another; the measure of their iniquities was not yet compleat, and therefore they run on still to their own destruction. Would any people under the cope of heaven, having had so many warnings, undergone so many troubles, suffered such massacres, yet go on; as if to make amends, and procure themselves safety, was to heap guilt upon guilt, and adde treachery to vio­lence But in the year 1278. and the sixth of the King, they wash, Matth. Westm. Paris. clip, and counterfeit his coyn, as they had done before in the reign of Henry the second. Being apprehended, they likewise accuse the Christians as accessary. At London nigh 300 are executed (amongst whom there were three Christians) many being also put to death in other places.

King Edward, Holinshed. according to the tenor of their hold here in England, and their obnoxiousness to which their actions had reduced them, counted all they had his own; and for non-payment of what was demand­ed, the whole generation scattered through the whole Land, are shut up in one night, where they enjoyed no day, until they had fined at his pleasure. The Com­mons now offered to the King the fifth part of their moveables to have them banished; [...] but this Prince (having this opportunity his Predecessors wanted, of their vying with one another) makes his own markets, takes most that is offered; and so the Jews emptying their purses, purchase their continuance a little longer. But vengeance pressed them at their very heels, they acting such an horrid murther this year beyond the seas, as is scarce to be thought, and (if not theirs) harder to be believed.

Doubtless the prejudice and antipathy betwixt the English Nation and them now was such, as would not [Page 23]admit of any reconciliation, and thereupon might di­vers inconveniences proceed; but especially the dis­agreement of their Religion, joyned with great per­verseness of disposition, plunged them into devillish and unheard of wickedness. This year they were generally imprisoned here in England, and (as we may say) as guilty (in approbation at least) of what their Countrey­men practised in other parts, who at Munchen in Bavere stabbed a childe throughout his whole body with needles, Aventin. Boiorum annal. l. 7. p 442. taking his blood in a bason, to use it, as the suspition was then, in sacrifice, for stanching that issue of blood wherewith this people (Christians know why) is continually pestered. These butchers were detected by the drover, an old Hag, taken in the very manner, while she was stealing a second for the same purpose. The bodie of the former being found out by her di­rections, the fresh print of infinite wounds filled with gore, imploring vengeance, as it were with so many watered and blubbred eyes, so enrage the multitude, that they could not expect the Judges sentence, but fall immediately upon these Jews, notwithstanding the Princes servants, and their chief Magistrates earnest en­deavors to appease the tumult, conveying as many Jews as they could into their Synagogue, which the people burning with fury, set on fire, and with it burn­ed 180. Jews. But this by way of digression, falling out in this year. Now to return again to England.

The several Kings making their markets out of the Jews store-houses at all occasions, the score was to be discharged at the subjects cost. Not content to let them rob the Countrey by their unmerciful dealings, they must also upon their wicked desires, give them securi­tie against justice it self, for a little gain. It hapned, that in the 15. year of this King, 1288. he being then [Page 24]in Gascoin, a certain Knight sued a Jew for the unjust detaining of a mortgaged Manor. The Jew shifts off the business, and for his discharge produces a protecti­on King Henry had granted him, that he should never be convented before any Magistrate but himself alone. Thom V [...]a [...]ing. Upon this the Knight goes over to the King, desiring justice against his adversary avoiding the equity of Law, by such an unreasonable priviledge. The King answers, it would not stand with reverence due to the memory of his Father, to make void that he had grant­ed in this matter; but he would indulge him also this priviledge, that so he might be even with his adversary, that what injury he or any other Christian should offer to that man, they should not be bound to appear before any but himself alone, as long as the Jew should stand upon his Charter. The Knight returns home with this answer; and his honest adversary being acquainted with his success, was glad to come to what accommo­dation Law would offer, no longer insisting upon his former grant.

This peoples honesty in this particular is very con­spicuous. This man hath an intention to be wicked, and must have a priviledge for it. But counting of Christi­ans worse then of Turks and Infidels, because more di­rectly opposing them in their way of superstition, what they might get any way, they counted it their own, and honestly enough; fear of punishment, no consci­ence bridling their malice.

But such like throws of their dishonesty, were but still signs of their ensuing death, and of that delivery the Land was about to make of them; it being radi­cated in the nature of things, to unite their spirits, and double their diligence, against that which is shortly like­ly to work their ruine. Their iniquity being now fully [Page 25]ripe, their time is also already accomplished. King Ed­ward is returned out of Gascoign, Thom Wa [...]sing. in. Edv. 1. and being honorably received of the Cle [...]gie and Nobilitie, holds a Parlia­ment at Westminster; such as was likely to bring nothing but calamity to the Jews, for whose expulsion so much had been before this time offered. The people in Par­li [...]ment are said to be resolved, rather to undo them­selves once, then be always undoing their Religion, safety of their Children, and the Kingdom, honor and profit (which by the imbasing and clipping of its coyn had gone to wrack) call upon them; and a fifteenth is offered to the King to have them expelled. Vide Holinsh. in Edw. 1. It seems they did not now overbid, for the fifteenth was ac­ceped and an Act made, August 31, 1290. and the 18 of the King, Matth. Westm. that upon pain of hanging, they, their w [...]ves and children, should before the Feast of All-Saints next ensuing, depart the Land. Some say, Wa [...]singham. Holinsh. & alii. they had onely money given them to bear their charges o­ver into France. Others say, that all goods not move­able, with their Tallies and Obligations, being confis­cate, all other moveables, as gold and silver, they were licensed to carry over. The number of them when they departed, was about 16511. many more then at their first coming; an increasing misery to the Land where ere they come.

