Guil'elmus Drummond de Havthornden:
R Gaywood fecit

THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, From the year 1423, until the year 1542. CONTAINING The LIVES and REIGNS OF JAMES The I. the II. the III. the IV. the V.

With several Memorials of State, During the Reigns of James VI. and Charles I. Illustrated with their EFFIGIES in Copper Plates;

By WILLIAM DRUMMOND of Hauthornden

With a Prefatory INTRODUCTION taken out of the Re­cords of that Nation, by Mr. Hall of Gray's- Inn

The second Edition, with a brief Account of the Author's life.

LONDON, Printed for Matthew Gillyflower at the Spread-Eagle in Westminster-Hall. 1696.

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

TO speak in Commendation of History in general, were so many ways superfluous, that we shall rather leave it to the experience of sober and inquisitive minds, than in­jure the High Elogiums given of both the greatest and wisest Ancients and Moderns, by a disadvantagious Repetition of them. And for to say any thing concerning the Countrey, which was the Scene of the actions here re­presented, we conceive it needless and impro­per, in regard we are immured by one Sea, breath one air, speak one Tongue, and now closed together by an happy Coalition under one Government.

The proper work therefore is to offer what can be said of the History and the Author, [Page] and so dismiss the Reader to the Entertain­ment of the Book it self. For his manner of Writing, though he treat of things that are rather many, than great, and troublesome, than glorious, yet he hath brought so much of the main together, as it may be modestly said, none of that Nation hath done before him: And for his way of handling it, he hath sufficiently made it appear, how conversant he was with the Writings of Venerable Antiquity, and how generously he hath emulated them by an happy imitation; for the purity of his Language is much above that Dialect he writ in; his De­scriptions lively and full, his Narrations clear and pertinent, his Orations Eloquent, and fit for the persons that speak (for that since Livi's time was never accounted Crime in an Histo­rian) and his Reflections solid and mature; so that it cannot be expected that these leaves can be turned over without as much pleasure as profit, especially frequently meeting with so many Glories and Trophies of our Ancestours; yet because either of these may a little abate, in respect the beginning seems a little abrupt and precipitious (the Author possibly dying before he could prepare an Apparatus or Introduction we have taken the pains, out of other Records of that Nation, to draw a brief Representati­on of some passages necessary to be foreknown.

The direct Royal Line of Scotland failing in Alexander III. (Son of the II. of that name) [Page] who when he a few years before had lost both his wife, and all his hopeful and numerous is­sue, nothing remaining of it, saving a Girl to his Daughter, brought to Hungoman King of Norway. The Nobility hereupon meet at Scone, and put the Kingdom into the hands of six Persons. Edward of England sends to de­mand the Daughter Grand-child in marriage, as next Heir of the Crown. This was agreed unto, Embassadours sent for her, but the death of the Lady frustrated all that Negotiation. The death of this Margaret (so was she cal­led) was the firebrand that set England on fire, and had almost destroyed Scotland; For two Competitors declared themselves both powerful and of great Estates in Scotland, and strongly supported with Forrein Confederacies, for John Baliol had engaged the English Interest, and Robert Bruce the French: But to be a little clearer we must look back; The line thus failing they were forced to run back to the line of David Earl of Huntington Brother to King William; this David by his wife Maud Daughter to the Earl of Chester. had three Daughters, Margaret, married to Allan of Galloway, the second, to Robert Bruce sirna­med the Noble, the third, to Henry Hastings Earl of Huntington, who made no claim. Now thus it stood, Dornagil, (the wife of Ba­liol) claim'd it as grand-child by the Eldest Daughter, and Bruce as great Grand-child by [Page] the second, saying, It was not fit that Daugh­ters should inherit when there were Sons to re­present the Ancestor; Baliol he was neerer, as being in the second degree, and the other but in the third: The Controversie growing high and boysterous, and the Power and Inter­ests of both parties at home being equally for­midable and dangerous, they resolved to refer it to King Edward. who coming to Berwick and calling Lawyers to his Assistance, pretends all Equity, but rais'd up eight other petty Com­petitors, the better to weaken the claim of the other two, and so handled the business whilst the Lawyers were slowly consulting, that ( Bruce having refused to accept the Crown in Homage and Tribute from England) he decla­red (upon his acceptance of those conditions) JOHN BALIOL to be King, who was Crowned at Scone. But soon after an appeal being made against him to king Edward by Macduff Earl of Fife, and he refusing to rise from the Seat where he sate to answer, but be­ing inforced by the King so to do, became so a­liened in his affections from the English, that a new quarrel breaking out between the French and the English, and both by their Embassa­dours Courting the Scottish Amity, it was resolved to adhere to the French, and renounce the Homage to England, as obtained by Fraud and Force; Edward enraged at this (having obtained a Truce for some few Moneths with [Page] the French) assails Berwick by Sea, but with some loss, which enflames him the more, sum­mons Baliol, who refuses, proffers it to Bruce, takes Berwick by Stratagem, enters Scot­land, masters the Countrey, takes Edinburgh and Sterlin, and forces Baliol to a surrender at Forfar, and sends him Prisoner to London. whither himself returns, having made most of the Nobility do Homage, and left the Earl of Surrey his Deputy. Baliol soon after is sent into France, leaving his Son Edward as Ho­stage for his fidelity. Edward sets sail for France, the Scots rise and make some little In­cursions into the Borders; But about this time Sir William Wallas arose, who, to his Honour, did so Heroically defend his Countrey in her weakest condition, as made it easily appear, if he had had as happy a fortune to advance, as he had a miserable to relieve, he might have been remembred for as great a man as ever was in any age, for having upon a quarrel slain a young English Gentleman, and enforced to lurk in the Hills for the safety of his life, he became inured to such hardness, that awaking his na­tura Courage, he became the head of all the Ma­le-contents, and filled both the Kingdoms with his Reputation and Terror, and behaving himself according to expectation, glean'd up to a tumultuary Army, and (the Nobility being either sloathful or cowardly) commanded as Baliols Vice-Roy; Thus after some little skir­mishes, [Page] he reduced all beyond the Forth, took Dundee, Aberdeen, and other places, when there arrived rumour of an English Army, which he was not willing to dispute with, but upon his own Terms. Edward that had forti­fied all the Considerable places, and kept the chiefest of the Nobles as Honorable Prisoners in England, had with-drawn his Army, as thinking all secure, sends the Lord Henry Percey with strong assistance to joyn with his Officers there (for he had heard of the Repu­tation of Wallas) who endeavouring to pass the Forth, the Bridge breaking, received a considerable loss, which gave Wallas time to reduce the rest of the Countrey; Wallas then enters England, and for some time ravages, and returns without opposition; and this Fame of his, brought upon him the Envy of the No­blemen, and brought Edward with an Army hastily gathered together at Stainmore, from whence after looking upon one another they de­parted without a Blow; from whence Wallas came to be rumoured as affecting the Royalty, and brought him such envy among the Bruces and Cumins, that they were resolved by any means ro ruin him, as disdaining that the for­tune of the Kingdom should rely on so mean a person. But the English entring Scotland a­gain with a great Army, and finding the Scots disposed under three Leaders (who among themselves disputed Priority of Command) [Page] marcht up to them, where they found the Cumins (who Commanded one Brigade) de­part without opposition; The Stuarts (who had another) being all cut to pieces, and Wal­las (who had the third) forced to tetire to the River Caroon. Thus lost Wallas his title and formal Army, whilst with a Predatory Army he never left to infest the English, whilst Edward regained the lost places; but the Scots having in vain endeavoured Truce or Mediation, were resolved to all put upon the Dy, and made a general insurrection, to oppose which King Edward sent Ralph Coniers, with a considerable Army to reduce the revolted places, and make an end of the War, but they, by a Triple Victory, were routed at Rossin the 10. of March 1302. 1302. Edward stung with this, makes an other Entry, in which Wallas perpetually infested him, and again reduces the Countrey, all swearing allegiance at Saint Andrews, but Wallas, who returned into the High-Lands. Edward changing the Laws, carrying away all Records, and returning with all the Marks of any absolute Conquerour, and among other Monuments the Stone called Jacobs Stone, in which our Kings have been since usually Crowned. But there kindled a­nother flame, for Robert Bruce, son of the o­ther, and John Cumin, Cousen German of John Baliol; sirnamed the Red, wearied by the delaies and unperformed promises of the [Page] King, though Competitours, overcame their mutual jealousies, & clos'd together, on conditi­on that Bruce should have the Kingdom, and Cumin all Bruces lands; which agreement notwithstanding Cumin was after said to have communicated to Edward; Bruce hath notice, and, by shooing his horses backward, escapes, and arriving at his Castle at Lake Laban, meets with Cumins Letters advising to cut him off, upon which he hastens to S. Jonstowns, & after exprobating his infidelity leaves him, in the Franciscan Monastery, stab'd as dead; and after stab'd him out-right, with his bro­ther Robert. About the same time Wallas was betrayed about Glasgow, carried up to London, hanged, drawn, and quartered, and his limbs hung up in the most eminent places.

And here (to digress a little) from these cruel carnages, might naturally arise some pretty questions, as, Where allegiance and obe­dience begins and determines? who are properly Rebels, or Lawful Enemies? how far the faith of a Nation, or particular men, are concluded in the Oath of their Prince to a Foreiner? and what Limits Conquerours ought to observe to Subjects, not naturally born so? and how far they, never compacting are oblig'd in the Ge­neral Compact? But these being matters pro­per for the Civilians, and such as cannot be included in the shortness of a Preface, or Rigor of an Epitome, we shall dismiss at [Page] this Time without any further disquisition. Onely at the present we will raise one Note from this Example of unfortunate Courage, How apt great minds are, even out of false appearances of good of their Countrey the most powerful charm upon the bravest spirits) to rush upon the most violent and dangerous efforts, though it may be their Countrey, by a great deal of devastation and blood, be made a loser by it; and some Territories are so seated, that it is the more happy for them to be under the shade and protection of a greater and more powerful, than be left naked to their own wants, and devastations of prevailing neighbours, un­der the Notion of preserving an imaginary, Ancient, and National Liberty, which once launcht into, will prove no other than a wil­lingness to shackles, and an obstacle, and an obstinacy to the advancement of the Com­modities of life.

And again, let us observe what a strange Antiperistasis Oppression and Calamity will make in any people, how inconsiderable heads, meeting with an humour of jealousy, discontent and despair, swell into enormity, and become terrible to, nay oftentimes af­front, legitimate force, whereas Nations wantoning in their delights and pleasures (like strong bodies without Exercise) for­get, and weaken themselves, whilst their [Page] strength insensibly transpires and vanishes in the warmth of their fruitions.

But it is high time now to return unto ROBERT BRUCE, who having caused himself (after he had stay­ed for the Popes absolution for the defiling the Monastery with the Murder of the Cumins) 1306. to be Crowned K. at Scone, notwithstanding his Endeavours at first to strengthen himself, by the enmity of the Cumins, and timorousness of his own Followers, was routed by Edwards Lievtenants, and forced to the Hills, and for a long time lurkt in great misery, to the great ruine and slaughter of his Family and par­ty; but making together some little force, took Carrick and Innerness, by surprisal, and by this means augmented his Train; and withstood the daring Cumin Earl of Bug­han; who withstood him with a Considerable strength of English and Scottish forces, and though a Treaty were desired, would not comply, growing numerous by the accession of other considerable persons. Edward the I. dy­ing in an intended expedition thither left it to Edward II. his Son, who hearing some troubles in France, sailed thither, and left behind him an Army, which notwithstanding Robert, though sick and forced to be held on [Page] horseback, defeated; this engaged Edward to another Immemorable Expedition, and gave Robert time to take in the Remaining strengths; but the next year, 1310. and within two years after, recovered the most considera­ble, and Edinburgh it self, and a little after, by means of his Brother Edward, Sterlin up­on Conditions. Edward thereupon enters with a great Army, and many forein auxili­aries; But had a great defeat at Bannocks­burn, which occasioned the loss of Berwick, and Bruces confirmation in Parliament, the declaring of Edward (his Brother) to be heir, in case of Robert's want of issue Male, as also making of him King of Ireland, at the request of some of the Irish, and though they fur­nished him with some forces for that attempt, yet in the Expedition he and all his followers were cut to pieces. Some few years after were spent in light skirmishes and incursions, and Thomas Randolph obtained the battel called the White, and quieted the English. Robert, this time of Repose, conven'd the Nobles, in­tending to determine the right of inheritances, which many men had unjustly usurped in the times of Rapine and Licence; This brooded a Conspiracy, which being detected, a meeting was appointed at Perth; where, by the Con­viction of their own Papers, many were exe­cuted, some pardon'd; but none drew more pity from the Beholders then David Brechin, [Page] the Kings Sisters Son, whose acquaintance, not concurrence, with the Plot was only Cri­minal. From whence we may consider, That to be a Traitor, is not actually to en­gage in Treason, but to conceal it, is to fo­ment it: for if in private Friendships it is in­fidelity not to reveal a danger to a friend, it holds stronger as to the Magistrate, who is not only our Common Friend, but our Parent and tutor; since the seeds of all Trea­sons (like them of Vegetables, lurking quiet­ly, and arising fruitfully) being cunningly manured, do, by the Co-operation of bad influences, grow up into poysons, and threa­ten destruction, whereas the Sovereign Power, enlivening and piercing all, cherish­es the more Noble things, and only disco­vers the imperfection of the meaner.

In the mean time a Legate coming from Rome, armed with all the Thunderbolts of that See (whose force, even that age had wit enough to discern) to threaten them into a peace with England, but missing of his Er­rand, the Scots followed him with an Army, and marcht as far as Stainmore. The King of England, in revenge, raises an Army so po­tent and powerful, that it might be supposed they came for absolute victory, not uncertain hazard. Robert therefore like a wise Cap­tain) considering that it was Stratagem not force, that must preserve him safe from so great [Page] a storm, caused all the Cattel to be carryed into the avious retreats of the Hills, lest they might be serviceable to the Enemy, who, con­fident of their strength, pierced Scotland, and endeavoured to draw him and his Forces out of their Holes: But having wasted all about (sparing only Churches) and wanting Vi­ctuals, were forced to retire. Bruce, knowing this disorderly retreat, pursues them as far as York, and, by a great defeat, was Master of their Baggage, and some Considerable Pri­soners; the great occasion of which was impu­ted to Sir Andrew Barcley, Earl of Carlisle, who was therefore degraded. This begat two Embassyes, one to the Papacy, for a Reconcili­ation to it, and the other to France, for a Re­novation of the old League, both which were obtained with equal easiness, with this addi­tion to the latter, That the King of France should be Ʋmpire in controversies concerning the Crown of Scotland. About these times (says excellent Buchanan) the Family of the Hamiltons (since so great in Scotland, and pernicious to England) took their rise, one of them upon a Quarrel and murder of an En­glish Gentleman flying to Robert for Protecti­on, who gave him lands, which retain the name to this day; the Spensers (upon whose account this quarrel arose) were soon after dis­composed, and ruined, and Edward himself de­throned, and (as it is said) murthered at [Page] Pontfract Castle, by means of his wife, and Edward his Son succeeded, the III. of that name; Bruce in the mean time, composing himself to the cares of Peace, by Act of Parlia­ment settles the Inheritance of the King­dom upon his Son (though a Child) and in case of his decease, to Robert Stuart his Grand-child by his Daughter, and for preventing any pretences of Baliol (being then old and mise­rable in France) a full release of all his Claim; but the active young Edward filling them with the terrour of a new Bruce, 1320. repaired the de­fects of his age, and travels, by substituting Thomas Randolph his Vice-Roy, whom, with James Dowglas, he sent with a flying Army of Horse into England, the better to elude the prevailing force they were to expect, and it happened accordingly, for after tedious Mar­ches, and hardships on both sides, they parted without a stroke, saving onely that Dowglas with two hundred Horse, beat up the Quar­ters of the English Camp, and cut (as is said) two Ropes of the Kings Tent, and made a good Retreat; this begat a Truce for three years, and afterwards ( 1328) a dishonorable Concession on a Parliament at Southampton of all the Scotish priviledges, and independen­cies of that Crown (for which some after smar­ted) with the Concession of some Counties, and Rendition of Monuments, the Scots pay­ing thirty thousand Marks: Bruce finding [Page] himself wasted by age and toil, left the Tui­tion of the Nonage of his Son to Randolph and Dowglass, retiring himself to the Abby of Kilross, confirming the Settlement of the Kingdom upon his Son David (then 8 years old) and Stuart, as he had done before, lea­ving these three Counsels behind him ( Illustri­ous Spirits that have long moved in great Orbs, being best measured, when they are falling below their Horizon.) 1. Not to let any man solely command the Aebneae. 2. Ne­ver to put all their Strength at one hazard with the English. 3. Never to make long Truces with them. The first being to be feared by their power at Sea. The second for the Fer­tility, Power and Numbers of the English. The third, to prevent the Enervation of a of a long Peace. Thus he dyed, leaving Charge with Dowglas to convey his heart to the Ho­ly Land (whither himself had designed an Expedition) but Dowglass, assisting them of Arragon against the Sarazens, was there cut to pieces: Thus ended the reign of Robert Bruce. A Prince, 1330. that mounting the Throne over the Carcasses of his neerest kindred, encountring with the greatest, diffi­culties and calamities of a country opprest by powerful and martial Enemies, bravely struggled with the disadvantages, and left behind him the Character of a great Cap­tain, and a prudent Prince, and such an one [Page] as whose Reputation relies upon his single virtue, unless you will say he had the assi­stance of the heads and hands of his Coun­sellors and Captains yet even in the chusing of One, and the obeying the Other, it must be confest he was a man excellently squared out for government, and a man the most fit to arrest our conquests in that Nation.

Yet, by the way, we shall take up one Remark, How much the fortune and repu­tation of any people, depends upon the Con­duct of their Supreme Governour; and we cannot have better instance, than by re­flecting upon the preceeding History. Ed­ward I. (worthily called Coeur de Lion) brought them in their greatest power upon their knees; His Son (an effeminate and weak Prince, enchanted with Flatteries, and lost in Softness) could not preserve an acqui­red Dominion, but lost it with ignominy; His son, for a time (which we must call his pupillage of War, he did such wonders afterwards) was unsuccessful, and all this through the Opposition, Courage and Con­duct of one unfortunate person; And indeed, upon survey of all Histories, we shall find, that the ability and excellency of the Prince hath been the most powerful ascendent of the Genius of a Nation, and that the Gover­ning mind of the World, when ever it de­termines any to glorious actions, raises up [Page] such Leaders, as by their wisdom, and ex­ample, may lead them to the performance of its own secret determinations.

And again, How infectious the example of a bad or weak Prince, which, like an un­happy contagion, perverts and infects the manners of a people, and so much the more easily seduces them, by how much the mind of man is inclinable to understand better things, and pursue the worse, and most peo­ple are more easily emasculated into Vice, than tutured into Virtue.

This Prince being gone to his long home, DAVID BRUCE His Son, succeeding, 1331 his Coronation was de­ferred till permission could be had from Rome to make the business more solemn. The first thing memorable in his reign was the suppressi­on of a sort of Thieves, by Randolph, who (if you will believe the Scotish Story) was soon after poisened by a Monk, yet bore it so, as he eluded another invasion, though he died soon after in the year 1331. the Government de­volving to the Earl of Mar, in which he was scarce warm, when news was brought that Ed­ward Baliol was seen in the Fryth with a For­midable Fleet; And it was upon this occasion, Lawrence Twine, a Fugitive English-man, that had planted himself in Scotland, being for his lewd life excommunicated, slew the [Page] Bishop of Final, and used such inducements to Edward (Son of John Baliol, formerly King) by the minority of the King, the raging dis­contents of the People and Exiles, the want of the Regents, Randolf and Dowglass, that he, knowing Edward prepared great Forces against Scotland, persuaded him to imbarque in the Enterprize, and he made so good a Par­ty, that he landed at Kingkorn, and defea­ted Alexander Seatoun, who made some op­position; and marching to Perth, did, by a secret passage over the River, rout the Ene­my, slay the most considerable Commander, and take the Town, taking Prisoners also ma­ny of the best quality, so that growing nume­rous, by the accession of such as had a mind to share in his good and unexpected Fortune, he in the year 1332. 1362. caused himself to be Crown­ed King at Scone, by the name of EDWARD BALIOL But the party of the Bruces not resting here, send him to Philip of France with his wife, and choose Andrew Murray, his Cousen, Re­gent, and making a party, after three Moneths siege, recovered Perth, Baliol in the mean time was at Annandale, receiving the vo­luntary submission of the Country, among whom (so high was the Reputation of his Ac­quests) that Alexander Bruce, L. of Carid and Galloway, forsook his Kinsman, and sub­mitted to the Conquerour, who, by this means, [Page] became so besotted with a contempt of the E­nemy, and so neglected Discipline; which be­ing known to the Vice-Roy, he sent a party of Horse under Archibald Dowglass, and others, who beat up his quarters, and routed them, himself escaped half naked, 1332. and his most consi­derable Friends slain, The Nobility hereupon flocking to the Party of the Bruces, they con­sult, and resolve, that Baliol acts but the King of England's Designs, fortifie Berwick and the Borders, and standing in this posture of Defence, sent to K. Philip and David, to give them account of things. Nor were the En­glish unwilling to take the Advantage of the Discord, he therefore protects Baliol, and un­der pretence of demanding Berwick, which was denyed, brings an Army against Scotland, besieges Berwick by Land and Sea, which to divert, Archibald Dowglass, newly appointed Vice-Roy, makes an attempt upon the English, but was routed with great loss, in the year 1333. which occasioned the Rendition of the Town, 1333. Edward hereupon withdrawing into En­gland, leaves the reducement of Scotland to the care of Baliol and Edward Talbot, who gained it all except some few Strengths; Ba­liol (though disturbed with a controversie a­bout the Lands of John Moubray) surveys the Countrey, fortifies the Castle of Rothsay, nar­rowly pursues Robert Stuart (after King) who in a small bark escaped to the Garison of [Page] Dumbarton, & after laies siege to the Castle in the Lake Leven, which he left to the Manage­ment of Sir John Sterlin & others, but Sterlin going to a Fair at Dunfermling, the besieged let the Lake into his Trenches, and raised the siege. The English came in again with an Army, swept all, carryed Balliol home with them, and left Cumin Earl of Athol, Lievtenant of Scotland, who wasted all the Lands of the Stuarts. By this Robert Stuart unexpectedly breaks out, and being followed by the Cam­bels, takes the Castle of Botan, and having access of many considerable persons, is made Vice-Roy, and forces Cumin to his party, and dispersing the War, called a Parliament at Perth, where nothing could be done by rea­son of the dissention of Cumin and Dowglass. But the English enter with a great Army, and (though their Auxiliary Guelders were rout­ed take Perth, but their Fleet being harrast at Sea, were forced to retreat, and the rather in design of a French War; but some of the Nobles still standing out, the English landing in Murray reduced all, and, leaving Baliol, return. Next year the English besieged Dum­bar, and sent in two Parties under Talbot and Monford, 1337 which though they were both routed, yet the siege continued; but the En­glish having received loss by the valour of Ro­bert Stuart, after six moneths stay, being cal­led into France, raised their siege, Murray [Page] in the mean time dying, Stuart was created Vice-Roy till the Return of David, and having the first year by the means of W. Dowglass, gained some petty Victories, 1339 did the next be­siege Perth, which after four Moneths stay was reduced, and a little after Sterlin, and (by Stratagem) the Castle of Edinburgh; Alex­ander making a happy Expedition into North­umberland, and taking Roxburgh, and the Scots regaining all their ground, except Ber­wick. In the year 1342. David, after 9. years stay, returns, and after quieting of some dissentions, resolves an expedition into En­gland, though dissuaded by his Council, by reason of want of Victuals, making John Ran­dolph General, himself going incognito, and for two Moneths together depopulated North­umberland, but after, declaring himself Ge­neral, made a second Expedition, which met little opposition by reason of the diversion of the English strength in France, a third to as lit­tle purpose. A Peace for two years was trea­ted of, which David would not accept, with­out the consent of Philip of France, who hav­ing a great defeat given him by Edward, ex­cited him, by all means, to an invasion, which his friendship perswaded him to (though things at home were not in Order) and having Marcht so far as the County of Durham, had his Army routed, and was there taken Pri­soner; The English limits being enlarged as [Page] far as Cockburn; and all Scotland, in a manner, depopulated by the Plague and dead­ly fewds, yet by the encouragement of John Son of Philip the French King, some were still making Incursions, and an unsuccessful at­tempt on Berwick. By this time John of France was Prisoner to Edward, whom the Scots courted as full of Honour and Victory, for the delivery of their own, who (by the Mediation of the Pope) for a great sum of Money, was redeemed, and set free, after e­leven years Captivity, and at his Return pu­nished some of those who had deserted him at Durham, and endeavoured to remove the suc­cession of the Crown, from Robert Stuart, to whom he was some years after reconciled. The last five years of his reign were spent in ap­peasing domestick fewds, and are notable for a great inundation and plague; but things quieting in the year 1363. he retired into a Monastery, and declared (in case of his de­cease) Edward, or his Son, for their King. This, whether it was caused by some former Oath, or from weariness of War, or design of quiet to Both Nations, which being uni­versally disliked by the Estates it was like to breed a dissention, which his wisdome closed up. All was now quiet but the Highlanders, whom he appeased by their mutual discords; when Fate in the 47. year of his Age, and 39 of his Reign, came to Eternal Rest, in the Ca­stle of Edinburgh, in the year 1370.

[Page] By this King and his competitour Baliol (who went out in the snuff) we may in part measure the interests & advantages of Prin­ces; the one by the asistance of a Potent Neighbour did unexpected things, yet failed in Conduct and Managment; the other, wan­ting neither spirit nor vigilancy, became a Captive and ineffectual Prince; which may give us occasion to observe, That tho Travel do best inrich the mind with variety of ob­servation, yet it is not so successful in Princes; for their Minds not being exempted from humane weakness, may draw in tinctures & prejudices not consisting with the humors of them they are to govern, and by knowing abroad grow strangers at home, neglecting to study the humor of the People they are set over; the disquisition of which is certain­ly the greatest Mistery and Chain of Govern­ment: The People being an unruly Beast, easily led, impossible to be forc'd, and the Magick that so powerfully forces them, no other than a peircing, discerning, flatter­ing; or eluding their Humour.

This was Davids Fundamental fault, which, like Error in the first concoction, multiplied it self through the rest of his Reign. he was bred a Stranger, knew not the disposition of his people, met with troublesome Times, and a Formidable Ene­my, and therefore he may very well be [Page] charged with three oversights; First, after three, not unfortunate, incursions into En­gland, then imployed by France, not to rest there with his proportion of glory and prey: But secondly, By the allurement of the French King, and that upon a score of Friend­ship; whereas Friendships of Princes and Private Men are different, the one being par­ticular: the other diffusive and concerning Millions; besides, that Princes are to con­sider the interest of their States, not their private inclinations. And for the third, To make an invasion, when he left so high dis­contents in a turbulent people behind, be­sides those of his own, that by force, obli­gation or interest were devoted to a victo­rious Enemy, and assured of his own Coun­try▪ was very imprudential, both in going to find out an Enemy, whose force he knew not, and leaving behind him Subjects, whose malice and force he understood not.

But no more to disturb his ashes; Had he had another Country, another Enemy, a­nother Education, and other Circumstances of Time, he might have been as glorious as any of his Predecessors, it is the more pro­bable (though the Change of Time does of­ten heighten and aggravate the Vices of Princes) there is nothing either Cruel or Vitious recorded of him, So that even in the severest sense we may dismiss him with [Page] this Character, That he was rather unhap­py than sloathful in his Government.

This mans eyes being for ever closed, the Nobility appointed a meeting for the accep­ting of ROBERT STUART For their King, as he was formerly designed, who appeased the dissention of the Earl Dow­glass by marrying his Daughter to the Earl's Son. His first two years were spent in ma­king incursions upon the English, the Kings wife dying in the next year, he marries Eliza­beth Moor his own Concubine, the better to legitimate the children he had by her, and them he honoured with Titles, and declared his Successors; two years after an attempt is made on Berwick, but in vain, and Talbots Expedition frustrated, but a Truce for three years was concluded; which being expired, little quarrels awoke again, and occasioned the Duke of Lancaster to be sent thither with a great Army and Navy, though not with the same fortune at Sea as at Land, which occasi­oned the return of the Duke, who was pursued by some small depredations of William Dow­glass, though his Son of the same name, and some others, during the Treaty made an in­road as far as Newcastle. Robert having as­sistance from France, is forced to retire, es­pecially upon the news of Richards (Grand-child and Successor to Edward the third) marching [Page] with a great Army, fac'd the Scots with an unbloody bravery. The Scots designing to be­siege Roxburgh, but quarrelling with the French, it came to nothing; which occasioned so much dissention, that it arrived at this pass, That the French should pay for their plunder and be dismist, their General remain­ing as hostage for their satisfaction; whilst William Dowglass (who had married the Kings Daughter) makes an Expedition into Ireland, plunders Kerlingford, and knowing his Father to be imployed against the English, hasten to his assistance. The attempt was in affront of Richard then strugling with Dome­stick difficulties; But they of Scotland being unable to live without War and Rapine, they were resolved to make a business of it, and be­cause the King, and his eldest Son were infirm, came to choose (privately) the second for their Leader; but this being discovered by the En­glish, they altered their Resolution, and resolv­ed to divide themselves, one by the way of Ber­wick, the other of Carlisle the former Party led by Dowglass gave a defeat to the Lord Percy, with the loss of his Life the other not having the like Success) who impatiently fighting before the coming up of the Bishop of Durham's Forces, lost his own and indangered the others.

This happened in the year 1388. at Ot­terburn in Northumberland. The King being spent with age, makes Robert his second Son [Page] his Vice-Roy, (his eldest being unactive) who to affront Percey, that seemed to lessen the loss, led in an Army, but after facing return­ed with some little depredation. Soon after a Peace was mediated between the French and English, in which Robert, without consent of a Parliament, would not be comprised; But his doubts were all resolved by death in the year 1390. when he had lived 74. years, and reigned 19. being followed to the grave with such acts of Barbarism, as have heen frequent in that place.

He is a Prince we find little said of, as to his person, and possibly best to be consider­ed in the Negative; We find many things done by his Captains, not by him; which notwithstanding we may rather attribute to the stirring and violent humour of that age, than either his age, want of Genius, or love of quiet; yet herein appears some­what of his Character, that meeting with turbulent times, and a martial people, he met not with any Insurrections, and was a gainer; and though he did it by other hands, we must suppose that their Motions were directed by his Brain, that communi­cated Motion and Spirits unto them, since the Minds of Kings, like the first Mover, turn all about, yet are not perceived to move, and it was no humane wit said their hearts were unscrutable.

[Page]The same year his Eldest Son John was caled to succeed, who thinking that name ominous to Kings & there wanted not examples) as of him of England, and him of France, and fancying somewhat of the felicity of those two former Roberts, was crowned King by the name of ROBERT the III.

This man being unactive, the weight of the Government rested upon his Brother Robert.

The first seven years of his Reign past in a calm with England, by reason of two Truces, but not without some fierce fewds among his Subjects, one whereof was very memorable be­tween Thomas Dunbar Earl of Murray, and and James Lindsay Earl of Crawford, and was most high, insomuch that seeing the diffi­culty of reducing them, he resolved to make this proposition to them. That 300. of each side, should try it by dint of Sword before the King, the Conquered to be pardoned, and the Conquerour advanced; This being agreed on, a place was appointed on the Northside of St. Johnstons, but when they came to joyn battel, there was one of one side missing, whom when his party could not supply, and none would re­linquish the other, a Tradesman stept out, and for half a French Crown, and promise of maintenance for his life, filled up the company.

The fight was furious, but none behaved himself more furiously than the Mercenary Champion, who they say was the greatest cause of [Page] the Victory, for of his side there remained ten grievously wounded, the other party had but one left who not being wounded, yet being unable to sustain the shock of the other, threw himself into the Tey and escaped. By this means the fiercest of two Clanns being cut off, the remain­der, being headless, were quiet. Two years after, the King in Parliament made his two Sons Dukes, 1398 a title then first brought into Scotland. Next year Richard the second of England being forced to resign, Henry the fourth succeeded, in the beginning of whose reign, though the Truce was not ended, the seeds of War began to bloom out, and upon this occasion, George Earl of March had be­trothed Elizabeth his Daughter to David the Kings eldest Son: Archibald Earl of Dow­glass, not brooking this, gets a vote of Par­liament for revocation of this marriage, and by the power of Robert, the Kings Brother, made a marriage between Mary his Daughter, and David, and, giving a greater sum, got it con­firmed in Parliament. The Earl of March, nettled at this, demands redress, but being not heard, leaves the Court, and with his Family and Friends goes into England, to the Lord Percy, an utter Enemy of the Dowglasses, wast 's March, and especially de­predating the lands of the Dowglasses. The Scots declare the Earl of March an Enemy, and send to demand him up of the English, [Page] who deny to surrender him. This made Hot-spur Percy and March, make several incur­sions into Scotland, till at last they were re­pulsed at Linton-Bridge by the Dowglasses.

1400.This was about the year four hundred, at which time War was denounced, and the En­glish entred with a great Army, took Had­dington and Lieth, and laid siege to Edin­burgh Castle, David the Kings Son being within it, which the new Governour, ambi­tiously delaying to relieve, the English, satis­fied with the terrour they brought, re­tired again. After which March did not cease his little incursions; which to be reven­ged of, Dowglass divided his Forces into two Squadrons, the first to Halyburton, who re­turned from Barmborough, with some prey; the second and greater to Patrick Hepburn, who unwarily roving with his prey, was set on by the English, and with all the youth of Lothian, put to the Sword. To revenge this, Dow­glass gets together 10000. men, and passing beyond Newcastle, met with young Percy, &c. who at Homildon, a little village in Northumberland, in the year 1401. gave gave him and his Party such a considerable de­feat, as Scotland had not receiv'd the like for a long time. This put Percy in hope to re­duce all beyond the Fryth, but the troubles at home withdrew him from that design. By this Annibal the Queen dying, David her Son, [Page] who by her means had been restrained, broke out into his natural disorders, and committed all kind of Rapine and Luxury. Complaint being brought to his Father, he commits him to his Brother the Governour (whose secret design being to root out the off-spring) the bu­siness was so ordered, as that the young man was shut up in Falkland Castle to be starved, which yet was for a while delayed, one woman thrusting in some thin Oaten Cakes at a chink, and another giving him milk out of her paps through a Trunck. But both these being dis­covered, the youth being forced to tear his own members, died of a multiplied death; which murder being whispered to the King, and the King inquiring after it, was so abused by the false representations of his Brother, that grief and imprecations was all the relief he had left him, as being now retired sickly to Bote-Castle, and unable to punish him. The King being solicitous of James his younger Son, is resolved by the example of the good usage of David, to send him to Charles the Sixth of France, and having taken Shipping at the Basse, as he past by the Promontory of Flam­borough, whether forc'd by tempest, or that he was Sea-sick, he was forc'd to land, taken by the English, and detained, notwithstanding the allegation of a Truce of eight years, and his Fathers Letters. And though it came to [Page] the Privy Council to be debated, yet his de­tention was carried in the Affirmative. This advantage he had by his Captivity, that he was well and carefully educated; but the News so struck his Father, that he had almost pre­sently died, but being carried into his Cham­ber, with voluntary abstinence and sorrow he shortned his life, three days longer, viz. to the first of April. 1406.

He was a man of a goodly and a comely personage, one rather fit for the tranquillity of a private life, than the agitations of Roy­alty, and indeed such an one whose Reigns do little else but fill up Chronologies with the number of their years.

Upon this the Parliament confirm Robert for Governour, a man of parts able enough for that employment, but a man of such a violent and inveterate ambition, as would sacrifice any thing to make it fuel to it self. Soon after March and Dowglass were reconciled.

In the year 1411. Donald the Islander, Lord of the Budae, enters Ross, as his pretended in­heritance, with ten thousand men, and easily reduced it, and flushed by this, goes to Murray, which being strengthless, he easily mastered, and pass'd spoiling into Bogy, and approached [Page] Aberdeen. To stop this torrent, Alexander Earl of Mar, followed by most of the Nobility, met him at Harley, a Village beyond Tey, where they joyned in so bloody a Battle, and lost so many noble and considerable Persons, that though Night parted them, neither could pretend to the Victory. To this year doth the Ʋniversity of Saint Andrews owe its rise. The next ten years nothing was done between the Scotch and English; Henry the V. succeed­ing his Father, and being wholly intent for France, there was little to do between the two Nations, unless some small incursions. In the year 1419. Auxiliaries were sent into France, 1419 and employed in Turain, but they making mer­ry in the Easter-Holidays, the Duke of Cla­rence, being informed thereof, marches with a party to them; but notwithstanding finding a stout repulse, was himself, with many of his Souldiers slain. Whilst this happens in France, in the year 1420. Robert the Governour dies, and Mordack his Son, a Sot, was put in his place, which he was so fit for, that he could not govern his three Sons, which was the cause of the Fathers and their ruines. This Domestick Change called home the Forces em­ployed in France, but things being setled, others went in their places. Henry of En­gland, hearing of the death of Clarence, made John Duke of BEDFORD his Vice-Roy, [Page] himself intending to follow, and carry JAMES of Scotland along with him, the better either to win or suspend the hearts of the Scots; but it was in vain, for they said they would not obey a man, that had not his own liber­ty. Much action past afterwards between them and the English, but we hasten to close with the Author.

MORDACK, as it hath been said, being Governour, having neglected all Discipline at home, suffered his Sons to come to that petu­lancy, that they were not only offensive to all the people, but withal disobedient to their Father, who having a brave Faulcon, which his Son WALTER had often begged, but in vain, he snatch'd it out of his Fathers hand, and wrung off her neck, which his Father being angry at, Well says he, Since I cannot govern thee, I will bring one shall govern us both: And from that day he ceased not to further the Redemption of the KING, which was after ordered at an Assembly at Perth, and an honourable Embassy sent into England, With which this Author begins his History, and we conclude this petty Labour.

The succeeding part, which is to conti­nue where he leaves, is expected to be wor­thily performed by Mr. Saunderson, and the [Page] precedent by the ingenious and learned Mr. Christopher Irwin.

But because we have made a part of pro­mise to say somewhat of the Anchor, who hath left himself the memory of an ingeni­ous man, by the things we have of his; and for that it is but too common ingratitude, to leave us better acquainted with the thoughts of men, than with their persons and qualities, many excellent Spirits leaving only their Spiritual parts behind them, and little of their Corporal but their names, we shall set down in brief what we understand concerning him.

WILLIAM DRUMMOND was the Son of Sir JOHN DRUMMOND, and was born in the year 1585. and was brought up in Edenburgh, where having past through his course of Philosophy, he took the Degree of Master of Arts, and in the year 1606. went into FRANCE, to study the Laws, as a way to raise him to preferment at Court. But his wit being of a greater delicacy, could not engage on the toyls and difficulties of that study, as being wholly inclined to ease and retirement, and a prosecution of the ea­sier and softer entertainment of the Muses. In this humour (for he was especially ad­dicted [Page] to POETRY, having for that pur­pose sufficiently mastered the GREEK. LA­TINE, FRENCH, SPANISH, and ITALIAN Tongues, as may appear by all his things of that nature) lived retir­edly with his Brother-in-Law, till he was five and forty years of age, at which time he unexpectedly married MARGARETE LOGANE, a younger Daughter of the House of RESTELRIG.

He was not more retired in his Person then careless of his Fame, (all his Poems being Printed in loose sheets, and only ad­dressed to his Friends.) Yet though he re­treated from all the World, yet he was still found out; for all the Learned, and men of Quality, gave him his due respect. As for his own Countrey-men, the Earl of STER­LIN, LEOCHEM, and Doctor JOHN­SON. Besides, though he were little in ENGLAND, yet DANIEL DRAY­TON, and JOHNSON visit him by their Letters, and testifyed their esteem of him. All that we have of him is this Book, and his Poems, of which when they are to be published, you will have better information. In this manner he continued a harmless, and a virtuous life, till in the year 1649. he was summoned to pay his great debt to Nature, [Page] having left a little before his death, a quan­tity of books to the Library of Edenburgh.

Having premised thus much to satisfie the Reader, as worthy to be foreknown, though I have had little encouragement for my pains, I shall cease being ingenious in ano­ther mans book, and attend the restitution of that without which my self cannot sub­sist.

From my Chamber Jan. 24. 1680.
IAMES: I. KING OF Scotes. Anō: 1424 R Gaywood Fecit:

THE HISTORY OF THE Reign of James the first, KING of SCOTLAND.

THE Nobles of Scotland being wearied with the form of their present Government; for tho they had a King, they en­joyed not the happiness of his sway, by his restraint afar off, under the power of a Stranger; some of them were possessed with hopes by the change of the Head, to find a change in the Body of the State. and a flow of their ebbing Fortunes; the Church-men and the Gentry having ever continued loyal and well-affected to the Lawful Heir of the Crown; the Commons, men delighting in Novati­ons, and ordinarily preferring uncertainties, things unseen and to come, to what for the time they did hold and enjoy; the Governor of the Kingdom also himself, irritated by the misdemeanour of his Chil­dren, and forecasting the danger he might be plung­ed [Page 2] into, if the States should purchase the recovery of their King, he not complying to their Design: all unanimously and together determine without longer prolongings to work the delivery of their Native Prince JAMES forth of England where he had been detained eighteen years as a Prisoner.

They who were chosen and got Commission to negotiate his Liberty were Archembald Earl of Dow­glass, Son to Archembald Duke of Turrain, William Hay Constable of the Realm, Alexander Irwin of Drumm Knight, Henry Lightoun Bishop of Aber­deen, Alexander Cornwall Arch-Dean of Lothian,

These coming to London were graciously received by the State, and severally entertained by King James, and so many friends as either his Alliance or Virtues had acquired. After some few days stay de­siring to have audience in Counsel they were admit­ted, where Bishop Lightoun is said to have spoken to this effect.

The respect and reverence which the Nation of the Scots carryeth toward all Kings is all where known, but most that love and loyalty which they have to the sacred Persons of their own native Princes: for as Monarchy is the most ancient form of Government, so have they ever esteemed it the best, it being more easie to find one instructed and trained up in heroical virtues, than to find many. And how well soever Governours and Vice-Gerents rule the Commmon­wealth, yet is that Government but as the light of the Moon or stars in absence of the Sun, and but re­presentations of shadows for real Bodies. This hath moved the three estates of that Kingdom to direct us here unto you.

Our King these many years hath been kept from us, upon just or unjust Grounds we will not argue, that providence which hath appointed every thing to its [Page 3] own end, hath done this for the best, both to you and us, and we are now to treat with you for his Delivery. Beseeching you to remember that his Father of Sacred memory recommended him out of that gene­ral duty which one Prince oweth to another, to your Kings Protection, in hope of Sanctuary, and in request of aid and comfort against secret, and therefore the more dangerous, Enemies, And to confess the Truth, hitherto he hath heen more assured amongst you, than if he had remained in his own Countrey, your favours being many ways extended towards him: having in all liberal Sciences and vertues brought him up. That his abode with you seemeth rather to have been a remain­ing in an Academy, then in any Captivity, and thus he had been lost if he had not been lost. Besides, tho we have the happiness to claim his Birth and Stem, ye have the claim of his Succession and Education, He being now matched with the Royal Blood of England in Marriage. Thus his Liberty which we entreat for, is a benefit to your selves, and those Princes which shall claim the descent of his off-spring. For if it should fall forth (as what may not, by the variable changes of Kingdomes, come to pass?) that this Prince by Usurpers and Rebels were disgarnished of his own Crown, they are your Swords which should brandish, to set him on his Royal throne. We expect that as ye have ma­ny ways rendred him yours, ye will not refuse to en­gage Him yet more by his Liberty, which he must ac­knowledge wholly and freely to receive from you: and by benefits and love to overcome a King, is more than by force of Arms. And since he was not your Pri­soner by chance of War (having never raised Arms a­gainst you) but by way of Protection detained here, and entertained, so ye will, respecting your ancient ho­nour and Generosity, send him freely back to his own; yet if it be so that ye will have acknowledgment, for [Page 4] what ye have bestowed on his education, the distress of the present estate of his Subjects and Crown consi­dered, We will not stand upon trifles of Money for the Redemption of a Prince above all price.

The Lords of the Council were diverse ways in­clined to this Embassie, some thought it not fit to dismiss him. For his remaining in England seemed the more to assure the kingdom of Scotland unto them; having the King and his children in their custody what dared they not enterprise, or not bring to pass? Or if Scotland should plot any thing by way of Rebellion, the King having his party within the Realm, by the assistance of the English would keep under the other Factions; and thus the Estate by both being made weak, it would be a fair breach for a Conquest, and the annexing that King­dom to the Crown of England.

That he knew too much of the Estate and affairs of England to be sent away to a Nation ever their ene­mies, That being at liberty and amongst his own, he might resent the injury of his long restraint,

Others of the Council thought it best to dismiss him, They had learned by experience that the keep­ing of the King of the Scots hindered no ways the Scots from assisting the French, yea rather that it did exasperate their choler, and make them in Re­venge addict themselves wholly to the French: the Governour no ways keeping to the English, and si­ding the French, upon whom to be revenged they could find no surer way than to set at liberty the King, whose return of necessity must needs change the face of the State, and trouble him. As for the conquest of the Crown of Scotland, it was not at that time of such moment for England, they having the most part of France in their Subjection, which was as much, if not more, as they could hold, then it [Page 5] would prove a more harmless and sure purchase to make Scotland theirs, by the Succession of Lady Jane of Somerset, than by war, the event whereof is ever doubtful and beyond any assurance of Man. The Liberty of the King of Scots might prevent the encreasing strength of the Kings Enemies in France, and secure the Peace and tranquillity of the Common­wealth at home: King James being all English by education, if he proved not of their Party, yet he must prove neutral to both the Kingdoms.

Henry the sixth, then King of England, being of under-age was governed by his three Uncles of his Fathers side, Humphrey Duke of Glocester, who was made Protector of his Person and Realm, John Duke of Bedford, who was established Regent of France, and Thomas Duke of Excester. But Henry Beaufoord Cardinal, Bishop of Winchester and Chancellor of England, a man eminent in Blood and Riches, Uncle to the Lady Jane, in effect governed all. These gave way, rather then approved that the King of Scots should be set at liberty and sent home. And though they would have dismissed him freely, in re­spect of the Dowry of his Queen, which was not delivered, having use of present moneys for the maintenance of the Wars in France, and the more to cover the injustice of his Captivity, they thought it expedient to set a Ransom upon him.

The Commissioners having met, it was declared, that for a sufficient sum of moneys their King might return and enjoy his own Liberty; the one half to be paid in hand, able Hostages remaining in England till the other half was fully discharged. The Ransom agreed upon was four hundred thousand Marks, but by the power of the Cardinal the third was discharged, for which he was long after accused before the King by the Duke of Glocester.

[Page 6]The Governour and Estate of Scotland having known the sum laid upon them for the Liberty of the King, though the hasty acquiring of it was grie­vous unto them, preferring Glory and things neces­sary to matters of money, immediatly dispatched so so much as could be gathered, together with a great many young Noblemen of the Kingdom to remain Hostages for the rest; who (after the English Wri­ters) were David son to the Earl of Athol, Alexan­der Earl of Crawford, the Lord Gordon, John de Lyndesay, Patrick Son and Heir to Sir John Lyon, David de Ogleby, Sir William de Ruthen, Miles Gra­ham, David Mowbray and William Oliphant. These were honorably received entertained and kept. The Kings Father in Law, the Earl of Somerset, the Car­dinal his Brother, accompanied their Niece to the Borders, and there taking their leave returned back. The King with the rest of their Train, received with many Troops of Nobles and Gentlemen, who swarm­ed from all parts of the Kingdom to give him a du­tiful welcome into his Native soyl, and themselves the contentment of beholding one they had so long desired and expected, with loud acclamations and applauses of the Commons as he held his Progress, on the Passion Week in Lent came to Edinburgh.

During his abode there, he assembled many of the Estates, listened to their Petitions, prepared for the approaching Parliament, which had been sum­moned before his coming, The Solemnities of Ea­ster finished, the King came with his Queen to Perth, and from thence in the beginning of the moneth of May to Scone, where the year 1424. by Mordock the Governour, Duke of Albany and Earl of Fife (to whom that charge by custom of the Kingdom did appertain) and Henry Bishop of S. Andrews the 27 year of his Age, there was a joynt Coronation of him­self [Page 7] and his Queen, being according to the Compu­tation of the old Scottish History, the hundreth and one King of Scotland.

At which time Sigismond, son to Charles the fourth, An. Dom. 1424. was Emperour of the West. John the seventh, the son of Andronicus of the East; Amurath the second, Great Turk; Alphonsus the fifth, King of Spain; Charles the seventh, King of France; Henry the sixth, King of England; and with Martin the fifth, many claimed the Chair of St. Peter.

The ends in calling the Parliament were the Coronation of the King, to make the People see a Princes authority was come where they had but late­ly a Governours; the establishing a Peace amongst the Subjects, and taking away all Factions, the ex­acting a Subsidie for the relief of the Hostages in Eng­land, To this last, the Nobles held strong hand, by reason many of their Sons were engaged. Here a a general tax was condescended upon through the whole Realm, as twelve pennies of the pound to be paid of all Lands, as well Spiritual as Temporal, and four pennies of every Cow, Ox, Horse, for the space of two years together. When the Commons had taken it grievously that the Subsidie, granted by the states of the Kingdom in Parliament, was ex­acted mostly of them; after the first Collection, the King pitying their poverty, remitted what was un­payed, and until the Marriage of his Daughter, thereafter never exacted any Subsidie of his Subjects. For he would gently strain milk, and not wring blood from the breast of his Countrey, rendring the dis­posure thereof, chaste, sincere and pure for expen­ces necessary and profitable, not for profusions, which neither afford contentment nor reputation; for money is both the nerves which give motion and veins, which entertain life in a State. Amongst [Page 8] others whom the King honoured, Alexander, se­cond Son to Duke Mordock, was dubbed Knight.

The Parliament dissolving, the King came from Perth to Edinburgh, where having assembled all the present Officers, and such who had born Au­thority in the State during the time of Duke Robert, and Duke Mordock, especially those whose charge concerned the Rents of the Crown, he understood by their accounts, that the most part of all the Rents, Revenues and Lands pertaining to the Crown, were wasted, alienated and put away, or then by the Gover­nors bestowed on their freinds and followers, the Cu­stoms of Towns and Burroughs only excepted. This a little incensed his indignation, yet did he smother and put a fair countenance on his passion, seeming to slight what he most car'd for: occasion thereafter no sooner served when he began to countenance and give way to Promoters and Informers (necessary though dangerous Instruments of State, which ma­ny good Princes have been content to maintain, and such who were not bad never denied to hear, but using them no longer then they were necessary for their ends) to rip up secret and hidden crimes, wrongs suffered, or committed during the time of his de­tension in England. He received the complaints of the Church-men, Countrey Gentlemen, Merchants against all those who had either wronged them or the State, and would have the causes of all Accusers to be heard and examined: Here many to obtain the fa­vour of the Prince, accused others.