By vertue of this injunction, Holinsh. and in obedience to it they prepare for their removal. Divers of the richest hi [...]e a great ship, and therein having put much treasure, are carried down the Thames towards the mouth of the River, beyond Quinborough; where the Master wickedly conspiring with the Mariners to rob them of their riches, they are advised to go down out of the ship with him, and walk upon the sands, to take the air. Having so done, and it being now flowing water, [Page 26]and the fands beginning to be covered, the Master is drawn up by a cord on ship-board; but they are then left exposed, to be swallowed up of the waves: Cry­ing out for help, they are inhumanely bid to call upon Moses for deliverance, and perish miserably by the floods. This greediness of gain in the Master and Mariners, was justly rewarded, he with others be­ing arraigned and condemned by the Justices Itine­rants, and accordingly executed for so vile a fact, though little pity was had (for the generality) of them that perished, Sir Ed Cook being looked upon onely as pursued by the hand of divine justice.

Now gone they are, and the English peoples dis­quiet with them; and never since could they procure licence to return. King Henry the third founded an house for those of them that should be converted, in his 17 year; Cambden. Stows Survey. which afterwards in the 50 of Edward the third was again dissolved, and appointed to the keeping of the Rolls, in which service it continues to this day. King Edward the first also cleansing his Territories of the Jews, Matth. Westm. as so many locusts, had before commanded, whilst beyond the seas, that the parts of Aquitain should likewise be swept of them.

Thus I have proceeded as an Historian, keeping close to that way, according as I am informed by our Writers. And hereupon I am not ignorant that some there are, and that not without reason, who may deny their assent to what is said concerning their expulsion; being induced to believe the contrary, by greater au­thority then this report: The Oracle of Law in his time, pronouncing no Statute to have been made for their banishment. Judge Cook in the second part of his Institutes upon the Statute De Judaismo, affirms there was none, but onely that which was for the taking [Page 27]avvay their Usury, upon vvhich they left the Land, as he conceives, being so deprived of their Trade, or way of life. I have not arrived at that height of arro­gance, as to oppose so great a man, especially in his own way; but yet shall tender something to considera­tion, as I am warranted by History, whereby I hope I shall escape the hazard of being thought to break the bounds of modesty, being found onely in that way, in which at first I set forward. Our Historians all with joynt consent, affirm them to have been actually banish­ed or expelled; many of whose words I shall first set down, and then see onely what they might seem fur­ther to hint unto us.

Matthew of Westminster, Vide Bale [...]m descript. Aug. and approved Augusti 31. Judaeorum ex­asperans multi­tud [...] quae per di­versas urbes & castra fortia ha­bitabat per re­troacta tempora confidenter jussa est cum uxoribus & parvulis suis unà cū bonis suis mobilibus ce­dere circa festum [...]mnium Sancto­rum quod eis pro termino po­nebatur, quem sub poena suspen­dii transgredi non est ausa [...]quo­rum numerus erat ut credeba­tur 16511. Exierat antea tale edictum à laud [...]bili rege Anglorum in partibus Aquitaniae, à quà omnes judaei pariter exulabant. Author in his Flores Historiarum, at the 1290. year of our Lord, hath these words, Aug. 31. Judaeo [...]um exasperans multitudo, &c. On the third day of August, the exasperating mul­titude of Jews, which in times past had lived confi­dently in divers Cities and strong Towns, is command­ed with their wives, children and moveables to depart England, about the Feast of All-Saints, which is set as the utmost limit of their continuance, which under pain of hanging they durst not pass, the number of whom was thought to be 16511. Such a Decree had gone out before from the commendable King of Eng­land in the parts of Aquitain, out of which in like ma­ner the Jevvs vvere banished. So he. Thomas Wal­singham, in his Hypodigma Neustriae, writes thus, Rex Angliaereversus de Wasconia, &c. ^* The King of Eng­land being returned out of Gascoign, is solemnly re­ceived by the Clergy and all the people at London, [Page 28]who the same year expelling all the Jews out of Eng­land, giving them to bear their charges over into France, confiscated the rest of their goods; and Polydor. Virgil, in his seventeenth Book, at the 1290. year of Christ, delivers the matter thus: Anno deinde qui, &c. An [...] deinde qui insecutus est, Concilium L [...]n­d [...]ni ad [...]estmo­nasterium ha [...] [...]ur in qu [...] im­primis agita [...]a est Ju [...]ae [...]um ejectio, quo [...]um erat per omnem Angliam ingers multitudo, qu [...] s [...] oves ab i oe [...]is segregarentur. Itaque publico edicto jussum est, ut intra [...]cos dies om­ne [...] abirent cum bonis illi jussis concilii parent [...]s ili [...] [...] dis [...]es­serunt. Then in the year which followed, a Council was held at Westminster, in which first of all is debated the ejection of the Jews, of which there was through­out England a great multitude that so the sheep might be separated from the goats. Therefore it is command­ed by a publique Edict that within a few days all should depart with their goods; they obeying the command of the Council went divers ways, thus far Polydor, who use [...]h the word Concilium for that we call Parliament; it with other words being (as a great Sir R. Cotton. Antiquary ob­serves an usual term in ancient Authors for that thing. Polych [...]onicon. lib. 7. cap. 38. saith, the Jews were put out of England, and never came again. Stow in his Annals writes, that this year all the Jews were banished this Land; for which the Com­mons gave a fifteenth. In like manner writes Holinshead expresly, that they were banished by act of Parliament, and that a Fifteenth was granted to the King to have them expelled, that all their goods not moveable were confiscate, with their Tallies and Obligations; all their other moveables of gold and sil­ver, the King licensed them to convey with them; that they could never since obtain a priviledge to re­turn; and with these concurreth Speed, who tels us that the King to purge England (whither he was now returned) from such corruptions and oppressions, as under which it gro [...]ned, and not neglecting therein his particular gain, banished the Jews out of the realm, confiscating all their goods, leaving them nothing but [Page 29]money to bear their charges. Florilegus Dunstable. Others might be brought who testifie the same thing; neither is there any Historian, that I know, who denies it.

Now strange it is, that all these should be mis­acquainted and mistaken, that those of the near adjoyn­ing times to their departure should so grosly erre, and that those who lived in the same time, should deliver to posterity so great a falshood. For if any had report­ed their departure to have been voluntary, it might have been found out by some of those who succeeded and had their gatherings from them. Matthew of Westminster sets down the day the Act should be made for their expulsion, mentions the time set as the ut­most bound of their continuance, and withall the pe­nalty or punishment they were to suffer (even hanging) if found hereafter; and that the King had made such adecree before for banishing them the parts of Aqui­taine; a strange thing that he should so grosly erre in so many circumstances. Walsingham writes that the King returned home, that he was met by the Clergy and all the people, and that this year they were ex­pelled. Polydor Illi jussis con­cilii parentes, alii aliò discesse­runt. saith it was by Parliament, by its publike Edict, and that they obeying its commands departed; hinting unto us the end, that so the sheep might be separated from the Goats. Polychyronicon saith they were put out of, Stow that they were bani­shed out of England; Holinshead and Speed use the same term, this last adding also the Kings design, which was to purge the Land from such corruptions and op­pressions as under which it groaned; and also to fill his own Coffers; which was done pretty well, partly by the confiscating of their goods, which all or most men­tion, as also by the Fifteenth granted him by the Com­mons to purchase their banishment, which some aver.

We read, that about the year 1286. the Commons before offered the King the fifth part of their move­ables to expel them, and it cannot but be likely they would also desire the same at this Parliament; for though usury was the main thing under which they groaned, yet there were other things they could not but be sensible enough of: viz. Crucifying of chil­dren, and their great spight to Christian profession, with their late spoiling of the coyn. And scarce could this other Act against their usury only give them hopes sufficient that thence they would be driven away; for as we see before in the third of the King, their usury was restrained and bounded, and other ways of life they might take up, and rather stay here with what they had already got, then by departing to lose all, as it seems they did, though Judge Cook tels us, that there was provision made that no subject should hurt or molest them; acknowledging also that the fore­mentioned fifteenth was given, Pro expulsione Judaeorum. and that too for their expulsion.

This reverend Lawyer tels us this act de Judaismo was made in the 18. year of the King, but a little after the Feast of Hilary, whence these (perhaps imper [...]inent) thoughts have sometimes come in upon me; that if there was no mistake of this year for the third of this King, in which formerly we read their usury was re­strained, then perhaps this same act de Judaismo, and the other for their banishment might be enacted in se­veral Sessions of Parliament, viz. this last, the 31. of August after, as Matthew of Westminster mentions, and the record lost, the act being omitted in the wri­tings of Lawyers, as deemed of no use. And for lo­sing of the record I am easilyer induced to think it pos­sible, because I am credibly informed that that of the [Page 31]act for establishing the use of the Common-prayer Book was also missing heretofore, and thereupon some non-conformists escaped that which else had light upon them. And this I desire to tender as an excuse for my keeping close to History in which has lyen the work of this relation, nothing desirous to impose upon the belief of any, or hereby to contradict so worthy an Author.

Thus admitted by William the Conqueror, about the year 1070. they were expelled in the year 1290. being here some 220. years (longer by five or six then their Ancestors were in Egypt) during which time we may easily see the English Nation was as in bondage. And by this History impartially (though truly) related, may that Book sufficiently be answered, by occasion of which this was written; the profit which redound­ed by them to this Nation, their saithfulness also being sufficiently discovered upon which grounds the Rabbi raises his short discourse. But because it may more clearly appear, and the Case may be more fully deba­ted; we shall descend to his particulars, and scan them fully.

The Author, though perhaps learned enough in other histories, yet seems either utterly to be ignorant of ours, or else wittingly to decline that, which he knew would injure his cause sufficiently.

In his Epistle to his Highness the Lord Protector, he desires that all Laws may be taken away, which stand in force against this innocent people made in times, and during the government of Kings. But if he please to turn his eye upon what hath been written; he may easily see, that it was not innocency, but the clear contrary that drew out these Laws against them; and for that he and his Country-men think this easier [Page 32]to be procured since the Kingly Government is taken away; he may know that it was by the Kings alone they were kept here so long. The people would gladly have been rid of them, an hundred years be­fore they were; and desired their expulsion above all things. Nay they offered a fifth part of their move­ables, to have them expelled; but King Edward only sucking sweet from them, and intending to make his Markets out of this contention, upon their offering more, gave them leave to buy their continuance for a little longer. And in the War betwixt Henry the third and his Barons, as is above declared, they stood for him, conspired the ruine of them and the Citizens of Lon­don, and that more for their own ends then out of any faithfulness to him.

In his Declaration to the Commonwealth of Eng­land he acquaints us with the motives of his coming over: the first is to obtain free exercise of his Religion for his Countreymen. Here indeed it was anciently granted, but what good came of it? Its the desire of this people to be fishing in troubled waters; they may have hopes in this juncture of time, to catch proselytes; what his own design may be, I shall not question; if we should trust him upon his word, it might be unsafe to deal so well with all his followers. Their Ancestors compassed sea & land to make a proselyte, and he con­fesses this to have been the cause of their expulsion for­merly out of Spain; but let us descend unto his second.

In this I cannot but wonder at the Rabbi. Its be­lieved that the time of their redemption is near (saith he) and that they must first be scattered throughout the world. What then? therefore if this be true, they must first have a Seat also in England. Why, they had a Seat here once before for the space of above 200. [Page 33]years, and must they needs come again, or else their dispersion (as to this place) cannot be accomplished?