Upon pregnant accusations Walter Stuart one of the Sons of Duke Mordock was Arrested and sent to the Bass, to be close kept; so was Malcolm Fleming of Cammernauld and Thomas Boyd of Kilmarnock com­mitted to Ward in Dalkieth. Not long after (the Nobility interceding) Malcolm and Thomas, goods [Page 9] being restored which they had taken wrongfully, and Fines laid upon them for their Offence, promi­sing to satisfie all whom they had wrong'd, were pardoned all faults, and then set at Liberty.

The King by listening to Promoters. came to the knowledge of many great insolencies committed by sundry of his Nobles, which as it bred a hatred in him, so fear in them, and both appeared to study a Novation; They for their own safety, He to vin­dicate Justice and his Authority. The Duke had highly resented the committing of his Son, as had his Father in Law the Earl of Lennox. The Male-contents being many, if they could have swayed in one body as they came to be of one mind, threat­ned no small matter, The King from the intelli­gence of close Meetings, secret Leagues, some Plots of his Nobles, began to forecast an apparent storm in the State, and danger to his own Person, where­upon (being both couragious and wise) he proclai­meth again a Parliament at Perth, where the three Estates being assembled in his throne of Majesty, he spoke in this manner;

I have learned from my tender years that Royalty consisteth not so much in a Chair of State, as in such actions which do well become a prince. What mine have been since my coming Home and Government among you, I take first God, and then your selves for witnesses. If all of them be not agreeable to you all, and if any rigorous dealing be used against some, Let him who is touched lay aside his particular, and look to the setling of Justice in the State, and pub­lick Good of the whole Kingdom, and he shall find his sufferings tolerable, perhaps necessary, and ac­cording to the time deserved. I have endeavoured to take away all Discords, abolish Factions, Suppress Oppression, as no Forein Power hath attempted [Page 10] ought against you hitherto, so that ye should not en­deavour ought against another, nor any thing against weal publick and Soveraignty. Slow have I been in punishing injuries done to my self, but can hardly pardon such as are done to the Commonwealth, for this have I called this Parliament, let rapine and out-rage no more be heard of, but every man recal himself to a civil and regular form of life, especially you (my Nobles) think vertue and civility true No­bility, that to be accounted noblest which is best, and that a mans own worth begets true glory. By these and the obedience to their Princes▪ your ancest­ors acquired what ye now enjoy, there is no stron­ger means to keep the goods acquired from a Prince, than the same by which they were first purchased, which is still obeying. Though by leagues, Facti­ons, and the confounding of all true Policy and Or­der of Government, Man may imagine he can shun the Judicatories of Man, let none how great soever conceive he can save his wrongs unpunished from the Almighty hand of God. Ye must not hereafter count Authority, honesty, and virtue idle names, nor reckon that right which ye may win or hold by dint of Sword. For me, I will behave my self in my pro­ceedings as I must answer to God, and for you my Subjects do so as ye shall answer to God first, and after to your Prince whom God hath set over you.

No mans Greatness shall appale me in doing right, nor the meanness of any make him so contemptible that I shall not give ear to his grievance; for I will strive to do justice on Oppressors, and support the innocent to my uttermost.

Here he easily found the power which the Presence of a Prince hath over Subjects; for having confirmed the minds of the Parliament, a mutual oath passed be­tween him and his Subjects; The King swore if any [Page 11] made war against Scotland, or went about to over­throw the ancient Laws of the Kingdom, to resist and invade him with all his power; The Estates swore if any by open Rebellion should revolt or con­spire against the King, or be found to be the Authors of Factions and Novations, they should assist and side the King with all their forces, after what manner he should command. A Solemn Act was made that none of the Subjects should bind up a league toge­ther.

The King the more to assure the Clergy unto him, swore to defend the liberties of the Church, making an Act that all Church lands unjustly detained from them, during the time of his Captivity should be re­stored unto them.

The Body of the Estate holding good for the King, Mordock Duke of Albany with his Sons Wal­ter and Alexander were presently arrested and com­mitted: as were likewise Duncan Earl of Lennox, and Robert Graham (a Man that dared give attempt upon those things which no honest man ever could think) they were sent to Faulkland, but the Duke to Carlaverock. Archembald Earl of Dowglass, with William Earl of Anguss the Kings Sisters son, George Earl of March, Walter Oguilby were com­mitted, but after set at liberty. Adam Hepburn of Haylles, Thomas Hay of Yeaster, with others were sent to the Castle of St. Andrews. That same day the Duke was Committed, the King seized on his Castles at Faulkland in Fyfe, and Down in Monteeth, out of which he removed the Dutchess to Tantallon in Lothian. James the youngest Son of the Duke, whom former carriage and harmless behaviour had exempted from all suspicion of Treachery after the committing of his Father and Friends, whether of a youthful insolency, or desperate rage, resolving [Page 12] to do and suffer all extremities, or that he was con­temned, accompanied with a number of out-laws, and Mountainers on the Holy-rood-day called the In­vention of the Cross, came to the Town of Dumbar­toun, set it on fire, surprised there John Stuart of Dondonald surnamed the Red, Uncle to the King, slew him with thirty others; after which cruel advi­sing with fear and despair he fled into Ireland where he died. The Wife of Walter Stuart his Brother, with her two sons Andrew and Alexander, with Ar­thur a base born, hasted with him, where they re­mained till the reign of King James the third.

The barbarous fierceness of James highly incensed the King against his Father and race, diverted the current of his Clemency; for when he thought by gentle incarcerations to have restrained their malice, now he finds that that deaf Tyrant the Law can on­ly secure himself and bring rest to his Subjects. Whereupon the year following he calleth a Parlia­ment at Sterling, where the estates assembling, the Duke with his two sons and Father-in-law the Earl of Lennox (accusations being engrossed, and articles exhibited against them out of the acts of former times, of what hath been done unjustly, ctuelly or amiss, during the Kings captivity) were presented, arraign­ed, and condemned: Walter Earl of Athol being Judge, to whom were adjoyned many noble men and Barons.

That same day on which their fatal sentence was pronounced, the two young men Walter Stuart and Alexander Sons to the Duke, were taken forth to the Hill which ariseth against the Castle of Ster­ling, and had their heads cut off. The day follow­ing Mordock Duke of Albany late Governour, with Duncan Lennox Earl of Lennox was beheaded.

The deaths of these Noblemen, were so far from [Page 13] breeding any distaste in the common People, that out of their depraved disposition and envy against their betters, they flowted at their fall, reproached their insolencies, delighted in their execution: and as much without reason railed on them when they were dead, as they had flattered them being alive.

Whether by the wisdom of the King it hath fal­len out, who caused abolish the Indictment (being a­gainst persons so near unto him in blood) or blunt­ness of those times, which thought such clear evi­dences needed no Records, the particulars of the At­taindor of these great men are swallowed up in dark oblivion.

Moved at the Imprisonment of his Son, did Mordock with Lennox (hating him whom they had wronged) attempt against the Kings person, and that same very Treason which afterwards had suc­cess, was it then between the plot, and the execution surprised, and in the very head cut off? The Earl of Athol, a man whose desires were both extremely wicked and unbounded, was a great actor in this Tra­dy.

Did the King, standing in fear of their extraor­dinary greatness, bend his eyes upon the disposition of the Offenders, squaring their actions by the rule of their intentions, and weighing what, not how far they did offend? for Princes quickly free themselves from their very shadows in matter of jealousie of State. And tney have great reason to prevent such crimes which cannot be punished when they are com­mitted, nor should they expect to amend a mischief when the Criminals are become Masters of their Jud­ges.

People believe not that any conjure against a Prince, till they find the Treason to have taken ef­fect, and distrust the Plot till they see him dead. But [Page 14] the Death of such who are suspected to be the Au­thors of disorders in a Commonwealth, spareth an infinite number of lives, and much civil blood when they are first surprized, neither are too strict circum­stances of Law to be observed when a small delay may abolish all observing of order and Laws.

The Duke to raise his own reputation to the dis­advantage of the King with all secrecy of his inten­tions, had procured himself a vast Authority with the Nobles, by a semblance of liberality wasting the Pa­trimony of the Crown, as remitting Treasons, re­storing again Lands annexed to the Crown. He had studied so to conciliate to him the minds of the Com­mons, that the desire of a King did not much touch them, using such moderation in his proceedings that his Government seemed unto many not only tolerable but desirable.

He had essayed to draw the Earl of Dowglass, and had drawn the Earl of March, to enter into a League with him, and these Noblemen then in the Castle of St. Andrews, divided the Nobility and made them break their Allegiance to the King, Up­on which attempt it seemeth that that Act of this Kings second Parliament was made. That no Sub­jects should league themselves together.

The King esteemed all that Government of Robert and Mordock to be an usurpation of the Crown, and feared the like thereafter.

His Son James had burnt Dumbartoun, and trea­cherously killed the Kings Uncle, which was not done without his knowledge, if not his Counsel.

Though he relieved the King of his Captivity, he suffered him to remain very long a Prisoner; nei­ther did he practise his deliverance till he perceived the whole States of the Kingdom resolved to call him Home, and was compelled by the injuries of his own Children.

[Page 15]To exasperate new injuries by old rancours, his Father Robert spurred by Ambition, had famish­ed to death the Kings Brother David in the Castle of Faulkland, to escape whose Tyrranny, the King yet a child was committed to the protection of stranger Princes. What ever the particulars of their accusations have been, it is above the possibility of any Governor, or Man in eminent place and autho­rity so to carry himself, but a discontented Prince, if he will set him to a tryal shall bring some one or o­ther of his actions to whirl him within compass of Justice. Thus the imprecation of Robert the third took effect upon the race of Robert the Governour; for after the death of the Duke of Rothesay he is said to have cursed him most deadly, praying as he had slain his Brothers Son, and filled their house with blood, so God would punish him, his Stock and Po­sterity. There is not any wickedness, which bear­eth not its punishment and repentance at the last, if we can have patience to attend the last act of those Tragedies played on this Theatre of the World. By the Attaindor of the Duke, the Earldoms of Fife, Mon­teith, and Lennox were devolved to the Crown. The Castle of Inch-Merin in Loch-Lommond which had a while been kept good for James, who fled into Ire­land, by John Montgomery and Humphrey Cunning- was brought to the obedience of the King.

When the Lords and Gentlemen who were in Pri­sons, attending the Kings pleasure, understood what necessary justice had been executed upon the Duke and his Sons, they were grievously perplexed; yet the King, like a wise Physitian, would take no more blood then might take away the disease and all further causes of Faction. For within twelve moneths thereafter he set them all at Liberty, and received them in his wonted favour, upon promise [Page 16] of their loyal demeanour and dutiful obedience in time to come. But being thus freely discharged, the conceit was taken that Mordocks head and his sons, with Lennoxes was only the aim, and that they were used but as a Countenance of State to dazle the eyes of the People. The Wars continuing between the Eng­lish and the French, the one to keep what he was in pos­session of the other to reobtain what he had lost: Charles the seventh, a wise and Victorious Prince, knowing the Friendship of Scotland to be of no small importance to any that should fight against the English, the flower and strength of the Scottish Soul­diers which had followed the French Wars being then blasted and spent, sendeth John Stuart of Darnley, Marshal of a Garison of Horsemen, with the Earl of Dowglass (as the French write) then Marshal of France, to Scotland, to have a fresh supply of Men of Arms, and Renauld of Charters Archbishop of Rheymes, (who there had Crowned his Master, and as Chancellour of France) to renew the ancient League between the French and Scots. But the main business about which the Archbishop came, was the trafficking of a Marriage between Lewis the Daulphine, though then very young, with Margaret Daughter to King James. This Match the English had either neglected or contemn'd, which afterwards they sued for. the renewing of the old League and Amity betwixt the two Nations was easily condescended unto, it being but a witness to the world of their mutual kindness. The chief Articles of which were;

The War or Injury, moved or done by the English men to one of the said Nations, to be as Common-wrong to both.

If the English men make War on the French Nation, then the Scots at the costs and charges of the French [Page 17] King, shall minister to them succours.

Likewise if the Scots be molested by the English Wars, the French Nation having their charges allowed, shall be to them Aiders and Assisters.

That none of both Nations shall either contract or make peace with the Realm of England, without the consent and agreement of the other.

The Marriage being found commodious for both Nations, was likewise with great contentment agreed upon, and concluded; fresh recruits of Souldiers were levied, and dispatched with the Embassador to France.

The South and Champion parts of Scotland brought under obedience, and a peaceful Govern­ment, the King will have the remotest Countries of his Kingdom, even those blocked up and baricado­ed by the snowy Clifts of Grantsben, to acknowledge his Justice. The wildness of the soyl had made the Inhabitants there more fierce than Fierceness it self, and let them out to all unlawful Riots and Rapines. To restrain their insolent humors and bring them within compass of Civility in the year 1426. he caused repair the Castle of Innerness, which is situa­ted in the uttermost borders of Murray, and by their incursions which had been turned desolate, hither some years after cometh he in person and keepeth open Court, that being near the evil he might have the better means to provide for and consider it. But he seemed to have arrived in some Territory of the Scythians, having known and found things which none did nor dare relate unto him, for he had learn­ed that not many miles off, there were men some of which had one thousand, some two thousand Rob­bers at their call, who were accustomed to drive preys from the more civil Neighbours and Borders, pilling and spoiling, polluting and ravishing without any [Page 18] difference of right or wrong, holy or prophane, but only following their ravenous and insolent humours. On the quieter sort they set Tribute, others they com­pel to Minister to them sustenance and necessaries: The God, Prince, Law which they obey are their barbarous Chieftains, amongst which he is thought the best who doth most transcend in Villany.

The King seemed to give small faith to these re­lations, entertaining kindly and feasting from all parts, all such who daigned to see him, mostly those who were the Chiefs and Principals of the Families in these bounds, by whose means all whom innocen­cy did guard came freely to Court, and many guilty, by fair promises and hopes of the Kings clemency presented themselves. Others, though most refracto­ry and unwilling at first, that they might not seem out of the fashion of their Companions, and appear suspect, resorted thither. Thinking these Offices might be interpreted to proceed of good will and obedience, which were done of emulation. Fourty of these Leaders and Chiefs, meeting at once and be­ing together within the inclosure of the Castle Walls, were surprized and committed to close Prisons. Some days after, two whose wickedness was throughly known, Alexander Mack-Rore or Mackrarey and John Mackcarture were hanged. James Cambel for the murther of John of the Isles (renownd amongst his own) was beheaded. The rest upon hope of further Tryal were committed to Prisons, of which for example and terror to others many were executed, the remains in peaceful manner sent home, the King having graciously exhorted them to a life according to the Law of God and Man.

Alexander of the Isles Earl of Ross, being taken in this trap was brought by the King to Perth, where he was accused of oppression, and many barbarous cru­elties [Page 19] were proved against him: yet such was the Kings clemency, he was only some few days com­mitted, and after lovely advice at the Council-Table, rather to obey his Prince than render himself Chief­tain of Thievish Troops, he was freely dismist, but benefits oblige not ignoble Minds, and mercy shown to a fierce and obstinate nature disgraceth the beauty of the clemency of a Prince; for no sooner was he returned to his own Territories where interpreting imprisonment a dishonour and shame to a Man of his Power and Qualities, and telling that a promise made by one imprisoned by the Judgment of Lawyers themselves was nothing worth, he gathered together a Rabble of Outlaws and Mountainers, came towards the Town of Innerness, which peaceably he entered and was courteously received, having before disper­sed his men among the Fens and Hills toward the West, they, so soon as Night had brought the inha­bitants to rest, spoiled them and set their houses on fire. And because the Castle was the place in which he had been surprized, he besieged it with a thou­sand lewd fellows practised in daily depredations and Robberies.

At the noise of this cruelty the Gentlemen of the Neighbouring Shires from all quarters assemble themselves for the defence of their Friends, the King listeth speedy preparations, at the approach of which the Clans, Whattons and Camerons with other Thieving Troups dispersed themselves and fled into their lurking holes. Alexander abandoned of their Forces with so many as he could keep together fled into Lochquhabar, from thence passed to the Isles deliberating to go to Ireland, but things answered not his expectation, for by his Spy finding that he was way-laid, and that numbers of people, (a prize being set upon his head) in all places laboured to surprize [Page 20] him: when he had long continued desolate, and a vagabond, at last he began to intercede with his Friends at Court for Mercy to him from the King. Sundry tempt the Kings Clemency, but he will not promise nor assure them of any favour before Alex­ander in person as Supplyant render himself and his estate to his disposure. Thus finding no escape, and destitute of all help he was emboldned to come pri­vately to Edinbrough; there on Easter day wrapped in a mourning Garment, and concealed in the dragg of the multitude, the King being in the Church of the Holy-rood at divine Service, he fell prostrate at his knees, beseeching him for grace, which at the re­quest of the Queen and other Assisters he obtained. His life and private estate was granted him, but that he should do no more harm, and be reduced to a more modest behaviour, William Dowglass earl of Anguss was appointed to take him in custody, and that with­in the Castle of Tantallon; his Mother Euphem Daughter to Walter Lesly sometime Earl of Ross a Mannish implacable woman, who had solicited and raised her Son to all that mischief, was committed to the Isle of S. Colm.

Donald Balloch, Cousin-germain to Alexander Lord of the Isles, a man of a haughty mind, resenting the Kings proceedings against his Cousin, raised a great number of Out-laws and Robbers, and invaded Lochquhabar, omitting no cruelty, which enraged Savages use to commit. Alexander Stuart, Earl of Marre, and Alane Earl of Caithness, with such num­bers of People as they could in hast raise, came to defend the Country against the incursions of these Highland men, and rencountred them at Innerlochty, where by an over-weening opinion of Victory, which easily deceiveth young Souldiers, imagining they went to fight with untrained, raw Theeves, who [Page 21] would never abide their march, and misregard of martial Discipline, Allan was slain, and Alexander Earl of Marre discomfited, and Balloch insolent of his Victory, with a great Booty returned to the Isles. The King at the Rumour of this disaster in all celerity with a great Army came to Dunstaffage, intending from that to pass to the Isles, which when the Clans and other chief men understood, turning their defence into submission, they came in hast to Dunstaffage, and humbly begg'd pardon: laying the fault of the whole Rebellion on Balloch, and some adventuring Thieves, many of which Balloch had pressed to that mischief against their minds; the King finding ex­tream rigour at that time a cure unreasonable, taking their oath of fidelity, and that they should persue Balloch and his followers, accepted them in his fa­vor, only transporting some of the most factious along with him. They in few days, to seem worthy of the Kings mercy, surprized a great number of them, three hundred of which died all on Gibbets; and punishment had taken away a much greater number, had he not considered that there is no man so miserable, who is not a member of the State.

The King, lest hope of impunity might cherish Rebellion, resolves to find Balloch, and hearing he lurked in Ireland in the bounds of one named Odo, he sends to have him delivered; Odo, either out of fear of the Kings displeasure, or hope of rewards, seizeth on him; and suspecting if he sent him alive, he might by power or stratagem slight his Convoy, chopping off his head, and sent it to King James, then remaining at Sterling.

The Clans, Whattons, and Camerons, spairing the Magistrates sword, yet executing Justice by mutual slaughters one of another, had rendred the North very peaceable of that scum of Thieves: some Chieftains [Page 22] were shut up in fast Prisons, among which two most eminent in all mischiefs, hating mortally others, and hated of all good men, Angus Duff of Strath-Na­vern, and Angus Murray; these the King out of Policy of State let out and set at liberty, of purpose that they might be thrust forward in a greater dan­ger. Returning to their wild countries Duff, no­thing respecting the Kings clemency, accompanied with many Thieves and Robbers, driveth a great prey of cattle and other spoils from the Confines of Murray and Caithness; which to recover, Angus Murray, that he might attempt something worthy of his life and liberty, followeth with a great power of like Souldiers; having now Authority to justifie his revenge on a guilty enemy, he overtaketh Duff near unto Strath-Navern; There strongly is it fought, neither of the parties being inferiour to other in num­ber, cruelty, or despair. This conflict continued so fierce and eager, that of both sides there remained scarce twelve persons alive, and those so wounded that Justice had not whom to pursue. An over­throw delightful and commodious for the peace and quiet of all the honest and vertuous Subjects of these Countries.

These many executions nothing appalled one Mac-Donald, born in Ross, a Thief flesht in all murthers, mischievous without mercy, equally greedy of blood and spoil, who by Robberies had acquired great riches. Amongst other cruelties, he is said to have naild horse-shoes to the soles of a Widow, be­cause in her grief she had sworn in hast to report his wickedness to the King. Being brought to Perth by men of his own qualities, with twelve of his Asso­ciates, the King caused them in like manner to be shod as they had served the woman; and when three days, for a spectacle to the people, they had been [Page 23] hurried along the Town, his companions were Gib­beted, and he made shorter by the head.

Gross enormities cut away, factions repressed, the King maketh a Progress throughout all the parts of his Realm, doing Justice upon all sorts of Male-factors; neither did Pardons granted by the late Go­vernour avail, it being alledged, that they expired by his death; and though small faults might have been passed by such remissions, yet horrible and crying crimes were not within the compass of such Autho­rity. Whilest he thus continues in the administrati­on of Justice, the favourable eye of Providence look­eth upon him, and in the year 1430. in the moneth of October, Queen Jane is delivered of two Sons at Holy-Rood-House, Alexander and James; the one de­ceased in his infancy, the other succeeded to his Father and was King. To heighten the joy of his people, and diffuse it universally, many prisoners are set at liberty, amongst which were Archibald Earl of Dow­glass, Sir Gilbert Kennedy, the Kings Sisters Sons; the Earl had been kept in Lochleavin the other in Sterling. They had been committed rather upon suspicion of the times, than men; having spoken too freely against the present Government; Alexander Earl of Ross was also set at liberty. And that the King intended a real and sincere reconciliation, the Earl of Dowglass was made Parent to his Children at the Font; at this solemnity fifty Knights were Dubbed, the first of which was William Dowglass, son to the Earl, who after succeeded to his Father in the Earldom of Dowglass.

A sweet calm diffusing it self through every cor­ner of the Realm, the King imagining the rest of his Reign to be but the enjoyment of a Crown, sets his thoughts wholly to the works of Peace. Many un­reasonable Customs (which were become to the vul­gar, [Page 24] Laws) had many years continued in his King­dom; these he will either have abolished or amend­ed; To this effect, he selecteth persons commended for wisdom, gravity and uprightness of life through his Realm, to pry into all abuses, hear and determine of all sorts of quarrels and suits, if any were brought unto them, whereof the ordinary Judges, either for fear dared not, or power of stronger could not, or for hatred or favour would not give any perfect Judg­ment. To them he gave full Authority to make in­quisition of the breach of poenal Statutes; some here­by were punished by Fines, others in their Lives; he took away the deceit which had been occasioned by variety of measures; for this end certain Iron mea­sures were appointed to be made, unto which the rest should be conform and like; before his Reign not only in every Town and Shire, but in every Man­nor and House different measures were currant, which abuse he abolished by Parliament.

The roughness of the times, and perpetual wars and troubles of his Ancestors had near taken away the Arts and Handycrafts, and turned the Sciences contemptible, especially since the Reign of Alexan­der the third. The Commons by the manifold chan­ges and miseries of the Age affecting Barbarity, the Nobles making Arms their whole study and care; to the further advancement of the Commonwealth, and that his Subjects might have occasion to avoid sloth and idleness, the King from the Neighbour Continent, and from England drew unto him the best Artizans and Manufactors, whom either large priviledges or moneys could entice and oblige. Of which such a fair number came, and were so graciously received, that they forgot their Native Countreys, and here made their perpetual abode. And what till this day Scotland enjoyeth of them, owe all their beginning [Page 25] to these Times. Schools of learning were founded, to which great Liberties and Priviledges were grant­ed, the King well knowing that what ever is excel­lent in any Estate, from them had beginning and seed, and that there is no better means to sweeten and tame the wild nature of Men then to busie their spirits with peaceful and sedentary Exercises; rude and untrained minds being inclinable of themselves to tumult and sedition. To make a necessity of learning, he made an Act that none of the Nobility should succeed to their Ancestors Heritage, except they had some taste of the Civil Law or practice of the Country-Customs, but this after was by them abolished.

Many famous men in all Sciences from the Noblest Universities of Christendom came hither, as to the Sanctuary of the Muses, where often the King him­self in person graced their Lessons, and when great matters did not withdraw him, was Umpire to their harmless Conflicts. Being himself religious, he ad­vanced Men learned and of good life to eminent pla­ces in the Church; and that the best deservers might be discerned he distinguished the learned in degrees, Making a Law that none should enjoy the room of a Canon in any Cathedral Church, unless he were Batchelour in Divinity, or at the least of the Canon Law. Though he challenged King David and na­med him a grievous Saint to the Crown, for dilapi­dating so much Rent in extraordinary Donations to the Church, yet with great cost and magnificence he founded the Convent of Charters in Perth, and bestowed fair Revennues upon it: The excellent skill which he had in Musick and delight in Poesie made him affect Quiristers, and he was the first that erected in his own Chappels, and the Cathedral Chur­ches of Scotland, Organs, being not much known before his Reign to the Nation.

[Page 26]Peace hath its own dangers no less than Wars, yea often such estates as have encreased their Dominions, and became mighty by Wars, have found their ruin in a luxurious peace: Men by a voluptuous life be­coming less sensible of true honour. The Court, and by that example, the Country was become too soft and delicate, superfluous in all delights and pleasures. Masques, Banqueting, gorgeous apparel, revelling were not only licensed, but studied and ad­mired: Nothing did please what was not strange and far brought, Charity began to be restrained, publique magnificence falling in private Riot. What was wont to entertain whole Families, and a train of good­ly men, was now spent in dressing of some little rooms, and the womannish decking of the persons of some few Hermophradites.

To these the wise King had a while given way, knowing that delicate soft times were more easie to be governed, and a people given to mild arts, and a sweet condition of life, than rough and barbarous, so they turned not altogether womanized: and that it was an easie matter to bring them back again to their old posture. At these abuses some of the se­verer sort of the Clergy began to carp, yet could they not challenge the Prince, who in the entertainment of his own person, scarce exceeded the degree of any private Man, yea was often under the Pomp and Ma­jesty of a King: But the blemish of all this excess was laid on the English, who by the Queen (their Country woman) with new guises daily resorted hither, and turned new-fangle the Court. The King not only listened to their plaints, but called a Parliament to satisfie their humours. Here Henry Wardlaw Bishop of S. Andrews, highly aggravating the abuses and superfluities of Court and Country, all disorders were pry'd into, and Statutes made [Page 27] against them. They abolished Riots of all sorts of Pearl (many Rivers in Scotland affording them not only for use but for excess) only women were per­mitted to wear a small Carkanet of them about their Necks; costly Furs and Ermins were wholly forbid­den, together with the abuse of Gold and Silver lace. Penalties were not only imposed upon the trans­gressours, but on workmen which should make or sell them; excessive expense in banqueting was re­strained, and dainties banished from the Tables of Epicures, with Jeasters and Buffons. In this year 1430. the first of June was a terrible Eclipse of the Sun at three of the clock afternoon, the day turning black for the space of an half hour, as though it had been Night; therefore it was after called of the Commons, The BLACK HOUR.

The last and greatest matter which busied the Kings thoughts, was, the encreasing of his Revenues, and bringing back the Demesn of the Crown: a work no less dangerous than deep and difficil, and which at last procured him greatest hatred. For till then smothered malice did never burst forth in open flames. And though this diligence of the King con­cerned much the publick weal, yet such as were inte­ressed by rendring what they had long possessed (though without all reason) esteemed themselves highly wronged. The Patrimony of the Crown had been wasted and given away by the two Go­vernours, to keep themselves popular, and shun the envy of a factious Nobility; Thus the King had neither in magnificence to maintain himself, nor be­stow upon his friends or strangers.

He had advisedly perused all evidences and char­ters belonging to the Crown; hereupon he recalls all such Lands as had been either alienated from it, or wrongfully usurped.

[Page 28]Together what was wont to be idly given away, as forfeitures escheats and wards, were restrained to the Crown and kept to the King himself.

There remained upon considerations of encreasing the Demesns of the Crown, the Lands of the Earl of March, whose Father had rebelled against the Kings Father Robert; though faults be personal, and not hereditary and the heirs of ancient houses hold little of their last possessours, but of their Prede­cessours, those the King seized on. The Earl pro­ved by good evidences and writings brought forth, his Father had been pardoned for that fault by the Regents of the Kingdom; he was answered again, that it was not in the Regents power to pardon an offence against the State, and that it was expresly provided by the Laws in crimes of Lese Majesty, That children should undergo punishment for their Fa­thers transgressions, to the end that being thus heirs to their Fathers rashness, as they are to their Goods and Lands, they should not at any time with vast ambition in the haughty Pride of their own Power, plot or practise to shake and tear the Publick Peace of the Prince and Country.

Thus was the remission by the Parliament declared void, and Earl George himself committed to the Ca­stle at Edenbrough, William Earl of Anguss Warden of the Middle March, William Creightoun Chan­cellour, Sir Adam Hepburn of Hailles immediately received the Castle of Dumbar, the keeping of which was given to Sir Adam Hepburn.

The King not long after set Earl George at Liber­ty, and to save him from the like dangers which were wont to befall his Predecessours (to fly into England for every small cross and light displeasure at Court) he bestowed on him, as it were in exchange, for these lands in the Marss, the Earldom of Buchan [Page 29] in the North, with a yearly pension to be paid out of the Earldom of March, setting the Tay and the Forth betwixt him and his too kind friends of England. Buchan had faln to the King by the decease of John who was Son to Robert the second and Earl of Bu­chan, he was slain at Vernveill in France, with the Marshal Duglass, and left no lawful children after him to succeed. The Earldom of Marre was incorpo­rate also to the Demesn Royal by the decease of Alex­ander Stuart Earl of Marre, who was natural Son to Alexander Stuart who was the Son of Robert the Se­cond. He was a Man of singular prowess, and in his youth followed the Wars under Philip Duke of Burgundy; he married Jane Daughter to the Earl of Holland, and had greatly obliged his Country by transporting Stallions and Mares hither out of Hun­gary, the Stood of which continued long after to his commendation and the commodity of the King­dom.

The Earldom of Strathern was appropriated also to the Crown by the Decease of David Stuart Earl of Strathern, Uncle to the King, who having but one only Daughter (who was married to Patrick Gra­ham a younger brother of the Lord Grahams) the Earldom being tailed to the Masculine Line was de­volved again to the Crown. Thus did King James succeed to three Brothers who were Sons to Robert the Second.

All good men with these proceedings of the King were well pleased; for if Princes could keep their own, and that which justly belongeth unto them, they could not be urged to draw such extraordinary Subsidies from the blood, sweat, and tears of their people; yet was this the Shelf on which this Prince perished: for, many who were accustomed to be co-partners of such off-fallings, began to storm and re­pine [Page 30] at his actions, but none was so implacable as Robert Graham, Uncle and Tutor to Miles Graham, the Son of Euphem, daughter to David Earl of Strathern. For plotting mischief he began to rail, speak in high terms, associate himself with others of his own mind. Notwithstanding that the King Anno 1428. in September had bestowed on his Ne­phew the Lands and Earldom of Monteeth in com­pensation of that of Strathern, to which he pretend­ed right, it being an appenage of the Crown.

About this time Embassadors came into Scotland from Ericus the King of Denmark, requiring of King James the payment of a yearly Tribute, which was due to him as King of Norway for the Western Isles, according to the Covenant and Agreement made by Alexander the third, King of Scotland, and his Predecessor Magnus, the son of Acho, then King of Norway; the Embassador was honourably recei­ved, and Sir William Creighton Chancellor, directed to go with him to Denmark, who there renewed the old League between the Realms, setled questionable matters, and confirmed a perfect amity and stedfast Peace.

Embassadors came also from Charles the French King, not only to confirm the old Amity between Scotland and France, but for a better assurance there­of, to have Margaret eldest Daughter to King James (already betrothed to Lewis the Daulphin, who now was thirteen years of Age) delivered to them and convoyed to France. The English foreknowing this Alliance, had before sent the Lord Scroop with other Associates to him in Embassage, to have the old League between the French and the Scots dissolved, and to joyn the Kings Daughter in marriage with Henry the sixth their King; promising if the King would thereunto agree, and joyn in League with [Page 31] them, that the Town and Castle of Berwick should be delivered to the Power of the Scots, with all the Lands lying between Tweed and the Redcross, which when William the Conquerour granted Cumberland to the Scots, marched England and Scotland, and is now a fragment of a Cross in Richmond-shire, neer the Spittle on Stanmoor about which is nothing but a wild desert.

Having Audience, the Lord Scroop spake before the Council to this purpose:

I am directed hither by my Master and his Council about a business which concerneth the Honour and pro­fit of the two Kingdoms, above any other which can be projected; and it is the establishing of a perpetual Peace and Concord between them, and happily (when it shall please the higher Providence) their uniting in one Body, under one Prince, one day. How vain the attempting of this heretofore by Arms hath proved, the world can but too well bear witness; the many proofs of eithers valour against themselves having been but a lavish effusion of humane Blood; the fairest way, the easiest means to make enmities cease and these an­cient Quarrels, was begun. Sir, in your Person, by the happy Marriage of the Daughter of John Duke of Somerset, brother to King Henry the fourth, and Son to the Duke of Lancaster; and prosperously hath continued these years past: Now the Peace may be lasting, and the affections and minds of the two Na­tions soldered together: Our Request is, that this Alliance may be again renewed, by the Marriage of your eldest Daughter with our young King, a most fitting and equal match. And in seeking of her, we crave but our own; She is descended of our Royal Stem, and if again she be ingrafted in that stock out [Page 32] of which she sprang, it is but natural. And you (my Lords) where can ye find a Match more Honourable for both Nations? Where can ye find a better and more profitable friendship than Ours? Are we not a people inhabiting one Island, have we not both one Language, are we not of like Habit and Fashion, of like quality and condition of Life, guarded and sepa­rated from the other World by the great depths of the Ocean? What evil Customs have come into your Coun­trey by your last Allyance with us? Nay, what Civi­lity, Policy, and laudable Fashions (to the confusion of Barbarity) have not followed hereupon? By this the Glory of both Realms will encrease, either being suffi­cient not only to furnish necessaries, but even all lawful and moderate contentments of life to support others. Besides that, an assurance of Defence, Strength, and Power to invade, ease in undergoing publick Charges will hereby follow.

We are not ignorant that your Lady is designed for France; but how long (alass) will ye continue pro­digal of your blood for the French? What have ye advantaged your selves by your Alliance with France, save that they engage your bodies in their Wars, and by conferring upon you unprofitable titles of honour, take from you what is truly real? ye are reserved a Postern-gate, by which they may enter England, di­verting our Forces, and transporting the Stage of the War upon our Borders. Learn to forget your French, or if ye be so enamoured with France, love her after our manner, come take a share, be partakers of our Victories. Are not our Forces being joyned, sufficient to overcome, nay, bring in chains hither that King of Bruges, and make our selves Masters of his Continent? France never did so much good to Scotland in twenty years, as Scotland hath had loss by England for the love and cause of France in one. Are not your [Page 33] wounds at Vernueil and Cravant yet bleeding, and all for the French? It hath been your valour, and not the French which heretofore empeached our conquest and progress in France: were it not for your swords, we had made ere now the loftiest tops of the Alps or Pyrenees bear our Trophies. Ye say ye reverence, and cannot break your old League and confederation with that Kingdom (happy Leagues, but wo to the keepers of them!) unhappy Scotland, and too too honest; and the more unhappy, for that thy honesty is the great cause of thy mishaps. How long shall that old League (counted amongst the Fables of the Ancient Falla­dines) make you waste your lives, goods, fortunes, and lose your better Friends? The Genius of this Isle seemeth to cry unto us her Nurselings to stay our cruel hands, no longer to be her desolation, and the wrack one of another; not to pass over and neglect these fair occasions of mutual Alliances, which will not only effectuate Truces and Leagues amongst our selves, but at last bring a perpetual Peace and Union; for by interchange of Marriages (being united) this Isle shall continue stronger by entertaining Peace and Ami­ty, then by all these Giant walls, Rampiers of Moun­tains, and that huge ditch of Seas, by which Nature hath environed and fortified her. Now that he may know how dearly we esteem your friendship and Alli­ance, whereas others go to take from you, we will give you Roxburgh, Berwick, and all the Lands be­tween Tweed and Redcross. If shadows prevail and prove stronger with you than essential reason, and that ye disesteem our offer, losing this good occasion; we as Neighbours and Friends entreat you, that ye do not uphold the French, now in the Sun-set of their Fortunes, and at their weakest; that ye would not shoulder this falling wall; but that ye would live quiet within your selves, keeping your own in a Neu­trality; [Page 34] receiving both sides, French and English in the way of Friendship, neither side in the way of Faction.

The French Embassadour spoke to this purpose.

It seemeth strange to me that it should be questio­ned and fall within the Circle of deliberation whe­ther old, ever true and assured Friends; or old, never trusted, and only Enemies, should in an ho­nourable suit be preferred: whether ye should stand to a Nation which in your greatest calamities ne­ver abandoned you, or embrace and be carried away with one which hath ever sought your overthrow. The English sue for your alliance and friendship, but it is to make you leave your old Confederates, and turn the instruments of their ruine, and at last bring the yoke of bondage upon your selves. The French sue for your friendship and alliance, both to support themselves and hold servitude from you; were not your friendship with France, their power, policy, and number had long ere these days over-turned your Realm; or had France but shown her self an indifferent Arbitress, of the blows between Scotland and England, ye had scarce till now kept your Name, less your Liber­ties; can ye prove so ungrateful as not to supply them who supported you? Can ye prove so un­constant, after so many glorious wounds received in the defence of France, as cowardly to turn your backs upon her in her greatest need, defacing all the Traces of your former Fame and Glory? with what countenances could ye look upon those Scots, which at Vernueill and Cravant in the Bed of ho­nour left their lives; if unrevenged ye should ad­here and joyn your selves to their Enemies and Killers? Now though ye would forsake the French, [Page 35] at this time intangled in many difficulties, not re­garding their well being, nor be solicitous of their standing: at least be careful of your own.

It cannot subsist with your well and safety, to suffer a bordering Nation, always at enmity with you, to arise to that height and power by such an addition as is the Kingdom of France: so soon as a State hath a Neighbour strong, enough and able to subdue it, it is no more to be esteemed a free Estate. The English are already become so Po­tent, that no less than united forces of neighbour Kingdoms will serve to stop the current of their fortune. Neglect not the certain love of the French, your often tryed and ancient friends, for the uncertain friendship and within a little time, forgotten Alliances of the English your late recon­ciled Enemies.

But it may be, after mutual marriages have one day joyned your two Kingdoms in one, they will seek no preheminency over your State, nor make thrall your Kingdom, but be knit up with you in a perfect union: Do not small brooks lose their names when they commix their Streams with mighty Rivers, and are not Rivers ingolfed when they mingle their waters with the Seas? Ye enjoy now a kind of mixed Government (my Lords) not living under absolute Soveraignty; your King proceedeth with you more by Prayers and Requests than by Precepts and Commandments, and is rather your Head than Soveraign, as ruling a Nation not conquered: But when ye shall be joyned in a Bo­dy with that Kingdom which is absolutely Royal and purely Monarchical, having long suffered the Laws of a Conquerour, ye shall find a change and a terrible transformation. The free managing of your own affairs shall be taken from you; Laws, [Page 36] Magistracies. Honours shall depend on them, the wealth of your Kingdom shall be transferred to theirs; which to obey and prostrate your selves un­to, if ye be found stubborn, ye shall suffer as a Na­tion Conquered, be redacted in a Province, have Deputies and Governours set over you, Garrisons in your strongest holds and Castles, and by a calm of Peace and Union receive more fearful blowes than ye could have suffered by any Tempest of War; The miseries of a most lamentable Servi­tude. What courtesie can ye expect at their hands, who contrary to all divine and human Laws de­tained your King eighteen years prisoner, and be­sides an exorbitant Ransom (as if he had been ta­ken in a lawful war) did not without Hostages send him home? We of France did never forsake you in your extremities, and we expect ye will assist us with all your power. They are in suit of your Daughter, but it is long after she was assured unto us; in claiming her, we claim but our own, this time past ye have only had the custody and education of her, yet if they be so ambitious of your Alliance, God hath blessed you with more than this. But it is not that which they sue for, it is to make you disclaim your Friends, hate those which love you, and love them which hate you: and they are working upon you as a rude unpolisht people. They offer to render you Berwick and Roxburgh, these gifts of Enemies ought to be fear­ed; they know it is in their own power to re-obtain them when they please.

As for that point wherein they would have you indifferent spectators of the blowes, and that it shall be profitable for you not to meddle with this War, ye are too near engaged; neither is there any thing can be more dammageable unto you; for, [Page 37] if ye be not of the party, ye may assure your selves that your Country shall remain a Prey and re­ward to the Conquerour, with content and ap­plause of the vanquished, who is not bound to suc­cour those who refuse to assist and help him in his necessities. Prove firm and constant to us your first Confederates, combine your Forces with ours, and by the assistance of that Supreme Providence who pittieth at last the oppressed, we have fair cer­tainties and true hopes to cut so much work abroad to the English, that they shall do little or no harm to you at home.

The King and Nobles though it seemed more pro­fitable for the present time to follow the English (weighing their offers) yet held it more advantage­ous and sure for coming times, to follow the French, for if the English should make conquest of France, the Conquest of Scotland would scarce be one Months work to their power? and for matter of Al­lyance, God knows how little Princes regard it, when occasion is offered to enlarge their power and Domi­nion. Thereupon they declare they will not break the ancient League and Peace they have kept with France.

The English Embassadours denyed of their suit, went from Prayers and Requests to threatnings and menacings, and having friendship refused, denounced War, If the King gave his Daughter to the French, that they, if they could, would hinder her passage by Sea, having already a Fleet prepared to this effect, and thus went away the English Embassadours.

The King was so far from being moved by these threatnings, that immediately he made ready his Ships, and knowing more affairs to be brought to a good end and finished by the opportunity occasions [Page 38] than force and power, with an able Company of Mariners and Souldiers setteth his Daughter to Sea.

The English Fleet had waited upon her, but (Pro­vidence so appointed) she escaped them, and they encountred a fleet of Spaniards, keeping their course towards the Netherlands. Them they beset with fourscore Vessels, commanding the Ladies and all of their Company to be delivered unto them; when they would not accept of friendly answers, they fall to handy blows, till in end by loss of men and some Ships they understood their errour: The Lady Mar­garet thus without danger by the Western Seas arri­ved at Rochel, having for their Convoy a whole Co­lony of Gentle-women (the Histories say an hun­dred and forty went with her) all of noble paren­tage, of which train were her five Sisters: from Ro­chel she held her progress to Tours, there with an ex­traordinary Pomp, and Magnificence the Twenty fourth of June, Anno 1436. was she married to the Daulphin Lewis.

The King to defray the charges raised by trans­porting and marriage of his Daughter (the French seeking with her small or no Dowry (these times pre­ferring Parentage and Beauty before Gold or Riches) all that was craved being a supply of Men of Arms for their support against the English) laid a Subsidie on his Subjects, the one half of which being levied, and the People grudging and repining at the exact­ing of the other half, (it being taken from men who lived hardly in a barren soyl) He caused ren­der a part of it again and discharged the remain­der.

At this time by Sea and Land the English in re­venge of the refusal of the offers of their Ambassa­dours began to use all Hostility against the Scots. [Page 39] Henry Piercy of Northumberland invadeth the Coun­try with four thousand men; whether of his own bravery, abhorring ease and idlenes, or that he had a Commission so to do, is uncertain, with him came Sir Henry Cliddesdale, Sir John Ogle, Richard Piercy, and many men of choice and worth, the frontier Garrisons invade all places near unto them. To re­sist these incursions William Dowglass Earl of An­guss getteth charge, a man resembling his Ancestors in all vertues either of War or Peace, and the most eminent of his time: with him went Adam Hepburn of Hailes, Alexander Elphinstoun of Elphinstoun in Lothian, and Alexander Ramsey of Dalhowsie, of all being Four thousand strong. These covetous of glory, besides the ancient quarrel of the two Nations, having the particular emulations of the Names and Valour of their Ancestors to be spurs unto them, make speedy journeys to have a proof of their ver­tue and courage. The Lists of their meeting was Popperden, a place not far from Bramstoun, Rhodam, Roseden, Eglingham, all cheared with the stream of a small Brook, named Crammish, which arising out of the Cheviot, loseth its name in the Till, as the Till after many windings disgorgeth it self in the Tweed. Adam Hepburn, and Alexander Elphinstoun led the Van-guard of the Scots; Sir Richard Piercy, Sir John Ogle of the English; Alexander Ramsey and Henry Cliddisdail kept the Rears; the two Generals rode about the Armies, remembring them of their anci­ent valour, the wrongs received, the justness of the Quarrel, the glory of the Victory, the shame of the overthrow. No sooner were they come within di­stance of joyning when the sound of the Drums and Trumpets was out-noised by the shouts of the Assail­ants, who furiously ren-countred. The Guns being about this time found out, were here first practised [Page 40] between the Scots and the English in an open field. When the Fight with equal order had been long maintained on both sides, now the Scots, then the En­glish yielding ground, many of the Commanders at length began to fall, most of the English. Then was the Piercy constrained to be at once Commander and Souldier, but ere he could be heard some Com­panies had turned their backs, among the thickest throngs of which breaking in, he found so great dis­order, that neither by Authority, Intreaty or Force he was able to stay their flying. Thus distracted between the two courses of honour and shame, he is hurried far from the place of Fight: And Victory declared her self altogether for the Scots; which was not so great in the execution, as in the death and captivity of some brave men. Of the Scots, Two hundred Gentlemen and common Souldiers were slain, amongst which was Alexander Elphinstoun, maintaining the Battel with his sword, voice and wounds, and two other Knights. Of the English died, Sir Henry Cliddisdail, Sir John Ogle, Sir Ri­chard Piercy, with fifteen hundred Gentlemen and common Souldiers, of which fourty were Knights, four hundred were taken Prisoners.

The King irritated by the way-laying of his Daughter, the Invading of his Borders, and encou­raged not a little by this little smile of Fortune at Popperden, it being more sure to prevent than repel dangers, and with the same Policies to defend by which the Enemies offend, resolveth by open Wars to Invade England. He was also stirred unto this by his intelligence from his friends in France, who had brought greater matters to pass then in so short a time could have been expected; for concealed envy and old malice, bursting out between Richard Duke of York, and Edmund Duke of Sommerset, Philip [Page 41] Duke of Burgundy being entred in friendship with King Charles, the English began to be daily losers, and were put out of Paris and many Towns of France. To this effect King James having raised an Army cometh to Roxburgh (a place fatal to his) and there besiegeth the Castle of Marchmond, which is Rox­burgh, it was valiantly defended by Sir Ralph Gray: but when he was come so near the end of his labours that they within the Castle were driven to terms of Agreement and conditions for giving up the Fort, the Queen in great haste cometh to the Camp, re­presenting to her Husband a Conspiracy, the great­ness of the peril of which, if it were not speedily pre­vented, should endanger his Estate, Person, and Race. Whether she had any inckling of the Conspiracy indeed, or contrived this to divert his Forces from the Assault, and further harm of the English her Friends and Countreymen, it is uncertain. The King who found his imagination wounded upon this point, after many doubtful resolutions and conflicts in his thoughts, raiseth the Siege, disbandeth the Army, and accompanied with some chosen Bands of his most assured Friends returned back, to provide for his own safety. A strange resolution, to disband an Army for a tale of Treason; where could there be greater safety for a King than in an Army? Yet have Conspiracies been often in Camps, and in his own time, Richard Earl of Cambridge, brother to Edward Duke of York, Henry Lord Scroope, with Sir Thomas Gray, at the instigation of the Daul­phin of France, for a great sum of money conspi­red to Murder Henry the Fifth, King of England, in the midst of his Armies, if they had not been sur­prised. The King feared all, because he had not yet heard the names of any, but most the Army, by rea­son of the Nobility, many of which, who liked not [Page 42] the present form of Government, were irritated a­gainst him. Were the Conspiracy a Rebellion, and in general by them all, they were ready in Arms to maintain their Factions, and if upon suspicion the King should attach any (being secretly joyned in a League) He could hardly have medled with their persons, without a Civil War, which in regard of his Engagement with England he endeavoured to spare; perplexed, pensive, sad, he cometh to Perth, stayeth in the Covent of the Dominicans, named the Black­friers (a place not far from the Town Wall) en­deavouring so secretly as was possible to find out the Conspiracy. But his close practising was not un­known to the Conspirators, as that there was more pe­ril to resolve than execute a Treason, a distance of time between the Plot and execution, discovering and overthrowing the enterprise: Hereupon they determine to hazard on the mischief, before tryal or remedy could be thought upon.

The Conspirators were Robert Graham, Uncle and Tutor to Miles Graham, Robert Stuart, Ne­phew to Walter Earl of Athol, and one of the Kings sworn Domesticks: But he who gave motion to all, was the Earl of Athol himself, the Kings Fathers Brother, whose quarrel was no less then a pretended title and claim to the Crown; which he formed and alledged thus. His Brother David and he were procre­ated by King Robert the Second on his first Wife Eu­pheme Ross daughter to the Earl of Ross, and there­fore ought and should have been preferred to the succession of the Crown, before King John (named Robert) and all the Race of Elizabeth Moor, who was but his second wife, and next them but Heirs to King Robert the second.

They were the eldest sons of King Robert after he was King, John and Robert being born when he [Page 43] was but in a private State, and Earl of Strathern; for it would appear, that as a Son born after his Fa­ther hath lost his Kingdom, is not esteemed for the Son of a King, so neither he that is born before the Father be a King. These reasons he thought suffici­ent, the King taken away, to set him in the room of State. But considered not how sacred the name of a King is to the Scots Nation; how a Crown once worn quite taketh away what defects soever: and that it was not easie to divest a King in present possessi­on of a Crown, who had his right from his Father and Grandfather, with the Authority of a Parlia­ment, approving his Descent, and secluding all o­ther; less came it in his thought, that those children are Legitimate, and lawful which cannot be thrust back and rejected, without troubling the common Peace of the Country, and opening Gates to For­reign Invasions, Domestical disturbances, and all disorders, with an unsetled course of Succession: the common Errour making the Right or Law.

Athol animated by the Oracle of a Sooth-sayer of his Highland Country, who had assured him he should be crowned in a Solemn Assembly before his Death, never gave over his hopes of obtaining the Crown: and being inferiour and weak in power and faction to the other Brothers, to compass his designs he betaketh himself to treacherous devices. It was not in his power to ruine so many at once; for mis­chief required there should be distance between so many bloody Acts, therefore he layeth his course for the taking away of his kindred one by another at leasure; he soweth jealousies, entertaineth discords, maintaineth factions amongst them; by his counsel David Duke of Rothesay the Kings eldest Brother was famished in the Tower of Falkland, neither had James (then a child) escaped his treachery, if far off [Page 44] in England he had not been preserved: He perswa­ded the Earl of Fife, that, making out of the way the King his Brother, he should put the Crown on his own head: He trafficked the return of King James, and he being come, he plotted the overthrow of Duke Mordock, by fit Instrument for such a business, proving the Crimes laid against him in the Attaindor, he himself sat Judge against him, and his Children. Thus stirring one of the Kinsmen against another, he so enfeebled the Race of Elizabeth Moor, that of a numerous off-spring there only remained James and his Son (a childe not yet six years of Age) upon whose Sepulchers building his designs, with a small alteration of the State he thought it an easie step to the Crown.