The third motive upon which he came over was for the benefit of our Nation, which he so much desires, that which truly, if sincere, we cannot but applaud, it being a thing not usual for us to be so loved by that people. We cannot but thank him for his affection, but must a little question his grounds by and by; when coming to his Book, we shall descend with him to par­ticulars.

His fourth motive is no less to be approved of: His particular respect to this Commonwealth is a motive to his sollicitation for the readmission of his Country­men. He might easilier, if he so much love us, have leave given him to continue; but we cannot but sup­pose, he can scarce promise the like affection in all his brethren: and if he should, its sooner said then be­lieved. And whereas he commends hospitality and kindeness to strangers so much to our consideration; our Nation was never unkind or churlish; but the Jews too much familiarity with it heretofore, has put them out of the influence of hospitality.

Now to come to the Book it self. Three things he proposes to his Highness the Lord Protector, as making a people well-beloved or desirable amongst all Nati­ons: viz. Profit accruing from them, Faithfulnessin them, and Nobility of Extraction; all which he attri­butes to the Jewish Nation. Profit indeed is the thing that all Kingdoms and States much look after, and with good reason; for money is the comfort of peace, and the sinews of war; but such profit is onely desirable, as is joyned with glory to God, honor to the Magistrate and Countrey, and the safety and prosperity of the subject. Upon which grounds, if I should grant him [Page 34]the application of profitableness to themselves; yet should I think it over-dear to be purchased with such effects as might accompany it. God ought to be the beginning and the end; and Religion, the way of his Worship, is principally to be regarded. Now tolera­tion of that which is contrary to it, or a receiving of them which would endanger it, which would not one­ly be a suffering of Superstition to be practised by o­oters, but be also an occasion to the Natives of this miscarriage, is scarce to be warranted; however there where as yet, it is not admitted. There be certain times and seasons, which make that at one time dange­rous, which might at another be admitted with more security. The truth is apt to have not onely fickleness & weakness accompanying it, but also great differences and dissentions, although incorruptible in it self; and many though not agreeing in all things, yet may be contained within the verge of its necessaries and fun­damentals. Where the greatest power of Religion is, there the Devil is the busiest; sowing Tares amongst the Wheat, and mixing the corn with his cockle. This we must confess is the condition of our Countrey at present; and I fear the Jews too well consider it. By so much the more therefore as they may desire to come in, doubtless in this respect the State hath as great to deny them.

Honor and Credit is the second thing by which a State ought to rule, and according to which, order and bound its profit. It was a saying of that renowned Lord Burleigh, Camb. in Eliz. Lord Treasurer of England, when about his Charge in the Revenue, that nothing was fit for a Prince, that was not also joyned with honor; and that he did not like that the Treasury should fill like the Spleen, when the whole body was worse for it. Now [Page 35]what honor it would be to admit them, who were once Judge Cook himself saith, [...] Act De Judaeaismo was made in [...]i­onally to ex­pell them, and that the fif­teenth grant­ed was pro ex­pals [...]ne Judae [...] ­rum. expelled before; of whose worth, faithfulness and profitableness we have once experienced in our An­cestors, I cannot determine. But this second rule de­pends especially upon that which precedes, and of this which follows.

I acknowledge, that whilst they were here before, much profit redounded to the Kings of England from them: but in what way, hath been declared; not from their merchandizing, upon which our adversary princi­pally insists. Our countrey is not so convenient for that way as others may be; and if they should be here ad­mitted again, & spread once more throughout the land, thousands there would be, which could not have op­portunity to exercise that way, through the inconve­niences of their habitations. They exercise themselves in that way of life which most suits with their profit, and the commodiousness of the place wherein they live. Usury was most practised by them here; and is still in Italy, and other parts, where they have not such opportunity of trading. But grant that the trade is now enlarged, through the discovery of the [...]ast Indies by sea, and of America; as it is enlarged, so also more of our inhabitants follow that cou [...]se then formerly, being sufficient to satisfie for that business: So that if the Jews be admitted to trade again, our Merchants must needs be justled by them; and what would redound to the State in Custom and Excise (the Land being already sufficiently furnished) would not compensate the damage of the subject. If many should be suffered to trade, this could not be avoided; and if not, then needs must they betake themselves (their number encreasing) to some other course of life, which might prove no less dangerous, they being [Page 36] Perfida gens, agens quod solet musin pera, &c. Crantzius Saxon. lib. 11. cap. 7. noted to be as sucking Leaches where ere they come, in some way or other. But if they should trade with other Countreys, rather in way of Sale and Exporta­tion, less profit would the State receive from them.

He magnifies the skill his Countreymen have in all kinds of merchandize; and that is occasioned, as he confesses, by the oppcrtunity they have (being every where dispersed) to serve one another. And would not this turn to their own advantage, more then to the benefit of their entertainers? Might they not hereby ingross the Trade wholly to themselves, and serving one another, cheat the Natives in their Traffick? And what would the English be better for their trafficking with their Countreymens money who live in Spain? for larger their banks vvould be, more they vvould engross the trading. And if the King of Spain savv it profitable for him, he vvould so far dispense in the In­quisition, as to give them no occasion of removing from or keeping this treasure out of his Dominions. And vvhat though they have not a Countrey to repair to, as other strangers; and thereby (as he al­ledges) are not likely to take avvay their riches? Can they not transport it as they do (he tells us) in Spain? They shortly also expect (vve see) their Messias to come and restore them to the Countrey of their An­cestors; and being aliens, they vvould little love the Countrey, and so do little for it, tending (by their good vvills) to any great advantage.

If they be so well received, and live so happily all over (as he instanceth for illustration of this branch or profit) vvhy then are they not content to keep them vvhere they are already? It must needs be their ovvn good or ours, vvhich they so much desire; or for that they must have a Synagogue here also, not vvilling [Page 37]but that every place should be blessed with their Reli­gion. This he intimates expresly, that they might have leave here also to serve God. Is it the soil or the air they desire their Religion should be seated in? why not as well serve God where they are? There's some­thing more then this in the business.

But by whom is it they are thus received and enter­tained? he confesses the people hate them generally, and must this be for nothing? In a fixed and establish­ed State, where factions do not bandy (such as they are generally where they live) scarce is any grievously hated, but there is some notable cause for it. And if the King of Denmark hath invited them into his Do­minions, or the Duke of Savoy, or of Modina; it is for some respect or other: Perhaps they may be ad­mitted for the same ends our Kings formerly so long retained them; viz. for their own gain, though much to the Subjects discommodity and trouble.

And if they chiefly abound in the Turks Dominions, its no wonder. All the world knows the slavery of his Subjects; he counting all their goods his own, and they made for him (not himself for them) its no wonder if he care not how they be used, how pillaged, how op­pressed. If he imploys the Jews so much in gathering his money, he knows them to be fit instruments for his pur­pose. He knows how to press and squeeze out of them what they have before sucked up. All his Subjects leave him their heir at their death; no child having any of his fathers estate, but what he bestows upon him. There they cannot but be especially kept from risings and insurrections under that Government; which having so many Officers subordinate to one another, and the Countrey distributed to their charge, all In­surrections (except great indeed) may be quickly dash­ed. [Page 38]The Author goes not about to reckon up, how ma­ny Bassa's Beglerbegs, or Sansacks there are of his Na­tion: they are exempted, he saith, from going to war, and there's very good reason for it. For their Religion, the Turks account of them worse then of Christians: not suffering one of them to turn Turk, till he first be baptized. And when the Grand Signior dyes, what pillaging of them as well as Christians, uses there to be?

After this, he reckons what numbers of Jews there are in Germany, Poland, Italy, Barbary, & the Low-countreys, and how many are preferred to places of great Trust and Influence; still always acknowledging, how they are despised of the multitude. If they were profitable to these Countreys (the contrary whereof is seen for the most part by the grudges of the subject) he would scarce from thence necessarily make it follow, that their re­duction must also be convement for this Nation. If they have such experience of them as this Land hath had, if gone, I believe they would scarce recal them. The Emperor of Germany and King of Poland have tole­rated that, which put to the voyce of the people (for whose good they are, and ought to reign) would soon be removed; and in Poland, and those places, so odious they are, that, as once here in England, they are di­stinguished in their habits, to be known from the Na­tives, being noted also for that practice of Usury, of which our adversary would clear them.

The Pope (with other Princes of Italy) sucks not little profit from their oppressing of the people; he fares well by their extortion, and therefore willingly suffers them; especially since the Reformation of Religion, out of emulation against the Prorestants, whom he hates worse then them or the Turks themselves, as the Jew loves Turks above Christians. The Republique [Page 39]of Venice, and so that of the Low-Countreys tolerates them, and they may have particular reason for it. Their Government is such, that those who are Merchants, are also Senators, and few but they are found in both these ways, who are any thing considerable; and there­fore what they may hinder them in Trade, it is supply­ed in customs, and other duties, equally redounding to the profit of all: whereas our Merchants being fewer in number, if the State should be something benefited by their Trade, and others thereby be something eased, they alone would seel the weight of the burthen.

But neither in the Low-Countreys are they so exceed­ingly fond of their company; though scarce can they with conveniency (as things now stand) turn them oft, divers of their families being matched to them; cove­tousness procuring that, which might be abhorred by Religion. So are they likewise in Portugal intermarti­ed; the people being generally weary of their guests. Reason of State makes the Dutch-men tolerate all Religions but the Popish. From whence shall it not pre­sently be concluded, that all their neighbors should do the like.

And now I come to his second thing which he pro­poses as a motive to receive them; and that is their Faithfalness and Honesty. I think I might well spare my pams to answer this any further, then by what hath been already shewed. How faithful they have been to this English Nation, [...]et any impartial Reader Judge. They who shall out of scorn and hatred of our Profesti­on, crucisie children, lay violent hands on tender in­fants (and that by common practice) they who shall clip, counterfeit, and mangle our coyn, shall rise up and butcher 200000 with unheard of [...], send [...]s­sages to Pagans to stir them up against the common [Page 40]name of Christianity (wishing with Caligula, it had but one head) poyson fountains, and the like; shall we count them faithful. They took part indeed with our Henry the third against his Barons; but it is no un­charitableness to judge it done more for their own ends, then any faithfulness to the then Magistrate. If they have done sometime that which is good in it self; yet they have done it with such malicious minds, that God hath given them but the reward of wickedness. So in the year, 1421. they furnished the poor Christi­ans of Bohemia with money and munition against their Antichristian Persecutors, Krantzius, l. 11 Saxon. cap. 7. and therefore were quite banished out of Bavere, quite bereft of all their mo­ney and coyn. And lastly, banished all the Dominions belonging to Frederick Duke of that Province.

Indignities offer'd to Religion in such an horrid way, as by the vile butchery of poor innocents upon a cross. can no way come in upon the account of faithfulness; and yet this they have ordinarily practised in other parts, as well before as since their expulsion. If they may finde an opportunity, what their will may be, we may gather from that their carriage, during the trou­bles betwixt the Emperor and Pope; when hoping Christian Religion would have dyed in those wars & seeing the state of Christendom deeply indangered in these civil broils, Krantzius Wandal. Hist. l. 9. cap 23. Vide Baron. in Annal. ad ann. 28. & 1320. & 13.48. they according to their Jewish policy seek to thrust it over head and ears in blood, poyson­ing the fountains throughout Germany, offering like violence to the Sacraments, as they had used to do before.