Robert Graham had been long imprisoned, at last released; but being a man implacable once offended, and cruel, whom neither business could oblige, nor dangers make wise, an enemy to Peace, Factious and Ambitious alike, by many wicked Plots afterwards, and Crimes against the Laws of the Country driven to an Out-lawry, and to live as banished; he had ever a male-talent against the King since the ad­judging of the Earldom of Strathern from his Ne­phew Miles.

Robert Stuart was very familiar with the King, and his access to his Chamber and Person advanced the Enterprise: being a riotous young man, gaping after great matters, neither respecting Faith nor Fame, and daring attempt any thing for the accom­plishing of his own foolish hopes, and his Grandfa­thers aims and ambition. These having associated unto them the most audacious, whom either fear of punishment for their misdeeds, or hopes of prefer­ment by a change of the Government would plunge into any enterprise; in the moneth of February so [Page 45] secretly as was possible, assembled together, where the Earl spake to this sense unto them.

These engagements which every one of you have to another, and which I have to every one of you, foun­ded on the strongest grounds of consanguinity, friend­ship, interest of committed and received wrongs, move me freely here to reveal my secret drifts, and discover the depths of my hidden purposes and counsels.

The strange Tragedies which in the State and Go­vernment have been enacted, since the coming of this English man to the Crown, are to none of you un­known: Mordock with his children hath been behead­ed, the Earl of Lenox his Father in Law had that same end, the Nobility repine at the Government of their King, the King is in jealousie of his Nobles, the Commons are in way of rebellion. These all have been the effects of my far-mining Policies. And hi­therto they have fallen forth as fortunately, as they were ingeniously Plotted. For, what more ingenious and cunning Stratagem could be projected, to decline the rank growth of these Usurpers, then to take them away by handles made of their own Timber? And if there was any wrong in such proceedings, in small matters wrong must be done, that justice and equity may be performed in great. My fear was (and yet is) that the taking down of the Scaffold of Mordock should be the putting up of ours: Crowns suffer no cor­rivals, the world knows and he himself is conscious to it, that the right and title of the Crown, by descent of blood from Robert the second my Father, was in the person of David my Brother, and is justly claimed now by me and our Nephew. As for an Act of Par­liament confirming the right of that other Race, and for oaths of Allegiance, no Parliamentary Authority can take away Justice, and the Law of God: neither is an oath to be observed when as it tendeth to the [Page 46] Suppression of truth and right; and though for a time such Acts and Oaths have prevailed, our designs ha­ving good Success we shall have a Parliament appro­ving our right, abolishing their pretentions, and decla­ring them Usurpers. This one man and a child taken away (if we can give the blow) the Kingdom must obey the Lawful Successor; against whom what Sub­ject will revolt, or who dare take armes? and here is more fear than danger. But think there were, the on­ly remedy of eminent dangers is new dangers. It was simplicity in him to think by small benefits that old in­juries are abolished and forgot, and that I should take patiently the title of Earl, when I should have been King my self; by his tyrannizing justice, if he be not hated he is not beloved, but become terrible to his people, who now through their poverty and grievances affect a novation, and obey him not out of any affecti­on, but through necessity and fear, and now he also feareth that some do that to him which he hath deser­ved.

Let us resolve his doubts, our ends are honour and revenge, our wills against him all alike and one. The Heavens seem to conspire with us, having brought him to disband his Army, and render himself in the wished place of our attempts, and let us rather follow them and fortune, which favours great actions, than ver­tue that preacheth cowardly Patience; Remembring how fair glosses of valour for the most part have been cast on the foulest deeds, and the mightiest Families have from them derived their honours, shame seldom or never following Victory, however it be atchieved and purchased. That Soveraignty at the first was but a violent usurpation of the stronger over the wea­ker. How great Enterprizes must begin with danger, but end with rewards, that death should rather be pre­vented than expected, and that it is more honourable [Page 47] to die, than prolong a life in misery, wandring in the scorn of other mens pride, be resolute in our Plot, put the enterprize in execution, hast is the spirit of acti­ons of danger, the worst that can befal us is, since we cannot subsist he being alive, that he be taken away whilst we run a hazard of death, which happeneth to all men alike, with only the difference of Fame or Oblivion with the Posterity, which ariseth of an evil action, as well of a good, if the action and attempt be great, but let us not spend the time of execution in deliberation.

Not long after when they had pondered and digest­ed the Design, Graham and Stuart with their accom­plices guided by Resolution, and guarded by the dark­ness of the Night, came to the Blackfryers of Perth, and having the way made open unto them entred the Gallery before the Kings Chamber-door, where they attended some of their confederates, who should have stoln away the Bar, by which means they might enter the Chamber, but before their coming, Fortune casteth the occasion in their hands.

For Walter Stratoun one of the Kings Cupbearers came forth of the Chamber, and finding armed men rushing rudely to force their entrie, terrifyed with the boldness of the Fact, with a high voice gave the Alarm of Treason to his Master. While they are working his death, a Maid of honour of the Name of Dowglass got to the door, and essaied to shut it, but for that the Bar was now away which should have made it fast, she thrust her arm in the place where it would have passed, but that easily broken, the Con­spirators rush into the Chamber, and slaying all such of the waiters as made defence (amongst which was Patrick Dumbar Brother to George sometime Earl of March) they at last stroke down the King; whom whilst the Queen by interposing her body sought to [Page 48] save (being hardly pulled from him) she received two wounds, and he with twenty eight, most towards the heart, was left dead.

1436Thus was King James the first who had so su­perabundantly deserved well of the Common-wealth, Murthered the One and twentieth of February in the end of the year One thousand four hundred thir­ty and six, the forty fourth of his age when he had Reigned thirteen years.

This King was for the proportion and shape of his body of a middle stature, thick and square, rather somewhat mean than tall, not such as is counted for dainty, but for gracefulness and Majesty. His hair was abourn, a colour between white and red. He was of so strong and vigorous a constitution, that he was able to endure all extraordinary extremities both of travel and want, and surpassed for agility and nimbleness in any exercise his Companions. He was of so sharp and pregnant a wit that there was no­thing wherein the commendation of wit consisted or any shadow of the liberal Arts did appear, that he had not applied his mind unto: seeming rather born to Letters than instructed. He wrote Verses both Latine and English, of which many yet are extant: He exercised all Instruments of Musick, and equal­led the best Professours thereof. He had studied all Philosophy, but most that which concerns Go­vernment; in which, what a Master he was, the order which he established in such a confusion as he found in the State doth witness; and many old Laws com­modiously renewed and amended, others for the publick good established. He was a great observer of Religious Forms: easie for access, fair in speech and countenance, in behaviour kind, using sleep and meat to live, not for voluptuousness. He had good command over his Passions, his desires never being [Page 49] above his reason, nor his hopes inferiour to his desires. Though he was much obliged to the gifts of Nature, yet was he more to his good education and training in England. Scarce had he passed the ninth year of his age when he was committed to the Sea to shun the Treasons of his Uncle, and was surprized at Flam­brough-head in Holderness. Windsor Castle kept him a Prisoner, but by Commandment of King Hen­ry he was so carefully instructed that no Prince could have been better bred in the Schools of Eu­rope. What his valour was, the wars of France bear witness: for accompanying the King of England there, he layed siege to the Town of Direx, and with such violence and valour (saith the English Hi­story) assaulted it for the space of six weeks, that with main strength he compelled it to be rendred to his hands, and gave it to King Henry. That com­mendation which was given him by that same King of England, being recorded by their writers, proved prophetically true of him. For the King remem­bring him of his benefits received, and promising him greater, with free liberty to return to his own Country, if he could cause the Scots who were ad­herent to the Daulphin of France to return to their native soyl and leave him; To this he answered, He was a Prisoner, had no possession of his Realm that he was neither sworn to his Subjects, nor they by any Oath of Allegiance bound to him; and though he were bound to them, and they to follow his com­mandment he would foresee whether it were to him honourable, and to his Realm honest, to leave their old Friend of France in his extreem necessity without aid or comfort. With this answer, though the King was not content, when James went out of his presence, he is Recorded to have said, Happy shall they be which shall be Subjects to a King endued with such wisdom of [Page 50] so tender years of age. His severity in Justice was traduced by some under terms of cruelty, but consi­dering the disorders of his Country, by the fierce nature of the People over whom he ruled, who by often Rebellions did not only exasperate him to some severity, but even constrain him to keep them in awe, his rigour was rather an effect of necessity than of his natural disposition. No Prince did more reverently entertain Peace at Home amongst his Subjects, nor more willingly conclude the same amongst Strangers. There is no Prince more cruel than he, who by a fa­cility and evil measured pity, suffers Robberies, Rapes, Murders, and all sorts of oppression and abuses to overturn his Country, by which a whole State is interessed, when the strictest Justice toucheth but some particular persons. By him abuses were refor­med, defects repaired, sedition and discord was put from the Nobles, equity and industry restored to the Country, every man had a certainty of enjoying his own and security. Into all men was either infused a will to do well, or a necessity of so doing imposed upon them, vertuous actions being honoured, crimes punished. The mean man did respect the great, not fear him; the great man did precede the mean, not contemn him; favour was mastered by equity, am­bition by vertue: for the excellent Prince by doing well himself had taught his Subjects so to do.

He was one of the worthiest of all the Kings of Scotland till his time, of the former Kings it might have been said, The Nation made them Kings, but this King made that People a Nation. He left be­hind him one Son and six Daughters, King James the Second, Margaret wife to Lewis the eleventh, King of France; Elizabeth Dutchess of Bretaigne, Jane first of Anguss, and then Countess of Huntley, Elenora married to Sigismond, Archduke of Austria, [Page 51] Mary wife to the Lord of Camphire, and Annabella; he was buried in the Charter-house of Perth which he had founded, where the Doublet in which he was slain was kept almost to our time as a Relict, and with execrations seen of the People, every man thinking himself interested in his wrong.

The rumour of his Murther blazed abroad, it is incredible what weeping and sorrow was through all the Country, for even by them to whom his Govern­ment was not pleasant, he was deplored, and the Act thought execrable. The Nobles of their own ac­cord and motion from all parts of the Kingdom assem­bled and came to Edenburgh, and ere they consulted together (as if they had all one mind) directed troups of armed men through all the quarters of the King­dom, to apprehend the Murtherers and produce them to Justice. Such diligence was used (grief and an­ger working in their minds) that within the space of fourty days all the Conspiratours were taken, and put to shameful deaths. The common sort, as Chri­stopher Clawn or Cahown and others, that were of the Council in the Conspiracy, having had art or part in the Plot were hanged on Gibbets. The chief Actors, that the Commonwealth might publickly re­ceive satisfaction, were made spectacles of Justice by exquisite torments, the punishment of Athol was continued three days: on the first he was stript na­ked to his shirt, and by a Crane fixed in a Cart, often hoisted aloft, disjoynted, and hanging shown to the People, and thus dragged along the great street of the Town; on the second day he was mounted on a Pillar in the Market-place, he was crowned with a Diadem of burning Iron, with a Plachart bearing, The King of all Traytors, thus was his Oracle ac­complished; on the third he was laid naked along upon a Scaffold, his Belly was ript up, his heart and [Page 52] bowels taken out and thrown in a fire flickering be­fore his eyes. Lastly, his head was cut off and fixed in the most eminent place of the Town, his body sent in quarters to the most populous Cities of the Kingdom to remain a Trophie of Justice.

His Nephew Robert Stuart was not altogether so rigorously handled, for that he did but consent to others wickedness, being only hang'd and quarter'd.

But for that it was notorious, Robert Graham had embrewed his hands in the Kings bloud, a Gallows being raised in a Cart he had his right hand nailed to it, and as he was dragged along the Street, Executi­oners with burning Pincers, tearing the most fleshy parts off his Carcass, being nip'd, torn, and flay'd, his heart and entrails were thrown in a fire, his head exalted, and his Quarters sent amongst the Towns, to satisfie the wrath and sorrow of the injured peo­ple; being asked during his torture how he dared put hand in his Prince, he made answer, that having Heaven and Hell at his choice, he dared leap out of Heaven and all the contentments thereof, in the fla­ming bottoms of Hell, an answer worthy such a Traytor.

Aeneas Sylvius then Legate in Scotland for Pope Eugenius the fourth (after Pope himself) having seen this sudden and terrible Revenge, being a witness of the Execution, said he could not tell whether he should give them greater commendations that reven­ged the Kings death, or brand them with sharper condemnation that distain'd themselves with so hai­nous a Parricide.

IAMES: King of Scotes Anō. 1436

THE HISTORY OF THE Reign of James the second, KING of SCOTLAND.

SCarce were the tears dryed for the loss of the Father, when the three Estates of the King­dom meet, and at Holy-rood-House, set the Crown upon the head of the Son, then a Child in the sixth year of his age. The Govern­ment of the Realm is trusted to Sir Alexander Le­vingstoun of Calendar; the custody of the Kings person with the Castle of Edinburgh are given to the Chancellor Sir William Creightoun, Men for that they had been ever faithful to the Father, without apparent vices, of no capacity to succeed, nor enter­taining aspiring thoughts for a Diadem, held wor­thy of these charges and dignities. Good men may secure themselves from Crimes, but not from Envy and Calumnies; for men great in trust in publick affairs are ever assaulted by the ambition of those who apprehend they are less in Employment then they conceive they are in merit.

Archembald Earl of Dowglass grudging mighti­ly that the State had bestowed those honours upon men far inferiour to him, as though by this the ma­ny merits of his Ancestours had been forgotten, and [Page 54] his own services neglected; They being ever accusto­med in times of Peace to be nearest the Helm of the State, and when any danger of war blazed, sent abroad to encounter it. In a confusion of those thoughts being diversly tossed, he retireth to his own Castles, and after great resolves proclaimeth, that none of his Vassals or Tenants, especially within Annan­dale and Dowglass-Dale (parts remote from the more Civil Towns of the Kingdom) should acknowledg th [...] present Government, or obey any precepts, licen­ces, or proclamations whereunto the Governours or Chancellours hands were set. If any question of Law or contention arose amongst his Friends, Vassals, Tenants, He knew none fitter to be their Judge, sentence all their wrongs, attone and take up their quarrels than himself. To discover to the world the weakness of the two Rulers, and how men never so well qualified, small in means, and silly of power, were not for great places, he giveth way for the in­creasing of evil: overseeing many disorders, of which he was the secret cause, especially the insolen­cies of vagabonding and ravaging Borderers. Men of purpose sent forth to spoil and rifle the more qui­et parts of the Country, and to cut work to these strengthless States-men, as he named them. Thus as overcome with sloth and pleasure, he passed some moneths amidst Country contentments, expecting what effect time would bring forth of the equal au­thority of those two Governours; for to fit minds equal in authority to so even a temper that they should not have some motions of dissenting, he thought impossible. Neither did his conjecture fail him, the event being the only judge of opinions: for after this the Governour began to jarr with the Chancellour for ingrossing wholly to himself from his Partner the person of the King, as an honour which [Page 55] could not altogether be separate from his place, and which would give the greater authority to his pro­ceedings; urging, the Chancellour in many other matters had usurped and taken upon him more than the Parliament granted. The Chancellour was no better affected towards the Governour; what the Governour commanded to be done, he one way or other over-turned. The buildings of the one was by the other demolish'd: by common and continual brawlings thus living in turmoil, neither of them was obeyed, the Country usurped, a licentious liberty, every man doing what he thought best for his par­ticular advantage and gain. The remote Villages of the Kingdom are left a prey to the lawless multi­tude: where their authority is scorned, turn places of Robbery; where admitted, places of faction.

The Queen all this time, after her ordinary custom remained in the Castle of Sterling. The divisions, partialities, jealousies of the Rulers, she taketh in an evil part, knowing usually they had a dangerous con­sequence. She had ever found the Governour sin­cere and loyal in his proceedings; against his counsel and will, her Son was kept from her by the Chancel­lour whom the great ones hated for possessing the King, for drawing to Offices of best trust and bene­fit his own creatures, displacing such he suspected to favour his partner in Rule; and the Commons lov­ed him not, as managing every thing after his plea­sure to their damage and loss. Transported by di­vers motions she at last resolveth to change the Game of State, and by a womanish conceit befool Mas­culine Policy. To effectuate her purpose she came to Edenburgh, and by many fair and passionate spee­ches obtained of the Chancellour to enter the Castle and delight her self some days with the company of her Son. Then to countenance her Plot, she giveth [Page 56] out a Pilgrimage intended by her to the white Kirk in Buchan: There will she make offerings for the health of the King, and perform her other vows. The honest States-man, who thought it disloyalty to distrust a Queen, and a Mother, whom years had made reverend; and impiety to hinder such religious intentions, giveth leave to her self with some Servants to remain in the Castle, and to transport her houshold stuff and other necessaries after what manner she pleased. In this time she persuadeth the King, wan­tonly set and delighting to be obsequious to Her his Mother to be handsomly couched in a Trunk, as if he had been some fardel of her apparel, and conveyed by one of her trustiest Servants upon a Sumpter-horse to Leith: from whence he was put forward by water to Sterling, there received by the Governour, and welcomed with great joy and laughter, at the man­ner of their so quaintly deceiving the grave man.

By this advantage the Reins of Rule were now ta­ken by the Governour: The Queens trick is ap­proved, his own proceedings are strengthned and confirmed. Proclamations are made against the Chancellour, and he charged to render the Castle of Edenburgh to the King: which he refused to do, by a great Power raised by the Governour of the Coun­trey, and the Queens, and his own followers, he is besieged and blocked up within the Castle.

The Chancellour ready to fall in the danger, con­sidering he had to do with too strong a party, implor­eth the assistance of the Earl of Dowglass: but the Earl as a matter he had long expected and earnestly wished might fall forth, refuseth to assist any of them, saying, It belonged not to the ancient Nobility to suc­cour these Mushrooms, whose ambition with no less could he satiate than the Government of the whole Realm. This disdainful answer, procured a meeting [Page 57] of the two Rulers, which concluded in the rendring of the Castle to the Governour, and a promise of true friendship between them, that they might not prove a sport to the envious Nobility. The Go­vernour to shew the roundness of his intentions and his honesty, continueth the Chancellour in his office; and restoreth him to the keeping of the Castle of Edenburgh. After this agreement the Earl of Dow­glass left this world at Restalrigge the year One thou­sand four hundred thirty nine, leaving behind him a Son born of the Earl of Crawfords daughter, na­med William, who succeeded to his Fathers Honours and Ambition.

Malcolm Flamin of Cammarnald, and Allan Law­der upon this young Earls oath of Allegiance to the Crown of France, obtain to him from the French King the Dutchy of Tourrain, which his Father had enjoyed, and given to Archibald his Grandfather slain at Vernueil. This forein dignity with his titles at home made the young man very haughty, and to forget moderation, Discretion in youth seldom at­tending great fortunes. He surpassed far the King in his followers and train, being accustomed to have hundreds of Horse men attending him; most of which were Robbers and men living upon unlawful spoils all under his Protection: But however thus he seemed to set forth his greatness, this seemed much to bewray a distrust, and that he rather travelled amongst a people which hated him, than amongst his friends and men lovingly disposed.

James Stuart Son to the Lord of Lorne about this time marryed the Queen Dowager, not so much out of love of her Person as Dowry, as of Ambition, by her means intending to reach the Government of the State, and get into his custody the Person of the King. And that it might rather seem the work of [Page 58] others out of conveniency, than any appetite of his own, he so insinuated himself with the Earl of Dow­glass, that the Earl essayed to lay the first ground-work of his aims. The Governour who never wan­ted his own Spies near the Queen, at the first inkling of this novation committed both him and his Bro­ther William into the Castle of Sterlin. The Queen whether she followed her Husband, or was restrain­ed, uncertain, staied with them, and now began to repent her of the former courtesies done to the Go­vernour; wishing her Son had yet remained in the custody of the Chancellour, who, not so displeased at their imprisonment as he appeared in outward-show (delighting in the errours of his Partner) by Alexander Earl of Huntley trafficked and wrought their liberty. Thus insinuating himself in the Queens favour, he irritated her against the Governour: whom yet outwardly he entertained with ceremonies of Friendship, approving his Sagacity in preventing a storm in the State before it brake forth: here the Governour found how that same Key which can open a Treasure can shut it up: for after this the Queen prepared her Son for a change. The Go­vernour carefully ministring Justice at Perth, the Chancellour one morning coming to the Park of Sterling where the King was hunting, by the pro­vidence of his Mother more early raised for this sport, she bewailed the present estate of his Court, that he was thralled to the covetousness and pleasure of others, living under the power of a man greedy of Rule: that a King of France is declared to be of full years and Major the fourteenth of his age, that a Prince should transfer his affection especially in tender years; that by an escape he might enjoy a princely freedom, better know himself, and make his Rulers relish his Authority; that three hours was [Page 59] sometimes of more importance than three days, and one hour of more than all the three; that he should take hold of the present occasion offered him. Pre­pared with such informations he is no sooner accosted by the Chancellour, when approving his motions he posted towards Edenburgh with him: received all the way as he went with many companies of the Chan­cellours friends and attendants. The Governour finding the face of the Court altered, by a King young in years and judgment, possessed by his Mo­ther, dissimulating his interest, in a patient and calm manner cometh to Edenburgh, there after long con­ference and mediation of friends in Saint Giles's Church, he meeteth the Chancellour, and by the Bi­shop of Murray's and Aberdeen's diligence an agree­ment is between them concluded, which was, That the King should remain in the custody of the Chan­cellour, and the Governour should still enjoy his charge. Amongst these divisions of the Rulers the Queen all this time handsomly kept some authority, affecting and entertaining sometimes the one of them sometimes the other, as by turns they governed the King and State.

The many and great disorders in the Country in­vited a Parliament: the authority of Magistrates was despised, no justice was administred in many places, few could keep their Goods, or be assured of their Lives, but by taking themselves to the servitude of one Faction or other. Troubles arose in the West by the slaughter of Sir Allan Stuart Lord Darnley, killed by Sir Thomas Boyd; and by the Revenge of his Death taken by Alexander Stewart of Bolmet his Brother upon the Boyd; the Highland Islanders invade the Territories adjacent to them, spoyl and burn the Lennox, where John Calhowen of Luss is massacred. These cruelties and insolencies against all [Page 60] justice and authority being avouched such to beware, held fit to be remedied and courses laid down to obvi­ate them: but William Earl of Dowglass permitting wickedness, and winking at mischief, often approv­ing them for lawful and good policy, whilst he nei­ther reformed them himself by his power, nor suffe­red the Rulers to proceed against them by their au­thority; purchased to himself the name and reputation of a lawless and strong oppressor. The three Estates assembled, complaints being given up against Op­pressours, most against him and his followers, as the source from which the miseries of the Country sprang, he appeareth not, nor any to answer for him.

The Parliament determinateth to proceed by way of Rigour against him; but to this the two Rulers op­pose, persuading them that fair speeches and entrea­ties, was a safer and easier way to draw unto them a young Man, mighty in riches and power, arrogant by his many Followers and Vassals, than to give out a Sentence against him before he were heard, and by threatnings stir his turbulent and ambitious thoughts, which instead of making him calm, might turn his neutrality in a perfect Rebellion: and his insolency, in madness and despair. Neither as the present estate of the Country stood, could he without civil blood be commanded and brought in, which by moderati­on might be effectuate; that verity enjoyed not al­ways that priviledge to be spoken in every place and time; it was good to keep up in silence matters con­cerning him, the speaking of which might produce any dangerous effec [...]. Upon this, Letters in their name are sent unto him, remembring him of the splendor and glory of his Ancestors, the place and dignity he possessed by them in Parliament: that without his presence they neither would or could pro­ceed in great matters. If he apprehended any cause [Page 61] of let or stay by the offences and disorders commit­ted by his Attendants and followers, they would free­ly remit them, as accidents following the injury of the times, and his yet tender years, his greatest fault being his giving way out of rashness and negligence to the faults of others. That of himself they had conceived such singular hopes of great towardness and all venues, if he would come and take a part with them, giving in his complaints and grievances, he should not only have full satisfaction, but be honou­red with what place or charge in the Government he liked best; by honouring them with his Presence he should oblige not only his Country infinitely but particularly every one of them to stand for him to the utmost of their powers and wishes.

This Letter wrought powerfully upon the Mind of the Earl, by nature and years desirous of glory and preferment, and believing easily that which was plau­sible to his hopes. His friends, who now began to promise to themselves new Heavens, think upon great matters, and forecast to themselves by the change of their Lords Fortune, a change of Offices in the State, persuade him likewise to come to the Parliament; and they divulged the certainty of his Progress. The Chancellour when he understood he was upon his way rode forth of Edenburgh to meet him, and by many obsequious complements and friendly blandishments allured and drew him to his Castle of Creighton which was in his way: where some days he rested and was honourably entertained.

Among many healthful admonitions by way of counsel, he told him, that the greatness of a Subject consisted in due obedience to his Prince, whom he should acknowledge to be his Lord and Master.

That by obedience he would vindicate the Name and Families of the Dowglasses, not only from blame [Page 62] of Treason, but from all suspition of Novations; that he would endeavour to execute justice more strictly than he had done in times past, not protect Oppressors against Laws and Equity, but suppress all insolencies of Thieves and Robbers, because cru­elties and wrongs never stood secure before either God or man. That the estates of ancient Houses were often maintained more by reputation of things done, than any other foundation, which a little diso­bedience to a Prince might shake, if not altogether ruine. That it was fatal to all Princes in their un­der-age, and the beginnings of their Reigns, to have troubles and seditions, and be tormented by some of their Subjects who studied novelties; but when these Princes came to perfect years, they knew well to cha­stise those who troubled the Government in their youth. That he would hereafter rather content himself with mediocrity, than expose himself as a mark to envy. That he would make a proof of his power, not in excess and riot or pride of his ancient honours, but in bounty and religious charity toward his Country-men.

That he wished as his House had long continued, it might by following what he had spoken unto him ever flourish. The Earl of a good inclination, if flatterers and wicked company had been removed, took in good part his advertisements and counsel, thinking he spake as he thought, and (perhaps) so he did, for he had not yet put on his double Visage, and promised to repair what offences by youth, neg­ligence, rashness or other indiscretion had escaped him: thus with his Brother David, the Chancellour accompanied him to Edenburgh.

He had not long there stayed, when the frequent meetings, many secret conferences of the Governour and Chancellour at their several houses, which often [Page 63] held the greatest part of the night, who were not wont to be so kind to others, bred a great jealousie and suspicion in some of the Earls friends, that some lurking mischief was a plotting to entrap him. That small trust should be had in a reconciled enemy, and his many courtesies, and too exceeding favours were to be suspected. Hereupon some freely counsel the Earl to return home, and to leave off private meet­ings with them. Others intreat him not to enter the Castle of Edenburgh at all, or if he should, to dismiss his brother David, to keep themselves scattered that that they might not be inclosed in one Net, as upon his Death-bed their Father had instructed and admo­nished them. For if any violent course were intend­ed against them, men would not dare to put in act against one of them which they would against both. David presaging some strange accident to follow this sudden kindness of the Rulers was meditating an es­cape. The Earl took this counsel in an evil part, saying, Great Families never wanted turbulent friends, to whom common confusions served ordinarily for steps to enlarge their States, when Peace sendeth the most part of them home to live private men. And they cared not what blame were laid upon their Chiefs, so it stood with their own commodity; that the pretence of his departure would be worse than the departure it self, and that he would be obnoxious to worse surmises, and more miserable mistakings go­ing away, than if he had never appeared. That he preferred the approved trust of the Chancellour (whose Guest he had been) to all the objections of dangers they could imagine; which suspicions he re­quested them to suppress; for to suspect causlesly, in­stead of imagining wrong, returned a real injury, and being known, would be a means to breed new jars, and break their begun Friendship. Thus blind-folded [Page 64] by Destinie, and accompanied with some of his dearest friends, amongst whom was Sir Malcolm Flaming of Cammernald; in solemn pomp with his Brother he entred Edenburgh Castle the Twenty fourth of November: the remainder who were thrust back with sad countenances and distrusting hearts, scattered themselves in the Town.

The Governour, that the envy might be divided and shared, and all seem to be done by an universal consent, with a ceremonious welcom, and such as hate and emulation could suffer to be tempered to­gether, did meet him and guide him to the King: at whose Table he was set to dine, which favours turn­ed the heart of the young Earl so soft and relenting, that he wished he had sooner come to Court, and challeng'd himself of his mistrustful thoughts; but more his suspicious friends, whose presence he could have desired to be witness against themselves. The counsel given him at Creighton Castle, by obsequi­ousness, he resolveth to thank: the Kings benign aspect and courtesies of the Rulers had advanced him to the highest degree of honour.

Amidst of these entertainments (behold the insta­bility of Fortune!) near the end of the Banquet the head of a Bull (a sign of present Death in these times) is set down before him: At which sudden Spectacle he leapt from the Table in horror and all agast; but this doth little avail him, he hath no power, for he is ceased upon by armed Men, who rushing out of a cruel tyring House, led him to the utter Court of the Castle, not regarding the plaints, cryes, tears of the young King, who pitifully mourned to see him ma­nacled with cords: There with his Brother David, Sir Malcolm Flaming his constant friend and com­partner of all his Fortunes, he had his head and am­bitious thoughts cut off. With this great blow of [Page 65] State the Parliament brake up, leaving grief, terrour, astonishment in the hearts of all the people, who ever hated the Actors of this Tragedy.

William Earl of Dowglass and David his Brother taken away, the Baron of Abercorn their Uncle suc­ceeded to the Earldom, by reason of his stature and corpulency named James the Gross: a man free of any vice or Heroical Vertue, whose years were not ma­ny after his fortune to be Earl. He was Father to seven Sons, the eldest of which by a Dispensation from the Pope he married to Beatrice, the only Si­ster of his Brothers Son William, named The fair Maid of Galloway, not so much in respect of her Beauty, as her Fortunes; the Lands not tailed in Gal­loway, Annandale, Balveny and Ormond, falling from the Heirs male to be her Portion. This Marriage was much blamed and cryed out upon by the Earl of Angus, Sir John Dowglass of Dalkeith, and other Gentlemen of that Name, not as they gave out for the propinquity of blood, being between Cousin Ger­mans, but that so fair and easie a purchase was ta­ken out of their arms. They had always followed the King, and procured prohibitions of the Marriage; but these with spur-haste advanced the celebration of it, and upon a Friday, which the common People prognosticate to be ominous, and to have some sad event.

This Earl, ambitious, factious, popular, subtile, vindicative, prompt in the execution of his enterpri­zes, liberal and far from the dor-muse humour of his Father, began to think neither himself nor his kin­dred in safety, if the deaths of his Brothers and Cou­sins, wrought by the two Rulers remained unreveng­ed, and therefore since openly without troubling the common peace of the Country he could not, by secret and umbragious ways he laboureth to bring it to [Page 66] pass: procuring a far off a disobedience to their De­crees, and contempt of their Authority, by men in a great distance from him in place, blood, friendship and familiarity; who after any fashion grudged, repin­ed, complained of the present form of Government, or aggravated imaginary wrongs, are supported and protected by him, his houses turned places of Refuge to distressed Male-contents. One John Gormack of Athol (not without suspicion that he wrought by the motion and order of the Earl, and understood his Cabal) essayed with a great number of Out-laws to hinder the execution of a Malefactor, and take him by main force from the Sheriff of Perth, William Ruthen: but he perished in the enterprize. Patrick Gilbreath in the Castle of Dumbartoun, for priority of command, killeth Robert Simple, and to save his person, or justifie his homicide, flyeth to the Earl of Dowglass, by whom he is protected, notwithstanding the many informations given in against him at Court, and his citation to answer to Justice.

The King whose non-age was now near expired, began to relish the sweetness of Government in his own person, and became tyr'd of the long and awful tutelage of his jarring Rulers; and the flower of his Youth seeming fram'd for great affairs, promised the fruit of a wise and happy Reign; finding it difficult to put men near daily unto him, long experienced and greedy of Rule, from high places, except by the entertaining a stronger and more powerful faction: He setteth his thoughts upon the Earl of Dowglass; small favours to him would be a great umbrage to the ambition of his Tutors, bring them within the compass of answering to what might be objected to them concerning their service in the State; he would not sue to the Earl, but as occasion served he gave many signs and open speeches, that he had not alto­gether [Page 67] withdrawn his love and favour from the an­cient House of the Dowglasses, their passed faults being by them acknowledged and recompenced with fidelity and obedience in times coming. The Earl of Dowglass, whose towardness and liberality had ac­quired him many friends at Court, upon assured ad­vertisement of his Princes good-will towards him, cometh to Sterling, and is no sooner presented upon his knees before the King in the Church, when with all demonstrations of benevolence he is received in grace, pardoned, and not many days after admitted to be of the Privy Council. The King imparting to him his greatest affairs, sheweth he will follow them by his advice and counsel, honoureth him with the plausible name of Cousin, and entertaineth such fa­miliarity with him that all others give him the place.

The promotion and credit which the Earl of Dow­glass in a short time acquired about the King, his faction daily encreasing, moved the two Rulers (by their moderation seeking to avoid disgrace) to leave the Court. After which they were both removed from their offices, and their places and authority in Council with their whole friends and followers. They are upbraided with disorders, both in their private actions and the manner of their Government, and at last are summoned to answer before the King to such things as they should be legally accused of; the mur­murs every where whispered amongst the people, warned and certified them, if they should appear and present themselves, of some sad and Tragick Act. Whereupon with protestations of their Innocency declining the time, appealing to the King in his ma­jority, and when he should be of full years, from these Judges their mortal enemies than abusing absolute Power, they suspend their appearing, declaring with all their readiness in every thing to obey the King.

[Page 68]This availeth them nothing, for at a Parliament holden in Sterlin, Articles being forged and urged against them, especially of Peculate, as sale of Crown-Lands, waste of the Kings Treasure, the laying of their hands upon the Kings Jewels, transporting Lands to themselves and their friends, distributing Offices and places of the Crown and State (which should have been by the Authority of the Council) as Hunters divide a Prey between themselves. Dis­pensing with Riots, and taking the force and vigour from the Laws of the Kingdom; thus as betraying the administration of the Realm into the hands of worthless and corrupted men, they are denounced Rebels, their persons and Estates proscrib'd. Charge is given to Sir John Foster of Corstorphane and others the Dowglasses adherents, to bring all their moveables to the use of the Exchequer, demolish their Houses, invade their Friends with fire and sword, and all that sided them. Thus the uncertain vicissitude of Hu­mane accidents overturns often them who seem to be raised to the highest degree of honour. The Castle of Barentoren is besieged, taken, thrown down, with other houses upon the Governours and Chancellours Lands, their Farms and small Villages are plundered and ransacked. In revenge of which the Rulers waste the Earl of Dowglasses Territories, the Villa­ges of Straw-brock, Abercorn, Blackness are burnt, with Corstorphane. The ravage begun, continueth with daily loss to both parties, and the overthrow of the Common-wealth.

The Earl wondreth (now having the Kings Au­thority) to find his enemies so strong, and hold so long out against him, he suspecteth they have secret support by some not well affected towards him. The most powerful and eminent of which he guesseth to be James Kennedy Bishop of St. Andrews, and [Page 69] Cousin german to the King. He knew him jealous for his sudden favours at Court, and that he had whispered amongst his friends, that he feared the am­bition of the Earls unlimited heart was now exalted to such exorbitancy of height, that becoming top-heavy it would fall by its own weight, and turn up the Root.

The Earl will have this Prelate less powerful to assist the Rulers, or do harm unto him, To this effect he instigateth the Earl of Crawford his Allie, and Alexander Ogleby of Innerwharely, to invade the Bishops Lands, and rifle his Vassals in Fife, without order or declaration of wrongs done by him. The Bishop after the burning and spoyling of sundry of his Farms, being weak by power to resist their vio­lence and repair his losses, took him to his Spiritual Arms, and excommunicated the Earl of Crawford. Though he made small account of this verbal Thun­der, yet did not this injustice long escape the reveng­ing hand of God, who raiseth up ordinarily one op­pressor to execute his justice against another.

Alexander Lyndesay, Son to the Earl of Crawford, pretended a title to the Baylerie of Arbroth, out of which he was kept by Alexander Ogleby, whose title was equal to his, if not better. This enmity kindled to such a flame, that upon either side they assemble their friends in Arms: The Ogleby calleth the Lord Huntley, the Lindesay the Hamiltons to assist their Rights: frequent meetings having been to calm mat­ters, and reconcile them, and nothing agreed upon nor concluded, they resolve at last to decide the cause by their Swords. The Earl of Crawford then re­maining at Dundee, advertised of the present danger of his friends, posted in all haste to Arbroth, and cometh at the very chock of the skirmish, and when hey were to enter the Fight. Here intending by his [Page 70] wisdom to take up the quarrel, and presuming upon the respect due to his place and person, he rashly rusheth forwards before his Companies to demand a party of Alexander Ogleby with his Son: But ere he could be known or was heard, he is encountred by a common Souldier, who thrust him in the mouth with a Spear, and prostrate him dead upon the ground. This sudden accident joyned the Parties, who fought with great courage and resolution: The Victory af­ter much blood inclined to the Master of Crawford. Alexander Ogleby sore wounded, was taken and brought to the Castle of Finelvin where he died; the Lord Huntley escaped by the swiftness of his Horse. John Forbess of Pitsligow, Alexander Barkley of Garteley, Robert Maxwell of Tillen, William Gor­doun of Borrowfield, Sir John Oliphant of Aberda­guy with others fell on the Oglebies side; they fought the Twenty fourth of January One thousand four hundred fourty five. 1445

Now by attending opportunities to encrease pub­lick disorders, turn the times dangerous and trouble­some, and confound the State; the Earl of Dowglass kept himself in the absolute Government; by um­bragious ways he nourished discontentments in all parts of the Country, amongst the Nobility, Gen­try, Commons of the Realm. Alexander Earl of Crawford put to death John Lynton of Dundee, Ro­bert Boyd of Duchal, and Alexander Lyle slew James Stuart of Auchenmintee; Patrick Hepburn of Hails, surprised the Castle of Dumbar; Archembald Dum­bar, as if he would but change places with him, tak­eth the Castle of Hails, where he was besieged by the Earl of Dowglass, and with conditions of safety rendred it. Sir William Creighton all this time kept the Castle of Edenburgh, and when by intreaties nor power he could not be induced to render it to the [Page 71] King, his Castle of Creighton is plundered, a garison placed in it, and the Castle of Edenburgh by the Earl of Dowglass is besieged and blocked up. Nine months the Assailers lie about it: but it proveth im­pregnable, and without loss of many Subjects can­not be taken, about the end of which time, mens cou­rages waxing colder, conditions are offered and re­ceived; which were, that the Chancellor should be restored to grace, place, and whatsoever had been withheld from him by his enemies at Court, an abo­lition and abrogation of all former discontentments should be granted, the besieged should pass out bag and baggage free. At a Parliament holden at Perth, the Chancellor was purged by an Assise of his Peers of what was laid against him, his lands and goods sei­zed upon by the King or Dowglasses are decreed to be restored, as well to his followers as himself; he is established in his dignities and places of Honour, not­withstanding of all Edicts, Proclamations, Confisca­tions before, which were declared null; all matters past put in oblivion, as not done. This, considering the credit of the Earl of Dowglass, was thought ve­ry strange; but James Kennedy Bishop of Saint An­drews, whose respect and Authority was great with the Churchmen, perfected this Master-piece of State; and the Earl of Dowglass knew, though the Chan­cellor was unbound, he had not yet escaped.

During these Garboyls in Scotland, Margaret Si­ster to King James, and wife to the Daulphin of France Lewis, died at Chalones in Champagne: a vertuous and worthy Lady, beloved of all France, but most of Charles the seventh her Father in Law, who for her respect matched her three Sisters, who remained at his Court honourably; Helenora, with Sigismond Arch-duke of Austria; Elizabeth, to the Duke of Bretaigne; Mary with the Earl of Cam­phire. [Page 72] She was buried in the great Church of Cha­lones, but after when the Daulphine came to the King, he caused transport and bury her in the Abbey Church of Loan in Poittow: Many Elegies, were published upon her death which are yet extant. Sir James Stuart, the Black Knight, husband to the Queen, at this time died also: He had turned a vo­luntary exile, to shun the dangers and envy of the Factions of the Country, which he incurr'd by his free speeches against the misgovernment and mise­ries of the time, and as he was bound towards Flan­ders, by the Flemings was taken upon the Seas. The Queen out-lived not long her Daughter and Hus­band; she was buried the fifteenth of July in the Charter-house of Perth, neer her first husband James, the year One thousand four hundred forty six. She brought forth to the black Knight of Lorn three sons, John Earl of Athole, James Earl of Buchan, An­drew Bishop of Murray.

The Chancellor having recovered his honours and State to the disadvantage of the Earl of Dow­glass, though of good years and tyred with the trou­bles of a publick Life, yet findeth not any desired rest. A Marriage being designed for the King with Mary daughter of the Duke of Guilders, by the in­structions of Charles the seventh the French King; but secretly by the procurement of the Earl of Dow­glass, the Chancellor, as a Man grave, great in place, and experimented with the Bishop of Dunkel and Ni­cholas Otterburn, is sent over the Seas in Embassie. This troublesome and unprofitable honour abroad is laid upon him, that he might be separate from the King, and suspended from opposing to the private designs of the Earl at home. This obstacle of his ambition removed (which had neither moderation nor limits) the Earl may exclude such Officers in [Page 73] State or Court who were not agreeable to him, and substitute others of his Creation after his pleasure, he hath now room and opportunity for his greatest designs. His Kindred are without pausing preferred to Offices of State, his Brothers to new honours; Ar­chembald is made Earl of Murray, by the marriage of a Lady of the house of Dumbar, who was Heir of the Lands, and the Kings Ward: George is created Earl of Ormond; John made Lord of Balvenie, and hath his Donation ratified in an Assembly of three Estates, who were convented at Edenburgh for mat­ters concerning the Marriage of the King, but in effect that the Earl might pursue his old Enemies. The Commissioners are chosen after his pleasure, are prepared and instructed by him, prelimitated; and, to combine power with craft, he entreth in an offensive and defensive League with many Noble­men, Barons, and Gentlemen of the Kingdom. All the wheels and vices of his Clock being right set, Alexander Levingston, late Governour, Alexander his eldest Son, Robert Levingston Treasurer, David Levingston, James Dundas, Robert Bruce of Clack­mannan Knights, for Peculate and converting the Princes Treasure to their private use, are forfeited, taken and committed to sundry Prisons in December Four thousand four hundred forty seven at which time they were brought to Edenburgh; 1447 Alexander the Governour, James Dundas and Robert Bruce, after Fines laid upon them were remitted back to Dumbarton, there to be kept Prisoners, during the Kings pleasure. Alexander the Governours Son, a young man of great expectation, with Robert Le­vingston Treasurer, and David Levingston, not so much by any crime proved against them, as by the Divine Justice in punishing the severity of the Go­vernour for the execution of the Earl of Dowglass [Page 74] in the Castle of Edenburgh, had their heads cut off; the people much deploring their misfortune. By this blow the Earl of Dowglass though he was more ter­ribly avenged, than if he had proved his power against the old Man; having thus as it were killed him twice. Though by this strict Justice he pretended the Pub­lick weal, his end was to govern all by his absolute Authority, and make the world see, what credit he had to help or harm when he pleased, admire his pompous attendance, his haughty carrying of all bu­siness, and his power in State.

The Chancellor having perfected his Embassie, Mary daughter to Arnold Duke of Guilders, born of the Duke of Burgundies Sister, a Lady young, beau­tiful, and of a masculine constitution, arriveth in Scotland; and with great solemnity, accompanied with many strangers and the Nobility of the King­dom, is married to the King in the Abbey Church of Holy-rood-house; As these Nuptial Rites were finished, the Peace between Scotland and England expired, and the Borders of both Kingdoms break, and mutually invade others. Amidst much robbery, spoil and ha­vock upon either side, the Earl of Salisbury, Lievte­nant and Warden, upon the West depopulateth the bordering Villages, and burneth the Town of Dum­freis; the Earl of Northumberland spoiling the East, burneth the Town of Dumbar: John Dowglass, Lord of Balvenny, invadeth the English bounds, and burneth the Town of Anwich; the ravaging and depredations in a short time turning equal, the two Kingdoms agree upon a suspension of Arms, and place, and day to treat about a general Peace; at the last by an Assembly of the States One thousand four hundred forty nine. A Truce is condescended unto for seven years. At this time Alexander Seatoun Lord Gordon, is created Earl of Huntley, and George Leslie Baron, Earl of Rothes.

[Page 75]This Truce was not long kept by any of the Na­tions, but, as it had been drawn and plaistered up for the fashion, they conspire equally to break it. New incursions are made, slight skirmishes began to wound either side and banish Peace, just arms were constrain­ed at last to be opposed to injurious oppressions. The Scots having made desolate some parts of Cumberland, an Army under the leading of the Earl of Northum­berland is raised, commanded by Magnus Red-beard, whom the Scots by reason of the length of his beard named Magnus with a red Main. A man trained from his youth in the Wars of France; who is said to have required no more for his Service to the Crown of England, than what he might by his own valour conquer of Scotland. The English march from the West Borders, pass the River of Soloway and Annand, and encamp near the River of Sark. The Earl of Dowglass declareth his Brother George Earl of Or­mond Lieutenant for the King against them: who with the power of the South and West loseth no time to encounter: the Earl of Northumberland, the Lord Piercy his Son, Magnus Red-beard, Sir John Pennington, Sir Robert Harrington led the English Battalions: The Earl of Ormond, Lord Maxwell, Lairds of Johnston, and Craiggy Wallace, the Scottish. Here occasion and place serving, it is valiantly fought, the fortune of the day long doubtful: till Magnus, whose experience and direction in War in those days was deemed unparalleld, his courage here turning into temerity, was beaten from his horse and slain. After his fall many turning their backs, the Earl of Northumberland himself with great danger escaped; more in the chase were lost than in the Battel; such who essayed to pass the River, by the confusion and the weight of their Arms were plunged in the water; others who could not find the Fords, being taken, [Page 76] and brought to the Castle of Lochmaben; amongst which were Sir John Pennington, Sir Robert Harring­ton, the Lord Piercy, who by saving his Father en­gaged himself. Few renowned amongst the Scots were here lost, except Craiggy Wallace, a principal actor, who governing himself by honour and cou­rage, died of his wounds there received not many days thereafter. The English to repair their loss rai­sed an Army, but by the daily supplies raised for France, and their projected Civil Wars (the Duke of York, Earls of March, Warwick and Salisbury begin­ning to toss the State) it was kept at home for their own use, and a truce was agreed upon and concluded with Scotland for the space of three years, One thou­sand four hundred and fifty.

This Victory obtained chiefly by the valour of the Dowglasses, advanced highly their credit with the young King, and the Court sounded with nothing more than their praises. But great fortunes are as hard to bear as to acquire, and ordinarily prosperity carryeth us into insolencies, without pondring the consequence of our actions. William Colvill Knight, upon a private quarrel having slain James Auchin­leck a follower of the Earl of Dowglass, the Earl avenged his death, not only with the slaughter of William, but with the throwing down of his House, and spoil of all his Lands: which turned cold the affections of many about the Court towards him, and made him terrible to all of a contrary Faction to his. After, whether tyred with his working thoughts, or to shun more hatred and envy, or to try what time would produce, amidst the inward grudges and ran­cours of Court, or that he held his own Country too narrow Lists for his glory, he leaveth the Kingdom: substituting one of his Brothers Procurator for his affairs, and in his absence to govern his estate, ac­companied [Page 77] with his Brother Mr. James (a Man learned, and brought up in Sorbon Divinity, Ex­pectant of the Bishoprick of Dunkel, James Hamil­ton of Cadyow, the Lords Grahame, Seatoun, Oli­phant, Saltoun, and many Gentlemen, he arriveth in Flanders, cometh to France, passeth the Alps, and it being the year of Jubilee stayeth at Rome: where he was honourably received and welcomed. Envy never leaveth great Actors; he had not been long absent from his Prince, when many are suborned to give up complaints against the oppressions, riots, wrongs of his Kindred, Servants and Vassals. The faults of his Governing the King are pryed into, eve­ry oversight and escape aggravated to the height. The King at first was loth to lend an ear to misre­ports and calumnies of a man lately so well deserving and dearly of him beloved: but overcome by impor­tunity and urged by the numbers of Complainers, he gave way that his Brother and Procurators should make answer for wrongs suffered by the complainers: after many citations his Brother not appearing is at last by force presented to the Council: when he could not answer to such faults as were laid against the Earls Vassals and followers, nor acquit them of vio­lent oppressions, he was only enjoyned to restore to the Complainers their loss, and restore all damages. Upon fair promises of Restitution the King bringeth him off the danger, and obtaineth him liberty to re­turn home.

There, after long advisement with his other Bro­thers and some haughty Vassals, they declare, old Ra­pines and wrongs being joyned to new, and resent with which they were charged, the restitution was impossible, and like spilt water which could not be re­covered. Not satisfied with this answer, the Coun­cil cited the Earl of Dowglass upon some days to ap­pear [Page 78] before them, and all his Vassals and followers with his Brothers to answer according to Law, to such Articles as should be given in against them. The Earl was far off, and they considered it consisted not with their weal to hazard their persons to the arbitri­ment of Judges, many of which had been obnoxious to their affronts. Thus for not appearing they are denounced Rebels, and Warrants granted to invade and spoyl their Lands, as publick enemies to Autho­rity and the present Government. This Decree is followed by open force; and to facilitate the execu­tion of it, and to take up the Earl of Dowglasses Rents, William Earl of Orkney cometh to Galloway, Dow­glass-dale, Liddes-dale: But he found, Authority not seconded with power against lusty Rebels, to produce weak effects; for he returned, disobeyed, contemn­ed, and near spoiled and rifled by the Earls Tenants and Vassals.

The King to vindicate his Authority, since he could not prevail by reason, with competent Forces in per­son entreth the same Territories, taketh all the strong Fortresses and Castles where he came, demolisheth the Castle of Dowglass, placeth a Garrison in Loch­mabane, giveth the custody of such places he spared with the whole Goods and Moveables appertaining to them, to the Complainers and men interested in wrongs or blood by the Rebels. The noise of this unexpected backblow being heard at Rome, perplex­ed not a little the Earl of Dowglass: Many of his train leave him, that where lately he represented a Prince, he seemed now scarce a private Gentleman; he was assured he lived under a Soveraign who mau­gre all detractions, would hear his own defences. Upon which hopes he resolveth to return, taketh him to his Journey, and for his greater haste and safe pro­gress, he obtaineth a Pass through England, come to [Page 79] the Borders of Scotland, his Brother James is directed to the Court, to understand the Kings mind towards him, and if there were any possibility in this ebb of favours to have access to him.