And we may further see their faithfulness and carri­age, what it hath been since their expulsion, to go no further then to the days of Queen Elizabeth. In the year, 1568. and the ninth of her reign, they were ex­pell'd [Page 41]by Pius Quintus the then Pope, Hieron. Rub. lib. 11. Histor. Ravenna. and that even for their horrid and extravagant Usuries and Oppressi­ons, for their combining with Thieves and Robbers; for Sorceries or Magical Charms, in winning women to their own and others lusts. And are we not satisfied with that horrid and abominable Treason of Lopez, by whom we have warning enough never to meddle with them more, as a people always working mischief to this Nation? This Miscreant taken in by the Queen to be her Houshold Physitian, conspires with her Spanish Enemies for money, to work her destructi­on, and promises to poyson her. Cambden in Eliz. Accordingly for that purpose he brings her a purge; but she having by the special providence of God discovered his treachery (according to former agreement) sends him with it to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh, telling him that he stood more in need of Physick. Upon this he carries it to the old man, desirous at least to dispatch one of them: But he being too cunning for him, de­mands what he hath there, and upon answer, a purge, telling him he must be a Physitian to purge ill humors out of him, presently causeth him to be apprehended. Being convicted, and according to sentence, brought to the place of execution, he there professed that he loved Queen Elizabeth as well as Jesus Christ himself.

The argument of their faithfulness, as to the Rabbi, is but very jejune; and therefore no wonder, if he produce so few examples. First he mentions how faithful they were to the Kings of Egypt, and instanceth in the fide­lity of Antipater to Julius Caesar. For the first, they knew the power of the Ptolomies continually able to crush them; and therefore if some stood to them, and proved faithful, what did they herein but what their own advantage led them to, and what the [Page 42]necessity of their State required. But how faithful were their Kings to the Babylonian Monarchs, to whom they did more then promise obedience? would they not always take their opportunity to rebel? And (because he speaks of their fidelity to the Romans) how came, I pray, the War with Vespasian, and Titus his Son? even, as before Zedekiah had rebelled against Nebuchad­nezzar, and that proved the destruction of the City, so came it also to pass the last time. It was an opinion strong in those days through the East, that Jewry should bring forth the Monarch of the world: in confidence of this, Vide Sueton in Vespas. the Jews rebel, slay the Governor, put to flight the Pro-Consul of Syria; Vespasian is chosen General against them, there is chosen Emperor, and so the Ro­man Writers account that saying to be fulfilled; and then Titus is sent into Judaea, and finisheth the work begun by his father. How faithful they were in Adrians time, we shewed before in the Introduction; how they behaved themselves also in Egypt, Cyrene and Cyprus.

Then the Rabbi instanceth some particular places and persons; as the Jews of Bureos, who denyed obe­dience to Don Pedro de Cruel, who had killed his bro­ther: how many Jews were made Tutors to Noblemens children; of Samuel Alvalensi; the Jews carriage at the besieging of Mantua, and in the Signory of Brasil. These were but a few, if twenty times more, in com­parison of the nature and carriage of the whole Nation, which how faithful it hath been, generally, to the peo­ple in all places, hath already been sufficiently disco­vered. To insist no more upon these few particulars.

The next & last two things he instances as arguments of their faithfalness, are rather negative then positive; & therefore can conclude nothing for his purpose when they were banished by Ferdinand & Isabel out of Spain, [Page 43] they made no resistance: ergo, they were faithful; how will this rightly follow? and when they were thence expelled; it was not for any unfaithfulness; there­fore to prove their fidelity is as good an argument as the former. If they had had opportunity and suf­ficient warning (though they were half a million) I do not much question what they would have done. And for their praying (which he urgeth for an argu­ment of their faithfulness) for the Commonwealths wherein they live; so perhaps they did when they sent to the Prince of Babylon, to stir him up against Christen­dom; when they conspired to fire the City of London; when they sucked away the sap of the English prosperi­ty by their extortions; when they clipped and coyned money, and so rather spoiled this Commonwealth; Did they not then also pray for the prosperity of it?

As for any cruelty which might be shewed toward them, when expelled out of Spain and Portugal; I take not upon me to be a patron of it; neither of that which might be exercised toward them, by our own n [...]tion, whilst here residing. Many times they have been used most pittifully; but generally in all places, they might thank themselves for it: their carriage (here especially) was such, as upon the least advan­tage the people would shew their hatred of it.

Lastly, for to meet with objections made against their faithfulness, the Rabbi endeavors to clear his Countrymen from three aspaersions usually cast upon them, viz. usury, killing children, and seducing Chri­stians to their Religion: I wish they were but asper­sions, that they might the sooner be wiped off: but that will not be, by all the skill their Nation hath. Was not usury with great extortion their continual practice [...] What it was in England and Italy we have [Page 44]already seen; and that it is used by them in Germany, What it was in France, see Baronius his Annal. ad ann. 1198 1223. 1306.1348. Ingenti foenore cives ita sibi oboerato; habe­bant, ut eorum proediis ditatieim dias fere Civitates vendicarent, alios in custadia penes se servarent, pleros (que) fortunis omnitus, dissolvendi causa debiti spoliatos, mendicis non dissimiles efficerent, idem ad an. 1198. he himself confesseth. Their principles of Religion do not forbid it then to us; though amongst them­selves. Besides he should have done well to declare, what they do in Poland, Prussia and other places; espe­cially where they cannot have such opportunity of trading.

How they have used Christian children, enough and too much hath been shewn already; it is not good any more to stir that puddle. Vide Socrat. i. 7 cap. 10. Krantzium lib. 10. Wandal. cap 18. Papir. Masson. lib. 3. pig. 335 Vide Baronium in Annal. ad an. 1198.1236.1252.1287. ibid. 1305.1348.1410. Et Bzovium ad ann. 1432.1475.1494. Not only do our own Authors affirm this; but Forreign writers testifie the same also to have been done in divers places: whose authority to question, more then that of Manana of the Chronicles of the Xantes, and others, vvhich he brings as testi­monies of their faithfulness (to which particulars we have already answered) it's neither ingenuity nor mo­destie to do it.

For their perswading Christians to their Religion; we know it to be the practice (as the ambition) of all parties, to draw as many as they can in safety unto them; nay many further venture, then stands with their safety. Novv for the Rabbi to perswade us that this is not their desire (especially meeting vvith such as may easily be dravvn aside) he cannot but be convinced of its impossibility. This vvas the cause, for vvhich they were banished Granada and Spain by Ferdinand and Isabel; having seduced some Noblemen of the King­dom of Andaluzie; vvhich he confesseth. And for their dravving Christians to their Religion, see the Rabbi himself in a Book published 1650 called, The hope of Israel, Sect. 17. Where he instanceth those of [Page 45]his Religion, vvho attempted to draw, even the then Pope; Charls the fifth Emperour, and Francis the first, to Judaism. See also Sect. 30.

The third and last motive for their re-admission pro­posed by the Rabbi, is the Nobility of their stock. His modesty in this, is the reason he insists no more upon it it being also sufficiently known to all Christians. He might as well be even as modest in his other tvvo; and where­as he leaves it to others, for that it is said, Let another mans mouth praise thee, and not thine own; in this re­spect he might also better have left the other. For faithfulness is a greater thing then outward extraction; and to be commended for virtue, is a greater honor then for greatness of birth, seeing that virtus est vera nobilitas. Indeed they are the off spring of faithful Abralam; to them vvere committed the Oracles of God; of them (which is more their honour) as to the flesh came Jesus Christ; but they have cut themselves off, by their rebellion against him; they are fallen from the truth, and thereby have forfeited their former ho­nour. Yet it is the earnest desire of all Christians, to have them engraffed again into the true stock (to which I cannot conceive their re-admission hither can at all conduce) and then their company would be more wel­come because over and above what would come in up­on the score of Christian love, their principles would be the safer.

Now by this time (by all that hath been said in way of relation and answer) I hope the case in hand is not far from being cleared abundantly and that it may be seen what these motives amount to, which the Rabbi hath tendred to consideration. We cannot but see that the Jews at all times have so, for the most part, behaved [Page 46]themselves; as that they have ministred to the Chri­stians occasion of dislike and prejudice; and that all the slaughters and massacres of them may be laid at their own doors. Here in England, they first begun to crucifie children and oppress the people; before they were injured, to speak on, or molested; they spoiled the coyn in Henry the second his days; and yet had the priviledge of burying in all places of their abode grant­ed. The first tumult we read of raised against them was at the Coronation of Richard the first; and that was occasioned by themselves, offering to come into the Kings house, notwithstanding a proclamation to the contrary. And the occasion of the tumult at Lin was, their endeavour to kill a Convert: their grie­vous extortion at Stamford, York, and other places, drew upon them the inconveniences that followed. After this the people inraged, prosecute them as Na­tional enemies; yet they leave not off their extorti­ons, make it their annual practice to crucifie children, conspire against City and people, still clip and spoil the coyn, as very earnest to undo themselves. The several Kings getting gain by the bad usage of the subject, on­ly take occasion to fleece them for their miscarriages, and make their Markets out of the contention raised betwixt them and the Natives.

We see how they have behaved themselves fince their expulsion: how mischievous to this Nation, in particular they had almost been in the Trea­son of Lopez. We see how they have been ex­pelled by other Princes and States how these Princes that still retain them, are more carried by their private profit, then the good of their sub­jects, who in all places are weary of them; and [Page 47]how these States with whom they live, have particular reasons and interests; and have that advantage, which we, by the small number of Merchants, and want of conveniency of trading cannot obtain.

I cannot blame them for so earnestly desiring their reduction. this Land is another Land of Goshen, a plentiful Land, and therefore very desirable in this their long (and worse then) Egyptian bondage; but the last experience of our Ancestors what guests they were, and the testimonies of other Nations, rather may make us rejoyce they are gone, then be glad to enjoy their company any further.

Such is the antipathy in English hearts against these men; derived (with some memory of their qualities) from their Ancestors, that though it be now more then 365 years since their expulsion, yet not at all doth it seem to moderate, or be abated; an ill sign of their future agreement, if ever permitted to meet again. Their memory still remains as a patern of mischievous mindes, either apt to do, or fit to suffer any violence; the very name of a Jew serving this people as a perfect measure, either to notifie the height of impiety in the agent, or to sound the depth and bottom of an abject worthless and forlorn condition in any patient. Better we cannot express more cut-throat dealing then thus, None but a Jew would have done so; lower we cannot prize any one of most abject condition, then by com­paring him to a Jew. For so in common speech men use to exaggerate enormous wrongs. This had been enough for a Jew to suffer, or, I would not have done so to a Jew.

And yet further, we shall see there's more in this then ordinary, if we look back at what's said, and turn over the writings of foreign Authors; for scarce in [Page 48]any other Countrey hath there been (within so little time) so many enormities committed by them, as in this; such opposition and implacable malice shewed by any against them, as by this people; from the Coro­nation of Richard the first, to their expulsion. This seems to intimate a more then ordinary repugnancy to each other; or some greater opportunity they have in this Land to be wicked, then in other places. And can we conclude they have left their old qualities? their hatred against Christ, and them that worship him, their Gripings, Usuries, and cruel Oppressions? May we not judge them to be the same as before? and if their actions be not so enormous as formerly, is it not for want of opportunity, more by restraint, then any change of nature?