The King ingeniously promiseth to accept him, and performed it, for all that hapned by the misde­meanor of his Friends in his absence, requesting that he would but live peaceably according to the order of the State, without hating that which his Prince loved, or improving that which he approved and au­thorized; and that as himself and his Brothers were ever the most able and readiest to repeal the wrongs of Strangers, so they would endeavour to entertain unity and concord in the Country it self, and purge their Lands of Thieves and Robbers; if mischievous and wicked men were not punished, there would be no surety nor safety for the good and vertuous. Past wrongs are pardoned, the Garrisons removed from his Castles, and they are rendred unto him. Then to put him in assurance of encreasing favours, he is made Lieutenant General of the Kingdom, a place great and requiring great action, being only to be be­stowed upon a Man active, great in power and friends.

The Earl of Dowglass again afloat in the stream of his Soveraigns favours, might have continued, if his miseries had not been decreed from above: soon after he falls in a new disgrace; whether upon a promise of return, or that he was sent for, or that he would officiously give thanks for receiving cour­tesies when he was in his way homewards, he passeth privately to the Court of England, and without his Masters knowledge or leave hath many days serious conference with the Nobility of that Kingdom, then many ways distressed by the Rebellion of Kent, and the Factions of the great Men. The pretended [Page 80] cause of his journey was given out to be the repair­ing of his own and his Vassals losses, sustained by the inrodes of the English the time of his travels abroad, and the redressing of other disorders on the West bor­ders; but his Enemies suggested he intended to enter a League with some of the English to the disadvan­tage of his Master, and trouble of his Country, by changing the Form of Government, or the Officers of State. King James took his meeting with the English in an evil part; but after great intercession and many requests of the Queen and Noblemen after he had submitted himself to his clemency, and ac­knowledged his Errors, received him. In this mean time he is discharged of all publick employments; his Offices of State are divided between the Earl of Orkney and the Lord Creightoun his reconciled Ene­mies.

Removed from publick employments he giveth himself to study private revenge, and the whole secret Council turn distasteful unto him: especially Orkney and Creightoun, men perfectly abhorring his ambiti­on, and who greatly feared his dismeasured greatness.

Their suspected affronts and alledged wrongs to­wards him were increased daily by tales of Syco­phants. It was told the Earl, that the Lord Creigh­toun in conference with the King, had said, it were expedient for the peace of the Country, That the Earl of Dowglass with all his friends and followers were rooted out, and their memory abolished; but if that were left undone, neither should the King rule in due Majesty, nor the Subjects ever give him that obedi­ence which they ought. That wise Princes suffered houses to grow as men do Spider-webs, not taking heed of them so long as they were small, but when offensively encreased, they swept them wholly away. Irritated by these and many such like speeches, after [Page 81] much contempt of the Chancellour, on dawning, as he was early coming from Edenburgh to his Castle of Creighton, the Earl who wanted not his own in­telligence amongst his followers (Hatred being an evil Counsellour) laid an ambush for him on the high way. But the clearness of the morning discovering it, by the swiftness of his horse he escapeth; some of his company being wounded, and one of the Assai­lers slain in the pursuit. Two days after, the Chan­cellor to repair his credit, accompanied with a num­ber of his friends and followers, coming in great haste to Edenburgh, had unawares surprized the Earl of Dowglas, then attended but with a small number of his friends, if he had not speedily shifted himself from the danger. This contention now bursting forth into open Hostility, divided into Factions the whole Kingdom; The Earl of Dowglass maintain­ing his by the long continued grandeur of his House, the Chancellor standing by his Princes favour, and a long practice of the affairs and course of the World; The Earl fearing the Authority of the King might sway the Ballance and make the party unequal, if he should be brought to call to remembrance passed actions and attempts of his Predecessors, findeth no­thing more expedient to curb his enemies, and strengthen his proceedings, than to renew his old Confederation, and combine with him many others. Hereupon the Earls of Crawford, Ross, Murray, Or­mond, the Lord Balvenny, Knight of Cadyow, many Barons, Gentlemen with their Allies, Vassals, Servants to a great number, subscribed and swore solemnly ne­ver to desert one another during life; That injuries done to any one of them, should be done to them all, and be a common quarrel; neither should they de­sist to their best abilities to revenge them: That they should concur indifferently against whatsoever Per­sons [Page 82] within or without the Realm, and spend their Lives, Lands, Goods, Fortunes in defence of their Debates and Differences whatsoever. This confe­deration and Covenant again renewed, turned the Earl imperious in his deportments, presumptuous be­yond all limits, and his followers and adherents insup­portable to their neighbours: The Lands of such who were not of their party, or refused to think all their thoughts and second them in their enterprizes, were plundered; and goodness was a cause to make men suffer most pillage and ransacking of their Goods, and other miserable calamities. At this time the Thieves and Robbers of Liddes-dale and An­nandale break into the Lands of John Lord Herress, a Noble Man, who had continued constantly faith­ful to the King, and drive with them a great booty of Cattle: Complaints being given to the Earl of Dow­glass of the Depredations of his men, and finding no redress, the Lord Herress essayeth to drive the like prey in recompence of the damage; but being un­equal in power, his fortune was to be taken by the Thieves, and brought as a Prisoner to the Earl, who layed him fast in Irons; and notwithstanding of the Kings Letters (full of Intreaties and Threatnings) without any formality of Law, caused, Hang him as a Felon: The like mischief was practised in other places. After this contempt of Soveraignty, it was universally blazed, that the Earl of Dowglass, in re­spect of his new Covenant, the power of his Kinsmen and Allies, the entertaining of such who were discon­tent and discountenanced at Court, the love and fa­vour of the men of Arms in Scotland (ever governed by some of his Name) his riches, the honour of his Ancestors, had resolved to dissemble no longer, but openly to play his game, essay one day if he could set the Crown upon his own head, being then able [Page 83] to raise an Army of Forty thousand warlike persons, men ready to go with him, whither, or against whom they cared not, attending only the occasion and his Commandment.

The King who before but disdained the pride, af­ter this League became jealous of the Earl of Dow­glass (a League giving a Law to a King breaking all bonds of Soveraignty, and inviting a people to look for a new Master) and though his modesty and patience served only to turn the Earl more insolent, and his boldness more active, yet in a foul game he bare a fair countenance; knowing the last thing which a Soveraign Prince should do, is to shew him­self Male-content and offended with any of his Sub­jects; for instead of chastising him, he would give him fairer means and greater power to do him harm: He would not shew a token of any prejudicial thought to the Earls proceedings, till he had first heard himself.

Thus very calmly he desired him to come and speak with him at Sterlin, whiles he (conscious of his own misdemeanor) except upon a publick assurance un­der the great Seal for his safe coming and return, re­fused to do: A safe conduct obtained, 1452 about the Shrew-tide, in the year One thousand four hundred fifty two he came to the Court then remaining at Sterlin Castle, accompanied with many of his Confe­derates, and a powerful Retinue: The King with a gracious countenance, and all apparent respect recei­ved him, endeavouring rather by kindness and hu­manity, than by rigor to reclaim him to his former obedience. The day near spent, the Gates of the Castle shut, all removed, except some of the Coun­cil and the Guards; the King taking the Earl friend­ly apart, remembred him of favors received, wrongs forgotten, the duties, as a Subject, he owed to his [Page 84] Prince, his capitulation before he would come and speak with him; he taxed him with the exorbitant abuses and outrages of his followers: then he told him what Informations he had of a Covenant of mu­tual defence and adherence betwixt him and some of his Nobles and Gentlemen, which he would scarce believe: He prayed him to consider the murmuring, or rather begun sedition of his people, his long pa­tience in tolerating his proceedings, his misbelief of evil reports towards him, until he had heard what he had to say for himself and his innocency.

The Earl answered the Kings towardness in equal terms, trusting much to his confederation; for his favours he should strive with all obsequiousness to de­serve them; That as he had the honour to command others who obeyed him, he knew very well how to be commanded, and obey his Prince, and in what disobedience consisted; that as none of his Subjects enjoyed more Lands and Honours than himself, there should not one be found who more willingly would engage all his fortunes and person for the Honour of his Prince: That they who layed snares for his life, being so near his Majesty, for the surety of his per­son he could not come to Court, except upon a pub­lick assurance, and well accompanied: For the wrongs committed by his Followers and Vassals, he would give what satisfaction should be required; Concerning the Band of mutual friendship betwixt him and some Noblemen, they would have adhered together without any writing; they were driven thereunto for their own safety, not out of mind to offer, but repel injuries: That he was infinitely ob­lig'd to his goodness, in not condemning him before he was heard, and for that he had not lent a credu­lous ear to his enemies mischievous devices.

The King replyed, effects and not words make [Page 85] the affection and submission of a subject known; and could there be any greater surety for him, than to rely on the Laws of the Commonwealth and Country? especially (continued he) in a Country where Laws, and not Faction rule, and where a mans own goodness is able to preserve him: But such men as you are, raise these Factions, to the subversion of all Laws and Authority; and for Subjects to make an offensive and defensive League against all persons, is to disclaim all Government, and do what they please without controulment; commit Treason in the highest degree, and make your own Swords and Power justifie your proceedings, which, though ye first use against mean persons, and conceal the pro­gress of your actions (for there are degrees in evil, and wicked men begin at that which seemeth the least of evils, or not an evil at all at the first) your last aim is likely to be the robbing upon the Crown: Con­sider (my Lord) ye are born under a Monarchy, which admitteth no Soveraignty but it self, and it is natural to Princes to hold it in highest esteem, and in no case to suffer it to be shaken by their Subjects: Take your Prince for your best protection, and an in­nocent life; renounce that Union and League with your Peers, which excepted, or commanded, or ap­proved, or remitted by your Prince, subsisteth not in Law nor in Reason, being forbidden under great pains; and let it not be heard any longer, that ever such an unjust Confederation way, and so wonted cle­mency shall be preferred before deserved Justice; The Earl replyed, The League being drawn up by the common consent of many Lords, Barons and Gentlemen, and subscribed, it could not be cancell'd nor renounc'd but by their common consent; nor was it profitable for the King, nor to him other ways to have it done: That being together, they might [Page 86] condescend to the renouncing and cancelling of it. But (says the King) you to shew good example to the rest, shall first begin; Neither (living) shall any Traytor in my presence disavow and disclaim my Authority, in what is within my possibility of ac­complishing. The Earl requests him to remember, he came to Court upon a publick assurance: A pub­lick assurance cannot so warrant any man, but that he may fall by his own private misdemeanor, answer­ed the King; withal, considering a mean courage in a King to be an imputation, and that he did neither wrong towards God nor his Fame, in revenging him­self upon the enemies of the State; The place, a strong Castle; his present power, all within being his Councellors and Servants; the danger if he should escape; the easiness of suppressing the Re­bellion, the head taken away: (The Earl continuing hot and stubborn, in debating his points of the League, wrath banishing other Doubts and Interests) his Dagger performed, what armed Justice scarce da­red attempt: The Kings blow (the noise arising) was seconded by a number of his Servants, who rush­ing in the Room left him dead, upon Shrewd-Eve, the Twenty second of February, One thousand four hundred fifty two.

About the last Scene of this Tragedy, a pair of Spurs between two Platters (an Emblem of speedy flight) as a part of the Kings Banquet, is directed to Sir James Hamilton of Cadyow; This he commu­nicated to the Lords and Gentlemen of the Union, in which time the News of the Earls death is spread abroad: The Leaguers finding themselves weak to carry so strong a place as the Castle, in hot blood set on fire divers quarters of the Town of Sterlin, make Proclamation against the King and his Council, for violating the assurance granted the Earl: Infamous [Page 87] Libels are spread every where, and the safe Conduct of the King and his Council bound to a wooden Truncheon at a Horses-tail is trailed along the streets: In the Market-place, by the mouth of a Cryer, to the sound of all their hunting-horns, they declare the King, and those that abode with him, Faith-breakers, perjured persons, enemies to all goodness and good men. James the next brother of the house of Dow­glass (a Church-man) being proclaimed Earl, in rage and madness, committing all sort of Hostility; they over-run the Lands and Possessions of those whom they suspected would side the King, and not prove of their party: John Lord of Dalkeith their Kinsman, and of the name of Dowglass, they be­siege in his Castle of Dalkeith, for that he hated their proceedings; the Tenants and Vassals of the Earl of Anguss are plundered for the same cause: The strength of the place raised the Siege of Dalkieth; and the Earl of Anguss, by their many wrongs and insolencies, remained more constant to the King.

In this time the King writeth to all the good Towns in the Realm, and Church-men, giving rea­sons for the taking away of the Earl, imputing the fault to the Earl himself, exhorting the people to make no stir for the just execution of a Man born for the ruine of the Kingdom, and who voluntarily had precipitated himself in his own mis-hap; offer­ing all his power to keep the Country in quietness, according to that Authority in which God hath pla­ced him: This blow, as particular Interests made the hearts of men incline, and as passions were various, was variously and in several manners taken. Some without inquiring of circumstances, after what fashi­on or occasion soever done, allowing it, thought the King had more clear and evident inducements for his deed, then could fall within the Labyrinths of rea­soning. [Page 88] The Majesty of a Prince, hardly falleth from an height to a midst, but easily is precipitated from any midst, to the lowest degree and station; The King (said they) hath obviated this fall, hath set afoot again and raised his Authority threatned with ruine; he hath vindicated his liberty almost thrall'd, hath assured the Lives, Honours, Estates of many Loyal Subjects, which were endangered by not adhering to the League of the Earl, and keeping their Oath of Allegiance to the King; he (if he please now with Honor and Reputation may hold his Par­liaments, bring to pass his designs for the conservati­on of his Authority, and the peace of his Subjects. Others blamed this Deed every where, and in every circumstance: laying perjury and murder against him, and the breaking of the publick Faith and Assurance, the common Band of humane Society, the common defence of all, and the ground of Justice.

To which it was answered, that the Earl was not taken away for his past demerits and misdeservings, but for what he had recently committed in the Kings own presence, having spoken to him with an insup­portable irreverence: They which have safe con­duct, being obliged to shun all kind of offence to­wards him who gives it them, any enormity being sufficient to annul the benefit of it.

More, for the breach of Faith, the Earl and his confederates were the more perjured; and he the murtherer of himself: they having violated that Na­tural Oath to their King, which all Subjects owe to their Soveraigns, by drawing up a League among his People, to the breaking of the tyes of Soveraignty, giving by this, occasion and just cause to the King to reward them after their demerits. Most said the kil­ling of the Earl was evil, but that it was a necessary evil. That as Nature suffereth not two Suns, so rea­son [Page 89] of State suffereth not that in one Kingdom there be Two Kings, but that of necessity the one must overthrow the other; and matters going thus, he who giveth the first blow hath the advantage. Thus did Men judge diversly, after their proper Interests, of the deeds of others.

The Torrent of these disorders encreasing, Laws are neglected, Towns Villages, Houses, the High­ways are every where afflicted with Rapine, Fire, and Fury, and save needy boldness, nothing is safe and se­cure in any place.

The changing Multitude (like Mad-men limning Pourtraicts with their own blood) delight in their Proceedings, and daily encrease the number of the Rebels. In this Insurrection the King is reduced to many extremities, and is said to have thought upon an escape by Sea to France, if he had not been diver­ted by James Kennedy, Bishop of St. Andrews, who told him, That to leave the Kingdom was to give all over to the insolency of his Rebels, and for fear of burning, to leap into the fire it self. That besides the high and long continued Title of a King, which the best part of his Subjects yet reverenced, he had sufficient Friends and Warlike men, who appearing in a Field with him would raise a just fear in the hearts of those who so hainously dared disobey him. That God would be present to revenge wronged Ma­jesty, and turn their hopes in despair; That the Common People were ever changing, and a little time would make them flow to these from whom they did ebb; and all would return again, except such as were guilty of other offences, or such whose po­verty made them fear a beggerly Peace as their great­est punishment. That his chiefest and principal City stood good for him, which example the other Towns would undoubtedly follow; that Rebellion [Page 90] was like Thunder, the noise of which (if observed duely) was often more terrible than the blow, and dissolved ordinarily in tears of Repentance and fair Weather: that here the prudence of a Prince mani­festeth it self, when he cannot suppress and stop all the evils in his State, to suffer and tolerate the least, and with leasure and time abolish and extirpate the grea­ter, and make vertue of Rebellion.

The King by the Bishops Counsel and Assistance, gathereth an Army, but will not try the hazard of a Battel, before those he had advertised and sent for, should joyn with these already about him, and his Forces from all the Quarters of the Kingdom be uni­ted. In the North, the Earl of Huntley had raised a goodly Company to come to his aid; but the Earl of Crawford, a Confederate of the Earl of Dowglass, with a power of the men of Anguss, and all who would follow him, guided by some French Com­manders essayed to cut off his passage, and rencoun­treth him at Brechen; the Battel is fought, and the Victory inclined where the Kings Standard was dis­played by the Earl of Huntley. The equity of the cause laid aside, the occasion of this Victory was as­cribed to John Coloss of Bonnymoon, who having one of the Wings of the Army to guide, which consisted of Battel-axes, great Swords, and long Spears, and the best invasive Weapons, in the hottest of the Skir­mish gave ground, and left the middle Ward naked upon his side: the reason of his revolt is reported, that the night before the Battel, when every man was resolving with his affairs of the World, Bonnymoon requested the Earl of Crawford, of whom he held his Lands-Ward, and relief, since the next day he was resolved, either to be victorious, or die in the Field, to subscribe a Precept (himself falling) for entring his Son to his Lands. This the Superiour refusing, the [Page 91] Vassal out of a just indignation, when he should have Charged, retired, and his Company with him. Such thoughts possessed not the Earl of Huntlies minde; he dealt not so sparingly with his friends in hope of their good service: To the Forbesses, Oglebies, Leslies, Grants, Irwines, he freely gave many of his own Lands, which raised their courage to the height. In requital of which, the King after bestowed upon him the Lands of Badyeenoch and Lochaber. In the con­flict the Earl of Huntley lost two Brothers; the Earl of Crawford and Sir John Lindsay his brother, being left on the Field, fled to his house of Phanheaven, where he was heard to say, He would be content to remain seven years in Hell, to have in so timely a season done the King his Master that Service the Earl of Huntley had performed, and carry that applause and thanks he was to receive from him. This con­flict happened upon the Ascension-day, the Eigh­teenth day of May, One thousand four hundred fifty two.

The King by the confluence and resort of many worthy Subjects unto him, having time to breath, and finding himself in a calm, keepeth a Convention of the States at Edenburgh; Ere the Earls of Dow­glass, Crawford, Ormond, Murray, the Lord Balve­ney, Sir James Hamilton, and others, are cited to an­swer according to Law: They instead of appearing, in the Night, upon the doors of the Principal Chur­ches and other places eminent, fix many Placates and Libels signed with their hands; which bear, The Earl of Dowglass nor his Followers will never obey Command nor Charge in time coming, nor answer ci­tation, for that the King is not a just Master, but a Blood-sucker, a Murtherer, a Transgressor of Hospita­lity, a Surpriser of the Innocent and such who deser­ved no harm at his hands: Not long after the King [Page 92] levied an Army, which by the approaching Winter did little Service; and the Earl of Dowglass, to save the Lands of Beatrice his Brothers Widow, unsepa­rated from the House, sought by a Dispensation from the Pope to have her in Marriage, alledging her un­touched of his Brother; which being refused him, he kept her in place of his wife, the effect of his Sor­bon Divinity, and found hereby more Bryars than Roses.

The Earl of Crawford placing two stricts of Seas betwixt him and the King, spoileth the Lands of all those who forsook him at Brechen; and Archembald Earl of Murray, burneth the Pile of Srath-Boggy, pertaining to the Earl of Huntley; in revenge of which, the Earl of Huntley burnt and herried all the Lands of the Earl of Murray beyond the Spey: The King too, in this madness of Mankind, defaceth his own Country, pulling down the Houses of his Rebel-Subjects, and wasting Annan-dale: This ravage and mutual overturning of all, having continued almost two whole years, the Faction of the Earl, far inferi­our to the Kings, now weakned with such lasting In­cursions, sundry of the chief men and heads consider­ing the least faults were the best, that it was better to strike sail in time, than make a full shipwrack of their Persons, Honors, and the well of the Kingdom and State, counsel the Earl, that Fervors growing colder, since it could not be undone which was done, he would not set greater work on foot, but proceeding with conveniency, submit himself friendly to the King, who had as much goodness as generosity, and sought and required nothing of his Subjects but obe­dience; and having now proved how difficile it was to overcome them by Arms, was (perhaps) as much tyred as they, would pardon these faults which he could not otherwise amend. Necessity in Affairs of [Page 93] Princes, constraining them to yield to many things in Government against their first Conclusions, and resolve to grant that which they could not well hin­der: That there were many hours in the day, and the hearts of Princes were subject to change in them; that he should not forsake the Publick-weal of the Kingdom for his private Considerations: That after this trouble of State, he might be more esteemed and sought after by the King, as it is ordinarily practised among Princes and great men, who affect only that which is necessary unto them.

To these the Earl answered, That they had went too far forwards to think of any cowardly retreat and coming back again; that the only vertue under a Tyrant, was to die constantly; that other vertues did fight, but constancy alone triumphed: That for himself, he would never trust his life to the mercy of those who under colour of friendship and banqueting, had first made away his two Kinsmen, and after his own Brother; for if they being Innocents, were thus handled, what might he expect who had been the occasion of such distraction in the State? He that once had broken his faith, except by a surety, is unable again (in Law) to contract and enter in Bond with any; who will be surety between a King and his Subjects? That Treaties, Agreements, Co­venants, Bargains of a Prince with rebellious Sub­jects, engage him no farther, no longer than the Term-time, or day, which pleaseth him to accept, observe and keep them, as they turn or may turn to his utility and advantage; that as in Nature there is no regress found from privation to an habit, so nei­ther in State men once disgraced do return to their former Honours: That Princes mortally hated all Subjects who had either attempted to over-rule them by power, or had cast any terrour upon them; and [Page 94] howsoever by constraint they bear sail for a time, in the end they were sure pay-masters: That there was nothing more contrary to a good Agreement, then to appear to be too earnest and busie to seek to ob­tain it; he would sue for none: That all his days he had loved sincerity, constancy, and fidelity, and could not unsay and recant what he had promised and practised, nor do against his heart: His friends and his own standing was by their Swords, which should either advance their enterprizes and turn them Victor, or they would die Honourably like themselves and Men, and not ignobly be murdered like Beasts.

This free and dangerous resolution of the Earl, moved many who heard, to provide for their own safety, and resolve not to suffer long misery for other mens folly, finding this war was not like to have any end, and that danger and death would be the only reward of their Rebellion. Amongst others the Earl of Crawford, after great adversity, when he could not move the Earl of Dowglass to submit himself to the Kings clemency, with many tears and protestati­ons of his sincerity love and counsel to him, left him; and some weeks after, as the King was in Progress in Anguss, in a sad penitential manner, accompanied with his best friends, coming in his way with much humility and sorrow, He acknowledged his fault, pleading rather for pity to his house, which had so long flourished, than to his person. The King know­ing his example would be no small occasion to wea­ken the power of the Earl of Dowglass, and that of all the Rebels he was the greatest object of his Cle­mency, was content to receive him, but he would have it done by the mediation of James Kennedy, Bishop of St. Andrews, and the Lord Creightoun, once his greatest Enemies, which he refused not to embrace. Thus freely remitted with those who ac­companied [Page 95] him, he returned to his own House of Phanheaven, where within few moneths he died of a burning Ague.

The three Estates, after assembled at Edenburgh, where James Earl of Dowglass, the Countess Beatrix, whom he kept by way of a pretended Marriage, Archembald Dowglass, Earl of Murray, George Earl of Ormond, John Dowglass Lord of Balveny, with others their adherents, friends and followers, are At­tainted of High Treason, and their Lands and Goods are Confiscate and discerned to be seized on to the Kings use. The Earldom of Murray is given to James Creighton, who had married the eldest Daughter of the Earl of Murray; but he perceiving he could not possess it in peace, turned it back again to the King. At this time George Creightoun was created Earl of Caithness; William Hay Constable Earl of Arrol, Darly, Halles, Boyd, Lyle and Lorn, Lords of Parlia­ment; the King maketh a rode into Galloway, re­ducing every strong hold and Castle of the Country to his Power; Dowglass-dale he abandoned to the spoil of the Souldier.

Matters at home turning desperate, the Earl of Dowglass being brought to that pass, that he knew not what to wish or fear, James Hamilton of Cad­yow is sent to England to invite the ancient enemy of the kingdom to take a part of her spoil, and help to trouble the King. But the English had greater business amongst themselves than could permit them to Wed the Quarrels of the Earl. After Sir James Hamilton was returned with an excuse, and regret that some of the English Lords could not supply their confusion, but only by their counsel, he advised the Earl of Dowglass to trust to his own Power and For­ces, which were sufficient, measuring their Courage, and not counting their Heads, to hold good against [Page 96] the King. There was no human affairs where men were not necessitated to run some danger, nor any business taken in hand with such a certainty, which by unknown causes, and even light ones, might not run a hazard of some mishap; That he should study to embrace and accept of what was most honourable and least dangerous: it was better once to try the worst, then ever to be in fear of it: it was fit for him to commit something to fortune, and wisdom could counsel nothing but to shun the greatest evil. This lingring war would not only tire, but over-come and vanquish them, when one fair day of battel, either by death or victory would crown their desires. Others advised him, not to hazard upon a Battel, except up­on seen and approved advantage, and to time it out a while; in this lingring War a Truce might be a­greed upon, which ere long might turn in a Peace, in which every thing passed might be forgotten and pardoned; That Wars were managed more by occa­sions and times than by arms; That the King could not be now but tyred, since he had learned, that by essaying by arms to overcome them he had gained nothing but trained up his Subjects, whom he called Rebels, in all Warlike Discipline, and had his Coun­try spoiled and the Policy defaced. Should they once enter in blood, all hopes were gone of any conditions of peace.

At this time the King besieged the Castle of Aber­corn, to relieve the besieged, hither marcheth with all his Forces the Earl of Dowglass; being come within view of the Kings Army, he observeth their march slow, the countenance of his Souldiers altered, much whispering, and their spirits in a manner dejected. Countrymen were to Fight against Countrymen, friends against friends, and all against their Prince. Interpreting this rather to proceed from their weari­edness, [Page 97] than want of good will to enter the Lists, as well to refresh and cherish them to be more prompt and lusty of courage the next morning, as to take counsel what course to follow, and how to dispose of their Game, he stayeth that afternoon and pitcheth his Tents. To men unfortunate every thing turneth an enemy. Whether Sir James Hamilton gave way to this, or not, uncertain; but after (it is said) that in a chafe he told the Earl, he had neglected the op­portunity of Fight, and should never see so fair a day again, in which he might have hazarded one cast of a Dye for a whole Kingdom. But his Fortune was now declined, and (perhaps,) would never stand up­right; that by giving that night to his Souldiers to pause and deliberate on the matter, they would (per­chance) take the safest way, be more advised what to enterprise the next morning, readily not Fight at all, consisting of a number of bold young Gentle­men, Volunteers, who for the most part out of bra­very and compassion followed him; That the Kings Army by his lingring and lying off was encouraged, finding they were to cope with men who would ad­vise ere they fought. After which speeches he bad the Earl farewel: And now, knowing that the way lay open both for Pardon and Favour to him that would first seek it, he in the night breaketh out with some friends, and having got over the fields betwixt the two Camps, was brought safely to the King, who graciously received, and freely pardoned him: The Army having understood the clandestin Revolt and escape of Sir James Hamilton, disbanded, every man slipping away by secret passages to his own habitati­on, that on the morrow there was nothing to be seen but the solitary field upon which they had encamped: The King out of joy of this bloodless Victory, cau­sed Proclaim in all his chief Towns, That since Sove­raign [Page 98] Authority had no less splendor by the actions of Clemency, then by these of Justice; all those who had followed the Earl of Dowglass, and been of his party, rather by mis-fortune and unadvised rashness, than any evil will against him, should be freely pardoned: Those who would abandon the Earl and come to the Kings Camp, whosoever they were, no Justice, no Law should trouble them, but they should be received to mercy, and have all Pardon: After this Proclamation, many submitted themselves to the King and were pardon­ed; though Sir James Hamilton was remitted, yet that under colour of reconciliation worse mischief might not be plotted, the King sent him, with the Earl of Orkney, to the Castle of Rossline during his pleasure, and the taking in of the Castle of Aber­corn: remembring also it was some prejudice to a Prince to be obliged to any Rebel.

The Earl of Dowglass gathering together the split pieces of his Ship-wrack, with his Brothers, and so many of his Confederates as would not forsake him, flieth to England; here with much Travel, by many promises of Rewards, great hopes of spoil, gathering unto him a power of Out-laws, Felons, Bancker-outs, and such as lived by Rapine, as well of his own Nati­on as of the English, he maketh a Rode upon the West borders of Scotland; some Villages being burnt, many preys, much spoil being driven into England; at last, he meeteth with the valiant men who were appointed to defend the Marches, the Max­wells and Scots; here in a furious skirmish his Com­panies are discomfited: Archibald Earl of Murray's Brother is slain, and his Head sent to the King; the Earl of Ormond is taken Prisoner, himself with the Lord Balvenny with great difficulty escaped in a Fo­rest; when he sought to return again into England, he findeth all passages stopped up, the ways layed [Page 99] for him, and beginning to feel much want, he is con­strained in a disguised habit to lurk meanly in the in­most parts of Scotland, till he wandred toward the far High-lands, where finding Donald Earl of Ross, Lord of the Isles, one of his League, a man cruel, ar­rogant, unpolisht, after many discourses and long conference with him (being no less eloquent than active) he possesseth him with great hopes (after a division of the Kingdom between them two) of an absolute power and Government of all the High­lands, besides the wealth and treasure which he would purchase by the spoil: He requireth only he would break upon the more civil Countries, bring all the Fire-brands he could to kindle and trouble them, and cut work for the King, whilst he with new supplies, and a great Army to be raised in England, should in­vade the Marches and bordering Countries: The Earl of Ross, who thought nothing impossible to him, being to himself in these barbarous parts by phanta­sie a King, and was used to vaunt of a long pedegree from Fergus, relisheth the profit and possibility of this Enterprise, sweareth to leave nothing undone for the accomplishing of it, and parting with him upon mutual assurance, entreateth only celerity and swift performance of what they had concluded.

Scarce was the Earl of Dowglass in England, when the Earl of Ross, the two Pillars of his Designs being Injustice and Violence, supported by fair hopes from the South with his wild Mountainers and Islanders (like an inundation) over-runneth the Neighbour bounds: Argile suffereth the first effects of their fury, the Isle of Arran, is taken, and the Castle made a Bon-fire (as if they were the Sacrifice for the sins of the rest) the Bishop of the Isles saveth himself by flight, and taketh Sanctuary; Lochquebar and Mur­rayland are spoiled, the Town of Innerness is set on fire, [Page 100] the Castle surprised, Murders, Ravishings, Robbe­ries, with what insolency the barbarous Canibals could commit, are every where, and the sad image of death ravageth amongst the common people: The Earl of Dowglass now at his last shifts and efforts, leaveth no shifts nor helps unsought out; such who lived upon prey and spoil resort unto him; he maketh hot in­cursions, and after a most hostile manner, which pur­chaseth him the hatred of all his Country-men, and turned those who were indifferent in his quarrel, his professed enemies: this ravage continuing, Henry Earl of Northumberland (after slain at Caxtoun-field) whom love of the valor of the House of Dow­glass, and the true commiseration, had brought to take arms with him, invadeth one quarter of the Marsh, and the Earl of Dowglass turneth towards another: But whilst they are dispersed, and more eager and intentive to carry away spoil, than to look to their own safety and military discipline, the Earl of Anguss, with Sir James Hamilton of Cadyow, put them both (with number and confusion overborn) to flight, slaying many, and taking more Prisoners: After this overthrow, during the Kings reign, the Earl of Dow­glass deliberating not to oppose longer to necessity, but to be still till better times, never attempted to In­vade his Country.

Amidst these incursions, the Earl of Ormond at Edenburgh is beheaded: the Countess of Dowglass, Beatrice (all hopes being lost of restoring her Hus­band) despoiled of her Lands and fair Heritage, turned now a Monster of Fortune, the blame of her unlawful Wedlock laid upon the Earl, consented to by her out of a certain fear of her life, submitted her self to the Kings Clemency. The King, who denied not mercy to any that sought it of him, that the less guilty amongst the seditious might withdraw themselves, [Page 101] and the obstinate remain the less powerful and weak, receiveth her; and giveth her in Marriage to his Brother John, Earl of Athol, son to the Black Knight of Lorne, designing for her Dowry the Lordship of Balveny.

By her example the Countess of Ross, abhorring the fierceness and cruelties (as she gave out) of her barbarous Husband, but rather out of policy to be an Agent for him, flyeth to the King, and hath Reve­nues allowed her for the maintenance of her Estate. Not long after the Earl of Ross himself, the misad­venture of his Confederates having taught him now some wisdom, having seen the Kings Clemency to­wards others equal to him in Treason and Rebellion, by many humble supplications craved pardon, and begged peace. The King by his great prudence, and the course of the affairs of his Kingdom, knew that it was necessary sometimes to condescend to the imperfections and faults of some Subjects, and having compassion, apply and accomodate himself to that which though according to the strictness of equity was not due, yet for the present occasion and reason of State was convenient, answered, he would neither altogether pardon him, nor flatly reject him, there being many signs of his wickedness, few of his chan­ged mind; when honestly without fraud or guile, he should crave a Pardon, and give satisfaction to those whom by blood and pillage he had wronged and by some noble action deface the remembrance of his former crimes, then should it be good time to receive him. Notwithstanding this should not discourage him, but he should know he had a desire to make him relish the effects of his bounty, so he himself would find the means and subject. In this interim he wished him to keep the common peace of the Country, and not oppress any of his Neighbours. About this time [Page 102] the University of Glasgow was founded by William Turnbul Bishop of that See; William Hay Earl of Arrol, George Creightoun Earl of Caithness, William Lord Creightoun, died One thousand four hundred fifty five, and the Bishop of St. Andrews is made Chancellour.

The King partly having loosed, partly cut in pie­ces that Gordian knot of the League of his Nobility, began to reobtain again the ancient Authority of the Kings his Predecessours, giving and imposing Laws to his Subjects, according to reason and greatest con­veniences. Shortly progressing through the Quar­ters of the kingdom, by the sound counsel and in­structions of the Bishop of St. Andrews, James Ken­nedy and William Saintclare Earl of Orknay, used such clemency, that in a short time he reclaimed all his turbulent subjects. In the year One thousand four hundred fifty five he held a Parliament, where he ratified what was resolved upon to be done for the peace and weal of his People, establishing many pro­fitable Laws for the posterity; after this time Em­bassadors came from England and France unto him.

Henry the sixth, King of England, a soft facile Prince and more fit to obey than command, having restored in blood, and allowed the descent of Richard Plantagenet Duke of York, the Duke under pre­tence and countenance of reforming the State, and removing of bad Counsellors from the Court (the umbrage of all Rebellions) by one Jack Cade an Irish, a bold man, and who had a Spirit which did not cor­respond with his low condition, who feigned himself to be a Cousin of his, of the House of Mortimer, and other his Instruments, raised a Rebellion; which began amongst the Kentish-men, and was after con­tinued by his Confederacy with the Duke of Norfolk, Earls of Warwick, Salisbury, Devon, and others; [Page 103] and notwithstanding he had sworn fealty to King Henry at Blackheath, again openly took arms gainst him at St. Albans; where in pitched field Edmond Duke of Somerset, his greatest Competitor, and who had been preferred to his place in the Regency of France, was killed, the King wounded, taken and committed to the Tower of London. At a Parlia­ment after, the Duke is made Protector of the King­dom: at another Parliament he maketh claim for the Crown as in his own Right, laying down thus his Title. The Son of Ann Mortimer, Daughter and Heir to Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, Son and Heir of Philip, the Daughter and sole Heir of Lionel Duke of Clarence, the third Son of King Edward the Third, and elder Brother to John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, is to be preferred by very good right in Succession of the Crown, before the Children of John of Gaunt the fourth Son of the said Edward the Third; but Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, is come of Philip, the Daughter and sole Heir of Lionel, Third Son to King Edward the Third, then to be preferred to the Children of the fourth Son, who was John of Gaunt, and so to Henry the Fourth the Usur­per his Son, to Henry stiling himself Henry the Fifth his Son, and Henry the Sixth now wrongfully calling himself King of England. This Parliament chosen to the Duke of Yorks own mind, at first various, at last unanimously enacted, that Henry during his life should retain the Name and Honour of a King, but that the Duke of York should be continued Protector of the Country, and be declared Heir apparent, and Successor of the Crown after the death of Henry; Margaret the Queen, Daughter to Rheny King of Sicily, more couragious than her Husband, disclaim­eth the Parliamentary Authority, and this Agreement of her King with the Duke of York, as a matter done [Page 104] to the prejudice of her Son, and against the Laws of Nations, which admit not of a forced Contract, and done by a Prisoner.

The Crown of England hanging at this point, the Queen to her defence imploring the aid and assistance of her best, greatest Friends and Allies, sendeth Em­bassadors to King James. These remembring the duties one King oweth to another against Rebels, and the Usurpers of their Crowns, the corresponden­cy and amity of King Henry with King James during his posterity, expostulating the cruelty of the Rebels against Edmond the late Duke of Somerset, Uncle to King James, slain by them in defence of his Prince, promise in their Kings Name, Queens and their Sons, with the approbation of the Noble-men of their Par­ty, to restore to the Kings of Scotland, the Lands of Northumberland, Cumberland and Bishoprick of Durham, after the manner the Kings of Scotland in former times had held these Territories of the Kings of England: so he would raise an Army, and advance to their aid and supply.

The Duke of York sent hither also his Embassa­dors, giving in many complaints against King Hen­ry; he had oppressed the people with taxations, and all kinds of exactations; he had preferred to places of State and Government new men, by whose coun­sel and his Queen, he governed only; he despised the old Nobility, he had lost Normandy and Gascony, as France had been lost by him, England was likely to run the same danger. They could not longer suffer his dull sluggishness, and his Wifes exorbitant pride; he was courageless in War, and base in Peace. For the Duke of York, if Justice did not warrant his Claim, except his Descent were undisputable, and his Title without all exception, he would not desire the possession nor succession of the Crown. King [Page 105] James should remember, it was King Henry who en­tertained the late Dissentions and civil Discords of Scotland; he supported the banished Scots in England; and after they had much enlarged their discourse with reasons of a just War against King Henry, if King James will arise in arms against him, and assist them, They promise to restore and render all the Forts and places of importance taken in the old Wars from the Kingdom of Scotland, to him and his Successors. King James answered the English Embassadors, That he was not ignorant of the State of their Kingdom, neither to whom the Crown did appertain, but that he would not take upon him to be Umpire of their strife; for the raising an Army, he would think upon it, though he had small assurance for the performance of their promised conditions: he had long projected the recovering of the lost For­tresses of Scotland, in their hands, and now he would try whom he might trust. The Embassadors dis­missed, the King raised an Army, but left to the Di­vination of the Posterity, which of the Parties he was to side. The English and French Writers affirm he was to aid King Henry, and revenge the death of the Duke of Somerset his Mothers Brother, the Sco­tish to assist the Duke of York, and that by a coun­terfeit Legate from the Pope after he had been upon his March, he was moved to return. It seemeth per­suaded by the French King (the ancient Confede­rate of Scotland, and who for that end had sent his Embassador) to keep the English within their own Country, and disable them in their Conquest of France, he intended upon the advantage of this Ci­vil discord to make a rode in England, as the French made an Algarad by Sea upon Kent.

The Kings Army being gathered, that it should not loyter in idleness, attending greater intelligence from [Page 106] the event of the English Factions, having passed the Tweed, invadeth the Town of Roxburgh, which with little travel is taken and equalled with the Ground; the Castle a strong Fortress is besieged. Whilst the King here passeth the time, inviting it more by cour­tesies and blandishments, than Amunition and War­like Engines to be rendred to him, Commissioners come from the Duke of York, requiring him to leave his Siege, and contain himself within his own King­dom, unless he would run the hazard to engage himself in a War against the whole Body of the King­dom of England; they give him thanks for his for­wardness to their supply; all things succeeding af­ter their desires now, and as they could have wished, they request him to return home; when their necessi­ty required his aid, they would implore it, and not prove forgetful for what he should do towards him. King James asked the Commissioners, if the Duke of York and his Associates had sent any direction con­cerning the keeping of their promises to him, when he should appear with an Army; They assuring him they had no such Commission; I (answered the King) before their Embassie came, had resolved to take in and throw down this Castle builded upon my bounds, and being by no benefit obliged to any of your Factions, will not for words leave off what I am about by Arms to perform. The Commissioners de­parting the King caused apply his Battery against the Castle, which couragiously defended it self, and hold­ing good beyond expectation bred an opinion that Famine would be the only Engine to make it ren­der.

The Kings Army daily at this Siege encreased, and amongst all the Companies none were more for­ward and prompt to discharge their duties in this Service, then those of the late League with the Earl [Page 107] of Dowglass; above others the Earl of Ross, to testifie his remembrance of the Kings clemency in his behalf, with a great company of his Irish came to the Camp, men only fit for tumultuous fights and spoil. Alexander Earl of Huntley coming, the King with the Earl of Anguss would take a view of the Trenches, and as to welcome a man, whose presence seemed to presage good Fortune, caused discharge a pale of Ordinance together; but his coming to this place was as fatal, as at Sterlin prosperous; For at this Salve, by the slices of an over-charged piece or wedge, the King, his Thigh-bone broken, was stri­ken immediately dead, and the Earl of Anguss was sore bruised: This misfortune happened the third of August, the Twenty ninth, or as others, the Thirti­eth of the Kings life: of his Raign Twenty four, the year One thousand four hundred sixty.

Who will take a fair view of this Prince, shall find him to have been endowed with what conditi­ons and qualities are to be desired or wished in a Mo­narch, both for mind and body, of an excellent fea­ture and pleasant aspect, astrong vigorous complex­ion, given to all Knightly exercises: He is said to have had a broad red spot upon one of his cheeks, from which by his Country-men he was named James with the fiery face, which would make Phy­siognomists conceive, he was of an hot, active, vio­lent disposition, and one who had more need of re­straint than encouragement in all difficulties; yet in his actions we find him temperate, stayed, and of a well setled humor, proceeding upon sound grounds, and after mature deliberation; being much given to follow the advice and counsel of grave men about him; He was upright, sincere, affable, courteous, loving to his Domesticks, human towards his Ene­mies, gracious and benign to all men, a lover of Ju­stice [Page 108] liberal, but without oppression of his loyal Sub­jects; wise, in adversity industrious and diligent, po­litick in affairs of State; having always raised up one Faction to relieve him from the hazard and burthen of another, and expose the Faction he most feared to the nearest hazard: He was wisely diffident, and put on a judicial distrust, often to be governed as oc­casions should vary, and could dissimulate according to the fashions and changes of the time: He seemeth to have been indifferent in keeping his Favorites, and that he could ever as well transfer his fancy, as he had setled his affection; For like the Sun he would make a round, and not always shine upon the Horizon.

The death of the two Earls of Dowglass were fa­tal to him; and though he was innocent of the first, the second chanced deservedly in his hand; Cou­ragious Princes are not to be provoked by any Sub­ject how great soever: Confederations and Leagues are fearful attempts against Soveraignty, and for the most part end with the ruine of their Authors: The extirpation of the Earls of Dowglass in the person of James (a Churchman) proceeded rather from his own stubbornness, than any male-talent the King had against him. In all Nations it is observed, that there are some Families fatal to the ruine of their Common-wealths, and some persons fatal to the ruine of the Houses and Race of which they are descended: Since in Kingdoms some have no compassion of their Prince, nor the loss of his Honour, a Prince should not much regret their loss, nor the ruine of their persons and Estates: His great clemency appeared in this, That the heads taken away of that long Re­bellion, he followed no particular revenge upon their followers, not only granting Pardons, but for­getting the offences; knowing it was better to heal and cure the faulty and sick members of a State, than [Page 109] to abolish and cut them away; and more valour for a Prince to overcome his own passions and just wrath, than to vanquish and subdue his proudest enemies; yet was not his clemency a soft weakness, it being no less cruelty to forgive all, than to spare none, but an order and discretion in Justice, temperate with severity towards some more than towards others; ac­cording to their demerits: He was very sensible of the afflictions of such as was distressed, as witness the Countesses of Dowglass and Ross: His life having set in the Orient of his Age and hopes, he deserveth in the Records of Memory and Fame, a place amongst the best but unfortunate Princes.

He had Issue of his Queen, James who succeeded, Alexander Duke of Albany, John Earl of Mar, Mar­garet Countess of Arran by the Boyd, and after La­dy Hamilton-Cecily. He was buried with all Fune­ral-pomp, within the Monastery of Holyrood-house at Edenburgh.

THE HISTORY OF THE Reign of James the Third, KING of SCOTLAND.

THE Queen having tidings of the disaster of her Husband, full of griefs and cares with her Son, came to the Army at Rox­burgh; and the publick loss being revealed (for till then it was whispered) with more than a masculine Courage caused give new and desperate assaults to the Castle; many Turrets being shaken, some Gates broken, parcels of walls beaten down, the Mines ready in diverse quarters to Spring, the Besieged ignorant of the Assailers misfortune, and by the dissention of their Country-men from all hopes of relief, treat upon a surrender; conditions being obtained peaceably to depart with their lives and goods, the Fortress is given up: and shortly after, that it should not be a Residence of oppression in fol­lowing times, is demolished and equall'd with the ground.

Many of three Estates being here assembled, the Times not suiting with other Solemnities, at Kelso the Peers of the Kingdom in a Military Pomp, set the Crown upon the head of the King, then some seven years old, and give him the Oath of Fidelity. [Page]

Iames III. king of Scots Ano. 1460:
R. G. fecit

[Page] [Page 111] At their coming to Edenburgh the education and go­vernance of him and the other Children is commit­ted to the Queen their Mother: the Credence of what could make for Peace at home, or War abroad, is trusted to Andrew Stuart Lord Annandale, the Lord Cassils, Earl of Orknay, the Lord Boyd Chancellor, the Lord Grahame, the Bishops of St. Andrews, Glas­gow and Dunkel; the Civil Wars encreasing in Eng­land, the Governours of Scotland, under colour of preserving the bordering Countries, sent forth some Companies, which upon occasion made Roads in Northumberland, and threw down all the Fortresses out of which Incursions were wont to be made up­on the Scottish bounds, most especially the Castle of Wark: after which ravaging, the Winter recalled them home.

The milder parts of the Kingdom reduced to or­der, Some turbulent Chiefs of the Mountainers taking the occasion of the Non-age of the King, and of Ru­mors of Dissentions amongst the Governours, essay to trouble the Peace of their far and wild Countries: Allan Lord of Lorn, throweth his eldest Brother in close Prison, with intention to rob him of his Life and Estate; but he after is surprized by the Earl of Argile; Donald of the Isles taketh the Castle of In­nerness; and placing there a Garrison, proclaimeth himself King of the Isles, compelling the neighbour Towns and simpler sort of people to pay him Taxes. At the Rumor of this insolency all wicked Out-laws resort unto him; by whose power he Invadeth the Castle of Blair in Athol, out of which the Earl the Kings Uncle with his Lady (once Countess of Dow­glass) flie and take Sanctuary in the Church of Saint Bride, where the Church about them set on fire, they were irreligiously taken, and transported to the Island Ila. Whilst the Governours were raising an Army, [Page 112] and advancing such Forces as were in readiness against the Actors of these mischiefs, they were as­certained that as these Savages were lanching forth of that Island in their Wherries and small Vessels made of boards and wicker, by a violent tempest from Heaven, the most part of them were dashed against the Rocks and drowned: and those who had escaped were strucken with Pannick fears, and depriv­ed of their right judgments and understandings, an or­dinary accident to men blinded with Superstition, and guilty of Murther and Sacriledge; amidst which distractions, the Earl of Athol with his Lady was safe­ly returned to his own Castle.

MARGARET Queen of England, after the second overthrow and taking of her Husband at Nor­thampton with the Prince her Son, and the new Duke of Somerset, having fled to the Bishoprick of Dur­ham (whilst Richard Duke of York was establishing his Title and Right to the Crown at London) raised in the North of Scots and English, a strong Army which marched towards York; the Duke of York lea­ving the King in the Custody of the Duke of Nor­folk and the Earl of Warwick, though he knew him­self inferiour in power and number to his enemies, by the pride of his former Victories and over-ween­ing of his Souldiers valor, with Edmund Earl of Rutland his younger Son, the Earl of Salsbury and others, rencountreth her at Wakefield-green, and here by his own rashness with his Son young Rutland, he is killed.

The Earl of Salisbury is taken, and with other Pri­soners beheaded at Pomfret Castle; their Heads were fixed upon Poles about the Walls of the City of York; that of the Dukes was mocked with a Paper Crown, and exposed to the barbarous mirth of the beholders: The Queen encouraged by this Victory, [Page 113] desiring to disannul all Acts made lately in prejudice of her Husband, marcheth couragiously towards Lon­don; In which time Edward Earl of March, Son to the late Duke of York, overthrew the Earls of Pem­brook and Ormond, both of the Queens Faction; at Mortimer-Cross, in her way to London, the Queen meeting the Earl of Warwick and the Duke of Nor­folk at St. Albans (who carryed King Henry her Husband along with them) overthrew them, and recovered the person of her King: It is observed, that Victory always fled from where this King was pre­sent: The Citizens of London at the approach of the Queens Army fearing Hostility, shut their Gates a­gainst her, and armed for resistance: At this time Ed­ward Earl of March having joyned his Victorious Army with the remainder of the Earl of Warwick's, entred in triumph the City of London, and with great applause and acclamations of the people, was Pro­claimed King: Queen Margaret and her Faction retiring to the North, wan so the hearts of that peo­ple, that they gathered an Army able to stand for her defence, consisting of Threescore thousand fighting men; Edward Earl of March, choosing rather to provoke than to expect his Enemies, advanced to­wards them; the place of their meeting was between Caxton and Tweton: In this Fight the Earls of Nor­thumberland and Westmerland, the Lords Beaumont and Dacres, Grey and Wells were slain, and above Thir­ty six thousand English struck down; the Dukes of So­merset and Excester flie to York to carry the News to the unfortunate King, leaving the Victory to Ed­ward who is again saluted King.

King Henry after this overthrow, perceiving how desperate his hopes were in his own Country, with his Queen, his Son, and the remainder of his dispersed friends, secured himself by flight into Scotland; [Page 114] James Kennedy Bishop of Saint Andrews, to whose person the Authority of the State was then reduced, received him with Magnificence and Honour, and put him in hopes, by the Assistance of Scotland, to restore his fortune: King Henry, as well to reserve some Refuge and Sanctuary for himself, as to win the heart, and insinuate himself in the favour of the People of Scotland, caused render the Town of Ber­wick to them, which the English had violently possessed since the days of Edward the First, For which favour the Scottish Nobility vowed at all times to come to his supply, and defend him to their utter­most, and that the friendship begun might conti­nue without all vacillation, the Queens of Scotland and England, both descended of the French Race, began to treat of an Alliance, promising Edward Prince of Wales should be married with the Lady Margaret, the King of Scotlands Sister, none of them then having attained the years of Marriage.

The miseries of King Henry encreasing, suffered not these two Queens to stay long together; Mar­garet with her Son Edward, to implore the aid of her Friends, maketh a Voyage towards France to her Father Rhene King of Sicily, Naples and Jerusalem, Duke of Anjou, a Prince large of Titles, short of Power: These who had followed King Henry into Scotland, whilest he is left only intentive to devotion in the Cloyster of the Gray-Fryers at Edenburgh, re­turn back again to solicite their Friends in England for a second rencounter. Upon the arrival of Queen Margaret in France, she obtaineth of her cousin Lewis the Eleventh, that those who favoured and assisted the Duke of York, were prohibited Traffique, and commanded to remove out of the French Domi­nions, and that Five hundred Soldiers should come to her aid; a number so small and so unworthy the [Page 115] name of an Army, that it was but a competent re­tinue for so great a Princess: with these she came to the coast of Scotland, and from thence sailed to Tin­mouth, where being impulsed by the Inhabitants, and forced again to put to Sea, she was by a furious Tem­pest driven to Berwick.

Here leaving the Prince her Son Edward, with the encrease and supply of some Scots, taking the King her Husband with her, she advanced into the Bisho­prick of Durham; in her march through Northum­berland, her Army encreased to a great number: The Duke of Somerset, Sir Ralph Piercy, and divers of King Henrys well-wishers having resorted unto her; King Edward finding King Henry by the fresh air of the North to have acquired new Spirits, prepareth to oppose him, and having sent down the Lord Moun­tague, Brother to the Earl of Warwick, he himself with greater Forces shortly followed: Mountague having through the Shires where he went, and the Bishoprick of Durham, gathered a convenient Army, marched directly against King Henry: In the mean time Henry Beaufort Duke of Somerset, the Lords Hungerford, Ross, Moulines, Sir Ralph Piercy, pre­sent themselves to hinder his further progress; They are overthrown, and King Henry with great diffi­culty escapeth to Berwick. At the news of this overthrow King Edward being in his March towards Durham, finding the presence of his Person, or Army needless, turned towards York, and gave the Earl of Warwick command to take in all the Castles and For­tresses which as yet held good for King Henry in the North.

Amongst the Garrisons placed in Northumberland, by the Queen there was a Garrison of the French in the Castle of Anwick, under the Command of Peter Bruce, otherwise named le Seigneur de la Varoune Se­neschal [Page 116] of Normandy, which held long good against the English. This Peter Bruce was in great account with Charles the Seventh, Father to Lewis the Ele­venth, and for this was not much liked of Lewis, but sent over with Queen Margaret to make wrack upon apparent dangers; having escaped Tempests at Sea, he took the Castles of Bambrough and Dunstanbrough, which he demolished. After he essayed to keep the Castle of Anwick; but the Earl of Warwick, King Edward lying near to Durham, there beleagured him: Whether this man came from the Race of the Bruces of Scotland, or no, is uncertain; for the vul­gar Writers in this detract him, naming him Bryce and a Breton, or that the Scots would give a proof of their friendship to the Queen of England, and of their valour to the French; whilst he is every where beset, and near past hope of relief, the Earl of An­guss, then Warden of the Marshes, raised a Power of twenty three thousand horse-men, remarkable for their Valour. These about the midst of the day co­ming near the Castle of Anwick, and by their colours and arms being known a far to Captain Bruce, he taketh a resolution to sally out and meet them; the strongest of the Scottish Horsemen receiving them, convoy them safely to their Borders; some of the Be­siegers would have fought in the pursuit, but the En­glish General gave him fair passage.

King Edward having taken all the Castles and Forts which in the North held out against him, pla­cing Garrisons in them, returned to London: as King Henry, void both of counsel and courage, came back to Edenburgh. Here he had not long stayed, when tired with the tediousness of his exile, the pro­longing of a wretched life, being more grievous to him than death it self, and allured by false hopes of his Friends, he resolveth to hazard upon a return to [Page 117] his own Kingdom, his Crown lost, all his Favorers and well-wishers almost slaughtered, he cometh into England; then disguised, and by night journies, shift­ing from place to place, at last betrayed by some of his Servants he is found out. It is recorded a Son of Sir Edward Talbots apprehended him as he sate at Dinner at Wadding Town-hall; and like a Common Malefactor, with his Legs under the horse belly, guarded him up towards London. By the way the Earl of Warwick met him, who led him Prisoner to the Tower. Margaret his desolate Queen with her Son, is driven once again to flie to their Father Rhene into France.

King Edward his Competitors all dead or sup­pressed, finding a Cessation of Arms expedient, and a breathing time from War, to settle and make sure his new Government, as to other his neighbour Prin­ces for Peace, sendeth Embassadors to Scotland, to treat for a Truce for some years.

The Earl of Argile, Bishop of Glasgow, Abbot of Holy-rood-house, Sir Alexander Boyd, Sir William Cranstoun, being chosen to this effect Commissioners, come to York, and the English Commissioners there attending them, a Truce for fifteen years is agreed upon, and solemnly by both Kings after confirmed.

Mary Queen of Scotland, daughter to Arnold Duke of Gilders, and mother to King James (the projected Marriage of her Daughter with Edward Prince of Wales, by the miseries of King Henry and Queen Margaret her kinswoman proving desperate; her Son Alexander, either as he went to the Low-Countries to see his Grand-father, or returned from him, being by the English taken upon the Seas) li­mited in credence of governing her Children by the insolency of a proud Nobility, or reputation branded after a long languishing with inward discontent­ments, [Page 118] turned as it were recluse, and began to bid farewel to this world. Her melancholy growing in­curable, amidst her last Trances when her Son had come to visit her, she is said to have spoken to him almost to this sense.

That providence which brought me upon the Earth, and set a Crown on my head, doth now recal and re­move me to a better Kingdom; and my happiness is not in this a little, that I leave this life without change of that Estate in which I peaceably lived. Death now sheweth me as in a mirrour, the frailty of all worldly Pomp and glory, which before by the marble colours of false greatness was over-shadowed and covered from me. My Griefs have been many, few my contentments: The most eminent of which, was the hopes I conceived of you, and my other children: and now my greatest regret is, that I leave you before I could see my wishes accomplished towards you. My only care was to have you brought up in all vertue, and goodness: But Hea­ven shall bestow that charge to more prudent Gover­nors. Always take these motherly directions from me, who can leave you no better Legacy. Be earnest to observe these Commandments which are prescribed un­to you by Religion, for this supporteth the Scepters of Princes: and a Religious King cannot but have obe­dient Subjects. What an unreasonable thing is it, that a King will have a People to acknowledge him for their Soveraign Prince upon Earth, and will not acknowledge God for his Supream Lord in Heaven? A King who rebelleth against God, all subordinate Creatures will rebel against him. Love my children, and laying aside the Port and Stateliness of a King, receive them with the affection of a Brother. Endea­vour to make your Subjects obey you more out of Love than Fear: or make your self beloved and feared both together, seeing love alone of it self is often cause of [Page 119] contempt, and fear alone begets hatred. Remember ye Govern not the soft effeminate People of the South, but a fierce Warlike Nation of the North, which oft­ner use to be entreated than commanded by their Princes. Be sparing to lay Subsidies on them, which maketh many Male-contents; and live upon your own, suffering others to enjoy what is theirs: Beware of Flatterers, and exalting undeserved persons above your ancient Nobility. Suffer not your Prerogatives to come in Question; but fore-seeing the danger, ra­ther give way to all that with reason is demanded of you. Moderate your Passions; He shall never Go­vern a Kingdom, who cannot govern himself, and bring his Affections within the Circle of Reason. It fears me, Envy and Malice arm themselves against you, which to overcome, endeavour to be Martial in your self; for a Prince that is not Martial in himself, shall never be freed of Rebellion amongst his Subjects: a strong arm should hold the Ballance of Justice: When dissention ariseth, be not a Loyterer and Slug­gard, but with all celerity suppress it in the Infancy. Rebellion is like Fire in a City, which should be quench­ed, though with the pulling down of the Neighbour Houses: Others will instruct you in the art of Govern­ing, with greater curiosity and wisdom, but not with the like love and affection. I wish this counsel be ingra­ven in your heart and conscience after my death, for a perpetual testimony of my sincerity in your education. And if by the unjust counsel of others, ye be brought to practise ought contrary to these instructions, Remem­ber ye cannot shun inevitable dangers both to your State and Person. But now I am warned from above to deliver this grief-ful Body to the rest of a desired Grave.

After she had thus counselled and blessed her Son, not living many days, she was buried with all Solem­nities [Page 120] and Funeral Rites at Edenburgh in the Colledge of the Trinity, which she her self had Founded in the year One thousand four hundred sixty six. 1466

The King as he encreased in years, encreasing in strength and ability for exercises either of recreation or valour, by the Regents is given to a Brother of the Lord Boyd to be bred in Knightly Prowess; a man singular for his Education abroad and demea­nor at home▪ The Kennedies were now aged, and become tyred to give such assiduous attendance at Court as they were wont, and the times required. The Lord Boyd by the weakness of his Co-partners governed the State alone, as Sir Alexander his Bro­ther did the young King. To whose Natural incli­nation he did so comply and conform himself, that he had the whole trust of his affairs, and the King had no thoughts but his. So soon as the King began to know himself, he turned impatient of being sub­ject to the Laws of Minority, that he himself should be restrained by that Authority which did derive from him, to loath the Superintendency and Govern­ment of others, and to affect an unseasonable Privi­ledge to be at his own disposal and the governing himself. Many things are done without the advice of the Governours, and occasion is sought to be dis­burdened of their Authority. The Lord Boyd and his Brother in a little time encreasing in greatness, and having an intention to transfer the Power of the State and Glory of the Court to their Family, fail not to find opportunity to free the King from the severity and rigour of the Governours Schooling, and to frame him an escape. Whilst the King remain­ing at Linlithgow, the Lord Hayls, Lord Somervail, Sir Andrew Carre of Chesford, Sir Alexander Boyd, agree upon a match of Hunting, and will have the King Umpire of the Game; Early, the morning [Page 121] following, the Gentlemen who were upon the Plot failed not in their Attendance. The King being a mile off the Town, and holding the way towards Edenburgh, the Lord Kennedy, whose quarter then was to attend, and who had leasurely followed, sus­pecting this Hunting to be a Game of State, the King continuing his Progress, laying his hands upon the Reins of his Bridle, requested him to turn again to Linlithgow; for that he perceived the time was not convenient for him to go further, neither was he at a convenient match in absence of his best deserving followers: Sir Alexander Boyd impatient that the King should have been thus stayed, after injurious words stroke the Reverend Governour with a Hun­ting-staff upon the head, and took the King along with him to Edenburgh. At a frequent meeting of the States, the Kennedies urged to have the King con­tinue under Minority, the Boyds to take the Govern­ment in his own Person; after long contestations, wisdom being overcome by boldness, the Authority of the better party was forced to give place, and yield to the will of the greater. Thus the Faction of the Boyds prevailed.

After this the Kennedies full of indignation, and breathing Revenge, leave the Court; cares, grief and age about this time brought James Kennedy, Bishop of St. Andrews to his Tomb, which in great mag­nificence he had raised in a Church builded by him­self in the City of St. Andrews: where also he Found­ed a Colledge of Philosophy, and endowed it with many Priviledges, and sufficient Endowments to en­tertain Professors. By the death of this Prelate, ve­nerable for his Wisdom, singular for his Justice, and the tranquillity following his Government, and mag­nificent in all his actions, the glory of the Court and Country suffered a great Eclipse.

[Page 122]For, he taken away, the Boyds laying Foundations for their power and greatness, began to turn all to their own advantage; the first mark of their envy was Patrick Graham, the Brother of Bishop James Kennedy by the Mother, who was Sister to King James the First; after this man had been chosen Bi­shop of St. Andrews, as the Custom then was, by the Chapter appointed for that Election, he was barred from his Place, and violently repulsed by the Faction at Court: To repair which indignity he made a jour­ney to Rome; where, being a Man noble by birth above others, for his Learning and many Virtues, in a little time, by Pope Sixtus the Fourth, he was re-established and confirmed in his Place.

During his abode at Rome, the old Question con­cerning the liberty of the Church of Scotland, be­gan to be exagitated.

The Archbishop of York contested, that he was Metropolitan of Scotland, and that the Twelve Bi­shops of that Kingdom were subject to his Jurisdicti­on. Patrick Graham remonstrated how the Arch­bishop of York, considering the usual Wars between the two Kingdoms was often unacceptable to the Church-men of Scotland, especially in Causes of ap­pellation. The Pope, after the hearing of both Par­ties, Erected the See of St. Andrews to the dignity of an Archbishops See; and Patrick Graham, not only was made Primate and Metropolitan of Scotland, ordained to have the other Bishops under him, but for the space of three years designed Legate for the Pope, with full Power to Correct and Restore the Ec­clesiastical Discipline; and examine the Manners and Conversation of the Clergy: Notwithstanding these favours of the Bishop of Rome, and the worth and excellencies of the man himself, he dared not re­turn home to his own Country before the declining of the Fortunes of the Boyds.

[Page 123]This Family seemed now in the Zenith and Ver­tical point of its greatness, no imputation could be laid to the Boyds in the time of their Government, ex­cept that they brought the young King by their pri­vate working, without the consent and approbation of the other Regents, to Edenburgh, for the assum­ing the Government in his Minority. In approba­tion of their innocency, and to warrant them from this danger, the King in a Parliament declareth pub­lickly, that the Boyds were not the Authors, and pro­jectors of that business, but only the Assisters of him and his followers, being not formal, but instrumentary causes of his coming to the Helm of the State him­self: That they were so far from being obnoxious to any blame or reproach for this deed, that they de­served immortal thanks, and an honourable Cuerdon in all time to come, having obeyed him in that which was most just, honest and expedient for the well of the Kingdom. Upon this Declaration of the King, the Lord Boyd required the present action might be registred amongst the Acts of Parliament, and he obtained what was desired, but not with that success was hoped for.

In this Parliament, the other Regents are rid of their charge, the Lord Boyd being made only Gover­nor of the Kingdom, and the object of all mens re­spects. having the whole power and authority to minister justice of all kinds to the Subjects during the Kings non-age, and till he had fully compleat one and twenty years, the defence of the Kings Per­son, of his Brothers, the keeping of the two Ladies his Sisters, are trusted unto him: He hath all the Towns, Castles, Fortresses, Sea-ports, Places of Im­portance at his Command. These proceedings of the Parliament seemed to some very strange, in ad­vancing Men already great enough, and bestowing [Page 124] upon them all Offices of State, and adding power to such who wanted only will to do mischief, except that they knew well how to abase and pull them down again, making their fall the more sudden. Ro­bert Lord Boyd, having the Reins of Government in his hands, and the custody of the Kings Sister, da­zelld with the Golden Sun of honour, to lay more sure the foundation of his greatness, joyneth in Mar­riage Thomas his eldest Son, a youth of extraordinary endowments, both of mind and body, with Marga­ret the Kings eldest Sister; Not long before designed by her Mother to have been given in Marriage to Edward Prince of Wales, and he is created Earl of Arran. The Father knowing how easily the con­versation of young persons breedeth a liking, had brought them up together, which turning in a love and delight of others company, concluded last in Marriage. This match though royal, great and rich, instead of supporting the Fortunes of the Boyds much weakned them, turning them the objects of en­vy. The Nobles repined at it, and the common people (lighter than the wind and more variable than the Rain-bow) made it the subject of their foo­lish discourses. Now (said they) the Boyds aspire to the Crown; for the King with his Brothers removed it appertaineth to them, a Kingdom being the Dow­ry often of a Wife of the blood Royal. The Kenne­dies, and such who disliked the present Government take the occasion of the discontentment of the Nobi­lity, and the Rumors of the people, to shake the Kings mind towards the Governour, and change the brawl of State. To this end they give way to great and universal oppressions, most of which were hatch­ed and occasioned by themselves. By these in a short time the Commons turn licentious and dissolute, con­temning all Government, every man doing what [Page 125] seemed best in his own eyes, and the Gentry divide in Factions: Such who wont to live upon Rapine and Theft returned to their wonted Trades: honest men are spoiled of their goods; the seditious and wicked are maintained and defended against all Laws and Justice by their Parties. The State thus trou­bled, and all order confounded, by slie and crafty men, who at first pretended great friendship and in­terest towards the Boyds, the Kings affection towards them is assailed, and resolutions tryed. Many times having been plausibly listened unto, at last, pulling off their masks, they lay imputations against them. They remonstrate to him what great disparagement was between the King of Scotlands eldest Sister and the Son of the Lord Boyd; that by this match he was robbed of one of the fairest jewels of his Crown; the Boyds should not have appropriated that to them­selves of which they had only the keeping; she should have been reserved for some Neighbour Prince, by which Alliance the State of the Kingdom, and the Person of the King might have been in great safety. For, if the King should chance to be infested by some insolent Nobility, the name and power of a neigh­bour Prince were sufficient to keep him safe on his Throne, which by this match was endangered. They suggested that the Boyds builded their estimation in the air of popular applause, and endeavoured to en­dear themselves in the opinion of the multitude. A Prince is not a Lord of that people that loveth ano­ther beter than him. Should the Boyds be accused of peculate and robbing the King and the common Treasure, the King might make a prey of their un­lawful conquest, and by their Attaindors reward the services of many of his necessitated friends, it being acquired most part by spoils and the taxing of the Subjects unlawfully. The height to which their [Page 126] riches was encreased should be feared; the faults of all the disorders of the Commonwealth are laid upon the Boyds, as the Authors of every breaking out and sedition: that they might the more securely possess the places near the King. At this time complaints from all parts of the Kingdom, and by all sorts of persons, incessantly being given unto him, advance the intentions of their Enemies, and the Kings mind, naturally inclined to fears and superstition, being long tossed and perplexed, began to turn away from the Boyds, and with their power in some degrees brought lower and lessened (Preambles of Ruine) but he would go leasurely to produce this effect and make one change bring forth another.

The King encreasing in years and youthful per­turbations, is counselled for the continuing of the Race and Succession, and the keeping his Person without the common disorders of the world, to think upon some match profitable for his Country, and honourable for himself. He is courted by many, and courteth others; the Duke of Burgundy had offered him his Daughter, as to other Princes his friends and neighbours, but his mind was not to have her mar­ried at all during his life-time.

Andrew Stwart Lord Evandale, then Chancellour of the Kingdom, with the Bishops of Glasgow and Orknay, being sent Embassadours to Christern King of Denmark for an accommodation, and taking up some business concerning the Isles of Orkenay and Schythland One thousand four hundred sixty eight, the quarrel was taken away by a marriage to be ce­lebrated between the King and Lady Margaret, King Christerns daughter; a Lady thought worthy of his bed, in respect of the excellency of her beauty, her royal descent and greatness of her birth. All mat­ters being agreed upon, these Isles engaged for her [Page 127] Dowry, there wanted only an honourable retinue and convoy to bring home the Lady. To this Ne­gotiation, by the craft of some about the King, and vanity of others, who gloried to see their friend pro­moted to such great honour, Thomas Earl of Ar­ran, as a man flourishing in fame and riches, and able to maintain and discharge all magnificence, is depu­ted as the fittest person. Thus by the ambition and unattentiveness of his friends, his worth was made the Scaffold of his Ruine; the lamentable condition of men of high desert. In the beginning of the Har­vest, accompanied with some young Noblemen and Gallants, most of which were his select friends and well-wishers, he ascendeth his ships. Whilst as the King of Scotlands brother in law, he is some months riotously entertained at the Danish Court, the rigor of that Northern Climate, by the congealing of the Ocean moored up his ships, and barred all return till the following Spring. In this absence of a man so near unto the King, his Father and Uncle, by age, sickness and their private affairs, not so frequent­ly haunting the Court as they were accustomed: the Kennedyes and they of the contrary Faction having shaken the Kings affection, and broken these bands (his pleasures, idleness, and vacancy from the publick affairs of the State) by which the Boyds thought they had kept him sure, move him, now a little de­lighting in action, to proceed to the consideration of such matters as might be objected against the Go­vernment of the Boyds. But that this might not ap­pear to be an act of Faction, but the universal consent of the Kingdom apart, a Parliament was summoned to be holden in November at Edenburgh. Here Robert Lord Boyd, with his brother Sir Alexan­der, are summoned to answer in Judgment to such points as should be exhibited against them. At the [Page 128] appointed day the Lord Boyd appeared, but accom­panied with such multitude of the common people, and numbers of his friends, vassals, and followers all in arms, with such ostentation and boasting, that the King and Courtiers were well pleased to suffer them dissolve and scatter of their own free wills. At this insolency and malepartness (yet to our own time an usual custom in Scotland) the King conceived such indignation, that he raised a strong guard to at­tend justice and his commandments, and laid secretly Forces to assist these if the Boyds should oppose his laws by convocation of the Lieges. The Lord Boyd after private intelligence of the Minds of the Court to blow him up, rather amazed than in choler at the change of his Masters mind, fled into England; his brother Sir Alexander arested by sickness, and relying upon his own integrity more than he ought to have done, considering the malice of his enemies, was brought before the Parliament; his brother and he were challenged, that upon the tenth of July One thousand four hundred sixty six, they laid hands up­on the Kings Person, and against his purpose brought him off the high way to the Castle of Calendar; and that by their private power and consent, con­trary to the established order of the State, and the other Regents advice, they brought the King to Edenburgh; when Sir Alexander sought to produce an act of Parliament for abolition of approbation of this deed as good service, it was kept up, and he be­ing condemned had his Head cut off. Their other accusations contained the topical faults of Favou­rites, that they had enriched themselves out of the Kings Treasure, monopolized things belonging to the Crown, diminished the Revenues thereof, re­moved worthy men from the Council, placing such in their rooms as had dependency from them. Thomas [Page 129] Earl of Arran employed in a Publick charge by the kingdom, absent, unheard, is declared Rebel with his father, and his moveables escheated to the King: to his original faults was added, that he dared marry the Kings Sister without consent of the States, the King being of non-age. At the noise of this thun­der clap, Robert Lord Boyd left this world at Anwick: No sooner had the Spring rendred the Baltick Seas Navigable, when the Danish Lady with her Fleet Anchored in the Forth: The Earl of Arran who was the Paranymphe and her convoy, in that gene­ral gladness, by the persuasions of some of his friends, was preparing to come on shore, and to submit him­self to the Kings clemency; but his Lady who had afar discerned his danger, coming abroad disguised, and giving him particular information of the calami­ty of his house, the weakness of his friends at Court, and the many snares, envy and malice had laid to sur­prise him, he hoysted Sails, and with her, who would be partaker of all his misfortunes, returned to Den­mark; from Denmark by Germany, he came to King Lovys in France, who interposed his requests to King James for his regress and restoring; but the Let­ters in his favour producing no effects, Charles Duke of Burgundy making War against his Rebel Subjects, he was graciously received by him and entertained as his Ally; his Lady remained at Antwerp, where she bore him two children, James and Gracile.

Lady Margaret the 10 of July 1469. or after others, 1470. maketh her entry into Edenburgh, 1469. and scarce having attained the sixteenth year of her age, is married to King James in the Abby Church of Holy-rood house; and in the month of November fol­lowing by a Convention of the three Estates was Crowned Queen.

The King inexorable in the behalf of the Earl of [Page 130] Arran, and breathing his total Ruine, sendeth Let­ters to Antwerp, filled with promises and threatnings, to move his Sister to return to Scotland. These at the first prevailed nothing with this Lady to make her forsake the husband of her youth; many Let­ters, and from several friends and well-wishers in se­veral fashions and stiles, coming to her, at last she was brought to believe her presence would mollifie the mind of her enemies, and work her husband a re-establishment of his former favours with the King her Brother, and restore him to all his Possessions and Dignities: Upon which hopes she comes to Scot­land. But these hopes proved all false; for instead of having access to her brother, she is kept at Kil­marnock the chief House of the Boyds, as in a free Prison, and her Husband is summoned within three­score days to adhere to his Wife under pain of Di­vorce: the unfortunate Earl for fear of his head, not appearing, his Marriage is declared Null; his Wife is divorced from him, and is constrained to marry James Lord Hamilton, to whom also the Earldom of Arran was given for Dowry. Not long after her two children to Earl Thomas, James and Gracile are brought to Scotland who in the proceeding of time proved little more fortunate than their Father; for James was slain by Hugh Montgomery of Eg­lington, and Gracile though first married to the Earl of Cassiles, and after to the Lord Forbess, was barren. Some have recorded that the Earl Thomas, after this violent bereaving him of his Wife, died of displea­sure at Antwerp, and had a Tomb raised over him with an honourable Inscription by Charles Duke of Burgundy; others who hate the Boyds, tell he died not at Antwerp but at Florence, and that he was killed by a Merchant of Florence out of jealousie of having abused his Wife.

[Page 131]Queen Margaret the third year after her Marriage in the Month of March brought forth a Son who was named James; and Christern King of Denmark to congratulate the happy delivery of his daughter, and of expectation of a continued succession to the Crown of Scotland of his Race, released all his right, title, claim, which he or his successors might have to the Isles of Orkney and Scythland. The King cal­leth after a Parliament at Edenburgh, wherein, though the Reformation of abuses, as wearing of Silk and other foraign triffles, the building of Ships, and the enacting Laws for the present time were pretended, a liberal Subsidy was the greatest aim. His Exche­quer being empty, and many of his best friends turn­ing necessitous and needy, John Lord of the Isles was attainted for his own and his Fathers misdemeanour, the King raiseth Forces to pursue him; the Earl of Crawford being made Admiral, the Earl of Athol the Kings Uncle Lieutenant of the Regiments by Land, such means in a short time was used by the Earl of Athol, that the Lord of the Isles submitted himself to the Kings clemency, and in a convention of the States at Edenburgh, he resigned all the right he had to the Earldom of Ross, the lands of Knap­den and Kintyre, which the King annexed to the Crown.

Patrick Graham Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, ha­ving at Rome understood the fall of the Boyds re­turneth to his own Country; where first amongst his friends, and the most peaceable sort of the Clergy, he divulgateth the Bull of the Pope for his Supre­macy over the other Churchmen of the Kingdom, and his power of their tryal and promoting to bene­fices, and after caused proclaim it at all publick pla­ces. The laudable Elections anciently used about the Places and Offices of Churchmen by the cor­ruption [Page 132] of the times, being taken away, and that Power altogether assumed by the King. The Cour­tiers, who were accustomed to sell Benefices, and the Churchmen who were wont to buy them, reject the Bull, and set themselves against him; by their traffick he is discharged to take the Place or Ornaments of an Arch-Bishop, or carry any other Cross or Cap than what the former Bishops used to have. But here they set not up their rest, William Schevez a man in those times admired for his skill in Astrology, and promoted to be Arch-Dean of Saint Andrews, se­conded by John Lock the Rector of that University, a better Grammarian than Christian, Excommuni­cates this Arch-Bishop for his presumption, and that he sought to bear Rule over his brethren Bishops. When this censure had passed upon him, he is degra­ded and shut up in Prison. William Schevez is after promoted to his place, and Consecrated upon the Passion Sunday in Lent at Holy-rood house, the King being present: he likewise received the Title and Faculty of Legate, and is confirmed Primate of the Realm; notwithstanding the impediments objected to Patrick Graham by the Church-men concerning that same dignity and preheminency; So various and deceitful are the ways of Men.

The King being slow to action, and more inclined to a solitary form of Life, than to travel and business; his brothers being Princes of unquiet and restless Spirits, to whom publick imployments were recrea­tions; 1469. and withal being ambitious, prodigal, desirous of Rule, and to be Governours of the people them­selves, and Kings in fact, however their elder brother was in title; they set themselves altogether to study novations, and bring the King in contempt with his Subjects, and divert their minds and love towards him. To this effect they had drawn by their towardness [Page 133] and familiarity, many of the young Nobles and Gentlemen to follow them. The King was obnox­ious to some publick Scandals, for by his too great frugality, care to encrease his Treasure, and study of Purchasing by Taxations, sale of Church Benefices, and too exact taking up of Fines, supervaluation of Wards; he had gotten the name of Covetous, and was no small distast amongst the Commons. Edward King of England that the Scots by the instigation of the French, should not trouble his new and scarce settled government, imploying all his counsels and diligence to divide them amongst themselves, wrought not a little on the unquiet Spirits of these young men. The Duke of Albany having been ta­ken upon the Seas by the English, was honourably en­tertained by him, and with great hopes sent home; after which time King Edward and he kept always private Intelligence together. The Duke being promoted to the keeping of the Castle of Dumbar and Town of Berwick; the King of England, to insi­nuate himself in his affection, was wont to whisper unto such who loved him, That if his Brother kept not fair with England, he would one day set him in his Place upon his Royal Throne.

At this time the King was served by men whom his opinion of their worth and love towards him had advanced to places, and whose Fortunes and Estates wholly depended upon his safety, and who were less apt to do him harm. His counsel was likewise of men approved for their affection to him; and thus secluding great men from his familiarity and affairs, he gave them cause of offence. His brothers long masking their ambition under discontentment, stir the Male-contents to complain against the Govern­ment, which ordinarily falleth forth, not because a people is not well governed, but because great ones [Page 134] would govern themselves. These upbraided the King with inglorious sloath, and endeavour by his dishonour to encrease the credit of his Brothers. These spared not to speak evil of him every where, and what they pleased of his Ministers and Favourites; they said he neither used rule nor moderation in his proceedings, that his counsel was base, and of men of no great account, who consulted only to humour him; That a Mason swayed a Kingdom (this was Robert Cochranne, a man couragious and bold, first known to the King by his valour in a single Combat, and af­ter from an Architect or Surveyor of his buildings, preferred to be of his counsel) a silly wretch swayed the soul of a great King, and curbed it, as it were interdicted or charmed to his pleasure. His contribu­tions were the rewards of Parasites, to whom fortune, not merit gave growth and augmentation; that ho­nours wept over such base men who had not deserved them; and the stately frames of ancient houses up­braided with reproaches the slender merits of those new-up-starts who enjoyed them; that he began to look downwards into every sordid way of enriching himself: That his Privadoes abused him in every thing, but in nothing more than in making him be­lieve, what was plotting against them, was against his Person and Authority; and that it was not them his brothers and the Nobility sought to pull down but his Soveraignty.

His counsellors, servants, and such who loved him, having long busied their wits to save their Masters re­putation, and that no shadow of weakness should ap­pear to the common People, understanding by whom these rumours were first spread abroad, and observing many of the Nobility and Gentry to favour the pro­ceedings of his brothers, not daring disclose themselves to the King what their suspicions made them fear [Page 135] would come to pass, knowing him naturally super­stitious, an admirer and believer of Divinations, sub­orn an aged woman one morning as he went a hun­ting to approach him, and tell, she had by Divination, that he should beware of his nearest kinsmen; that from them his ruine was likely to come. This was no sooner told when the Woman was shifted, and some who were upon the Plot began to comment the Prophesie of his brothers. A Professor of Physick, for his skill in Divination brought from Germany, and promoted to some Church-benefice, about that same time told the King, That in Scotland a Lyon should be devoured by his Whelps. William Sche­vez, then Archbishop of St. Andrews, by way of Astrological predictions, put him in a fear of immi­nent dangers from his kindred, though truly he had his knowledge from Geomancy and good informa­tions upon earth, by the intelligence between the Nobility and Churchmen.

Many such like aspersions being laid upon the King, the people cryed out that he had only for his fellow-companions Astrologers and Sooth-sayers, whom as occasion served, he preferred to the Church-benefices, and Bishopricks. Patrick Graham, then Prisoner in Dumfermling, a man desolate and forgotten, as if there had not been such a man in the world, taking the opportunity of the rumours of the time, sent a Let­ter to the King, which contained.

That the misery, of his imprisonment, was not so grievous unto him as the sad reports which he heard of his Majesties estate; he was hardly brought to believe them, but by his long detention and imprisonment, he was assured his great enemy was in great credit with him. That he had brought the King very low in ma­king him jealous of his brothers by giving trust to his vain Divinations; and no wonder these Arts bring [Page 136] forth dissentions, which have their precepts from the father of lyes and discord: to foment discord among brothers, was reproachful to Religion, and outragious to Policy; to seek to know things to come by the Stars was great ignorance, that Oracles leave a man in a wilderness of folly.

That there was no other difference betwixt Necro­mancy and Astrology, saving that in one, men run vo­luntarily to the Devil, and in the other ignorantly. Humanity attains not to the secrets above, and if it did, it is not wise enough to divert the wisdom of hea­ven, which is not to be resisted, but submitted unto; that never any had recourse to these arts, but they had fatal ends; That almighty providence permitting that to befall them out of his justice of necessity, which be­fore the Oracle was sought, was scarce contingent; that he should rest upon the Almighties Providence, and then all things would succeed well with him, whose favors would wast him out of the surges of uncertain­ties.

After this free opening of his mind, Patrick Gra­ham was removed out of Dumfermling to the Castle of Loch-leven (a place renowned long after by the imprisonment of Mary Queen of Scotland) where in a short time he left the miseries of this world.

The people now throughly deceived and incensed against their King, the most audacious of the Nobi­lity had brought his brothers on the way of taking the Government to themselves, their power being able to perform what their ambition projected; and the murmuring of the people seeming to applaud any Insurrections. The Earl of Marr, young and rash, purblind in foreseeing the events of things, is stirred up to begin the Tragedy; some of the Nobi­lity of his Faction being present, with more liberty than wisdom, he broke out in menacing and unde­cent [Page 137] speeches, as that his brother did wrong to his Majesty in keeping near him, and being so familiar with such contemptible fellows, as these of his Bed­chamber and Officers; withal, railing against the Government of the State and Court. The King passionately resenting his words, caused remove him From his presence, and he persevering in his railing, was committed to the Castle of Craigmillar, where surmising that he was in a Prison, his anger turned in­to a rage, his rage kindled a Feaver, and his Feaver advanced to a Phrensie: This sickness encreasing, that he might be more neer to the Court and his friends, in the Night he is transported to the Cannons Gate in Edenburgh: the King compassionate of his disease, sendeth his Physitians to attend him; they to restore his understanding which was molested, open some veins of his head and arms, in which time whe­ther by his own disorder or misgovernment in his sickness, the bands being loosed which tyed the lan­cing, or that they took too great a quantity of blood from him, he fainted, and after sowning, died un­awares amongst the hands of his best friends and servants. These who hated the King, gave out that he was taken away by his command, and some Wri­ters have recorded the same; but no such faith should be given unto them▪ as to B. W. E. who was living in that time, and whose Records we have followed, who for his place could not but know, and for his possession would not but deliver the very Truth; certain Witches and Sorcerers being taken and ex­amined, and convicted of Sorcery at this time, and being suborned, they confessed that the Earl of Marr had dealt with them in prejudice of the King and to have him taken away by incantation. For the Kings Image being framed in Wax, and with many spels and incantations baptized, and set unto a [Page 138] fire, they perswaded themselves the Kings person should fall away as that Image consumed by the fire, and by the death of the King, the brothers should reach the Government of the State; with such va­nities was the common people amused.

Alexander Duke of Albany imputing the death of his brother to the favourites of the King, and a vouch­ing them to have been the occasioners of his distracti­on, stirred the Nobility and People to revenge so foul a deed; but whilst he keeps private meetings with them of his Faction in the Night to facilitate their enterprise, betrayed by some of his followers, he is surprised and imprisoned in the Castle of Eden­burgh. Out of which about the appointed time of his tryal, by the killing of his keeper he escaped, and in a Ship which to that effect was hired, sailing to the Castle of Dumbar, of which he had the keeping, he passed to France. After the escape of the Duke of Albany, the Lord Evandale Chancellour of the Kingdom, raising the power of the nearest Shires, beleagured the Castle of Dumbar: the besieged un­provided of Victuals, as men expecting no such al­terations, betake themselves in small Boats to the Sea, and came safe towards the Coasts of England. The Castle having none to defend it, is taken; some Gen­tlemen in pursuit of the flying souldiers, by their own rashness perished.

The Kings of Scotland and England tossed along with civil troubles, and affecting peace with all their neighbours, by an equal and mutual consent of thoughts send at one time Ambassadors to one ano­ther, who first conclude a Peace between the two Nations; and that the Posterity might be partakers of this accord, contract afterwards an Alliance be­tween the two Kings. It was agreed that the Prin­cess Cicilia youngest daughter to King Edward, [Page 139] should marry with James Duke of Rothsay, when they came to years of discretion. A motion heard with great acceptance; but it was thought by some familiar with King Edward and in his most inward Counsels, that really he never intended this marriage, and that this negotiation aimed only to temporize with Scotland, in case that Louys of France should stir up an Invasion of England by the King of Scot­land. King Louys at this time had sent one Doctor Ireland a Sorbonist to move King James to trouble the Kingdom of England, and to give over the pro­jected marriage; which when King Edward under­stood, knowing what a distance was between things promised and performed, to oblige King James, and tye him more strongly to the bargain, that this mar­riage might have more sway, he caused for the pre­sent maintenance of the Prince, and as it were a part of the Dowry of Lady Cicilia, deliver certain sums of money to King James. Notwithstanding of which benevolence the witty Louys wrought so with the Scottish Nobility, that King James sent Embassadors to the King of England, entreating him not to assist the Duke of Burgundy his brother in Law against King Lovys, which if he refused to do, the Nobility of Scotland who were now turned insolent, would constrain him by reason of the ancient League be­tween the French and the Scots to assist the French.

The Duke of Albany during his abode in France, had married a Daughter of the Earl of Bulloigne (she was his second Wife, his first having been a Daugh­ter of the Earl of Orkenay, a Lady of great Paren­tage, and many Friends) who incessantly importu­ned King Lovys to aid the Duke for the recovery of his Inheritance and places in the State of Scotland, out of which he was kept by the evil Counsellors of his brother Louys minding to make good use of his [Page 140] brother, and underhand increasing discords and jea­lousies between him and the King of England, slight­ing his suits told him, he could not justifie his taking of Arms to settle a Subject in his Inheritance; That Princes ought to be wrought upon by persuasion, not violence, and he should not trouble a King other­ways then by Prayers and Petitions, which he would be earnest to perform. Upon this refusal the Duke of Albany (having buried his Dutchess) troubled with new thoughts came to England. King Edward with accustomated courtesies receiving him, giveth him hopes of assistance, entring of in communica­tion with him how to divert the Kingdom of Scot­land from the invasion of his Dominions at the desire of the French, the Agents and traffickers of Louys lying still in Scotland, and daily bribing and soliciting the Scots Nobility to necessitate the English to stay at home. The Duke freely, and in the worst sense re­vealed the weakness of his Kingdom, that his King was opinionative, and had nothing of a Prince in him but the Name: His ungoverned Spirit disdain­ed to listen to the temperate Counsel of sober men, obeying only his own judgment. Such who govern'd under him, were mean persons and of no account, great only by his favour, and indued with little vir­tue, who ruling as they listed, and excluding all others, made use of his Authority for their own pro­fit and advantage. The Nobility were male-con­tents, and affected a change in the Government; which might easily be brought to pass by the assist­ance of King Edward. If he would help to raise some civil broyls and dissention in the Nation it self, he needed not to be in fear that they could or would trouble his country by any Invasion: The King hearing the Duke manifest what he most affected, approving his judgment, promised him all necessa­ries, [Page 141] and what he could desire to accomplish the de­sign: and he undertaketh by some fair way to traffick with the Nobility of Scotland for an alteration of the present form of Government. After a dange­rous intelligence, the Lords of Scotland, who under the shadow of the Publick good, but really out of their disdain and particular interests, conspired against the King, send the Duke word, the golden Age could not be fram'd, nor arms taken for the good of the Commonwealth, nor the State alter'd, without the sequestring of those from the King who misgovern'd him. And these could not be remov'd by that power which was amongst themselves, without great dan­ger and trouble, considering the Kings Faction and the Malignant Party. If King Edward would agree to the raising of an Army in England in favour of the Duke of Albany, and for restoring him to his Places and Inheritance, out of which he was most unjustly ejected: and other pretences, of which they should afford the occasions; which no way should do harm to the Kingdom of Scotland disorder'd al­ready, and laid waste, more by the licence of a Ty­rant in Peace, than it could have been by War; and at this time bestow upon them favours, as they might one day hereafter challenge to receive the like; the Nobility of Scotland should be ready with another Army, not to fight, but to seize upon the Kings Fa­vourites, and misgovernors of the State: for which the English should have many thanks. That this Enterprize could not but prove most successful, the hatred of the Commons considered against such vi­olent oppressions. The King was fallen into so low esteem, that assaulted by the English, he would be constrain'd by the submission of his Crown to intreat for safety. The King of England understanding this was to touch the finest string of State and Do­minion [Page 142] (for it is a matter of much consequence and main importance, to defend the Subjects of another Prince; for under this Mask and pretence of pro­tecting the Liberties of a People, of assistance and aid, an Usurpation and oppression of all Liberty might be hidden; and many have established and set­led themselves in those Kingdoms, which they came to relieve from Tyranny, and the Oppression of their Rulers, keeping by Force what was granted to them at first by way of trust, and under the colour of help­ing usurped a Sovereignty) agreeth easily to what was demanded and resolved upon.

The Lords of the Association to play more co­vertly their Game, and mask their intentions (the Commons ever suffering and paying for the faults and errors of the great ones) give way for the breaking loose of the Borderers. Fierce incursions by the En­glish are made upon Scotland, and by the Scots upon England, some Villages on either side are burnt. The secrecy to this business, which was inviolably obser­ved, was of great importance, which is the principal knot and tye of great affairs. Rumours are spread that the Dukes of Gloucester and Albany, with James late Earl of Dowglass, and Alexander Jerdan and Patrick Halyburton, men proscrib'd, and upon whose heads a price was set, were at Anwick with a pow­erful Army, and in their march towards Kelso. The King wakned out of his Trances by the Alarms of his Nobility and clamors of the People, made Pro­clamations to all between sixty years and sixteen to meet him at Edenburgh, and to be in readiness to op­pose their old enemies of England now come upon the Borders.

After many delayes and much loytering, an Army is assembled by the Nobility, which consisted of Two and twenty thousand and five hundred; and [Page 143] a number of Carts charged with small Ordinance. New Incursions being blazed to have been made by the English, the King amidst these Troops marched to Lawder. The Army was encamped, and all things Ordered the best way the occasion could suffer them, little or nothing being left to Fortune, if the English should Invade, whom the Lords knew were not at all yet gathered, and though gathered, and in a Body, and upon the Borders, or nearer, would never Invade them.

The King at this time is marvellously perplexed, and become suspicious of the intentions of his Nobi­lity in this Army, in this confusion of thoughts, fell upon two extreames. In his demeanor and conver­sation too familiar and inward with his old Domestick Servants and Favourites, which rendred them inso­lent (believing the bare Name of King to be suffi­cient whilst weakness and simplicity had made him despised, and them hated) and too retired, reserved and estranged from his Nobility, which made them malicious.

This he did as his pensiveness conjectured, that his Nobles should not attempt any thing to the pre­judice of his royal Authority, independant of any Council. But what he most feared came to pass; he resolved and dispatched all matters by his Cabinet Counsel: where the Surveyor of his Buildings was better acquainted with the affairs of the State than the gravest of his Nobility. This preposterous course of favour made the great men of the Kingdom to fall headlong upon their rash, though long projected attempt. After many private conferences in their Pavillions, the Chiefs of the Insurrection, as the Earls of Anguss Lennox, Huntley, the Lords Gray, Lile and others, about Midnight come together in the Church of Lawder with many Barons and Gen­tlemen. [Page 144] Here every of them urging the necessity of the times, and the dangers the Commonwealth was like to fall into, requireth speedy resolutions: and having before premeditated, deliberated and con­cluded what to follow, they draw up a League and confederation of mutual adherence in this order.

Forasmuch as the King suffereth himself to be go­verned by mean persons and men of no account, to the contempt of the Nobility, and his best Subjects, and to the great loss of the Commons: The Confe­derates considering the imminent dangers of the Kingdom, shall endeavour to separate the Kings Majesty from these naughty upstarts, who abuse his Name and Authority, and despise of all good men; and have a care that the Commonwealth receive no dammage. And in this quarrel they shall all stand mutually every one to the defence of another. The design agreed upon, and the Confederacy sworn, the Chiefs of them in Arms enter the Kings Pavillion, where, after they had challenged him of many mis­orders in his Government, contrary to his Honour, the Laws and good of his Kingdom, they took Sir William Roger, a man from a Musitian, promo­ted to be a Knight, James Homill, Robert Cochran, who of a Surveyor of his works was made Earl of Mar, or as some mitigate that Title, Intromittor and taker up of the Rents of that Earldom, by whose de­vice (some Authors have alledged) copper moneys had been coyned, by which a dearth was brought amongst the Commons; which (as others have re­corded) was an unjust imputation, for that copper money was coined in the Minority of the King, in the time of the Government of the Boyds, with others. All these being convicted by the clamours of the Army, were immediately hanged upon the Lidder. John Ramsey a youth of eighteen years of age, by [Page 145] the intreaties, prayers, embraces of the King was pre­served. Thus they the late objects of envy, were turn'd and become the objects of pity and compassi­on. The body of the Commons and the Gentry of the Kingdom by this notorious act at Lawder, being engaged, and being made partakers of the Quarrel of the discontented Noblemen, and for their own safe­ty tyed to second and assist all their intentions, and to advance their ends; The King is conveyed to Edenburgh, and shortly after he either enclosed him­self in the Maiden Castle as his Lodging, or which is more probable, was there, by the contrary Faction committed, as his Prison, the Earl of Athol and some other Lords being appointed to attend him.

During this time the general humours of the King­dom being ripe for mischief, Alexander Duke of Albany (every thing falling right as it was plotted) prevailed so with King Edward, that the Duke of Gloucester the King of Englands brother, with the Title of Lieutenant General for him set forwards to­ward Scotland. The Army consisted of Two and twenty thousand and five hundred. In his retinue went of the Nobility Henry Earl of Northumber­land, Thomas Lord Stanley, with them was the Duke of Albany. The Earl of Dowglass came not being reserved for an after-game. The Duke of Albany having been before Commander of Berwick, and a Man who was still in his absence beloved of that Gar­rison, diverted the Duke of Gloucester from Anwick where he had incamped in June, to assail the Town of Berwick. By his intelligence they enter the Town without great opposition, and it is given up to their discretion. The Castle by the Lord Hails the Cap­tain, was made good against their assaults. The Duke of Gloucester fore-seeing that this Siege would spend much time, considering the uncertainty of [Page 146] events, and being invited to march forward by the Lords of the association of Scotland, committing the charge of assailing the Castle to the Lord Stanley, Sir John Elrington, and Sir William Parr, with the body of the Army marched directly to Edenburgh.

The Country lay open to their Invasion; no Ar­my taking the Field to oppose them, they came in Scotland the twentieth day of August One thousand four hundred eighty two. 1482. The Army encamped at Restlerig, the Duke himself entred the Town of Edenburgh which at the intreaty of the Duke of Al­bany, who was his Harbinger, he spar'd, receiving such presents as the Citizens offered unto him. His entry seeming rather a Triumph than Hostile Invasi­on. The King being shut up from him and im­mured in the Castle, the Duke by a publick writing at the Market Places gave out high Demands; That King James should perform what he had Covenanted with his Brother King Edward; That he should give satisfaction for the Damage done the English during the last Inroads of the Borders, which if he refused to accomplish, he as Lieutenant to his Bro­ther was to exact of him and take satisfaction of his Country, denouncing him open War, and proclaim­ing him all Hostility. King James forsaken of his People, and wronged by his Lords, laying aside his Passions, and taking to him more moderate and dis­creet thoughts, as a Man in Prison, answered nothing to his Demands.

The Lords, who by their Kings misfortune had rec­kon'd their felicity, having obtain'd what they chief­ly desir'd to obviate the common and last danger, the thraldom of their Kingdom by these strangers whom they had drawn into the Country for the re­covery of their liberties, assemble themselves to­gether at Hadington with some Companies, not to [Page 147] Fight but to Supplicate. They sent the Lord Darn­ley and the Elected Bishop of Murray to entreat a suspension of Arms, and require a firm and lasting Peace for time to come. The beginning of the War, and taking of Arms was for the safety of this the neighbour Country of England, miserably thral'd by a licentious Prince: there was nothing more un­worthy of a King or Republick, than not to keep their promis'd Faith. The English could have no colour for executing their indignation further upon this Country, which already by the rapine of their own Men was impoverish'd and unmanur'd: Only now to be recover'd by entertaining Peace with their Neighbours, and amongst themselves. They require that the Marriage contracted between the Prince of Rothesay and Lady Cicily King Edwards Daughter might be accomplish'd when it should please the King of England, and the age of the two Princes might suffer it. For any spoil taken in these last incursions, the interest considered upon both sides, satisfaction should be given out of the publick contributions. The Duke of Gloucester as forgetting and seeming not to know the grounds of their coming into the Coun­try, and looking to nothing more than his own Fame and Glory, Answer'd, his coming into Scotland, was to right the honour of his Country so often violated: and to restore the Duke of Albanie, unjustly com­manded to Exile, to his own native soyl, and the dignity of his Birth: as concerning the Marriage of the Prince of Scotland with the Daughter of Eng­land, He knew not how his Brothers resolution stood at the present; whereupon he requir'd repayment of the monys lent to their King upon their first agree­ment: and withal a delivery of the Castle of Berwick up into his hands: or if they could not make the Castle to be render'd, they should give their oaths [Page 148] upon the holy Evangelists that they should neither assist the Besieged, or harm the Besiegers, till the Ca­stle were either by Force taken, or upon fair conditi­ons rendred.

The Lords having received this Answer, yielded freely to all the Conditions, except they found them­selves perplexed in the rendring of Berwick: it be­ing a Town of old appertaining to the Crown of Scotland, though by force and Violence the English had a long time kept it, That did not take away their right and Title. After much contesting, agreeing to the surrender of Berwick, they desired that the Walls of the Town should be demolished, that it might not be a place of Tyranny and Incursion over their bordering Countries. No arguments could prevail against the Duke of Gloucesters Resolutions, and being stronger in Power he persever'd in his de­mands, and in all likelihood this was agreed upon be­tween the Duke of Albany and the Confederate Lords, and the English, before their entring Scotland. Thus the Castle and Town of Berwick returned to the English the Twenty fourth of August One thousand four hundred eighty two; after it had been deliver­ed by Queen Margarite to gain Sanctuary for her Husband King Henry (when expelled England) and remained in the Possession of the Scots twenty and one years.

They likewise appointed a day for restitution of all the Monys lent by King Edward, and promised upon a full discussion to make satisfaction for all dammages done the English by any Inroad of the Scottish Borders. For the Duke of Albanies pro­vision, whose safety was principally pretended in this Expedition, a general Pardon was promised for him and all his followers; Together with an aboliti­on of all discontents; whereby he had given unto [Page 149] him the Castle of Dumbar, with the Earldoms of Mar and March; he should be reinvested in all his former Dignities and Places, and by consent of the Nobility of Scotland, he was Proclaimed Lieutenant of the Kingdom.