They were not indeed so much to be accused at first, when admitted into this Island, submitting to the Laws (not concerning Religion) and acting according to common Rules and Orders; and so without doubt they might do again, till time and opportunity broach­ing their malice, it might be too late to wish they had not been received. If they should act such horrid Tragedies over again, imbruing their hands in the blood of yong and tender infants (crucifying them in scorn and derision of our profession) it might be easier to wish them gone, then honorable to exile them.

Their faithfulness is sufficiently known, say what they will (however always to the true interest of this Nation) and if they should for better terms, play false with the State, hold intelligence with the enemies thereof, counterfeit the Coyn, clip the Money, set the Cities on fire, would not a safe prevention have proved better, then a too late remedy? These things have been practised, and so may again: we have small [Page 49]encouragement (if opportunity should be had) to hope the contrary.

For their Religion: we have no grounds but to think them as conceited and stubborn in their Tradi­tions; as great enemies to Christ and Christians as their Ancestors: we hear of few that are really and unfeignedly converted. So far is their Reduction from affording any hope of their Conversion, as we may fear the great cause of their so earnest desire to be re­ceived, is their ambition to draw others to them. Since the time they have been bolder to return hi­ther, its more then to be feared, they have made many Proselytes; and that if they might with impunity shew themselves, and had toleration of their Religion, and an open way of their Worship granted, hundreds, if not thousands, would then appear, who now are veiled under the name of Christians.

Now there is opportunity for perverters to stir, matter too much disposed for them to work upon; such and so many opinions amongst us which have affinity with their Tenents, as, denying Christ in reality, though not in words (by taking away his Natures, Offices, and the Real History of him) there are but few steps betwixt them and that wherein principally the Jews dissent from us. What will not people now believe? to what will not this prevailing Scepticism bring them? placing Religion in notions, and the power thereof rather in being nothing (or any thing) then something. Unto what an height are our Quakers and Ranters flown? who taking away, and destroy­ing all foundations, make their own fancies and de­luded conceptions, originals and rules of truth; and so being once poysoned, are impregnable. Its the policy of Satan to gild his pills, his Emissaries now adays re­presenting [Page 50]things under another notion then that to which they naturally tend; and if the Jews should at the first not entice formally to their own way, yet they too well know the meaning of that saying (the truth of which our Religion of late hath sadly felt) Divide & regnes.

What they would take as an advantage to seduce, the same would prove an obstacle to their conversi­on; truth having such sad entertainment in this world, as the Brats of her Enemy, if born near her, are always accounted to be her Progeny. The De­vil where there is most of truth, is always more en­vious, so also most busie, and what he worketh of ill, and mixeth with it, that he makes an occasion also to raise prejudice against to hide it, and conceal it. Our present divisions would open the door to receive their harm; but rather shut it against any counsel or other means for their conversion. Though God knows them that are his, and will preserve them that belong unto him; yet means are to be used to bring about the end: and man (not daring to pry into the secret counsel of God) is bound to take the most likely way to produce an effect desirable.

That the Jews conversion draws nigh, is a greater truth, then that their Reduction hither would be a means unto it. It is not probable that this peo­ple, which hath now been blinde for above 1600 years, should be restored to sight by any but extraordinary power, by any work but one miraculous. Its a na­tion that is rather to be born at once, and whose conversion will be as the resurrection from the dead. Yet there seems other work that is to be done first; it is not probable, that they who live under (at least) the Turk and Pope, should be converted before their [Page 51]downfall. And if a Protestant people be to do this great thing by their enterconrse (as some may imagine) then there are such places where they inhabite already of which, though we may not be apt to count so well, as of our selves; yet at present, they are in a more fit condition to perform it.

Some there are, who taking upon them to know that which was hidden from Christ himself as man, and the holy Angels, will point us out the year of the fall of Antichrist, and the Jews conversion; divers be­lieving that next year, viz. 1656. will bring these things to pass. But experience may teach us how to rely upon these predictions; some who have determi­ned the times already past, for these accomplishments, being visibly mistaken: And what consequence is there in the nature of the thing; that there should be just so many years from the birth of Christ to the ful­filling of these things, as were from the Creation to the deluge? Doth God [...]ty himself to numbers of years, and always act according to former presidents? But, as nothing is more deceitfull then account of time; so also is it to be feared, that men are generally mista­ken in the true number of years from the birth of Christ; being misled by him that was the Author of this Ae [...]a. It was 532. years, according to the vulgar computation, before men used this account, measu­ring their times before that, from the building of Rome, the beginning of Augustus; by the Olympiads, Indictions of Constantine, the Aera of the Martyrs and others: so that Dionysius the Monk, who first brought up this account, being deceived in the quan­tity of time that then was past, is thought by the most learned Chronologers to have missed of the just and full number of years. Some say he accounted [Page 52]above twenty too short; others finde four years to have been past over: Others conclude he missed two, Florentius Wi­gorniensis. Ʋsserius in Annal [...] [...]oseph. Scalig. de emendat. remporum. mistaking the true distance of the birth of Christ from the battel at Actium. Now, if we add but two years more, the foundation of the former opinion is quite removed; this present year, viz. 1655. being the 1657. of our Lord; and so doubtless, at least, is to be accounted.

To conclude, if the Jews were here setled already, and the Nation had sufficient experience of their faith­fulness and good behaviour; there's none that I know, would be so cruel, as to desire their expulsion: or if they were so distressed generally, as to give them enter­tainment would amount to an act of charity; their ex­traction might well move to commiseration, and more: but seeing they are gone, and yet have left such a me­morial behind them; seeing generally they flourish so, and live so happily in other places, I hope to have written thus much can shew no evil will towards them; but that one may safely wish (at least) the good of ones native Countrey, and yet heartily desire the real and full prosperity of Judah.