The Peace Proclaimed, the Duke of Gloucester in all solemnity of greatness returned towards London, being welcomed by the King with many demonstra­tions of great joy. He to show how much he ap­proved the conditions of this Peace, went solemnly in procession from St. Stephens Chappel, now the Parliament House, accompanied with the Queen his Sister, and a mighty retinue of the greatest Lords into Westminster Hall. Where in presence of the Earl of Anguss, the Lord Gray, and Sir James Liddale, Embassadors extraordinary from Scotland, the Peace was Ratified. At the return of the Scots Embassa­dors to their Country, King Edward sent an He­rauld with them, who in his Masters name gave over the Marriage contracted between the Lady Cicilia and the Prince of Rothsay, and required the money which had been delivered upon hopes of consumma­tion to his King. The Citizens of Edenburgh had given their Bond for the redelivery, and a day being granted to them for the Payment, they at the ap­pointed day entirely delivered the sum. Some thought King Edward recalled this Marriage of a suspicion he conceived, that the Ambition of the Duke of Albany, and the hatred of the Subjects against their King amidst the manifold distractions of the Realm, might hazard the Succession of the Prince of Rothsay to the Crown. But King Ed­ward having gained what he had endeavoured most to acquire, a division amongst the Nobles of Scot­land, and by this a Security from their assisting the French, rejected the Match. Besides the Duke of [Page 150] Gloucester, who after his coming in Scotland, was laying the Foundations of the Usurping the Crown of England, his Brother once dead, thought the Al­liance of his Brothers Daughter with a King of Scot­land too strong a Support to that Race, which he was to declare Bastard, and a Rock upon which he was confident he should make a fearful shipwrack. Neither his Brothers daughter being married to a King of such martial and turbulent Subjects as the people of Scotland, durst he ever attempt the tak­ing away of her Brothers: and King Edward in neg­lect of this Match committed a greater error of State than he did in his marrying the Lady Eliza­beth Gray, and forsaking the Lady Bona Daughter to the Duke of Savoy.

According to the Records of some Authors whilst the King is kept nine Months in the Castle of Eden­burgh, the Duke of Albany, the Lord Evandale Chan­cellour, the Earl of Arguile, the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews, the Earl of Athol his Uncle (who for the preservation of his person and honour of his Office accepted the charge to attend him in that Fortress) govern'd the State.

The King (say the honest Records) had all ho­nour which appertained to a Prince, save that he could not come abroad, and none was permitted to speak unto him, except in the audience of some one of his Lords Keepers; and that his Chamber doors were shut before the setting of the Sun and long af­ter the rising opened. Proclamations were Publisht in his Name and Authority, and other publick Wri­tings. Such who only heard of him could not but take him to be a free and absolute Prince, when near he was but a King in phantasie, and his Throne but [Page 151] a Picture, the Regal Authority being turned into a Cloak to cover the Passions of those who did go­vern.

The Duke of Albany daily importuned by the so­licitations, Prayers and tears of the Queen (a calm and temperate Lady) for her Husbands Liberty; find­ing himself not so respected by the other Governours as his Birth and merits did deserve; being a man who delighted in nothing more than in changes and novations of Court and State: after so many scorns and rebukes offered to his Brother, and King, com­miserating his long sufferance, and believing that good turns would make past offences be forgotten, and recent benefits were sufficient to blot away old injuries, with all remembrance of former discontents, whilst the other Governours at Sterling, securely passed the time, posted in the Night to Edenburgh. Here a meeting being appointed of some of his Friends and Vassals, who knew nothing of his inten­tions, by the assistance of the Citizens of Edenburgh (men entirely loving their King and devoted to him all the time of the Insurrection of his Nobles) who gave the first assault, (yet was it rather their intelli­gence than Force) the Castle is surprized, the King and all his Servants set at liberty. This unexpected and noble Act of the Duke of Albany, having so fortunate a success, brought a mighty change on the Court and State. The King is now again reinstall'd, and hath this Residence in his own Palace, to which many Noblemen and Gentlemen, have frequent con­course; rejoycing to see such evident tokens of love pass between the two Brothers, if their affection could have continued. The Provost and Baylies of Edenburgh in recompence of their Service, were made Sheriffs within all the bounds of their own Ter­ritories, and rewarded with other Priviledges con­tained [Page 152] in that Patent, which they call their Golden Charter One thousand four hundred eighty two. The Lords of the contrary Faction, who remained at Sterlin, by this new accident, betook themselves to new thoughts and considerations, every man full of fears and repinings flying to his own dwelling place, and conceiving a great hatred against the Duke of Albany. They said he was inconstant, rash, mad, in setting at liberty the man who would prove his Executioner, and one who would never forget any profer'd injury: that if he perished before them, it was but his own just deserving and procurement. The Duke contemning those reproaches, and an­swering their calumnies and evil words with patience and good deeds, by the mediation of the Earl of An­guss, studied a reconciliation between the King and his discontented Lords. And his endeavours had such good success, that in a short time after this Atone­ment; some of them turned so familiar and inward with the King, that, like the Ivy, they began to sap the wall by which they had been supported. They made the wound of the Kings old jealousies ranckle again, and added poyson to former discontents; remembring him of the unnaturalness of his Brothers first Rebellion, and assuring him that his ancient Am­bition had yet more power of him than his new fears of honesty and respect. That howsoever he shew­ed outwardly the arguments of a reconciled Brother, he loved yet to govern, and aimed at the Crown.

That he had wrought his liberty to bring a grea­ter confusion in the State than he had ever done be­fore. The King, who ever had a watchful eye over his reconciled enemies, and who desired to be freed and fairly quited of them all, gave way to their ca­lumnies. And they after long deliberation resolve upon a Plot to bring the Duke within compass of [Page 153] Law: and summoned him to answer upon Treason. And this was the rendring of the Town of Berwick to the English: which they undertook to prove was only by his Intelligence, procuration, and being in company with the Duke of Gloucester, in that expe­dition. Though the Duke had an absolute and general Pardon and an abolition for all was past, and the Kings hand at it, they doubted not to null and make it void. All being done by a King constrain­ed by a powerful Army, and a close Prisoner, which writing could not oblige any private man, far less a King: what he then bargained was upon con­straint, and yielded unto upon hopes of saving his life, and an Act exacted by force. The Duke of Al­bany finding by the Malice and detraction of a ma­lignant Faction, his Brothers countenance altered to­wards him, and danger the requital of his late setting him at liberty, the established reconciliation being shaken by suspicions and fancy of revenge, obeying necessity, fled to his Castle of Dumbar, out of which he came to England to present to King Edward and the Duke of Gloucester the consideration of his grie­vances.

In his absence he is convinced of many points of Treason, besides the being accessary to the taking of Berwick by the English. As his dangerous and long intelligence with the King of England: his sending of many Messengers at all occasions unto him. That, without any safe conduct or pass from his Brother, and not so much as acquainting him, he had left the Country, come into England to devise Conspiracies against his King and native Kingdom. The Lord Creighton as his friend associate and complice, is forefeited with him, against whom Informations were given, That often and divers times, under the pre­tence of hunting secretly with the Duke of Albany, [Page 154] he rode into England, and there meeting with Com­missioners sent by King Edward, he deliberated of matters concerning novations and of the altering the State, That there he kept appointments with James Earl of Douglass, the often quench'd fire-brand of his Country. That in spight of the Kings Forces sent their to lie in Garrison, he kept the Castle of Creighton. The greatest discontent the King con­ceived against him was love to one of his Sisters, and some feminine jealousies. When the Duke un­derstood the proceedings against himself and the Lord Creighton, and that for their contumacy and not appearing to answer, and give in their answer, they were convict of Treason, and their Lands to be seized upon; He caused give up the Castle of Dumbar, of which he was Lieutenant, to King Edward, who immediately placed by Sea a Garrison in it.

About this time Edward King of England left this World One thousand four hundred eighty three, and his Brother Richard Duke of Gloucester, did first take the name of Protector and Governour of the King­dom of England, and after his Brothers Sons put in the Tower, and their Mother the Queen taking San­ctuary, in the Month of June possest himself of the Crown.

The Duke of Albany finding that Richard by his change of Fortune had not changed his affection to­wards him, imploreth his Aid in restoring him to his own, and repairing not his wrongs alone, but a wrong done in his sufferings to the King of England, sith there was now an open breach of the Truce and Peace so solemnly by him set down and confirmed by his Brother. If he could be furnished but with a few number of choice men of reputation and pow­er to pass into Scotland, and take a tryal of the Minds [Page 155] and good will of his Friends and Confederates, he doubted not at his entring the Country to find num­bers who by his presence would hazard upon the most desperate dangers.

Richard finding the man his Supplicant with whom he endeavoured once an entire friendship, and whose advancement in Authority he had most studied, con­descendeth that five hundred men and Horses should be chosen upon the borders, with others who were outlaws and necessitated sometime to make incursi­ons, and with James the old Earl of Douglass, a man well known and renowned in the West-borders, should make an in-road into Scotland.

The two and twentieth day of July, the banished Champion having chosen a good number of their borderers put forward towards Loch-Maben to sur­prize a Fair, spoil a publick Market, seize upon all the Buyers and Sellers, which here meet and Traffick every St. Magdalens Festival, under pretence of De­votion and the liberty of Trading many English had hither resorted: at the twelfth hour of the day when the Merchants and Country-people were in greatest security, the Burse is Invaded and not Bloud but Wares sought after; the Laird of Johnstoun who was War­den, and Laird of Cockpool, with many stout Borderers having Surveyed and Ridden through the places where the People were met, to prevent and hinder all disorders and dangers, at the noise of an Incur­sion of the English, dispatch Posts to the adjacent bounds for supply, and in the mean time rencounter the Plunderers of the Fair. Here is it Fought with greater courage than force, and in a long continued Skirmish the danger of the loss stir'd up and incited the parties as much as Fame and Glory.

The day was near spent leaving the advantage to [Page 156] either side disputable, when the supply of fresh men come to defend their Country, and Friends turned the Fortune of the Fight, and put the English bor­derers all to the rout. The Duke of Albany by the swiftness of his Horse, and the good attendance of his Servants winneth English ground: but the Earl of Dowglass loaden and heavy with years and arms, is taken by Robert Kirken-patrick (who for that ser­vice got the lands of Kirk-michael) and brought as in triumph to Edenburgh. It is Recorded that when the Earl was come in the Kings presence, he turn'd his back and refus'd to look him in the face, consider­ing the many outrages he had perpetrated against his Father, and this late offence. The King taken with the goodly personage, gravity, and great age of the man, commiserating his long patience and cross for­tune being in his young days designed to be a Church­man, confin'd him as in a free Prison in the Abacy of Lyndores.

Besides he considered that when occasion served he might bring him out of this solitariness, and in these turbulent times by his counsel and presence play more advantageously his game of State, being a man of long experience in the affairs of the World, and the most learned of all his Nobility. He was now become tyred of the Earl of Anguss, the remem­brance of his first offence remaining deeply ingraven in his heart, and to counterpoise his greatness this was the only weight. The Duke of Albany found little better entertainment in England, the Battel be­ing lost, some men taken and killed (this being the first road upon Scotland under the Reign of Richard, who had been formerly so fortunate in his own Per­son) his Fame injur'd, and reputation by this dimi­nished, the Duke began to be disliked, and was not received with that kindness he was wont, whereup­on [Page 157] by the Assistance and Convoy of John Liddale, he secretly retired to France.

After the Road of Lochmaben sundry incursions are made by the Scots upon the English borders, and by the English upon the Scottish: The Champian ground is scoured, houses are burnt, booties taken, with great loss to both, and little advantage to any of the Parties. Richard having his Reign in his Infancy, and not yet settled nor come to any growth and maturity, being obnoxious to the scandal of his Brothers Sons, and possessed with fears of Henry Earl of Richmond then remaining in France, who by all honest and good men was earnestly invited to come home, and hazard one day of battel for a whole Kingdom, knowing it necessary for the advancement of his de­signs to have Peace with all his Neighbour Princes, to render himself more secure and safe at home, and terrible to his Enemies abroad, sendeth Embassadours to Scotland to treat a Peace, or a suspension of Arms for some years; King James no softlier rocked in the Cradle of State than Richard; chearfully accepteth this Embassage; for by a Peace he may a little calm the Stormy and wild minds of tumultuous Subjects, reducing them to a more quiet fashion of living, and seclude his Rebels and banisht from entertainment in England, and all places of Refuge and Sanctuary. The two Kings agreeing in substance, Commissio­ners are appointed to meet at Nottingham the seventh day of September. For the King of Scotland appear'd, the Earl of Arguil, William Elvingstoun Bishop of Aberdeen, the Lord Drummond of Stobhall, the Lord Olyphant, Archibald Whitelaw Secretary, Duncan Dundass, Lyon King of Arms. For Richard of England appeared, the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Northumberland, the Lord Stanley, the Lord Gray, the Lord Fitshugh, John Gunthrope Privy Seal, Tho­mas [Page 158] Barrow, Master of the Rolls, Sir Thomas Bryan Chief Justice.

In the latter end of September these conclude a Peace between both Realms for the space of Three years. The same to begin at the rising of the Sun September twenty nine, in the year One thousand four hundred eighty four; and to continue unto the set­ting of the Sun on the Twenty ninth of September in the year One thousand four hundred eighty seven. During which time it was agreed, that not only all Hostility and War should cease between the two Realms, but that also all Aid and Assistance against enemies should be afforded.

It was agreed, the Town and Castle of Berwick should remain in the hands of the English for the space of the foresaid term, with the same bounds the English possessed.

That all other Castles, Holds, Fortresses during the term of three years should remain in the hands of those that held them at that present, the Castle of Dumbar only excepted, which the Duke of Albany delivered to the English when he left his Country. Which Castle for the space of six months should be exposed to the Invasion of the Scots, if they could obtain it, and during the assaulting of this Castle, the Truce should not be broken. Neither should the English within the Castle do any harm to the Scots dwelling thereabouts, except to those who in­vade the Castle, and at that time. And that it should be lawful to any of the Parties, to use all Stratagems, and extend their power either for winning or de­fending the said Castle.

It was agreed, That no Traitor of either Realm should be received by any of the Princes of the other Realms: and if any Traitor or Rebel chance to arrive in either Realm, the Prince thereof should deliver him upon demand made.

[Page 159]Scots abiding within the Realm of England and sworn there to the King, may remain still, so their names be made known to the King of Scotland within fourty days.

If any Warden of either Realm shall Invade the others Subjects, he to whom such a Warden is subject shall within six days, Proclaim him Traitor, and cer­tifie the other Prince thereof within twelve days.

In every safe conduct this Clause shall be contained, Providing always that the Obtainer of the safe Con­duct be no Traytor.

If any of the Subjects of either Prince, do presume to Aid and help, maintain and serve any other Prince, against any of the Contractors of this Truce, then it shall be lawful for him to whom he shewed himself ene­my, to apprehend and attach the said Subject, com­ing or tarrying within any of their Dominions.

Collegues comprehended in the Truce (if they would assent thereunto) on the English part were, The King of Castile, the King of Arragon, the King of Portugal, the Arch-Duke of Austria and Burgundy, the Duke of Bretaign. Upon the Scottish part, Charles King of Denmark and Norway, the Duke of Guil­derland, this Treaty was appointed to be Published the first of October in all the great and notable Towns of both Realms.

It was agreed that Commissioners should meet at Loch-maben the eighteenth of November as well for Redress of Wrongs done on the West Marches, as for declaring and Publishing the Peace, where the great­est difficulty was to have it observed.

Richard after this Truce intreated a Marriage be­tween the Prince of Rothsay eldest Son to King James, and Lady Ann de la Pool, Daughter to John Duke of Suffolk of his Sister. To this effect Em­bassadours met at Nottingham, others say at York, [Page 160] and it is concluded. Writings thereupon being drawn up, ingrossed and sealed. And Affiances made and taken up by Proctors and Deputies of both parts. Lady Ann thereafter being stiled the Princes of Roth­say. But by the death of her Uncle she enjoyed not long that Title:

After the League and intended Marriage, King James wrote friendly Letters to Richard concern­ing the Castle of Dumbar, Whether he could be con­tent that the same should remain only six months in the power of the English, or during the whole space of Truce? That he was not minded to seek it by Arms during the term of the whole Truce. Not­withstanding he earnestly required out of the bond of Love and friendship between them, since it was given unto the English by Treason, and neither surprised nor taken in lawful War, it might be friendly ren­dred. Richard dall'yd with him, and pass'd away that purpose with complemental Letters all the time of his Government, which was not long; for the year One thousand four hundred eighty six. Henry Earl of Richmond came with some Companies out of France (of which that famous Warriour Bernard Stuart Lord Aubany, Brother to the Lord Darnley in Scotland, had the Leading) which by the resort of his Country men turned into an Army, and rencoun­tred Richard at Bosworth where he was killed, and Henry-Proclaimed King of England: To which Victory it was uncertain whether Vertue or Fortune did more contribute.

Alexander Duke of Albany before this disaster of Richard, at a Tilting with Louys Duke of Orleance by a splint of a Spear in his head had received his death­wound, One thousand four hundred eighty three: He was a man of great courage, an enemy to Rest and Peace, delighting in constant changes and novations. [Page 161] He left behind two Sons, John Duke of Albany be­gotten of his second Marriage upon the Earl of Bul­loignes Daughter, who was Tutor to King James the Fifth and Governour of Scotland, and Alexander born of the Earl of Orkenays Daughter his first Wife, Bishop of Murray, and Abbot of Skroon. Into which places he was intruded, to make the Govern­ment of his other Brother more peaceable.

Margarite the Queen about these times, a good and vertuous Lady, died One thousand four hundred eighty six, and was buried at Cambuskennel the Twenty ninth of February.

The overthrow and death of Richard being known abroad, King James taking the advantage of the time, besieged the Castle of Dumbar. The Garri­son'd Souldiers finding no relief nor assistance from their Country, and ascertained of the change of their Master, rendered up the Fort to the hands of the Scots; it was of no great importance to the English, and only served to be a fair bridge of Treason for Scottish Rebels, and a Cittadel of Conspiracies.

Henry King of England after his Victory and Co­ronation, sent Richard Fox Bishop of Exeter, and Sir Richard Edgecomb Embassadours to King James, for renewing the Truce, and if it were possible, to agree upon a Stable and lasting Peace between the Realms. King James taking a promise of the se­crecy of the Embassadours, that what he imparted to them, should not be laid open to his Nobility, told, He earnestly affected a Peace with all his Neigh­bours, but above all others with their King, as much for this own valour, as for the honour and interests of the two Kingdoms: But he knew his People so stubborn and opposite to all his designs, that if they understood his mind and resolutions, they would en­deavour to cross his intentions; wherefore publickly [Page 162] he could only condescend to seven years Truce, a long Peace being hardly obtained from men brought up in the free licence of War, who disdained to be restrained within the Narrow limits of Laws. Notwithstan­ding they should undertake for him to King Henry, in the Word of a Prince, that this Truce before the ex­spiring of it should be renewed, and with all solem­nities again confirmed.

The Embassadours respecting his good will to­wards their King, accepted the conditions. Thus was there a Truce or Peace covenanted and confirm­ed for seven years to come between the two Realms.

After so many back-blows of Fortune and such canvassing, the King enjoying a Peace with all his Neighbours abroad, became exceeding religious; the miseries of Life drawing the mind to the contem­plations of what shall be after it. During his resi­dence at Edenburgh he was wont to come in Pro­cession from the Abby of Holy-rood house to the Churches in the High-Town every Wednesday and Friday. By which Devotion he became beloved of his People: Nothing more winning their hearts than the opinion they have of the Sanctity of a per­son. And that he did not this for the Fashion nor Hypocrisie, the application of his wit and power to the Administration of strict justice did prove; for he began to suppress the insolencies of strong Op­pressors, defend and maintain the Rights of the Poor, against Tyrants and abusers of their Neigh­bours. He sitteth himself in Council daily, and dis­poseth affairs of most weight in his own person.

In the Month of October following the Peace with England, One thousand four hundred eighty seven a Parliament was called, in which many Acts were made against Oppressours. Justices were appointed to pass through the whole Kingdom, and see male­factors [Page 163] deservedly punished. Acts were made that no convention of friends should be suffered for the ac­companying and defence of criminal Persons: But that every one Attainted should appear at the most with six Proctors; that, if found guilty, they should not be reft from Justice by strong hand. Such of the Nobility who feared and consequently hated him, finding how he had acquired the love of his Peo­ple by his Piety in the observance of Religion, and his severity in executing Justice, were driven unto new Meditations. They began to suspect he would one day free himself from these turbulent Spirits who could not suffer him to enjoy a Peace, nor Reign. He had advanced at this time to Offices of State and Places men whose Fortunes did wholly depend upon his safety and well-fare: at which some Noblemen whose Ambition was to be in publick charge and of the Counsel, pretending to that out of right, which was only due unto them by favour, did highly storm and look upon those others with envious eyes. The King thus falling again into his old sickness, they bethought them how to renew their old remedy. They were also jealous of the remembrance of the dis-service they had done him, and that he would never forget old quarrels; They were prepared and ready to make a Revolution of the State, but had not yet found their Center to begin motion, nor a ground for Rebellion. All this while there was not matter enough for an Insurrection, nor to dispose the Peo­ples Hearts to a Mutiny.

The King delighted with his Buildings of the Ca­stle of Sterlin, and the amenity of the Place, for he had raised there a fair and spacious Hall, and found­ed a Colledge for Divine Service, which he named the Chappel Royal: and beginning to be possest and taken up with the Religion of these times, endea­voured [Page 164] to endow this Foundation with constant Rents, and ample Revenues, and make this Rock the choyce Sanctuary of his Devotions. The Priory of Coldingham, then vacant and fallen in his hands, he annexed the same to his Chappel Royal, and pro­cured an Act of Parliament, That none of the Lieges should attempt to do contrary to this Union and An­nexation, or to make any Impetration thereof at the Court of Rome under the pain of Treason. The Priors of this Convent having been many years of the Name of Hume, it was by the Gentlemen of that Name surmis'd, that they should be interested and wronged in their Estates, by reason of the Tithes and other Casualties appertaining to this Benefice, if a Prior of any other Sirname were promoted to this Place. The King being often Petitioned and im­plored that he should not alter the accustomed form of the Election of that Prior, nor remove it from their Name, nor suffer the Revenues to be otherways bestowed than they were wont to be of old; and he continuing in his resolution of annexing them to his Chappel: after long pawsing and deliberation amongst themselves, as men stirred up by the Male-contents and a proud Faction; fit for any the most dangerous enterprise, they proceed upon stronger Grounds to over-turn his intentions and divert his purpose. The Lord Hailles, and others of the Sirname of Hepburn, had been their constant Friends, Allies and Neigh­bours; with them they enter in a combination, that they should mutually stand to the defence of others, and not suffer any Prior to be received for Colding­ham if he were not of one of their two Sirnames. This Covenant is first privately by some mean Gentlemen sworn, who after draw on their Chiefs to be of the Party. Of how small beginnings doth a great mis­chief arise! the Male-contented Lords knowing those [Page 165] two Sirnames to be numerous, active and powerful in those parts of the Country where they remain'd, lay hold upon this Overture, and beginning from their particulars they make the cause to be general. They spread Rumours abroad that the King was be­come terrible and not to be trusted; notwithstand­ing all his Protestations and Outward demeanour, that he yet meditated Revenge, and had begun to invade and shake the ancient Priviledges of the Humes, more out of spight and discontent against them for having assisted and follow'd the Lords of the Reformation of the State, than any intention of the increasing the Rents of his new erected Chappel. That ere long he would be avenged upon all whom he either knew were accessary, or suspected to have been upon the Plot of Lawder Bridge, or his Com­mitting in the Castle of Edenburgh. That it was sometime better to commit a fault unpardonable, than venture under the Pardon. That the King had taken a Resolution to live upon the Peoples contribu­tions, and give his own Revenues to particular Men. The faults of his Counsellours are highly exaggera­ted. They are base Persons, and he himself given to dissimulation, misdevotion and revenge; as occa­sion served he would remember old wrongs: It was good to obey a King but not to lay the head upon a Block to him, if a Man could save himself.

After long smother of discontent and hatred of the Nobility and People, Rankor breaking daily forth into Seditions and alterations, The Lord Hume and Haylles being the Ring-Leaders, many Noblemen and Gentlemen under fained pretences, especially the courses of swift Horses, keep frequent meetings. Where they renew their Covenant agreed upon at Lawder Church, the necessity of the times, and the danger of the Commonwealth requiring it, and [Page 166] gave their Oaths, that at what time soever the King should challenge them directly or indirectly, or wrong them in their Rights, Possessions, Places, Persons, They should abide together as if they were all one Body, marry each others quarrels, and the wrongs done to any one of them should be done to them all.

When the King understood the Confederacy of the Lords, to anticipate the danger, he made choice of a Guard for the preservation of his Person and Servants, Of which he made John Ramsay of Bal­mayne, a Man whom he had preserved at Lawder and advanced to be Master of his Houshold at Court, Captain: giving him a Warrant not to suf­fer any Man in Arms approach the Court by some miles. This in stead of cooling, exasperated the Choler of the Male-contents, and stirr'd them to assemble with numerous Retinues all in Arms. The King scarce believing the Minds of so many were corrupted, and persuading himself, the Authority of a King would supply the want of some Power, sum­mon'd certain of them upon fourty days to answer according to Law.

Of those some rent, his Summons, and beat shame­fully his Heraulds and Messengers for discharging their Offices: Others appeared, but with numbers of their Adherents, Friends, Allies and Vassals: And here he found that the faults of great Delinquents are not without great danger taken notice of, and re­prehended; he used some Stratagems to surprise the Heads and Chiefs of their Faction: But unadvised­ly giving trust to the promises of those who lent their ears, but not their hearts to his words, his Designs were discovered before they produced any effects; his secrets all laid open to his great hatred and disad­vantage, the Discoverers taking themselves to the [Page 167] factious Rebels, and cherishing unkind thoughts in all whom they saw distasted with his Government; Per­ceiving himself betrayed and his intentions divulged, he remained in great doubt to whom he should give credit. The nature and manner of all things changed by the League of the Confederates, he thought it high time to remove a little further from that Tor­rent which might have overwhelmed him, and made them Masters of his Person. To temporize and win time, caused furnish the Castles of Edenburgh and Sterling with provision of Victual, Ammuniti­on, and Garrisons to defend them from the dangers of War; he resolved to make his abode beyond the River of Forth, and to leave the South Parts of the Kingdom. After which deliberation he entred a Ship of Sir Andrew Wood a famous Navigator and stout Commander at Sea) which pretended to make sail for the low-Countries, and was lying at Anchor in the Forth. These who saw him aboard, spread a rumour that he was flying to Flanders. The Lords of the Insurrection making use of this false re­port seized on his carriage in the Passages towards the North, rifled his Coffers, spoiled his Servants of their stuff and baggage. And then after certainty that he was but Landed in Fyfe, and from that was in Progress to the Northern parts, preparing and di­recting his good Subjects to be in readiness to at­tend him at his return, they surprized the Castle of Dumbar. The monys found in his Coffers wage Sol­diers against him, and the Harness and Weapons of his Magazines arm them, Having gathered some companies together, tumultuously they overrun the Countries upon the South of the Forth, rifling and plundering all men who went not with them, or whom they suspected not to favour their desperate and seditious ends. In his progress the King held [Page 168] Justice Courts at Aberdeen and Inneress, where Wil­liam Lord Creighton, not long before impeacht with the Duke of Albany, submitted himself to his Cle­mency, and was received in favour and pardoned: after which grace he shortly left this World. Whilst the King in the North, the Lords in the South are making their Preparations; When they were assem­bled at Lithgow they find themselves many in num­ber and strong in Power; the success of their pro­ceedings being above their hopes: there only wanted a man eminently in esteem with the People, and noble of Birth, to give lustre to their Actions, shadow their Rebellion, and be the titular and painted head of their Arms. When they had long deliberated up­on this great Man, they assented all that there was none to be Parrallel'd to the Prince of Rothsay the Kings own Son. So strongly Providence befools all human Wisdom and fore-sight; his Keepers being corrupted by Gifts, Pensions and promises of divers Rewards, he is delivered into their hands: and by Threats, That they would otherwise give up the Kingdom to the King of England, he is constrained to go with them. To heighten the hatred against the King, and the closlier to deceive the People (for the love of Subjects is such towards their natural Kings, that except they be first deceived by some pretences and notable sophism, they will not arise al­together in Arms and Rebel) they make Proclamati­ons and by their Deputies by way of Remonstrances spread abroad Seditious Papers, in what a Sea of blood would these men launch into? that all true Subjects should come in defence of the Prince, and take Arms; because his Fathers jealousies and super­stitious fears were risen to that height, that nothing but his Sons Death or Imprisonment could temperate them. That he was raising an Army to take his Son [Page 169] out of their hands, that he might do with him as he had done with his own Brothers. That Force was the only means to work his safety and keep the Plot­ters of this mischief within bounds, they also should take Arms to reduce the Government to a better form, for that the Kingdom was oppressed with in­supportable grievances: the King being altogether given to follow the advice, projects and counsels of base men; to amass and gather great sums of mony from his People, upon which he studied to maintain his Court and State, and give away his own.

When the Engine was prepared for the People, and spread abroad, they sent to the Earl of Dowglass, then closely as a Monk shut up in the Abby of Lyndores, to come out, be of the Party, and assist them with his Counsel and Friends, promising if their attempt had happy Success, to restore him again to his ancient Possessions and Heritage, former Dignities, and the Places of Honour of his Ancestors. The Earl, whom time and long experience had made wary and circum­spect, having a suspicion the Earl of Anguss, who possessed the greatest part of his estate, had been the chief motioner of this liberty: and that rather to try what he would do, than that he minded really to set him free, refused to come out of his Cloister. And by his Letters dissuaded them from their bold enter­prize against their Prince; wishing they would set his house and himself for a pattern and President of Rebellion. He sent to all such of his Friends whom his disasters had left unruined, to take arms for the King, as the Dowglasses of Kayvers and others.

The King neither losing courage nor councel for the greatness of the danger of the Rebellion, trusting much to his good fortune, with such Forces as came with him from the North, in Captain Woods Ships and other Boats and Vessels prepared to that end, [Page 170] passeth the Forth near the Blackness, an old Fortress and Sea-port in West Lothian, not far from the Castle of Abercorn, and that place where the forces of the Earl of Dowglass left him, and the King his Father ob­tained so harmless a Victory. Before the arrival of the King at this Place, the Earls of Montross, Glen­carn Lords Maxwel and Ruthven with others, ad­vertised by Letters of the Rendevouz, hand come to the place, had encamped, and were attending him. And he mustered a sufficient Army to ren­counter the Lords of the association, who from all quarters were assembled, having with them the Prince to add Authority to their quarrel. The two Armies being in readiness to decide their indifferen­ces by a Battle, the Earl of Athol the Kings Uncle so travailed between the Lords of either Party and the King, that a suspension of Arms was agreed up­on and reconcilement: and the Earl of Athol ren­dred himself a pledge for the accomplishing of the Kings part of the reconcilement, to the Lord Haylles, and was sent to be kept in the Castle of Dumbar.

This was not a small fault of this Prince: the Con­federates Forces were not at this time equal to his, neither had they essayed to hinder the Landing of his Army, being but in gathering; the Castle of Blackness was for his defence, and his Ships traver­sing up and down the Forth, in case of necessity for succour. That if he had hazarded a Battle, he had been near to have recovered all that reputation he had before lost. Now upon either side some com­mon Souldiers are disbanded, some Gentlemen li­censed to return to their own dwelling places. The King in a peaceable manner retireth to the Castle of Edenburgh. The Earl of Athol was now removed from him, and many of the other Lords who loved him returned to their houses; the Counsel of Man [Page 171] not being able to resist the determinations of God. The Lords suspecting still the King to be implacable in their behalf and unacceptable in his Castle, keep­ing the Prince always with them, entring upon new Meditations hold sundry meetings how to have his Person in their Power, and make him a Prey to their Ambitious designs. The Town of Edenburgh is pe­stered with Troups of Armed Men, the Villages about replenished with Souldiers. The King warned of his danger, fortifies of new the Castle of Edenburgh for his defence, and is brought to such a tameness, that resolving to do that with love of every Man, which he feared in end he should be constrained unto with the universal hatred of all, and his own damage and danger, out of a passive Fortitude sent Commissi­oners, indifferent Noblemen, to the Lords and his Son to understand their intentions and what they meant. Why his Son was kept from him, and con­tinued the head of their Faction. Why his Uncle was so closely imprison'd, and himself as it were, blocked up by their tumultuous meetings in Arms? He was content they should have an abolition of all that was past, that their punishments should not be infinitely extended, and that they should think upon a general agreement after the best and fittest manner they could devise, and set it down. They finding their offences flew higher than hope of Pardon could ascend unto. Their suspitions, and the conscience of their crime committed, breeding such a distrust out of an apprehension of fear, answered, that they found no true meaning. Open War was to be preferred to a peace full of deceit, danger, and fears, that being assured he would weave out his begun projects against them, they could not think of any safety, nor have assurance of their lives nor fortunes, unless he freely resigned the Title of his Crown and Realm in favour [Page 172] of his Son, and voluntarily depose himself, leaving the Government of the People and Kingdom to the Lords of his Parliament, divesting himself wholly of his Royal dignity. Neither would they come to any submission or capitulation, until he consented to this main point and granted it submissively.

King James notwithstanding of this answer, af­ter a clear prospect of the inconveniences and mis­chiefs which were growing, and the many injuries, in­dignities, and affronts put upon him, yet really affect­ing a Peace, sought unto Henry King of England, as also to the Pope and King of France to make an at­tonement between him and his Subjects. The Kings accordingly interposed their Mediation in a round and Princely manner, not only by way of request and persuasion; but also by way of Protestation and me­nace, declaring that they thought it to be the com­mon cause of all Kings, if Subjects should be suffer­ed to give Laws unto their Soveraign; a Legitimate King, though a Tyrant, was not subordinate to the Authority of Subjects. James was not a Tyrant; his errours proceeding most part from youth and evil counsel. That suppose the King had done them wrong, it was not wisely done, for a desire of revenge, to endanger their particular Estates, and the peace and standing of the whole Kingdom. What State was there ever so pure, but some corruption might creep into it? That they should be very cautious how they shook the Frame of Monarchical Government too far; That they would accordingly resent and Revenge it. Rage prevailing against Reason and fears, the Lords made that same answer to these Em­bassadours which they had sent to the King himself before. As for the Popes Embassie which was sent by Adrian de Castello, an Italian Legate was coming, and the Lords fearing the danger of it, for in those [Page 173] times it might have drawn the most part of all the Towns, and the Commons, for fear of Ecclesiastical Censures, to have adhered to the King, or stood in an indifferency, made all possible haste before it should have been delivered, to make Head against their Soveraign, and decide their Quarrel in a Bat­tle; Urban the Fourth Armed Henry the Third King of England against all those that would not return to their due and old obedience to him, and all his disloyal Subjects.

The King was in a strong Fort, and if he had re­mained still there, matters in a little time had faln forth more to his wishes; and his Enemies might have been brought to a submission: for his good Sub­jects of the North, as the Forbesses, Oguilbuyes, the Graunts, Frazeres, Meldrums, many of the Gordounes, Keethes, and others who adhered to him out of affecti­on and duty, were advancing towards him. But whether misinformed or betrayed by some of his own, who made him believe, that unless he could command the Country about Edenburgh, the Castle was of no such importance as was the Castle of Sterlin for him, in consideration of the passage over the River of Forth at a Bridge for those were coming to his Aid: The Lords of the Association counterfeiting a Retreat and dispersing themselves in the Country, that they might draw him from that Hold, he rashly and un­advisedly issued out of the Castle and left his beloved Town of Edenburgh. The Earls of Montross, Glen­carn, Lords Maxwel and Ruthen accompanied him to the Blackness; his Forces here encreasing he marched towards Sterlin, the Rendevous and desti­nated Place of meeting for all his Loyal Subjects, there he displayed his Royal Standard. Here the perfidious Constable (an unparralleld example of in­gratitude) who had betrayed the Son, in an Hostile [Page 174] manner kept the Father out of his own Castle, Can­nons mounted, Pistols cockt, and level'd at him, and exposed him a prey to his Rebels, In the amazement and deliberation what to go about, being thus shut out of his Castle, Tidings came to him, That the Confederates were come near to Falkirk, a little Town six miles Eastward from Sterlin, that his Ar­my should not be discouraged by this unexpected accident, trusting to his right and present Power; being more stout than prudent, he resolveth to set all upon the hazard of a Battle. The Confederates had passed the Carron, a River under the Falkirk, and were encamped above the Bridge near the Tor­wood: The King set forwards with his Army upon the otherside of the Torwood, near a small brook named Sawchy-Burn. This field is a Plain not far di­stant from that Bannoch-burn, where King Robert the Bruce overthrew the great Army of Edward Carnar­van. Here both Armies advance forward in Battel ar­ray.

The Lords rang'd their Host in three Squadrons; the Vanguard was led by the Lords Hume and Hailles and their friends consisting of East Lothian and March-men; The middle ward was composed of the Liddesdale, Annandale, Ewesdale, Tiviotdale, Tweddale, Galloway-men: the main Battle was of West Lothian-men, where most of the Lords were, and amongst whom the Prince was kept. In the Kings Army the Earl of Monteeth, Lords Aresken, Graham, Ruthen, Maxwel commanded the Van­guard. The left wing which consisted of Westland and Highland men, was committed to the Earl of Glencarn. The Lords Boyd, Lyndesay the Earl of Crawford commanded in the Rear or great Battel, amongst whom was the King armed from head to foot upon a great Coursier, easie to be known and [Page 175] discern'd from the rest. The first Charge is valiant­ly given and Launce meeting with Launce, the Vanguard of the Lords began to yield ground, and was strongly repulsed. But the next Charge being given by Annandale Men and the ranck Riders of the Borders, The middle ward of the Kings Army is beaten back to the main Battle; Notwithstanding of which it is Fought a while with marvellous ob­stination and great hardiness and assurance, until the Standard Royal was beaten down, and those who defended it were slain, the violence of the bickering being mostly where it was planted. The Kings Army now beginning to bow, not being sufficient to resist the numbers of fresh Assailers, the Horse-men obeying no direction, turned their backs. In this rowt and confusion of Horse and Foot-men, the King seeking to retire towards the River of Forth, where not far off some Boats and the Ships of Sir An­drew Wood attended the fortune of Battel, by the fall of his Horse, in leaping a Ditch, being sore bruised, was carried by such who knew him not, to a Mill at Bannoch-Burn. The day was now the Confede­rates, and wrong had prevailed against Right, when the Prince of Rothsay amazed at the noise and cla­mours of the flying and following Souldiers, and in suspition of the worst, gave out express and strait Commandment with threatnings to the Disobeyers, that none should presume to pursue his Father, nor others in the Chase. Notwithstanding which, he was followed and killed in a Mill in cold Blood. These who followed him were the Lord Gray, Robert Sterling of Keer, Sir Andrew Borthick a Priest, whom Fame reporteth after shiriving to have stobb'd him with a Dagger.

The Ensigns taken, the Army dissipated and put to flight, the Baggage rifled, the Death of the King [Page 176] being rumoured through the Armies, the Victors turned slow in the chase, and gave field-room to all that would fly, no severity being used against any found unarm'd; for the Lords of the Association pursu'd the King not the People. The discomfited fled towards Sterlin; the victorious retir'd to their Camp, and the next morning to Linlithgow. On the Kings side Alexander Cunningham Earl of Glencarn was slain, and as some have Recorded, the Lords Ares­kin, Simple, Ruthven, John Ramsey of Balmayn cre­ated Earl of Bothwell, and his chief favourite, with their friends and Vassals: the Laird of Inneys, Alex­ander Scot Director of the Chancery, with some No­blemens Friends and Vassals: many were hurt who recovered of their wounds, and this Battle seem'd rather a brave encounter and meeting of Launces in some Lists, than a Field of great deeds of Arms, and the Victory was obtained rather by disorder, and the rashness of the Vanquished than by the Valour of the Victorious. This Battle was Fought the year One thousand four hundred eighty eight, the Eleventh day of June, which is the Festival of St. Barnabas, the Twenty ninth year of the Reign, and thirty five of the Age of this King. He had issue James the Fourth who succeeded, Alexander Arch-bishop of St. Andrews, and John Earl of Marr: The Conspirators with all funeral Rites and Royal Pomp, as in expiation of the wrongs they had done him living, near his Queen in the Abby Church of Cambuskynneth, buried his body.

This King concerning his personage was of a Sta­ture higher than ordinary, well proportioned, his hair was black, his visage was rather long than round, approaching in colour more to those in the Southern than Northern Climates. Concerning his conditi­ons, He was a Prince of an haughty and towring [Page 177] Spirit, loved to govern alone, affecting an absolute Power and Royal Perogative over his People. He knew that Noblemen were of his Predecessours mak­ing, as the coyn, and why he might not put his stamp upon the same mettal, or when these old Medals were defaced, that he might not refound them and give them a new Print, he thought no sufficient rea­son could be given. His Reign seemeth a Theater spread over with mourning and stain'd with Blood, where in a Revolution many Tragedies were acted. Neither were the neighbour Kingdoms about in a calmer estate during his Reign. France under Louys the Eleventh, England under Henry the Sixth, Ed­ward the Fourth, and Richard the Usurper, Flanders and Holland under Charles the War-like; Arnold Duke of Guilders was imprisoned by his own Son.

As if the heavenly Influences were sometimes all together set to produce upon this Ball of the Earth nothing but Conspiracies, Treasons, Troubles, and for the wickedness of the Inhabitants to deprive them of all rest, and contentment.

This King is by the most condemned, as a rash, imprudent dangerous Prince: good People make good Kings; when a People run directly to oppose the Authority of their Soveraign, and assume Rebellion and arrogancy for obedience, resisting his fairest motions and most profitable commandments, if a King be Martial, in a short time they are beaten and brought under. If he be politick, prudent and foreseeing in a longer time (as wild Dear) they are surprized and either brought back to their first order and condition, or thrall'd to greater miseries. If he be weak and suffer in his Reputation or State or Per­son by them, the Prince who succeedeth is ordinari­ly the Revenger of his wrongs. And all Conspira­cies of Subjects if they prosper not in a high degree, [Page 178] advance the Soveraignty: This Prince seemeth not to have been naturally evil inclined, but to have been constrained to leave his natural inclination and ne­cessitate to run upon Precipices and dangers: his tur­bulent Subjects never suffering him to have rest. Ma­ny Princes who in the beginning of their Reigns have been admired for their fair Actions, by the in­gratitude of their Subjects, have turn'd from one extremity to another, and become their rebellious Sub­jects executioners. He was provoked to do many things by the insolency of private men: and what some call Tyranny and fierceness in a Prince, is but just severity. He sought to be feared, believing it to be the only way to obedience. It is true, injuries took such deep impression in his mind, that no after service could blot them away. The taking away of his Favourites, made him study revenge, which if he had not done, he had to much of the Stoical vertues, little of the Heroical

These who blame Princes, under a pure and abso­lute Monarchy for having Favourites, would have them inhumane, base and contemptible, and would deprive them of Power to confer favours according to the distinguishing power of their understanding and conceptions. The choice a Prince maketh of men whom he advanceth to great imployments, is not subject to any mans censure. And were it bad, yet ought it to be pass'd over, if not approv'd; least the discretion and judgment of the Prince be questioned, and his Reputation wounded; Favourites are shrines to shaddow Princes from their People. Why should a people not allow a Prince some to whom he may unmask himself, and discover the secrets of his Heart? If his secrets should be imparted to many, they would be no longer secrets? Why should it be imposed on a Prince to love all his Subjects alike, since he is not [Page 179] beloved of them all alike? This is a desire to tyran­nize over the affections of Princes, whom men should reverence.

He seemeth too much to have delighted in retired­ness, and to have been a hater of business; nor that he troubled himself with any but for formalities sake, more desirous of quietness than Honour. This was the fault of the Governours of his youth, who put him off business of State, that they might the more easily reach their own ends, and by making him their shadow, govern after their pleasure; Of this delight in solitariness his Brothers took their advantage and wan the people to their observance.

He was much given to Buildings and trimming up of Chappels, Halls, and Gardens, as usually are the lovers of Idleness: and the rarest frames of Chur­ches and Pallaces in Scotland were mostly raised about his time. An humour which though it be al­lowable in men which have not much to do, yet it is harmful in Princes; As to be taken with admiration of Watches, Clocks, Dyals, Automates, Pictures, Statues. For the Art of Princes is to give Laws and govern their people with wisdom in peace, and glory in war; to spare the humble and prostrate the proud.

He is blam'd of Avarice, yet there is no great mat­ters Recorded of it, save the encroaching upon the dealing, and taking the giving to whom he pleased, of Church Benefices; which if he had liv'd in our times, would have been held a vertue. He was of a credulous Disposition, and therefore easie to be abused, which hath moved some to Record he was given to Divination and to inquire of future accidents: which if it be credible was the fault of those times. Edward the Fourth of England is said to have had that same fault, and that by the misinterpretation of a Pro­phecy of a Necromancer, which foretold that one, [Page 180] the first Letter of whose name was G. should Usurp the Kingdom, and dispossess the Children of King Edward, he took away his Brother George Duke of Clarence; which being really practised in England, some Scottish Writers (that a King of Scotland should not be inferiour, to any of his Neighbour Princes in wickedness) without grounds have recorded the same to have been done by this King, his love was great to learned men, he used as Counsellors in his important affairs John Ireland a Doctour of Divini­ty, and one of the Sorbon in Paris, made Arch­deacon of St. Andrews, Mr. Robert Blackadore, whom he promoted to be Bishop of Glasgow, Mr. William Elphinstoun, whom of an Official or Commissary of Lothian, he surrogated in the place of Mr. Robert Blackadore, and made Bishop of Aberdeen; and his faults either in Religion or Policy may be attributed to these and his other Counsel­lours.

Many have thought that the fatal Chariot of his Precipice was, that he had equally offended Kindred, Clergy, Nobility and People. But suppose this had been true, why should such an horrible mischief have been devised, as to arm his own Son against him? and that neither the fear of Divine Justice, the respect of Infamy with the present or after times, the dan­ger of the example, had power to divert the minds of men from such a cruel Design! This was really to seeth the Kid in the Mothers milk, and to make an innocent youth obnoxious to the most hainous Crime that could be committed. Whatever cour­tains could be spread to overshadow and cover this mischief, the horrour of this Fact possest this Prince to his last hour, and God out of his Justice exe­cuted the revenge of his cruelty upon the No­bles, [Page 181] Commons, and the Prince himself at the field of Flowden: where some of the chief Actors of this Paricide were in their own persons, others in the persons of their Successors, sacrificed to the Ghost of this King.

Iames. IIII. king of Scotts Anō 1488.

THE HISTORY Of the LIFE and Reign of James the Fourth, KING of SCOTLAND.

THe Lords who had chosen rather to be re­puted famous Rebels than contemn'd Sub­jects, by their boldness of enterprizing, skill of managing the Publick affairs, and continued purchases, swelling to that greatness of Power, that they found none to counterpoise few to oppose to their Designs; to make their Rebellion lawful, and show the World they intended not the Subversion of their Country, but of their opiniona­tive King, nor that they did dislike Soveraignity, so they might have a Prince who would be ruled by their directions, take the name, and leave to them the Majesty and Authority of his place: after the killing of the Father, call a Parliament for the installing of the Son in the Royal Throne; few of the three Estates here meeting, except themselves and the Commissioners of Burroughs, in the Month of June the year One thousand four hundred eighty eight [Page 184] at Edenburgh the Prince is Crowned, then having not attained the sixteenth year of his age. Though these men had assumed the Government, yet in divers parts of the Country they had but doubtful obedi­ence, nor was their Authority universally acknow­ledged, the flames of dissention seeming yet neither to be extinguished, nor altogether smothered with the Life of the late King. On the Sea Sir Andrew Wood, who had attended the event of the last Battle, maintained resolutely the Quarrel of his dead Ma­ster. Five tall Ships sent by the King of England to his Confederates aid (but which came too late) pretending a revenge upon his disloyal Subjects, pillaged the Maritime Towns, and forraged the adjacent parts of the Country, shut up the mouth of the River of Forth, and interrupted the Commerce of Merchants. To repel which violence, the Ships gathered by the Lords struggled in vain, being eve­ry way inferiour and weak to suppress their incursi­ons and Algarards. On the Land the Forces of those who had stood out for the late King had rather been by the last conflict scatter'd, than throughly broken and brought under. The ablest and most conve­nient Companies which were gathered to his Assist­ance, having never assembled and joyned in one body, the Fight being inconsideratly precipitated and the Dye thrown, before they could descend from the far Mountains, and cross the Ford-less Rivers; And of those who were in the Fray not many being taken Prisoners, fewer killed, falling under the weight of friendly Arms.

The prime Men of those who had chosen rather justly to follow the King, than profitably his Rebels, finding themselves, for their loyalty, and that good will which they had carryed to their Soveraign, persecuted and proscrib'd in their Fortunes and Per­sons, [Page 185] inflamed with indignation and shame resolved to oppose Wisdom to Fortune, Courage to Strength, and hazard some one day more for the repairing the losses of former: the Pillage begun upon the Seas by the English animating them. And being desirous to make as many fellows of their danger as they could, they send Letters throughout all the quarters of the Kingdom to their Friends, Familiars, and Con­federates, encouraging them to ply the business ge­nerously, opposing their valour and courage to the strength and power of the abusers of the Prince. By publick Writings they cast aspersions on the pre­sent Government. After that Battel of Sterlin, and since the Coronation of the King they had not fal­len in the power of a Monarch, but under an Oli­garchy, the most depraved from all Governments, the name and Title of a King a young man scarce six­teen years of Age enjoyed, but he Govern'd not, but was by the Killers of his Father misgoverned, who under false pretences intended the ruin of the State. What reproach and shame would it be not only with all men now living but also with Posterity to suffer these who had hazarded what they had dearest for the honour and preservation of their Prince, to be branded with the name of Traytors, be banished and followed to death. Whilst the Transgressors and abu­sers of all Laws, Divine and Humane, sit Judges over them, as revengers of general Wrongs, usurping the Titles of Deliverers of the Country, and Resto­rers of the Commonwealth, amongst whose Paws the present King could not be assured and safe, They be­ing the men who to justifie their injustice, and make their Fact meritorious, brought him in Arms, not know­ing whether, against his King and Father, most wo­fully taken away, besides the abusing of his Name and Authority in every civil matter. The late King [Page 186] had lost the day and himself by his own Errors, not by their Power and Designs. Now they should op­pose to their proceedings, and though they might be esteemed inferiour in number to them, yet (if they met together) they might be found equal to them in worth and courage, being puft up by the last misfor­tune, and only putting their confidence in that they mastered their Designs.

Much being projected and designed for their meet­ing in Arms, in the North Alexander Lord Forbess, a Man born neither to rest himself, nor suffer others, in Aberdeen, and other Towns on the point of a Launce displayed the Shirt of the slaughtered King purpled with his blood, inviting the Country as by an Herald to the revenge of his Murther. In the West the Earl of Lenox, a man eminent by his Birth and Fortunes hath the same resolution; the Earl of Marshal, Lords Gordon and Lyle, with their Confede­rates in other parts of the Kingdom, where their power or eloquence could prevail, move all their Engins to advance the enterprize, and put every thing in readiness.

The Lords of the insurrection having the young King in their hands to countenance their proceedings, joyning discretion to their good success, determine except upon necessity not to spill more civil blood. and to disperse the Clouds of that appearing Storm, they encourage Sir Andrew Wood, now received in favour and brought not only to be an enemy, but to be their friend and fellow-helper (having obtained from them the Barony of Largow, disposed to him hereditarily of which before he had only a Lease of the late King for his first Service) with his Ships to clear the Forth, and scour the Seas of the English. And they Launch out to his assistance the Vessels and Boats of the Havens near adjacent. At that same [Page 187] time John Lord Drummond Stuart of Strathern, a Nobleman, couragious and adventurous, is directed to wait upon the Earl of Lennox, stopt his ravaging and wasting the Country, and kept him back from joyning with his Confederates of the North, and infesting the more civil parts: being the greatest, ablest and nearest Man of that Faction. The Earl had raised many High-land and West-land Men, Recorded to be Two thousand; but when he could not pass the River of Forth at the Bridg of Sterlin, the Lords having invested the Town, he assayeth to pass among the Fens and Marshes at a Ford not far from the head of the River, where other his Confe­derates had appointed to meet him. Whilst he is encamped at Tilly-moss, far from all appearance or suspicion of danger, the Lord Drummond by the ad­vertisement of Alexander Mackealp (who had taken Arms with the Earl only to find out his ways) in the Night invadeth his Camp, the Sentinels and these of the foremost Guard seized upon, or killed, or driven back, they in the nearest Cabines amazed with the sudden mischief, rise to Arm themselves and think of Fight, but finding the danger to be on all sides, and thorough the whole Camp, neither seeing before them, nor hearing any directions given them for the great noise of the Invaders, it being impossi­ble to put themselves in array, confusedly each over­throwing other take themselves to hopeless and disor­dered flight. Sleep here to some is continued in death, many disburthened themselves of their Arms, seek Sanctuary amongst the winding paths of these Marshes. Others are taken, but by their acquain­tance and friends suffered after to escape. Revenge is only followed against such who in malice had en­terprized any thing against the present Government, and persevered in their attempts.

[Page 188]This defeat of the Earl of Lennox by the Lord Drummond, is seconded with the rumour of a Sea Victory obtained by Sir Andrew Wood against Ste­phen Bull, a man excelling in Maritime Affairs, who had come upon the Scottish Seas to revenge the quar­rel of his Masters Ships not long before taken and spoiled by Sir Andrew. They had met near the Island of the May, at the mouth of the River of Forth, and arraging themselves for Fight, had been two days by the Waves and Winds carryed along the Coast of Fife, driven at last amongst the Mounts of Sand where the Tay loseth his name in the Sea, the English Ships taller, and of a greater burthen than the Scottish by ignorance or negligence of their Mariners embarqued, and stuck moor'd upon the Shelves: and being forc'd by necessity to render were brought as Prizes to Dundee: The rumour of these Victories spread abroad, so amaz'd the Com­panies raised in the North by the Lord Forbess, and other his Confederates, that they, changing their opinions with the event of Actions, gave over fur­ther prosecution or desire of War, and every Man retired to his own home. After which by indifferent friends having sought a reconciliation (it being more expedient to take them in by Policy than by Force) they were easily received in favour: amongst which was the Earl of Lennox and the Lord For­bess.

The Governours to ingratiate themselves more with the People, by calming the present Troubles, and uniting the divided members of the Common­wealth; that every man might have a publick assu­rance for the freedom of his Person and private estate and fortunes, call a Parliament, and it is held at Eden­burgh in February, having the Law in their own hands, that the Insurrection might be thought just; [Page 189] here was it adjudged that those who were slain in the field of Sterlin had fallen by their own deservings, and justly suffered the punishment of their rashness: that the Victors were innocently guiltless of the blood there shed, and fairly acquitted of any pursuit: The three Estates testifying the same by their sub­scriptions and Signets.

It was Ordained, That they who came against the present King in aid of his Father, should take Remissi­ons or Pardons: and so many of them as were in He­reditary Offices, as Wardens, Justices, Sheriffs, Stew­ards, Bailyes, Lieutenants, or in other publick Char­ges, should be suspended from them for the space of three years, that such who had offices for term of life, or for terms, should be dispossessed and denuded of them altogether.

All which, though done under a colour of Pu­nishment, was only to invest Places, and to turn some of themselves rich by their spoils. The punishment of mean Men challenged of these garboyls is either made little or passed over. All Donations howsoe­ver made by Patent from the King or by Parlia­ments in prejudice of the Crown, beginning from the month of September before, till the day of his decease are repelled and annihilated. All honours bestowed on such the late King sought to oblige un­to him were recalled. The Earl of Crawford was divested of his title of being Duke of Montross, as the Lord of Balmayn was of his, of being Earl of Bothwell. Embassadours are directed to the Em­perour, Pope, Kings of France and Denmark, and other Princes, to renew the Leagues, ancient Con­federacies and Allyances, as in times past had been the custom of the Kings of Scotland to their neigh­bour Princes, but especially to take away the blame of their Kings slaughter from the Governours: and [Page 190] manifest to all the World the candor of their Minds, and justice of their proceedings. For that some few English Ships had shut up the narrow Seas of Scot­land, and interrupted the Commerce of Merchants, pillaging the Coasts, Order was established for build­ing of many Ships, and that every Seaport should be stored with them, as well to maintain traffick abroad with Strangers, as for Fishing, and to be Walls to the Country at home. In a matter so im­portant, and near concerning the Weal and standing of the State, the Barons were ordained to share and bear a part with the Merchants and Burroughs. And in so fair a project, to encourage his people, the King himself was content first to begin, and to build Ships for his own and the Publick Service of the Kingdom. This being one of the greatest miseries of the late King, that he suffered himself to be mis­govern'd by (as they term'd them) worthless men, some Prelates and Noblemen eminent in Learning and Vertue are selected who should still be resident with the King, and of his Council without the ad­vice, consent and decree of six of which, if any mat­ters of importance were proceeded on and conclud­ed, they should be void and null: Governours are appointed to bring up his Brothers.

Now is every thing ordered to the best, Justice is executed on oppressours and Robbers, and in the remotest parts of the Kingdom, the King himself in person seeth it administred: He is of so contrary a temper to the humour of his Predecessours that he granted freely to every man what could be demand­ed in reason. To give a testimony to the world of the Agonie of his Mind, for the death of his Father, and what remorse and anguish he suffered for the faults of those who brought him to the Field against him, he girded himself with a chain of Iron, to [Page 191] which every third year of his Life thereafter he ad­ded some rings and weight. Though this might have proved terrible to the Complices of the Crime, yet either out of Conscience of his gentle disposition and mild nature, and confidence in his generosity, or of the trust they had in their own Power and Facti­on, they bewrayed no signs of fear, nor attempted ought against the common peace and tranquillity, some Records bear that they forewarned him by the example of his Father not to take any violent course against them, or which might irritate the people a­gainst him and every thing to embrace their coun­sels: and that finding him repining and stubborn, beyond mediocrity giving himself over to Sorrow and pensiveness, they threatned him with a Corona­tion of one of his Brothers, telling him it was in their power to make any of the Race of his Prede­cessors their King; if he were head-strong and re­fractory to oppose to their wholsom directions and grave Counsels.

Amidst this grief of the King and overweaning of his supercilious Governours Andrew Forman Se­cretary to Alexander the Sixth Bishop of Rome ar­rived in Scotland with instructions for the Clergy, and Letters from his Master to the King and the No­bles.

The King's were full of ordinary consolations to asswage his Passions, and reduce his mind to a more calm temper for the accident of his Fathers Death.

The most glorious victory a Prince could acquire, was sometimes to overcome himself, and triumph over his disordered passions. In all perturbations to which we are subject, we should endeavour to practise that precept, No thing too much, but chiefly in our passi­ons of sorrow and wrath: which not being restrained [Page 192] over-whelm the greatest and most generous Minds, that by passion the fewest actions, and by reason the most do prosper.

Though a King, he must not imagine himself exempt from things casual to all mankind, especially in Sedi­tions and civil tumults: from which no kingdom nor State hath been free. There being no City which hath not sometimes wicked Citizens, and always and ever an headstrong and mad multitude: he should take what had befaln him from the hand of his Maker, who chastiseth those he loveth. What comes from heaven he should bear necessarily, what proceedeth from Men couragiously; there was no man so safe, ex­cellent and transcendent, who by an insolent Nobility and ravaging Populacy might not be compell'd to per­petrate many things against his heart and intenti­ons.

The will being both the beginning and subject of all sin, and the consenting to and allowing the action be­ing the only and main point to be considered and lookt into, of which he was free, the sin committed was not his, nor could the punishment which by the Divine Justice might follow belong unto him.

Sith he had done nothing of himself, but as a bound man had been carryed away by mutinous Subjects: these that lead transgress, not always they that follow. To these men remorse and torture of conscience belong'd, it was they should lament and mourn who under false pretences had abused the people, maskt their ambiti­on and Malice with a Reformation of errours in the State, whose Rage could not be quench't but by the Bloud of their Soveraign. It was these should bewail their injustice and cruelty, the sin, shame, and judg­ment, for so hainous a Fact, followed these men; He should not impute the wrongs and wickedness of others, by which he had been a sufferer with his disastered [Page 193] Father, to himself. Revenge belonged to the Al­mighty, to whose Tribunal he should submit his quar­rel. He should not decree the worst against his mu­tinous Subjects, nor turn them desperate, as if there were no place to Repent. Great offences, ordinarily were seldom punisht in a State, that it was profitable for a Prince sometimes to put up voluntarily an injury, the way to be invincible was never to contend, and to stand out of danger was the benefit of Peace, that he should apply soft Medicine where it was dangerous to use violent; That following his Maker he should endeavour to draw good out of evil.

As he was for that disaster of his Father pittied by Men upon Earth, so assuredly he would be pardon'd in Heaven. If his Subjects returned to their crooked Byas and did revolt again, he would make the dan­ger his own, use his Ecclesiastical Censures, and Spi­ritual Power against them till they became obedient, and submitted themselves to the sway of his Scep­ter.

In the Letters to the Nobles he exhorteth them to obedience.

Ambition was the cause of Sedition, which had no limits, and which was the bane and wrack of State and Kingdoms of which they should beware of; King­doms subsisting upon the reputation of a Prince, and that respect his Subjects carryed towards him. He was the Eye and Sun of Justice; the Prince weak­ned or taken away, or his Authority contemned, the Commonwealth would not only fall into a Decadence, but suffer an Earthquake and perish. Either after by Forrainers be invaded, or by intestine dissentions rent asunder. Confusions followed where obedience ceased and left: Contempt deposed Kings as well as [Page 194] death, and Kings are no longer Kings when their Subjects refuse to obey them.

That good people made good Kings, which he re­quested them to endeavour to be, as they would answer to God whose Lieutenants Princes were, and by whose power they ruled.

After this time, the Lord Evaindale being dead, the Earl of Anguss, was made Chancellour, and the Lord Hume, obtained the place of great Chamber­lain of Scotland, the Country enjoyed a great calm of Peace, the grounds of Dissention seeming to be taken away.

The King in the strength and vigour of his Youth, remembring that to live in Idleness was to live to be contemned by the World, by change of Objects to expel his present sadness and to enable himself for Wars when they should burst forth, gave himself to recreations by Games, and with a decent Pomp en­tertained all Knightly exercises keeping an open and Magnificent Court. When time and Exercise had enabled him, and he thought he had attained to some perfection in Martial sports, Tilting and Barriers proclaimed; Rewards propounded and promised to the Victors, Challenges are sent abroad unto Stran­gers either to be Umpires or Actors of Feats of Arms.

Charles the Eight the French King, having an Am­bition to reannex, the Dutchy of French Bretaign to the Crown of France, either by Arms or the Marriage of Ann the apparent heir, under the pre­text and shadow of those painted Justings, sendeth to Scotland some of the bravest Gentlemen of his Court, desiring privily the assistance of King James against the English, if it should fall forth that the King of England troubled his Designs.

[Page 195]Not long after well and honourably accompani­ed arriveth in Scotland a young man, naming him­self Richard Duke of York Son to Edward the Fourth, true Inheritor of the Crown of England, divers Neighbour Princes testifying the same by the Let­ters, which contained,

That Edward the eldest Son of Edward the Fourth who succeeded his Father in the Crown, by the Name of Edward the Fifth, was Murthered by Richard Duke of Gloucester their unnatural Uncle; but Ri­chard the younger Son his Brother, by the Man who was employed to execute that Tragedy (making report to the Tyrant that he had performed his command for both Brethren) was saved, and with speed and secre­cy convoyed to Tourney, there conceal'd and brought up by his Fathers Sister Margarite Dutches of Bur­gundy; That King James should acknowledge this for Truth, and friendly assist this young Man, who was that very Richard Duke of York, to recover his In­heritance, now most unjustly Usurped and Possessed by Henry Tuder Earl of Richmond; That the right of Kings extended not only to the safe preservation of their own, but also to the Aid of all such Allies, as change of time and State have often hurled down from Crowns to undergo an exercise of sufference in both fortunes: and Kings should repossess Kings wrong­fully put from their own. As his Predecessors to whose royal vertues he was heir, had repossessed Henry the Sixth King of England, spoyled of his Kingdom and distressed, by which Charity obliging all vertuous Prin­ces unto him, he should find ever as his own, Maxi­milian of Bohemia, Charles of France, and Marga­rite Dutchess Dowager of Burgundy.

King James graciously receiving this young man, told him, That whatsoever he were, he should not repent him of putting himself into his hands, and [Page 196] from that time forth, though many gave Informa­tions against him as a counterfeit, entertained him every way as a Prince, embraced his quarrel, and seiling both his own eyes, and the eyes of the World, he gave consent that this Duke should take to Wife Lady Katherine Gordoun daughter to the Earl of Huntley, which some thought he did to increase the Factions of Perkins in England, stir the discontented Subjects against King Henry, and to encourage his own Subjects to side on his quarrel.

Not long after in person with this Duke of York in his Company, who assured him of powerful Assistance, he entred with an Army into Northumberland, but not one Man coming to side with them, the King turned his enterprize into a Road, and after he had spoiled the Country returned to Scotland. It is said, that Perkin acting the part of a Prince handsomely, where he saw the Scots pillaging and wasting of the Country came to the King, and in a deplorable man­ner requested him to spare his afflicted people, that no Crown was so dear to his Mind, as that he desired to purchase it with the blood and ruine of his Peo­ple: whereunto King James answered, He was ridi­culously careful of an interest another man possessed, and which perhaps was none of his. The King of England who delighted more to draw treasure from his People than to hazard the spilling of their Blood, to revenge the predatory war of the Scots, and find out Perkin, requireth a subsidy of his Subjects: and though few believed he would follow so far a flying Hart, he was Levying a puissant Army.

No sooner this Subsidy began to be collected amongst the Cornish-men when they began to grudge and murmur, and afterwards rebelled; which when it was understood of the King, he retained the For­ces raised, for his own service and use. In the mean [Page 197] time dispatching the Earl of Surrey to the North to attend the Scots incursions, whilst the Cornish-men are in their March towards London, King James again entred the Frontiers of England with an Ar­my and besieged the Castle of Norham in person. But understanding the Earl of Surrey was advancing with greater Forces, loaden with spoil he returned back again; the Earl of Surrey finding no Enemy, sat down before the Castle of Aytoun, which he took, and soon after returned into England; the cold season of the year, with the unseasonableness of the weather driving away time, invited a Treaty of Peace on both sides.

Amidst these turmoyls and unprofitable Incursi­ons of the two Kingdoms, Ferdinando and Isabella of Spain sent one Peter Hialas to treat a Marriage between Katherine one of their Daughters, and Ar­thur Prince of Wales. This Allyance being agreed upon, and almost brought to perfection, King Henry desirous of quietness, and to have an end of all De­bates, especially these with Scotland, communicat­eth his intentions to Hialas a man wise and learned, and whom he thought able to be employed in such a Service: for it stood not with his Reputation to sue unto his enemy for Peace.

But Hialas a stranger unto both, as having di­rection from his Master for the Peace of Christian and Neighbour Princes, might take upon him this Reconciliation.

Hialas accepteth the Embassage, and coming to King James, after he hid brought him to hearken to more safe and quiet Counsels, wrote unto King Henry, That he hoped that Peace might easily be concluded, if he should find some wise and temperate Councellour of his own, that might treat of the Con­ditions.

[Page 198]Whereupon the King directeth the Bishop of Duresm, Richard Fox, who at that time was at his Castle of Norham, to confer with Hialas, and they both to treat with some Commissioners deputed from King James. The Commissioners of both sides meet at Jedbrough, and dispute many Articles and con­ditions of Peace. Restitution of the spoils taken by the Scottish, or dammages for the same is desired: but that was passed as a matter impossible to be per­formed. An enterview in person at Newcastle is desi­red of both Kings: which being referred to King James his own arbitrement, he is reported to have answered that he meant to treat a Peace, and not go a begging for it.

The breaking of the Peace for Perkin Warbeck is highly aggravated by the Bishop, and he demand­ed to be deliver'd to the King of England; That a Prince should not easily believe with the common peo­ple, that Perkin was a Fiction, and such an one that if a Poet had projected the Figure, it could not have been done more to admiration, than the House of York by the old Dutchess of Burgundy, Sister to Edward the Fourth, having first raised Lambert Simnel, and at last this Perkin, to personate Kings and seduce the People. His Birth, Education, not resident in any one place, proved him a Pageant King, that he was a reproach to all Kings, and a person not protected by the Law of Nations.

The Bishop of Glasgow answered for his Master, That the love and Amity grounded upon a Common cause and universal Conclusion amongst Kings to de­fend one another, was the main Foundation upon which King James had adventured to assist Edward Duke of York, that he was no competent Judge of his Title; he had received him as a Suppliant, pro­tected him as a Person fled for refuge, espoused him with [Page 199] his Kinswoman, and aided him with Arms upon the belief that he was a Prince; that the People of Ire­land, Wales, and many in England acknowledged him no less than their King, whether he was so or not; sith for a Prince he had hitherto defended him, he could not leave him upon the Relation of his most terrible enemy, and the present Possessour of his Crown. That no Prince was bound to render a Subject to ano­ther who had come to him for Sanctuary, less a Prince who had recourse unto him for Aid and Supply, and was now allayed with the ancient blood of the Coun­trey.

Much being said at last they conclude upon a truce for some months following.

After this treaty of Peace the Counterfeit Duke of York, with his Lady, and such Followers as would not leave him, sailed over into Ireland.

This Truce, happily concluded and continued, by a trifling and untoward accident went near to have been given up and broken.

There were certain Scottish young men came in­to Norham Town, and having little to do went sometimes forth and would stand looking upon the Castle. Some of the Garrison of the Castle observ­ing them, and having not their minds purged of the late ill-humour of Hostility, either suspected them or quarrel'd with them as spes, whereupon they fell at ill words, and from words to blows, so that many were wounded of either side, and the Scots (being strangers in the Town) had the worst: Insomuch that some of them were slain, and the rest made haste home. The matter being complained on, and of­ten debated before the Wardens of the Marshes of both sides, and no good order taken, King James took it to himself, and sent Marchmond Herauld to the King of England to make protestation, That if [Page 200] reparation were not done according to the Conditions of the Truce, his King did denounce War. The King of England (who had often tryed fortune, and was enclined to Peace) made answer, That what had been done was utterly against his will, and with­out his privity; But if the Garrison Souldiers had been in fault he would see them punished, and the Truce in all points to be preserved. This answer pleas­ed not King James. Bishop Fox understanding his discontent, being troubled that the occasion of break­ing the Truce should grow from his men, sent ma­ny humble and deprecatory Letters to the King of Scotland to appease him. Whereupon King James mollified by the Bishops submiss and discreet Letters, wrote back again unto him, That though he were in part moved by his Letters, yet he should not be fully satisfied except he spake with himself, as well about the compounding of the present differences, as about other matters that might concern the good of both Kingdoms. The Bishop advising with his Master, took his journey to Scotland: the meeting was at the Abby of Melrose where the King then abode. The King first roundly uttered unto the Bishop his offence received for the breach of the Truce by his Men at Norham Castle, after speaking with him apart, he told him, That these temporary Truces, and Peace were soon made and soon broken: but that he desired a straiter Amity with the King of England, discove­ring his Mind, that if the King would give him in Marriage the Lady Margaret his eldest Daughter, That indeed might be a knot indissolvable; That he knew well what Place and Power the Bishop deser­vedly had with his Master; therefore if he would take the business to heart, and deal in it effectually, he doubted not but it would well succeed.

The Bishop answered soberly, That he thought [Page 201] himself rather happy than worthy, to be an instru­ment in such a matter, but would do his best endea­vour. Wherefore the Bishop of Durham returning from Scotland to his King at London, and giving ac­count what had passed, and finding his King more than well disposed in it, gave the King first advice to proceed to a conclusion of Peace, and then go on with the Treaty of Marriage by degrees; hereup­on a Peace was concluded to continue for both the Kings lives, and to the overliver of them one year after. In this Peace there was an Article contained, That no English-man should enter into Scotland, nor no Scotch-man into England, without Letters Com­mendatory from the King of either Nations.

During this Treaty of the Marriage it is reported that the King of England referred this matter to his Council, and that some of the Table in freedom of Councellours (the King being present) had put the case, That Issues Males and Females falling of the Race of his two Sons, that then the Kingdom of England would fall to the King of Scotland, which might prejudice the Monarchy of England. Where­unto the King replyed, That if any such event should be, Scotland would be but an accession to England, and not England to Scotland, for that the greater would draw the less, and that it was a safer Union for England than that of France.

Shortly after the espousals of James King of Scot­land with Lady Margarite the King of Englands eldest Daughter followed: which were done by Proxie and in all solemn manner. The Assurance and contract was Published at Pauls Cross the Twenty Fifth of January at London, in applause of which, Hymns were publickly sung in the Chur­ches, and Bonfires with great Feasting and Banquet­ing set throughout all the City.

[Page 202] Julius the Second in the beginning of this Trea­ty did gratifie King James with a Sword and Dia­dem wrought with flowers of Gold (which the Popes on Christmas even used to Consecrate, a custom first brought in by Sixtus Quartus) which were presented to him at Holy-Rood-House; the Marri­age was in August following consummate at Eden­burgh, King Henry bringing his Daughter as far as Colliveston on the way: where his Mother the Coun­tess of Richmond abode; and then resigning her to the attendance of the Earl of Northumberland who with a great Train of Lords and Ladies of Honour brought her into Scotland to the King her Husband, Solemn days were kept at Court for Banqueting, Masks and Revelling, Barriers and Tilting Proclaim­ed. Challenges were given out in the Name of the Savage Knight (who was the King himself) Re­wards designed to the Victors. Old King Arthur with his Knight of the Round-Table were here brought upon the Lists. The Fame of this Marriage hath drawn many Forreign Gentlemen to the Court. Amongst others came Monsieur Darcie, naming him­self Le Sieur de la Beautle, who tryed Barriers with the Lord Hamilton, after they had Tilted with grind­ing Spears. Some of the Savage Knights Compa­ny (who were robust High-land men) he giving way unto them, smarted really in these feigned Con­flicts, with Targets and Two-handed Swords to the Musick of their Bagpipes, fighting as in a true Bat­tel, to the admiration of the English and French, who had never seen men so ambitious of Wounds, and prodigal of Blood in sport. All were magni­ficently entertained by the King, and with honou­rable Largesses and Rewards of their Valour, licen­sed to return Home.

During the Treaty of this Marriage with Eng­land, [Page 203] a Monster of new and strange shape was born in Scotland near the City of Glasgow, the body of which under the waste or middle varied nothing from the common shape and proportion of the bo­dies of other men, the members both for use and comliness being two, their faces looking one way; sitting they seemed two men to such who saw not the parts beneath, and standing it could not be discerned to which of the two Bulks above the thighs and legs did appertain. They had differing Passions, and divers wills, often chiding others for disorder in their behaviour and actions: after much deliberation em­bracing that unto which they both consented. By the Kings Direction they were carefully brought up, and instructed in Musick and Forreign Languages. This monster lived Twenty eight years, and dyed when John Duke of Albany Govern'd. Claud Gru­get maketh mention of the like Monster born in Paris before the Marriage of Henry the Fourth the French King with Margarite of Valois, but the birth and death of it were near together.

The King by his great Liberality unto Strangers abroad, and his lavish spending at home, for religi­ous Places were founded, Castles repaired, Ships builded, (three of an extraordinary greatness) find­ing himself needy of Treasure to support the daily expences at Court, engaged to many and sunk deep in debt; and that Subsidies he could not Levy ex­cept by the Suffrages of his Parliament, by whose Power they were imposed and rated setteth the most learned Counsellors at Law, and men experienced in Foreign Policy to find out new means and ways to acquire and gather him moneys by Laws already made and Ordained, which was in effect to Pole the People by executing the rigour of Justice, the For­tunes of wise men arising often on the expences of [Page 204] Fools, after the example of King Henry the seventh of England, his Father-in-law, who taking the ad­vantage of the breach of his penal Statutes gave pow­er to Sir Richard Empson and Edmund Dudley by In­formers and Promoters to oppress and ruine the Estates of many of his best Subjects, whom King Henry the Eight to satisfy his wronged people, after his de­cease caused Execute. Old Customs are by these men pryed into, and forgotten absolet Statutes quick­ned.

Amongst the Titles of possessing of Lands in Scot­land there is one, which in process of time of an un­godly custom grew strong and is kept for a Law, being fetched by imitation from the Laws of the neighbouring States; That if the possessour of Lands die, and leave a Minor to succeed to him, his Tutelage belongeth to the King, and the profit of the Lands until the Minor be of the age of One and twenty years. This is of those Lands which are termed Wards. The King causeth bring up his Wards, but bestoweth no more of their Rents upon them than is useful to such of that age. By another Law they have not any thing better than this, which they call Recognition, that if the evidences of any Possessour of Ward-lands be not in all points formal, and above exceptions of Law, the Lands (the possessours put from them) shall return to the Lords Superiour: and like to this, That if a Possessour of Ward-Lands without the consent of the Superiour, sell and put away the half, or above the half of his Land and Farm, the whole Land and Farm return­eth to the Superiour or Lord Paramount. They have Lands held with Clauses which they call Irritant, that if two terms of a few-duty run unpaid into the Third, the Land falleth unto the Superiour. When those Laws and other like them by reason of the Neighbour [Page 205] Incursions and troubles with England, and the civil broyls at home had been long out of use amongst the Subjects, and the execution of them as it were in a manner forgot, these Projectors and new Tol-masters the King giving way to enrich his Exchequer, awak­ned them. Many of the Subjects by these enqui­ries were obnoxious to the King and smarted, but most the most honest, who were constrained either to buy their own Lands and Inheritance from the Exchequer, or quit and freely give some portion of them to those Caterpillars of the State. The King was so dearly beloved of his People, that in the height of those Grievances (which reached near the exorbi­tant Avarice of his Father) none refused or made difficulty to give all that the Laws ordained. The King seeing their willingness to perform and know­ing their great disability thereunto, out of his singu­lar Grace and Goodness remitteth not only the rigour, but even the equity almost of his Laws, insomuch that thereafter none of his Subjects were damnified in their Persons or Estates by his proceedings: which gain'd him the hearts of all: And to put away all suspicions and jealousies from their minds (an ordi­nary Practice amongst Princes) acts that fill Prin­ces Coffers ever being the ruine of their first Pro­jectors, of any wrong intended, He suffered the Pro­moters and Projectors of this Poling, with others of the most active to be thrown into Prisons, where some miserably ended their days.

The year One thousand five hundred and seven, James Prince of Scotland and Isles was born at Holy-rood-House, the Twenty first of January: the Queen in her throws of birth, being brought near the last Agony of Death, the King (overcome with affecti­on and religious vows) taketh a Pilgrimage for her recovery on foot to Saint Ninians in Galloway; a [Page 206] place in those credulous times famous for the burial of St. Ninian the Apostle of the Britains, and noto­rious by the many Processions and visits of the Neigh­bour Countries of Ireland and England; at his re­turn he findeth his Queen recovered, the Child after dyed at Sterlin, with the Bishop of Galloway, who was appointed to attend him. The year following the Queen brought forth another Son named Arthur at Holy-rood-House, but he dyed also in the Castle of Edenburgh: and Henry the Seventh his Grandfather accompanied him to the other World. King James to the Coronation of the young King his Brother-in-law sendeth Embassadours.

After the death of his two Sons, and his Father-in-Law, as if he had been warned from above to think upon his own mortality (whether he had a resolute intention so to do, or that for reasons known to him­self, he would have it so appear) he giveth out, That out of remorse for bearing Arms in the Field where his Father was slain, he had a resolution to leave his Kingdom and visit the holy Sepulchre. Then to prepare his way Robert Blacka-Towre Abbot of Dum­fermling is directed; but the Abbot in his journey is Arrested by Death, and the King findeth other hin­derances to keep him at Home.

Amidst these deliberations his Queen is delivered in the Pallace of Linlithgow of her third Son, in the Month of April One thousand five hundred and Twelve, who succeeded to the Crown, and was na­med James.

About this same time Bernard Stuart that famous Warriour under Charles the eighth of France, who commanded the French in Bosworth Field, came to Scotland, followed by Andrew Foreman then Arch-Bishop of Burges, and Bishop of Murray, with Alex­ander Stuart the Kings Natural Son, after promo­ted [Page 207] to be Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews. The cause which was given out to the rumours of the People of their coming, was, That the French King ha­ving no Male Children, crav'd the advice and coun­sel of the King of Scotland his Confederate, con­cerning the Marriage of his Eldest Daughter: whe­ther he should bestow her upon Francis of Valois, the Daulphine and Duke of Augulesm, or upon Charles King of Castile, who had presented her with many tokens of affection, and by his Embassadours earnestly sought her from her Brother. But their great Errand was to divide the King from his Bro­ther-in-law King Henry, and make him assist Lovys: these two Potentates intending a War against other▪

Ann Daughter of Francis Duke of Bretaign af­ter the death of her Sister Isabella remained sole heir of that Dutchy, her Wardship falling to the French King Charles the Eighth; He terrified so her Subjects, guided her Kindred, and the principal Per­sons about her, that making void the pretended mar­riage of Maximilian King of the Romans, which was by Proxie, she was married unto him. Not­withstanding he had the Daughter of Maximilian at his Court, with great expectation of a Mar­riage to be celebrate with her. After the death of King Charles, Lovys the twelfth having mar­ried Jane the Sister of Charles and Daughter to Lovys the Eleventh, by his many favours be­stowed upon Pope Alexander the Sixth, and his Son Cesar Borgia, obtaineth a Brief of Divorce against her, by the power of which (her weakness for the bearing of Children (the necessary upholders of a Crown) by his Physitians being proved) he had Married Ann of Bretaign, for he would not lose so fair a Dowry for the blustering rumour of Male-contents, which in a little time would grow stale and [Page 208] vanish. Pope Alexander dead, Julius the Second, a turbulent, unquiet, but magnificent Prelate, and a stout defender of Church-Patrimony, suspicious of the Power of the French in Italy, and that they would not rest content with the Kingdom of Na­ples and Dutchy of Milan, but one day hazard for all; fearing also they would, because they might, put him out of his Chair, and substitute in his Room their Cardinal of Amboise, or some other of their own, began to study novations and means to send the French back to their own Country, his ordina­ry discourse being, that he would one day make Italy free from Barbarians. He requireth King Lovys to give over the Protection of the Duke of Ferrara, and of Annibal Bentivoglio whom he had thrust out of Bulloign. The King refusing to forsake Con­federates, the Pope betaketh him to his spiritual Arms, and threatneth with Excommunication the Duke and all who came to his aid and support, especially the French; they decline his Sentence, and appeal to a true and lawful General Council, with which they threaten him. Henry the Eighth then in the fervour of his youth, amidst a great Treasure left by his Fa­ther, and by more than ordinary bands of love and friendship tyed to the Pope, (as having dispensed with the marrying of his Brothers Widow) interposeth himself as an indifferent Mediatour and Intercessor for Peace between the two parties, but in effect was the chief maintainer of the Quarrel, effecting no­thing because he would not. Conditions being re­fused by King Henry, he essayeth to draw the French arms from the Popes Territories by cutting them work nearer home, and bringing a necessity upon them to defend their own. Upon this determinati­on he desireth King Lovys to restore and render to him his Dutchies Guyenne and Normandy with his [Page 209] ancient Inheritance of Anjow and Mayne, and the other old Possessions of the English in France, which wrongfully had been detained and kept from him and his Ancestours. The War of Italy by these threatnings was not left of: for the Pope coming to Bollogn with intention to Invade Ferrara, is be­sieged with his Cardinals, and he sendeth Declarati­ons to the Christian Princes, protesting the French not only thirsted after the Patrimony and Inheritance of St. Peter, but even after Christian Blood. Mean while he absolveth the Subjects of King Lovys from their Oath of Allegiance, abandoneth his Kingdom to any can possess it; at a Council at Lateran he dispatched a Bull wherein the Title of most Christi­an King, is transferred upon Henry King of England, who to his former Titles of France having now the approbation of the Pope, and the Kingdom inter­dicted, prepareth an expedition in person. After which with five thousand barded Horses, fourty thou­sand Foot, coming in Picardy: he encampeth before Therovenne, a Town upon the Marches of Picardy: Here the Emperour Maximilian, resenting yet his old injury, entreth into the King of England's Pay, and weareth the Cross of St. George: But so long as he stay­ed in the Army, it was governed according to his coun­sel and direction.

King James before his meeting with Bernard Stewart and Bishop Forman, was fully purposed to prove an indifferent beholder of this War: but Ber­nard having corrupted the Courtiers, and the Bishop the chief Church-man of the Kingdom, after their long and earnest intercession he was drawn altoge­ther to affect and adhere to the French.

To throw the apple of Dissention, Bishop For­man is sent to King Henry to demand certain Jewels by their Fathers will, or her Brothers Prince Ar­thurs; [Page 210] appertaining to Queen Margarite his Sister.

King Henry mistrusting that Embassy, offereth all and more than they demand from him. Shortly af­ter the English beginning to interrupt the traffick of the French by Sea, King James will send his Ships lately well mann'd and equipped for Fight, which not long before had been prepared (as was given out) to transport the King into Syria to his Cosin Queen Ann, supposing this Gift would rather seem a Pledge of friendship and Alliance to the English than any Supply of War. But James Earl of Arran having got the command of them, instead of Sailing to­wards France, arriveth in Ireland, whether by tem­pest of Weather, or that he would disturb the King's Proceedings in Assisting the French, instigated and corrupted by King Henry, it is uncertain: and after he had spoil'd Knock-Fergus a Maritime Village, re­turneth with them to the Town of Ayre.

The King taking in an evil part the Invasion of Ireland, but more the lingring of the Earl, for he had received Letters from Queen Ann and Bishop For­man, regretting the long and vain expectation of his Ships, giveth the Earl of Anguss, and Sir Andrew Wood a Commission for both him and them. The Earl of Arran by his Friends at Court, understand­ing his Masters displeasure, ere they could find him, hoisted up Sails, and committeth himself rather to the uncertain fortune of the Seas, than the just Wrath of a King. After great Tempest arriving in French Bretaign, these Ships built at such extraordinary Char­ges, Sayls and Cordage being taken from them, rot­ted and consumed by weather, in the Haven of Brest.

Now matters grew more exasperate between the Brother Kings; Robert Car Warden of the Borders is killed by three English, Hieron, Lilburn, Struthers. Andrew Barton, who upon an old quarrel begun in [Page 211] the Reign of King James the Third, had purchased Letters of Reprisal against the Portugals, by Tho­mas Howard the English Admiral is slain, and his Ships taken. To this last grievance (when it was expostulated) King Henry is said to have answered, That Truce amongst Princes was never broken for ta­king or Killing of Pyrates.

Alexander Lord Hume Warden of the East Mar­ches in Revenge of accumulated injuries, with three thousand men Invadeth the English Borders, burn­eth some Villages, and Forrageth the Fields about. But having divided his Forces, and sent a part of them loaden with spoils towards Scotland, he falleth in an Ambush of the English: where Sir William Bulmure with a thousand Archers put him to flight, and took his Brother George. During these Border Incursions, the Lord Dacres and Doctor West came as in an Em­bassie from England, not so much for the Establish­ing a Peace, and setling those Tumults, begun by the meeting of Commissioners (who Assembled and concluded nothing) as to give their Master certain and true Intelligence of the Proceedings of the Scots with the French, and what they attempted.

Monsieur de la Motte was come with Letters from the French to stir King James to take Arms against the English, and had in his Voyage drowned three English Ships, bringing seven with him as Prizes to the Harbour of Leyth. Robert Bartoun in revenge of Andrew Bartouns death, at that same time return­ed with thirteen Vessels all Prizes. King Lovys had sent a great Ship loaden with Artillery, Powder, and Wines; in which Mr. James Oguylbuy Abbot of Drybrough arrived, with earnest request for the re­newing of the ancient League between France and Scotland, and Letters from Queen Ann for the In­vasion of England. In which she regretted he had [Page 212] not one Friend nor maintainer of his Honour at the Court of France (after the late delay of the sending his Ships) except her self and her Ladies: that her request was, He would for her sake whom he had ho­noured with the name of his Mistriss in his Martial sports in time of Peace, March but one mile upon the English bounds, now in time of an appearing War against her Lord and Country.

The King thinking himself already engaged and interested in his Fame, drawn away by the Promi­ses, Eloquence, and other persuasions of the French, assembleth the three Estates of his Kingdom to de­liberate about a War with England. Many oppose it, but in vain; for at last for fear of the King's dis­pleasure it is concluded, uncertain whether by a worse Counsel or event. But before any hostility against the English they determine and Decree, That King Henry shall by an Herauld be fairly advertised and desired to desist from any further Invasion of the Territories of the French King, or Duke of Guil­ders (who was General of the French Army) the King of Scotland's Confederates and Kinsmen: which not being yielded unto, the War as lawful and just shall be denounced.

Henry, the Eight then Besieging Therovenne, an­swered the Herauld who delivered his Commission: That he heard nothing from him, but what he had expected from a King a Despiser of God's and Man's Law; for himself, he would not give over a War so happily begun for any threats. Neither did he care much for that Man's friendship, of whose un­constancy he had so often had experience, nor for the power of his Kingdom and ambitious Poverty.

After this answer of the King of England, A Declaration by the King of Scotland was published almost to this sense.

[Page 213] Though Princes should direct their Actions more to conscience than Fame, and are not bound to give an account of them to any but to God alone, and when Armies are prepared for Battel, they look not so much to what may be said, as to what ought to be done; the Victors being ever thought to have had Reason upon their side, and the justest Cause: yet to mani­fest our sincerity, and the uprightness of our proceed­ings, as well to these present times as to posterity, who may hereafter enquire after our deportments, that all may take a full view of our intentions and courses, we have been mov'd to lay down the justness and equity of our Arms before the Tribunal of the World.

The Laws of Nations and of Nature, which are grounded upon the Reason by which Man is distin­guished from other Creatures, oblige every one to de­fend himself; and to seek means for ones own preser­vation is a thing unblamable; but the Laws of So­veraignty lay greater obligations upon us, and above all men Monarchs, and they to whom God hath gi­ven the Governments of States and Kingdoms, are not only bound to maintain and defend their own Kingdoms, Estates and Persons, but to relieve from unjust Oppression, so far as is in their power, being required, their Friends, Neighbours and Con­federates, and not to suffer the weak to be overthrown by the stronger. The many Innovations and trou­bles raised upon all sides about us, the wrongs our Sub­jects have suffered, by the Insolencies and Arrogancy of the Counsellors of Henry King of England our Bro­ther-in-Law, are not only known to our Neighbour, but blazed amongst remotest Countries. Roads and Incursions have been made upon our Borders; Sun­dry of our Lieges have been taken, and as in a just War, turned Prisoners; the Warden of our Marches under Assurance hath been miserably killed; our Mer­chants [Page 214] at Sea Invaded, spoiled of their Goods, Liber­ties, Lives: above others, the chief Captain of our Ships put to death, and all by the King's own Com­mission; upon which breaches between the two King­doms, disorders and manifest wrongs committed upon our Subjects, when by our Embassadours we had di­vers times required satisfaction and reparation, we received no Justice or answer worthy of him or us, our Complaints being rejected, and we disdainfully con­temned, that longer to suffer such insolencies, and not by just Force to resist unjust violence, and by dangers to seek a remedy against greater or more imminent dan­gers; Not to stand to the defence of our Lieges, and take upon us their Protection, were to invite others to offer the like affronts and injuries to us hereaf­ter.

Besides these Breaches of Duty, Outrages, Wrongs done unto us, his Brother Henry King of England without any just cause or violence offered to him or any of his by the King of France, hath Levyed a mighty Army against him, Invaded his Territories, using all Hostility: Continuing to assault and force his Towns, make his Subjects Prisoners, Kill and Ransom them, impose Subsidies, and lift moneys from the quiet sort which wrongs, dammage and injustice we cannot but repute done unto us in respect of our earnest intercessi­ons unto him and many requests rejected, and that an­cient League between the two Kingdoms of France and Scotland, in which these two Nations are obliged respectively, and mutually bound to assist others against all Invaders whatsoever; that the Enemy of the one shall be the Enemy of the other, and the Friends of the one, the Friends of the other. As all Motions tend unto rest, the end of a just War being Peace, that our Brother (who hath no such Enemy as the too great Riches and abundance in which he swim­meth) [Page 215] may entertain Peace with his Brother Princes, and moderate that boundless Ambition, which maketh him Usurp Domination over his equals; we have been Compelled to take us to defensive Arms; for our Bro­ther hath now declared himself, and vaunteth that he is sole Judge and Umpire of the Peace of Europe, and that from his will, the differences of Successions and Titles of Principalities, wrongs and other inte­rests depend, as that all should be obsequious to his Authority; and what particular Authority can be more intolerable, than that he should hinder so great and just a Prince as the King of France to claim his own, and defend his Subjects?

If our Brother the King of England by the supply and assistance of many Neighbour Countrys, now by the Provocation of the Bishop of Rome, arising upon all sides against the French, should extend his Power and Victory over France (under what colour and pretence of Justice soever) to what an extremity shall the Kingdom of Scotland be reduced, having so powerful and ambitious a Neighbour? Fear of any Neighbour Princes Greatness, when it extendeth it self over adjacent Territories, is a good cause of De­fence and taking of Arms, which cannot be but just, sith most necessary.

We are not ignorant that here will be objected against us, the breach of a League contracted between our Brother and Us: We have not broken that League; but for great Causes and Reasons separate our selves from it, our Brother having taken away the means, occasions, reasons, were had to observe it. In all Leagues, Confederations, Alliances and Promises a­mongst Princes, the last Confederation is ever under­stood to be contracted without prejudice to the Rights of any former Alliances: and when our Embassadours made that League with our Brother, it was to be under­stood [Page 216] that it should hold no longer, nor we longer be bound unto it than he should keep to our first Allies and anci­ent Confederates, not breaking their Peace, nor trou­bling the Government and Estates of their Countries. A National League is ever to be preferred before any personal, an ancient to a new; the Leagues between the Kingdoms of France and Scotland having con­tinued many ages, should justly be preferr'd to that which we as a new Ally of the House of England did contract, which yet we are most willing to keep: but the love of our Country passing all private re­spects hath moved us to separate our selves for a time from it.

All Leagues, Confederations, Alliances, Promises amongst Princes are respectively and mutually un­derstood, with this condition and Law, providing both keep upon either side; the one party breaking or departing from the League, Alliance or promise, the other is no longer bound to keep or adhere unto it. So long as the King of England kept unto us, we kept unto him: He now having many ways broken to us, we are no longer obliged to keep to him; That same Oath which obliged and tyed us, after his breach ab­solving and making us free; and of this we divers times advertised him, giving him assurance, except we would betray that Trust and confidence our Subjects and Confederates had in us for the maintenance of their Peace and safety, we could not but assist them in their just cause (howsoever the justest actions have not ever the most profitable events) and be constrain­ed to have a recourse to Arms for a remedy of their present misery.

And now notwithstanding of our advanced expe­dition, and preparations for War, that the world may judge rightly of our intentions, We declare and mani­fest, that if our Brother shall leave off the Invasion [Page 217] of our Confederates, use no more Hostility against them, and give satisfaction for the wrongs done unto our Subjects, that we shall disband our Forces: and are content that all matters of difference aswel between the King of France, and our Brother, as our Brother and us, be amicably judged, decided and taken away. As that not only a Truce and Cessation of their misery for a time, but a perfect and lasting Peace be concluded and established, to the full contentment, and lasting happiness of the three Kingdoms and our Posterity.

Whilest the King stayed at Linlithgow attending the gathering of his Army, now ready to set forward, and full of cares and perplexity, in the Church of St. Michael heard Evensong (as then it was called) while he was at his Devotion, an ancient Man came in, his Amber coloured locks hanging down upon his shoulders, his forehead high and enclining to baldness, his Garment of Azure colour, somewhat long girded about him with a Towel, or Table Napkin, of a comely and reverent Aspect. Having enquired for the King, he intruded himself into the Prease, passing thorow till he came to him, with a clownish simplicity, leaning over the Canons Seat where the King sate, Sir (said he) I am sent hither to intreat you for this time to delay your expedition, and to proceed no farther in your intended journey: for if you do, ye shall not prosper in your enterprize, nor any of your followers. I am farther charged to warn you, if ye be so refractory as to go forward, not to use the acquaintance, company, or counsel of Women, as ye tender your Honour, Life, and Estate.

After this warning he withdrew himself back again into the Prease; when Service was ended, the King enquired earnestly, for him, but he could no [Page 218] where be found, neither could any of the standers by (of whom diverse did narrowly observe him, meaning afterwards to have discoursed further with him) feel or perceive how, when, or where he passed from them: having as it were vanished in their hands.

After this Army had mustered in the Borrow­moor of Edenburgh (a field then spacious and de­lightful by the shades of many stately and aged Oaks) about the midst of the Night there is a Proclamation heard at the Market Cross of the Town, summon­ing a great many Burgesses, Gentlemen, Barons, Noblemen to appear within fourty days before the Tribunal of one Plot-Cock; the Provost of the Town in his Timber Gallery having heard his own Name cited, cried out that he declined that Judica­tory and appeal'd to the mercy of God Almighty.

Nothing was the King moved with those adver­tisements, thinking them Scenick pieces acted by those who hated the French and favoured the English Faction: being so boldly and to the Life personated that they appalled and stroke with fear ordinary and vulgar judgments, as Trage-Comedies of Spirits. The Earl of Anguss dissuaded him from that expe­dition, and many of the most reverend Church-men, but the Angel which most conjured him was Mar­garite his Queen who at that time was with child; her tears and prayers shook the strongest beams of his Resolutions. She had acquainted him with the Visions and affrightments of her sleep; that her Chains and Armelets appeared to be turned into Pearls; She had seen him fall from a great Preci­pice; She had lost one of her Eyes. When he had answered these were but Dreams, arising from the many thoughts and cares of the Day, but it is no Dream (saith she) that ye have but one Son, and [Page 219] him a weakling; if otherways than well happen un­to you, what a lamentable day will that be, when ye shall leave behind you, to so tender and weak a Suc­cessor, under the Government of a Woman, for In­heritance, a miserable and bloody War? It is no dream that ye are to Fight a mighty People; now turned insolent by their riches at home and power abroad: that your Nobility are indigent ye know, and may be brib'd to leave you in your greatest dan­ger. What a folly, what a blindness is it to make this War yours, and to quench the fire in your Neighbours House of France, to kindle and burn up your own in Scotland? ye have no such reason to assist the French, as ye have to keep your promises to England, and enjoy a Peace at home. Though the English should make a Conquest of France, will they take your Crown, or disinherit their own Race, this is even as the left hand would cut off the right? Should the Letters of the Queen of France, (a wo­man twice married (the first half in Adultery, the last almost Incest) whom he did never nor shall ever see) prove more powerful with you, than the cryes of your little Son, and mine, than the tears, com­plaints, curses of the Orphans, and Widows which ye are to make? If ye will go, suffer me to accom­pany you; it may be my Country-men prove more kind towards me, than they will to you; and for my sake yield unto a Peace. I hear the Queen my Si­ster will be with the Army in her Husbands absence; if we shall meet, who knows what God by our means may bring to pass.

The King answered all her complaints with a speedy March which he made over the Tweed: not staying till the whole Forces came to him, which were arising and prepared.

The twenty two of August coming into England [Page 220] he encamped near the water of Twisel in Northum­berland, where at Twisel-haugh he made an Act, That if any man were slain or hurt to death by the English, during the time of his abode in England, his Heirs should have his Ward, Relief, and Marri­age. Norham, Wark, Foord, Eatel are taken and cast down. Amidst this Hostility the Lady Foord (a noble Captive) was brought in a pitty-pleading manner, with her daughter (a Maid of excellent beauty) to the Camp. Not without the Earl of Surreys direction, as many supposed, for they have a vigorous Prince and his Son (though natural by the gifts of Nature and Education above many law­ful) to try the Magick of their Eloquence and beau­ty upon. The King delighting in their Company, not only hearkneth to the discourse of the Mother, but giveth way to her counsel; which was, if she should be dismissed, to send him true and certain In­telligence of what the English would attempt, taking her way to their Camp: but in effect proved the winning of time to the Earl of Surrey, and the losing of occasion to him. Her few days stay bred in him a kind of carelesness, sloath, procrastination and delay, a neglect, and as it were a forgetfulness of his Army and business: eighteen days tarrying in England, in a Territory not very fertile, had con­sum'd much Provision, the Souldiers began to want necessaries, a number in the Night by blind paths re­turned to their own Country. In a short time only the Noblemen and their Vassals attended the King. These request him not to spend more time on that barren Soyl, but to turn their Forces against Berwick, which Town was of more importance, than all the Hamlets and poor Villages of Northumberland, nei­ther was it impregnable or difficil to be taken, the Town and Castle being no ways provided and fur­nished [Page 221] to endure a Siege. The Courtiers move the King to continue the Beleaguering of Berwick till their coming back: which would be an easie Con­quest, Northumberland once forrag'd, in absence of the bravest of the English then in France.

Whilst the Army languished, and the King spent time at Foord, the Earl of Surrey directeth a Herauld to his Camp, requiring him either to leave off the Invasion of his Masters Country, and turn back giv­ing satisfaction for wrongs committed; or that he would appoint a day and place wherein all differen­ces might be ended by the Sword. This Challenge being advised in Counsel, most voices were that they should return home, and not with so small number as remained endanger the State of the whole King­dom, enough being already atchieved for Fame, and too much for their friendship with France; why should a few Souldiers, and these already tired out by forcing of Strengths, throwing down Castles, be hazarded against such multitudes of the English, supplyed lately and encreased with fresh Auxiliaries? Thomas Howard Admiral, a Son of the Earl of Surrey, having newly brought with him to New Castle out of the Army lying in France Five thousand Men, and One thousand tall Sea men. If they should re­turn Home, the English Army could not but disband, and not conveniently this year be gathered again, consisting of Men Levied from far and distant Pla­ces. Again, if they should be engaged to come to a Battle; their own Country, being fields to them well known, would prove more commodious and secure to Fight upon than English ground, besides the oppor­tunity of furnishing and providing the Camp with all necessaries at less charges. The French Embassa­dour and others of his Faction remonstrate to the King, what a shameful retreat he would make, if at [Page 222] the desire of the Enemy he returned, and without the hazard of a Battle, being so near unto him; that by Fighting in England, he kept his own Country un­forraged; and consum'd the Provision of his Enemy which at last would weaken his Forces: That for contentment to both Armies, Islay a Scottish He­rauld should return with Rouge-Cross the English, and condescend upon a day, promising them the mean time tarrying and abode, till the righteousness of the cause were decided in a Battle.

The set and appointed Day by the Heraulds in which the two Armies should have joyned being come and the English not appearing, nor any from them: The Nobility again resort to the King; show how by the slight of the Enemy matters were pro­longed from one day to another: the English For­ces daily encreasing. whilst the Scottish were away and waxed fewer: that slight should be opposed to slight; the day designed by the Heraulds not being kept, it would be no reproach to them to turn home without Battle, or if retiring, to Fight upon their own ground. If this Counsel please him not, but that he would there give them Battle, The next was to study all advantages for Victory, either by Stratagem, or the odds and furtherance of the Place of Fight; Where the Chiviot hills decline towards the plainer Fields arising behind them with high tops with best Ordnance should be fortified, the water of Till running deep and ford-less upon the right hand, and but passable at the Bridge, the first Companies of the Enemy being passed, before they could be relieved and succoured by their followers, the Bridge by the Artillery should be beaten down, and the Enemy charged when they began to pass the Water.

The King, impatient of Counsel, answered, [Page 223] though their number encreased to as many more as they were, he with that remainder of his Army would Fight them. That advantages were to be embra­ced according to the occasion of the Fight without tedious deliberation, if any man was afraid, he might if he pleased return Home. A strange Resolution in a Prince, who imagined every man in his Army to have the same strength, courage, boldness and re­solution with himself

This answer astonished the Mobility, and since they could not persuade him to a fair retreat, but that he will fight and that without the advantage of the Bridge, being inferiour in number to the En­glish (for they were reckoned by the Scouts Six and twenty thousand) they fortifie themselves according to the commodity of the Hill where they lay En­camped with a Resolution not to suffer the King to hazard his Person in the Battle. If Victory should in­cline to them, their Gains were but small, and Glory less, extending but over some few of the Nobility, and a small parcel of the Body of the State of En­gland, a number of Yeomen, and pressed Horsemen, the flower of the Kingdom being in France. But if they were overthrown, their loss would prove un­comparable, yea unspeakable, a Martial young King either kill'd, taken, or put to flight; wherefore they think it fitting, not necessary, the King be pleased with so many as either chance or election might se­parate with him, to be a spectator of the Fortune of the Day. To this the King replyed, He neither wanted ability to discharge the part of a Souldier, nor wisdom to Command as a General, and to out-live so many valiant Country-man would be more terrible to him than Death it self. When forced to give way for his personal presence in the Field; they appoint some to be arrayed in like furniture of [Page 224] Arms and a like Guard as the King; Shadows to personate him in sundry quarters of the Field, that the Enemy should not set one man as their chief mark to invade, from whose death the victory and conclusion of the War might depend: and if the King should fall, the Army should not lose courage, nor be brought to believe he were lost, so long as they saw a General with his Cognoscance and Guard present and near them to be a witness of their Valour and Atchievments, as not long before at the Battle of Fornou in Italy had been practised by the French to their King Charles the eighth.

By this time the Earl of Surrey with the power of the North of England, was come within three miles of the Place where the Scottish Army was encamped, and perceiving he could not but with great disadvan­tage fight them; he sendeth an Herauld requiring the King to come forth of his Strength to some in­different ground, where he would be ready to encoun­ter him. The King being forward to condescend to this request, the Lords cryed out, it was madness to accept of opportunity of fighting from his Ene­mies, and to set all at a main chance according to their appointment, it being their advantage to pro­long time, and trifle with him, in whose Camp there was already scarcity of Victuals, which ere long might put him to such a stand, that he should not know well what to do. Neither was it likely he could be furnished from the inner parts of the Coun­try, by reason of the cumbersom waies for carriage to pass, after the falling of so great and continued rains, and the softning of the Ground; that by sitting still, and committing nothing to Fortune, he might have his enemy at his pleasure; if they dared assail him at their perils be it. He lacked nothing but patience to be Victorious.

[Page 225]The Scots keeping their Trenches, the Earl essay­eth to draw them out, and the ninth of September removing his Camp marcheth towards the same Hill of Flowden where they lay encamped; his Van­guard with the Cannon passed the Water of Till at Twysel Bridge, the Reer-ward going over at Myln­ford. King James seeing them pass the water ima­gineth they meant to win a Hill between his Camp and them; To prevent which (setting fire to the Cabanes raised of boughs of Trees and Reeds) he removeth to another Hill, before the English could observe his Motion, the smoak darkning the air be­tween the two Armies. Whilst the Scottish Army was removing the English advance to the Foot of Flowden Hill, by which they have double advantage, the Scottish Ordnance could not much annoy them, they marching upwards and under the level thereof, again by their Shot they might easily gall their ene­mies as they came downwards upon them.

The fatal hour of the Battle approaching the English draw up in good order six and twenty thou­sand men (some write thirty) in two Battails any of which was equal in number to the whole Scottish Army. Thomas Lord Howard Admiral had the Van­guard, of which Sir Edmond Howard his Brother led one of the Wings, and Sir Marmaduke Constable the other; The Lords Dacres and Clifford, with Sir Ed­ward Stanley kept the Rear: the Earl of Surrey with Latymer Scroop, Sir Stephen Bull kept the main Bat­tail. The Scots by their fewness of Number not be­ing able to order many Battalions, marshal themselves in four, three of which should enter in Fight, and the fourth attend for supply. The King kept the middle or main; Alexander Gordoun Earl of Huntley had the right wing of the Van; the Earls of Craw­ford and Montross led the other, and some have Re­corded [Page 226] the Lord Hume: The third Army was guid­ed by Matthew Earl of Lennox, and the Earl of Ar­guyl, where was Mackenney and Mackclean, with the fierceness of the High-landers. Adam Hepburn Earl of Bothwell with his friends and the flower of the Gentry of Lothian, kept off for suddain dis­patches and chances of the Battle.

The Earl of Huntley making down the Hill where they encamped near the foot of Branx Town, en­countreth that Wing of the English Host which was led by Sir Edmond Howard, which after a furious and long Fight he put to flight, and so eagerly pur­sued the advantage, that Sir Edmond had either been killed or taken, if he had not been rescued by Ba­stard Hieron and the Lord Dacres, the Battalion which the Earls Lennox and Arguyl led (being High­land men) encouraged with this first glance of Victory, loosing their Ranks, abandoning all order (for ought that the French Ambassadour La Motte by signs, threatnings, clamours, could do to them) brake furiously upon the Enemy, and Invade him in the Face, of whom they are not only valiantly re­ceived, but by Sir Edward Stanleys traversing the Hill, enclosed, cut down at their backs and prostrate. The middle Ward which the King led, with which now the Earl of Bothwel with the power of Lothian was joyned, fought it out couragiously body against body, and Sword to Sword. Numbers upon either side falling till darkness, and the black shadows of the Night, forced as it were, by consent of both, a Retreat: Neither of them understanding the for­tune of the day, and unto whom Victory appertained.

Many brave Scots did here fall, esteemed to above Five thousand, of the noblest and worthiest Families of the Kingdom: who choosed rather to die than out-live their friends and Compatriots.

[Page 227]The King's Natural Son Alexander Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, the Bishop of the Isles, the Abbots of Inchjefray and Kill-winny, the Earls of Crawford, Mortoun, Arguyl, Lennox, Arrel, Cathness, Bothwel, Athol; the Lords Elphinstoun, Areskin, Forbess, Ross, Lovet, Saintclare, Maxwell, with his three Brothers, Simple, Borthwick; Numbers of Gentlemen, Balgow­ny, Blacka-Towre, Borchard, Sir Alexander Seatoun, Mackenny, with Macklean, George Master of Anguss, and Sir William Dowglass of Glenbervy, with some Two hundred Gentlemen of their name and Vassals were here slain.

The English left few less upon the place, but most part of them being of the common sort of Souldiers, and men of no great mark, compared with so many Nobles killed, and a King lost, the number was not esteemed nor the loss thought any thing of.

The Companies of the Lord Hume had reserved themselves all the time of the Fight, keeping their first Order, and when by the Earl of Huntley, he was required to relieve the Battalions where the King fought, he is said to have answered, That that man did well that day who stood and saved himself. After the retreat his Followers gathered a great booty of the spoils of the slaughtered. This Fight began September the Ninth about four of the clock after Noon, and continued three hours the year One thou­sand five hundred and thirteen.

About the dawning of the next Morning the Lord Dacres, with his Horse-Troops taking a view of the Field, and seeing the brazen Ordnance of the Scots not transported, with most part of the faln Bo­dies not rifled, sendeth speedy advertisement to the Howards and the pensive Army: inviting all to the setting up of Trophies, Spoil, and transporting of their great Ordnance to Berwick, amongst which [Page 228] were seven Culverins of like size and making, called the Seven Sisters.

Divers diversly report of the Fortune of the King; We without affirming any thing for certain, shall only set down what Fame hath published, a false Witness often of Human Accidents, and which ma­ny times by malignant brains is forged, and by more malignant Ears received and believed. The English hold that he was killed in this Battle; the Scots that many in like Arms with the like Guards, were killed, every one of which was held for the King: Amongst others Alexander Lord Elphinstoun his Favourite, who had married Elizabeth Barley one of the Dames of Honour of Queen Margarite.

He was a man not unlike to the King in face and stature, and representing him in Arms in the Field, with the valiantest and most couragious of the Army fought it out, and acting Heroically his part, as a King was killed, heaps of slaughtered bodies envi­roning his. In the search where the Fight was, the number, taleness, furniture of the dead bodies being observed, their Faces and Wounds viewed, his body as if it breathed yet Majesty, was amidst the others selected, acknowledged for his Masters, brought to Berwick and embalmed. That it was not the body of the King, the girdle of Iron which he ever wore, and then was not found about him, gave some, though not certain, testimony.

Some have Recorded, that the fortune of the day inclining to the English, four tall men mounted up­on lusty Horses, wearing upon the points of their Launces, for cognoscances, Streamers of Straw, mounting the King on a Sorrel Hackney, convoyed him far from the place of fight, and that he was seen beyond the Tweed, between Kelso and Dunce. After which what became of him was uncertain. Many [Page 229] hold he was killed in the Castle of Hume, either by the intelligence between the English and the Lord Humes kindred, or out of fear (for they were at the slaughter of the Kings Father and the most violent in that Fight) or of hopes of great fortunes, which would follow innovations, and the confusion of the State, being men who liv'd best in a troubl'd Com­monwealth and upon the Borders.

One Carr a follower of the Lord Humes, that same night the Battle was fought, thrust the Abbot of Kelso out of his Abbacy: which he never durst attempt, the King being alive. Another, David Carbreth in the time of John the Governour vaunted that however John wronged the Humes, he was one of six who had abated the insolency of King James, and brought him to know he was a Mortal. To these is added, that the Governour John, not long hereafter, cut of the Heads of the Lord Hume, and his Brother without any known great cause. The Common people (ever more addicted to Superstition than Verity) believed he was living, and had passed over the Seas, and according to his promise visited the Holy Sepulchre in Palestine. There for his other offences and the bearing of Arms against his Father, in Prayers and Pennance he spent the remain­der of his tedious days.

That he would return again when he found op­portunity, and the necessity of Europe requir'd him. This report was of as great truth, as that which the Burgundians have of the Return of their Duke Charles after the Battle of Nancy, most of them believing he escaped from the conflict. He was lost the twenty and five year of his Reign, the thirty and ninth of his Age the Ninth of September One thousand five hundred and thirteen.

This King was of a vigorous body, his stature [Page 230] being neither too tall nor too low, of a pleasant coun­tenance, of a pregnant wit; but by the faults of the times in which he lived, not polished with Letters. He excelled in Horse-manship, Fencing and Shooting. By much watching, slender diet, and use, he was enabled to endure all extremities of Weather, Scar­city or want of rest, with good health of body.

He was just in giving judgment, in punishing Malefactors severe, yet tractable and moderate. With the peril of some few he restrained vices and rather shook the Sword than struck with it. He knew there were some things, though Princes might, yet they ought not to do. He was easie of access, most courteous in speech, and meek in answering every man. He was so far from being overtaken with anger or other violent perturbations, that he was never observed to have given an evil or disobliging word to any, or that the colour of his face changed by any offence offered him, or informations given him, relying without passion upon his own magna­nimity.

He was of a free and liberal disposition, far from any ostentation. As he understood well the Art of giving, so to acquire and purchase he was not suffi­cient of himself, but made use of men who drew more hatred upon their own heads, than moneys into their Princes Coffers.

Though he delighted more in War than the Arts, he was a great admirer and advancer of learned men. William Elphinstoun Bishop of Aberdeen builded by his Liberality the College of Aberdeen, and named it The King's College, by reason of those Privileges and Rents the King bestowed upon it

His Generosity did shew it self in not delivering of Perkin Warbeck; he trusted much, and had great confidence in his Nobility, and governed by love not by fear, his People.

[Page 231]It is no wonder amidst so much worth, that some humane frailty, and some according Discord be found. There is no day so bright and fair, which one mo­ment or other looketh not pale, and remaineth not with some dampish shadow of discoloured Clouds. He was somewhat wedded to his own humours opi­nionative and rash; Actions of rashness and temerity, even although they may have an happy event, being never praise worthy in a Prince. He was so infect­ed with that Illustrious crime which the Ambitious take for vertue, desire of Fame, that he preferred it to his own life, and the peace of his Subjects.

He so affected Popularity, and endeavoured to purchase the love of his People, by Largesses, Ban­quetting, and other Magnificence, diving in debt, that by those Subsidies and excessive Exactions which of necessity he should have been constrained to have levied and squeezed from the People, longer life had made him lose all that favour and love he had so painfully purchased, that death seemed to have come to him wishedly and in good time.

The wedding of others quarrels, especially of the French, seemeth in him inexcusable; a wise Prince should be slow and loath to engage himself in a War, although he hath suffered some wrong. He should consider that of all humane actions and hazards, there is not one of which the precipitation is so dan­gerous, as that of beginning and undertaking a War. Neither in Human Affairs should there more depths be sounded nor hidden passages searched and pryed into than in this. He should remember that besides the sad necessity which is inseparable from the most innocent War (the wasting and destroying of the Goods and Lives of much people) there is nothing of which the Revolutions and Changes are more inconstant, and the conclusions and ends more un­certain.

[Page 232]The Sea is not more treacherous, false and de­ceiving, nor changeth not more swiftly her calms into storms, than Wars and the fortune of Arms do, the event and success belying the beginning. It is not enough that a Prince know a War which he undertaketh to be just, but he should consider also if it be necessary, and if it be profitable, and conduce to the State which he governeth.

As Men of strong and healthful bodies follow ordinary delight in their youth, he was amorously carried away. He confined the Earl of Anguss in the Isle of Arran, for taking Jane Kennedy a Daughter of the Earl of Cassilles out of Galloway, a fair and noble Lady, of whom he became ena­moured as he went in his Pilgrimage to St. Ninians. In his last Expedition the Lady Foord was thought to have hindred the progress of his Arms, and hasten'd the success of the Battle.

Though vertue be sometimes unfortunate, yet is it ever in an high esteem in the memories of Men: such a desire remained of him in the hearts of his Peo­ple after his loss, that the like was not of any King before him; Princes who are out of this Life be­ing only the delights and darlings of a People. Ann the French Queen not many days out-lived the rumour of his death. He serves for an exam­ple of the frailty of great men on the Theatre of this world, and of the inconstancy of all Sub­lunary things.

He had children, James and Arthur who dyed Infants, James who succeeded him, Alexander born after his death who dyed young; Alexander a Na­tural Son, Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, so much admired and courted by Erasmus; Margarite a Daughter of the Lord Drummonds, married to the Earl of Huntley, whose Mother had been contract­ed [Page 233] to the King, and taken away (to his great re­gret) by those who govern'd the State, that he should not follow the example of King Robert his Predecessour, who marryed a Lady of that Fami­ly; James Earl of Murray.

Iams V King of Scotes Ano 1514

THE HISTORY Of the LIFE and Reign of James the Fifth, KING of SCOTLAND.

THe fatal accident and overthrow of the King, and Flower of the Nobility of Scotland at Flowden filled the remnant of the State with great sorrow, but with great amazement and perplexity: for by this great change they expected no less than the progress and advance­ment of the Victors Arms and Fortune, and feared the Conquest, Servitude, and Desolation of the whole Kingdom. The rigorous season of the year being spent in mourning, and performing of last duties to the dead for their lost kinsmen and friends; and the gathering together the floating Ribs and dispersed Planks of this Ship-wrack, the Pears assembled at Sterlin, where being, applying themselves to set their confusions in order, and determine on the Remedies of their present evils, the lively pourtraict of their Calamities did represent it self to the full view. The Head and fairest parts which Majesty, Authority, [Page 236] Direction, Wisdom had made eminent, were cut away, some turbulent Church-men, Orphant-No­blemen, and timorous Citizens, fill their vacant pla­ces: and many who needed directions themselves, were placed to direct and guide the Helm of State; such miseries being always incident to a People, where the Father of the Country is taken away, and the Successour is of under age. In this Maze of perplexity to disoblige themselves of their greatest duty, and give satisfaction to the most and best, the Lawful Successour and Heir JAMES the Prince is set on the Throne and Crowned, being at that time One year, five months and ten days of Age, and the hundred and fifth King of Scotland. The last Will and Testament which the late King had left before his expedition, being publickly seen and ap­proved, the Queen challenges the Protection of the Realm and Tutelage of her Son, as disposed unto her so long as she continued a Widdow and follow­ed the Counsel and advice of the Chancellour of the Realm, and some other grave Counsellours, and she obtained it: as well out of a Religion they had to fulfil the Will of their deceased Sovereign, as to shun and be freed of the imminent Arms, and im­minent danger of her Brother the King of England. Being established in the Government, and having from all that respect, reverence, and observance which belong to such a Princess, she sent Letters to the King of England; that having compassion up­on the tears and prayers of a Widdow, of his Sister, of an Orphan, of his Nephew, he would not only cease from following the War upon Scotland (then at War with it self and many ways divided) but ennobled by courage and goodness, be a defence un­to her and the Infant her Son, against all injuries to be offered them by Forrainers abroad, of any of the [Page 237] Factious Nobility, who would oppose themselves against her at home.

To which King Henry answered, That with the Peaceable he would entertain Peace, and with the Froward and Turbulent, War; If the Scots would live in Peace, they should have it for his part, but if they would rather Fight, he was not to refuse them. That her Husband had faln by his own indiscreet rash­ness, and foolish kindness to France, that he regretted his death as his Ally, and should be willing to prohi­bite all hostility against the Country of Scotland du­ring the minority of her Son, for a remedy of pre­sent evils, one years Truce and a day longer was yielded unto; in which time he had leasure to prose­cute his designs against France, without fear of be­ing disturbed or diverted by the Incursions and in­roads of the Scots upon his Borders.

The Government of a Woman and a Child over a People ever in Motion, mutinous and delighting in Changes, could not long subsist firm, nor continue after one fashion. The first shake and disorders of the Kingdom arose, and was occasioned by the am­bition and avarice of the Church-men (the Moth­worms of State) being seconded by the Factious Nobles and Male-contents; and it was the distributi­on of the Offices, Places, Benefices, vacant by the deaths of those slain in the late Battel. Andrew Forman Arch-Bishop of Burges, Bishop of Murray, and Legate to the Pope Julius, Gavin Dowglass Bi­shop of Dunkel, Uncle to the Earl of Anguss, John Hepburn Prior of St. Andrews, contend all three for the Arch-bishoprick of St. Andrews. Gavin Dow­glass was presented to it by the Queen, Andrew For­man by the Pope, John Hepburn was chosen by the Chapter his Canons; and sundry of the Nobility favoured his Election, they said also the place whilst [Page 238] it was vacant belonged unto him: and his Party was so strong that none dared publish the Popes Bull in favour of Andrew Forman for many days. Till Alexander Lord Hume then Chamberlain and War­den of the East Marshes, won by many promises, and the Abbacy of Coldingham engaged and presently given in hand to his younger Brother David, in de­spight of the opposition or the Lord Haylles and the Faction of the Hepburns, then seditious and pow­erful, well backed by his Friends, Vassals, Adherents all in Arms, caused publish, and proclaim it at the Market cross of Edenburgh, which action first in­censed the Prior to Plot mischief against the Fa­mily of the Humes. William Elphinstoun Bishop of Aberdeen by many of the Clergy and some of the No­bility had been desired to accept this Dignity, but he refused it, being now weary of earthly greatness, and making for another World, for at this time at Edenburgh he left this.

As ordinarily when one Faction is near extinguish­ed, the remnant subdivideth, after these jars of the Church-men, which were cherished by the Nobility, the Nobles began to jar among themselves, and grudge at others preferments. Alexander Lord Gordon ruled and commanded the Countries North­ward the River of Forth, as Alexander Lord Hume Usurped almost a Royal Authority, and commanded over the Countreys on South-side of the Forth, the Earl of Anguss went about a fairer Conquest.

James Earl of Arran Lord Hamiltown being near­est in blood to the King, could not but with indig­nation look upon the undeserved greatness of these Usurpers, under the shadow of this Oligarchy, tur­bulent, evil disposed, and men abhorring quietness ravaged the Country and did what they pleased.

Amidst these confusions the Queen in April [Page 239] brought forth the posthumous child in the Castle of Sterlin, whom the Bishop of Cathness, Abbot of Dum­fermlin, and the Arch-Dean of St. Andrews baptized and named Alexander. After she was recovered and had required her wonted strength of Body, she found the Authority of her place was turned weak, and that she enjoyed nothing but the name of Go­verning, the people delighting to live rather with­out rule and in all disorders than to be subject to the obedience of a Woman though a Queen. After great deliberation and many essays in vain to curb their insolency and vindicate her Authority from their contempt, as also to save her Son from the dan­gers of an insulting Nobility, and settle her estate, she resolved to Match with some Nobleman eminent in Power and worth, who could and would Protect her and hers in greatest extremities. Amongst the choice of the young Noblemen of Scotland for a long Succession of renowned Ancestors, comeliness of Person, noble conversation, prudence in affairs of State, being lovely, courteous, liberal, wise, none was comparable to the Earl of Angus; him she de­termines to make Partner of her Royal Bed and For­tunes; and as ordinarily in matters of love it falleth out by the impatience of delay, without acquainting her Brother the King of England, or the Nobles of the Kingdom with her design, she afterwards mar­ryeth him, transferring, if she could, the whole weight of the Kingdom and the reins of the Government of the State into his hands, having no more freedom in her own determinations.

No sooner was this revealed to the World, when the Nobility and Gentry divided into two Factions, one adhering to the Dowglass, in whom kindred, friendship long observance had bred hopes of bene­fit and preferment: another of such whom envy of [Page 240] his greatness and advancement had made hungry of change The first would have the Government con­tinued in the Queens person and her husband's; because hereby the Realm should still have peace with Eng­land, which at that time was the most necessary point to be respected. The adverse Party, of which the Lord Chamberlain was the Principal, who was a man both in Power, Parentage, Riches, equal if not be­yond, to many of the great Men of the Country, importuned the Election of a new Governour and Protector of the young King. The Queen losing by her marriage both the tutelage of her Son and the Government, should not take to heart that ano­ther were chosen and put in her place.

Her marrying the Earl of Anguss had made him too great already to be a Subject; the continuing of her in Authority would promote him to the greatness of a Prince. Who should be Governour, is upon both sides long and contentiously argued. Many gave their voices for the Earl of Arran, as being near in blood to the King, and a man affecting peace more than others, and every way sufficient for such a Charge. The Chamberlain had determined of another, and told it was a wrong to bar from so high an honour a man of the Masculine line in blood to the King, and prefer one of the Femine. John Duke of Albany, Son to Alexander Duke of Albany the Brother of King James the Third, before all others by all reason should be preferred to the Government. Be­ing demanded if he would the first, to gave example to others, set his hand to this Election, he without pausing performed it, with a protestation, that though the rest of the Nobility opposed it, as to his coming into Scotland to accept the Government, he alone would go to France, charge him with it, be his Convoy hither, and maintain his Title.

[Page 241]This he was thought to have done, for that de­spairing to reach and obtain this Dignity himself, out of emulation he laid a design that never any other of the Nobles of the Kingdom should reach it: affecting rather to give a Stranger the place than a Competitor, bringing in the French to equal the ballance as prin­cipal, himself only as accessory, nothing doubting of a chief place in State, as well for his forwardness in this election as for the necessity of his Service which the French could not well want, and should never be lacking. He feared also if the Faction of the Dowglasses prevail'd, the greatness of the Earl of Anguss would be an umbrage to his, and lessen & impair it; Their Lands & Fortunes lying near to other, as that the Queen by her power in England would cross his fairest projects.

The King of England had sent a Letter to the Lords of Scotland (as he had done to the French King for that same effect) remonstrating how dangerous it was for the State of Scotland, and young King, if they should make choice of the Duke of Albany.

Notwithstanding of all which through ambition, malice, envy of others, discords amongst themselves, they made choice of this Gentleman, a stranger by his education and birth, ignorant of the nature and man­ners of the Scots: whose Father was banished for Treason against his Brother, and dyed unrestored. One altogether devoted to the French King, and an enemy to the English; not caring to keep the Country of Scotland in Wars and Troubles, so he might defend the French Nation, by making the Scots fight their battels.

After many private Letters from his Friends in Scotland (especially from the Chamberlain) inviting him to come home and accept his new dignity, the Duke at last is required by the State, and Lyon King of Arms is directed to him, to acquaint him with their [Page 242] proceedings, and make him forward on his way. He to endear his coming and make himself the more desired of the People, excusing his stay for a while (which he laid upon the Treaty of Peace, which was then to be agreed upon between England and France, by the marriage of Lovys the French King with Mary the youngest Sister of Henry King of England, which required his presence) sendeth home the King of Arms with Letters from the French King, with Sir Anthony Darcea le Siour de la Beautie. This manpropounded certain conditions which the Duke required. What should be the form of his Government, his Guards, what Castles should be delivered to him for his Gar­risons; the restoring his patrimony and Fathers digni­ties to him. Which particularities being condescend­ed unto, the Castle of Dumbar was instantly delivered to la Beautie to be kept for a French Garrison at the Dukes coming: and Sir Patrick Hamilton, Brother to the Earl of Arran, James Oguilbuy Abbot of Arbroth with the King of Arms, were sent back again to France. After their Arrival the Duke of Albany furnished with all necessaries by the French King with eight well rigged Ships took the Seas, and in the month of May arrived on the West coasts of Scotland, from whence with a great retinue of the Nobles and Barons of the Country by easie journeys, the Queen meeting him, he came to the Town of Edenburgh. In the Parliament which had been prorogued for his coming, the Duke accepted the Government, and gave his Oath of fidelity to the King and Country: and the three Estates gave their Oath of obedience to him, and both swore in the Administration of Justice, neither should be deficient to others. Here is he restored to all his Fathers inheritance, Titles and honours. Being declared Duke of Albany, Earl of March, and Governour of the Kingdom till the King's [Page 243] full maturity. Many Laws are made for the weal of the Kingdom, and to gratifie his Linnage, James the natural Son of James the fourth is created Earl of Murray.

At the presence of this new Governour the face of the State turned more beautiful, and the Court more Royal, oppression is restrained, justice sincerely executed, the Court is frequented with good and vir­tuous men, Malefactors and naughty persons banish themselves. He maketh a progress to all the notable Towns of the Kingdom, seeing crimes punished, and faults amended. Being a Stranger and not throughly acquainted with the municipal Statutes and particular practices of the Country, in matters great and of importance he proceedeth by the instructions and in­formations of some choice men of the Nation it self. Especially since he was not infinite to listen to the advice of every one, he gave himself to hearken and follow the opinion and counsel of John Hepburn Prior of St. Andrews: whose judgment in his great­est difficulties he receives as an Oracle. This man being of a subtle mind, malitious, crafty, rich and endued with some Courtly eloquence, by a counter­feit Pretence of knowledge of the affairs of the King­dom and State (neither in some things did he err) at first being very familiar with the Duke and in a little time after, by bribing secretly some of his choice Servants, turned his only Privado, and almost possessed alone his judgment and ear. He informed him of the strength and Riches of the Country, of the nature of the people, manner of their Laws, revealed to him many secrets of the Government. He gave him a Catalogue of the whole deadly fewds and divisions a­mongst the Noblemen and Gentry, opening unto him which were inveterate, and had long continued, and which were fresh, upon what accidents they had [Page 244] their beginnings. How in prosecuting Revenge in them they cared not how innocent any man was if he were of the Name and Alliance, but rather thought, the more innocent any was, the more it testified their spight, which they desired to manifest by taking him away. He shewed him what factions were in the Kingdom, who sway'd them, and were the heads. He told him the Scots were a violent fierce people, mutinously proud, and knew not how to obey with­out the Sword were drawn. that they were never absolutely governed by their own Kings themselves, far less would they be ruled by him who was but a Governour, and half a Stranger. King James the First they had killed, they had made a League against King James the Second, in open Battel they had over­thrown King James the Third, and the last King was by best judgments thought to have been secretly taken away: here (calling to mind the proclaim­ing of the Arch-bishop Andrew Formans Bull) he omitted nothing could derogate to the Chamberlains reputation and honour, and an evil opinion of him in the Governour.

He instructed him how the great Houses of Scot­land were so joined and linkt together, by kindred, Alliances, Bonds of service or Homage, that no Gen­tleman of any quality, although a Malefactor and a guilty person, could be presented to justice without some stir, commotion, tumult of the Grandees and their factious friends: Amidst so many strong parties and confederate male-contents, the Gover­nour by the power of the Scots themselves, and his own Kindred, Friends and Followers, were not powerful enough safely to administer justice: for which cause the King of France should be implored to send hither competent forces to quell the inso­lencies and shake the pride of the factious Nobles. [Page 245] The heads of the factions which had a principal sway in the Kingdom at that time would either be cut off, or kept under, but with such cunning and dexterity that it should not be perceived, nor found out; that many were aimed at and interessed when some few did suffer and fall. That for the pre­sent there were three heads to be looked unto as feared and like to bring Novations in the State, being men able to change the present Government.

The Earl of Anguss, a man in the prime of his youth of high flying thoughts by his Alliance with the King of England, and that estimation the people conceiv­ed of him by the demerits of his Ancestors, and the singular love the Subjects bare him, carryed a mind above the fortune of a private man, and seemed not born to live a subjects life, each action of his bearing in it majesty and magnificence, he had power to hurt if he would hurt.

The Lord Chamberlain, a man unpolisht, stub­bornly stout, hazardous, mighty in riches and power, and consequently proud, of a working mind and vehement Spirit, whom time and experience had hardned by great exploits and most dangerous acti­ons, who had the malice to be a Spectator of the dis­comfiture of his Prince and Countrymen at Flowden, was likely to attend the opportunity of traverses and changes.

The third was the Arch-Bishop Andrew Forman, once Secretary to the Pope, who though he was not of any Noble Stem nor descent of blood, nor for his Followers, Friends, and Adherents much to be taken notice of or feared, yet considering him as his Le­gateship, pluralty of benefices, many pensions from Princes, had guilded him over, and balancing him by his present treasure, he could make a weak par­ty strong, and add weight to what side soever he in­clined [Page 246] He was therefore with piercing eyes to be lookt into, and all his actions and ways to be observed.

The Governour gave not great attention to what the Prior had instructed against the Arch-Bishop, having before had some inkling of the rancor, gnudge and enmity between them. And he was conscious the Arch-Bishops riches were above envy; he hav­ing been ever more solicitous magnificently to spend what he had acquired than hoord up. Neither did he bestow so much upon any of his Countrymen, as he did upon the French, the Friends and Servants of the Governour. He knew he was also so circum­spect as not to adhere to any of the factions of the time, in a neutrality indifferently and friendly en­tertaining all his Compatriots.

Nor was he much moved at his information con­cerning the Earl of Anguss, finding him a man peace­able, courteous to all and affable; and though of aspiring thoughts, carryed often away with his pri­vate delights and Courtly pleasures.

But what the Prior informed against the Lord Chamberlain he deeply ingraved in his memory, and ever after his countenance bewrayed certain flaws of ill concealed discontent: Neither did he thereafter shew him wonted favours, which the Chamberlain observing and guessing at the change of the Govern­nors mind towards him by more than ordinary evi­dences and signs: He having been the only man who wrought his advancement and coming to Scotland, his deserts new either forgot or ungratefully remem­bred, full of grief and disdain, retired from the Court to his own Castles, where, when he had rested a while, half astonished to see his hopes so frustrate he taketh new resolutions and determinations to play the Governour double or quite. Hereafter he leav­eth no means untryed to become entire with the [Page 247] Queen and her Husband, and by observance and fre­quent meeting with them, he wrought himself not only to be imbraced as their Friend, but their Coun­sellor, and one in whom they had great confidence. He many times with them deplored the Publick Ca­lamity, when his own particular only stung him, ac­cusing himself of his too much forwardness in calling home a man born an Exile, whose Father died ba­nish'd for his ambition, and had essayed to take the Crown from his Eldest Brother. Sith this man was the nearest of blood to succeed who could not per­ceive his last work would be the making away the innocent Child, his Pupil, to ascend the Royal Throne himself; in the height of Malice accom­plishing what his Father out of a desire to Rule did Project. By his tender years the King could not pre­vent his danger, his Mother might anticipate it, that new necessities requir'd new remedies, only one Po­stern gate remained yet open, which was, that the Queen would transport her Son to England.

When this Plot was whisper'd to the Governour, who wanted not his Emissaries among the Queens Attendants, it was no sooner reveal'd than believ'd, and no sooner believ'd, when (being a man who used celerity in all his Actions) with as many men as hast could suffer him to gather, forthwith marched from Edenburgh to Sterlin, there unawares he surpri­zed the Castle, and in it the Queen with her two Sons. A Council being assembled, the King with his Brother Alexander are sequestred from their Mo­ther, and trusted to the custody of four Lords, who by turns interchangeably should attend the two Prin­ces and have a care of their education. That no violence should be offer'd them, certain Gentlemen of the French and Scots are appointed still to wait on, nd guard them; from this suspition the seeds of [Page 248] enmity began to be sown between the Queen and the Governour, which neither time nor wisdom thereafter could take away and root out.

Amidst this storm of Court, the Lord Chamber­lain brought to a new traverse of his thoughts, with his Brother Mr. William Hume fly towards England; the Queen with her Husband and Sir George Dow­glass his Brother with an unexpected suddenness hast to Tantallon, and from thence to Berwick, from which they had a convoy to the Nunnery of Colstream: Here they attended advertisement from the King of England what course to follow and know his pleasure. He recommended them to the Protection and care of the Lord Dacres, and assigned the Castle of Har­bottle in Northumberland for his Sisters residence du­ring her abode in these Northern parts, and the trou­bles of Scotland.

The Governour not a little perplexed at the flight and escape of those Conspiratours, sendeth Embassa­dors to the Court of England to clear himself to the King of what might be surmised against him con­cerning these new strangers come to his Country. He had done nothing which should have offended the Queen, made her afraid, or to entertain or harbour a sinister thought of his proceedings. Neither did he intend any thing against these had followed and accompanied her, which should have moved them to leave their Country; unto whom if they pleased to return they should be welcom, enjoy their wonted freedom, and keep peaceably what they had possessed. If they were conscious to themselves of any misde­meanour, he would not be too precise in the search of it. He also trafficked by the friends of those who favoured the Dowglasses and Humes to persuade them to a Return, giving them fair Promises of ob­taining what they should demand. Till at last he [Page 249] removed them to bow and yield to his desires. The fugitive Gentlemen return'd; but the Queen being with child, and near the time of her delivery, was necessitated to stay still, till at Harbottle Castle she brought forth her daughter Margaret, after Grand­mother to James King of Britain. So soon as she was able to endure travel, and be transported, King Henry with an honourable retinue brought her to his Court, where she was by him and his Sister Mary (late Queen of France) welcomed. In May she made her progress through London to Baynards Castle, and from thence to Greenwich.

The Contrivers of the exploit of transporting the King to England being within the Country, and, as it were, secure, the Governor, whose head was filled with suspitions, not thinking himself bound by promises, will have them give a reckoning of their enterprize and flight into England. Against some he hath clear proofs, fair and manifest evidences, against other bare surmises and naked suspitions; for they had not left the Country, nor had they been partakers of the Queens fortunes. Here with an unexpected suddenness, Mr. Gavin Dowglas Uncle to the Earl of Anguss, Bishop of Dunkel, Mr. Patrick Panther Secretary to the late King, were committed. Mr. Gavin in the Castle of St. Andrews, Mr. Patrick in Garvet Castle. The Lord Drummond grand-Father to the Earl of Anguss, having beaten a Lyon Herauld, who too imperiously had given a charge to answer to such things should be objected against him, was imprisoned in the Castle of Blackness. Alexander Lord Hume being charged to answer for his actions and proceedings, and not appearing, was denounced Rebel, his moveables seised on and brought to the Ex­chequer, Stir'd up and irritated by this outrage, he maketh Roads upon the neighbour bounds, plunder­eth [Page 250] Dumbar which was the Governors chief resort and to revenge his wrongs, setteth on work the Rob­bers on the borders. To repress and bridle this ravag­ing, the Governor in person with a thousand hardy Souldiers marcheth to the Borders, directeth some companies to find out the Lord Hume; but he, either dismaid at the worth and fortune of the Governor, or broken and bowing under the burthen of his own miseries, cometh to the Governor and submitted his life and estate to his faith and clemency: brought to Edenburgh, he is trusted to the custody of James Earl of Arran the Husband of his Sister, with threatnings under pain of high Treason, that he should not part with him, nor suffer him to escape. The Lord Hume had not long staid in the Castle of Edenburgh, when with glosses of probalities of changes casual, and such as might fall forth, he mov­ed the Earl of Arran to be of his Mind, and brought him to conspire against the Governor, and hazard to put himself in his place of State. He himself was the only man who had brought in the Governor, and he knew well how to put him out, if the Earl would be of the Party, and by his negligence not reject a Supream honor thrown in his arms. He is begun already not to be lov'd, if he was not already hated by the Subjects by his imperious proceedings. If the King of England could find some few Noblemen to make head against him, he would constrain him to leave the Country. The Earl of Arran was neerest heir to the King, it was more reason he should be second in the Kingdom than John, who though descended of a brother, yet a banisht man, and a stranger to the Scots Nation, with whom had they not so much as in­tercourse and familiarity of language. After many such like inducements, the Prisoner took away his Keeper with him to the South parts of the Country: [Page 251] and both by Letters to their Familiars, Kindred, and acquaintance, and private meetings with other Noble men strove to make strong and increase their faction.

In the beginning of the Spring John Stuart Earl of Lennox, the Sisters son of the Earl of Arran, list­ed himself in the Party of the Conspiring Lords, and with a number of his Friends and Followers invest­ed the Castle of Glasgow; which if they could have kept, had been a great advancement to their inten­tions. But the Governour gathering an Army of as many as hast would suffer him to Assemble, the De­fenders not being strong enough to resist him, reco­vered the Castle with small loss of his men. After which in indignation he marched to throw down the Castle of Hamilton; here victorious anger was con­quer'd by pity and compassion: for the old Coun­tess of Arran being at that time there resident (who was Daughter to King James the Second, Sister to King James the Third, Mother to the Earl of Arran, Gandmother to the Earl of Lennox, Aunt to the Governour) a Lady venerable for years and ver­tues, with tears of affection and sorrow falling down at the Governours feet, and received by him with great commiseration in a merciful manner, not only preserv'd the Castle, but by the means of the Arch-Bishop Andrew Forman, entred into a Treaty for Peace to her Son, and the Earl of Lennox. And in November the two Earls coming to Edenburgh by the means of this Arch-bishop were reconciled with the Governor. About this time (his Mother being far from him to discharge the last duties of affection towards him) Alexander Duke of Rothsay, Brother to the King, a Child to admiration beautiful and Delightful, died at Sterlin, and was buried in the Abby Church of Cambuskenneth.

The term of Peace between the two Kingdoms be­ing [Page 252] almost expir'd, and both having a desire to con­tinue it, the English sent their Commissioners to Cold­ingham, to whom the Duke, then resident at Dumbar, sent Monsieur du Plains Embassador for the French King, Sir William Scot of Balweary, and Gavin Dumbar Arch-Dean of Saint Andrews. These after some altercation concerning the Scottish Fugitives, conclude a Peace between the Nations from the midst of January till the feast of Whitsuntide after. The English comprehended in the Articles the Earl of An­guss, the Lord Hume, and the rest of the Queens strayed Faction, with all their Kinsmen, Clients and Followers. The Lord Hume was received again into the Governours favor, with condition that if he after break his promises and oaths, his old faults should be remembered and joined to his new. Master Gavin Dowglass and Mr. Patrick Panther were set at Liberty, The Lord Drummond who had been forfeited was again restored, the Earl of Anguss with these who had followed him with many ceremonies, and great store of Friendship, was welcomed again to the Court.

The Disorders of the Kingdom called a Parlia­ment, in which many acts were made to restrain and keep under bold and wicked men, and preserve the peace of the Kingdom. In this Parliament it was Ordained, the Kings Brother Alexander being de­ceased, that the Governour should be reputed second Person of the Realm, and next heir to the Crown. Notwithstanding of the claim made by Alexander Stuart the elder brother of the Governour, who was begotten on a Daughter of the Earl of Orkenay, to whom the Duke of Albany their Father had been lawfully joined in marriage before his coming to France, and thus before the marrying of the Earl of Bulloignes daughter the Mother of John the Go­vernour, upon which ground Alexander had great [Page 253] reason to make his claim and protestation as heir to his Father. Notwithstanding of his challenge and bravado, Alexander being more fit for a Cowl than a Crown, in open Parliament gave over all Title he had to the Crown in his brothers favour. Where­upon to deprive him ever hereafter of lawfull Succession, they turned him Priest, being made Bi­shop of Murray and Abbot of Skoon.

A truce being sincerely kept with England tumults within the Country appeased particular deadly fewds and jarres of private persons either curbed or smothered up, the Governour giveth himself some weeks to his Courtly recreations at Faulk-land, with what pastime soever he be delighted, or beguile the hours all the day long, in the night he is often haunted by his old familiar the Prior of St. Andrews, whom ambition, spight, malice never suffered to take any rest.

This man put in the Governors head and made him believe, that his endeavours and pains heretofore would prove but vain in settling the Government, and that the peace of the Kingdom should never be lasting, firm and permanent, if so dangerous a Sub­ject as the Lord Chamberlain remained alive; whom neither rewards could soften, nor honours and prefer­ment oblige and make constant. How many times had he been pardoned? How often and without a cause had he returned again to his former Conspi­racies? Should the Governour of his own free-will or of necessity be moved to return to France, what would not the boldness of this man attempt in his absence, which his authority and presence could ne­ver curb and keep within compass? the life of this man would be the death and total ruine of the Peace, of the concord and harmony of the State, bring forth nothing but dangerous and wicked effects; the vio­lence [Page 254] of ambition having pulled him from his own judgment. Should he be challenged and put to a tryal of his Peers. He could not shun the blow of Ju­stice, the cry of his oppression and wrongs having reached heaven: A member so often in vain cured and still gangrened should be cut off.

The Governour, whose Brains the Prior had now embrued with jealousies, thought it no great matter upon the informations he had received to put the Chamberlain to a Tryal; for if he proved not guilty it would be but to leave him in that state and case he was found in; and calumnies though they do not born yet black. Being come to Edenburgh he ap­pointed a convention of the Nobility, all which time he earnestly trafficked with the Friends of the Lord Chamberlain that he should not be absent, the mat­ters to be determined in Council concerning him nearly, and he had need of his advice and council.

The Court and City being full of whisperings and expectation of some sudden change, many dissuad­eth the Chamberlain from appearing; if he appeared, that he would leave his Brother Master William (a man equal in judgment and courage to himself) be­hind. He, trained into false hopes by the blandish­ments of the Governour towards his friends, and inveigled by presumption, with his Brother, and (Sir Andrew called by the Country Lord) David Car of Farnehast cometh to Court, where they were with many ceremonies welcomed by the Governour, with more than ordinary favours entertained, and shortly after all three imprisoned, produced in judgment to answer to such things as should be objected against them according to the Laws of the Kingdom, and submitted to the Sentence of a Jury. No new crime was laid to their charge, James Earl of Murray the natural Son of the late King, accused the Chamber­lain [Page 255] of the death of his Father: who by many wit­nesses was proved alive, and seen to come from the Battel of Flowden: This by pregnant evidences not being proved, he was indicted of divers other points of Treason, and his private faults are found out and laid against him: they renew the memory of the late stirs of State and these disorders, of which he was either the Author or accessary to them. He had fa­voured and maintained the Factions, Thefts and Robberies of wicked Malefactors on the Borders: he had not honourably nor honestly carryed himself at the Battel of Flowden, performing neither the duty of a Soldier nor Commander. He had suffered the English to repair and of new fortifie the Castle of Norham, which without either trouble to himself or danger to his Friends, he might have hindred. Of every of which points and particularities he not clear­ly justifying himself, the Judges prepared and directed by the Governor (whom they record to have given information of a hainous crime committed by the Chamberlain and his brother, for the odiousness of it not to be revealed to the people) pronounce him and his Brother guilty, and condemn them to have their Heads cut off. The day following the sentence was put in execution, and their heads fixt on the most eminent part of the Town of Edenburgh. David Car of Farnhast, either by the Jury, being declared not guilty (as some have recorded) or by the Corrupting of his Keepers (as others) or by the permission of the Governor, escap'd this danger; which brought the People to believe the Chamberlain was by his means entrapped, To sink, whom he put himself in hazard of drowning.

This Calamity of the family of the Humes, being so ancient, potent and couragious, bred terrour and astonishmenr in many of the other Noblemen of the [Page 256] Kingdom, and estranged their Hearts form the Go­vernour; his ears began to be after attentive to every rumour, and his eyes pryed into each accident; at last, as if he were wearied with wrestling with the many disorders, and cumbersome Factions of the Country, he sought how by some fair way he might for a while return to France. Embassadours being sent from King Francis to Scotland to renew the ancient League between the two Nations, when the Nobles assembled to make choice of the man on whom they should transfer the honour of the accomplishment of so solemn an action and pass to France, the Governour carryed the matter so by means of the French, that it was conferred on himself, but with this condition (to entertain them with hopes of his Return) that he should not stay above six Months out of the Country; Having obtained this privileged absence of them, his next care was to preserve the State from any alte­rations till his Return, and to find the Government as he left it. Hereupon to preserve the Person of the King, he is conveyed from Sterlin to the Castle of Edenburgh, and trusted to the custody of the Earl of Marshall, the Lords Ruthen and Borthick, two of which should be always resident with him, and ac­company and assist the Lord Areskin his constant and unremovable Guardian. For the Government of the State he leaveth seven Deputies in his Place, The Earl of Arran, Anguss, Huntley, Arguile, the Arch-Bishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow; to these is adjoined Sir Anthony Darcey le Sieur de la Beautie, whom he had made Captain of Dumbar, and promot­ed to be in the Lord Humes Place, Warden of the East Marches, keeping the days of Truce and Justice Courts. This was the man to whom the entire Con­duct of all the Governours affairs was intrusted, and who should give him advertisment of what did pass [Page 257] in Scotland, during his aboed in France. That no dis­cord should arise amongst men equal in places and au­thority (the ordinary occasion of division) several shires which they should govern to every one of them are allotted. To Sir Anthony Darcey was destinated the Government of the Merss and Lothian; to the other their shires were appointed as the convenience of their dwelling places, Friends and Kindred did afford them. Under pretexts and fair colours of honour, and as to pass the time, and be trained in French Civility, also for the greater magnificency, the Governour took in his company the Earl of Lennox, the Lord Gordon, Masters of Glencarn and Arran, other young Lords; who in effect were so many Hostages, that no stir by their Parents, Kindred, Friends, should be raised du­ring his absence. He likewise under dark Shadows and far sought pretences committed to such Castles as were garrisoned with French Soldiers, as Dumbarton, Dum­bar, Garvet, certain Barons of the South and West Countries, who wanted nothing but liberty, not for any thing they had done, but what they might do the Governour being out of the Kingdom. Matters brought to such a pass as his best Politicians could de­vise, accompanied with Master Gavin Dowglass Bi­shop of Dunkell, and Master Patrick Panther Se­cretary to the late King, men whom he feared to leave behind him, and entertained (though he knew they loved him not) as his bosom friends, in June at Dum­bartoun he took Shipping.

Queen Margaret after she had remained a year in England understanding by Letters the Governour had taken the Seas, and was on his way towards France, honourably dismissed by her Brother came to Scotland At Berwick she was received by her Husband the Earl of Anguss; but he was not accepted with the favours he was wont; for that plague of too much love [Page 258] (jealousie) had infected her, having gotten some inkling that he delighted in a free bed, and during the time of her abode in England had entertained a Mis­tress in Dowglass-dale, an injury beyond degree of Re­concilement, after which she began to disdain him, and seek how she might be divorced from him. Though whilst the King was kept in the Castle of Edenburgh all access unto him was refused her, when he was trans­ported to the Castle of Craigmillar, out of a suspiti­on and rumour the Plague had infected Edenburgh, by the courtesie of the Lord Areskin, she had liberty to visit him, But her frequent haunting him out of too much motherly kindness, breeding a suspition in his Guardians, that, as had once before been practised. by a Queen in Scotland, She had an intention to have stoln him away and sent him to his Uncle, restrained her long­er access to him, and procured his return back again to the Castle of Edenburgh.

Sir Anthony Darcey having by his vigilancy, pains, courage, given many proofs of his worth in defence of the Borders, and administration of Justice in those shires he governed; The other Governours, often disagreeing amongst themselves, either out of Love of rest, and to be vacant from business, or out of malice to procure him greater hatred, declare him absolute Deputy: and they gave their promises to second him in way of Justice: and here he found the difference between extreams and mediocrities. Many disdained a Stranger should be in that place, so many brave men of their Nation neglected. A quarrel at that time, either true and real, or (as others have recorded) altogether forged and contriv'd to draw the Deputy in a Danger, arising between the Stewards of the Laird of Langtoun, and one of his Uncles, who by the power and means of Sir David Hume of Wedderburn, whose Sister was his wife, had thrust out and ejected [Page 259] the young heir and them, of their own Castle of Lang­toun, and kept it by force. The Deputy accompany­ed with certain Lords of the Borders, and some French men his own Domesticks came to the Town of Dunce, to hold a Justice Court concerning this Riot. The Humes, who thought nothing juster than revenge, nor nobler than the effects of anger, having sworn a requital of their Chiefs wrong, and to pay the Gover­nour home when occasion should be offered, by the counsel and forwardness of Sir David Hume, lay an ambush, and lie in wait for the Deputy; the Plot not failing, they invade him at such a disadvantage, that some of his Servants killed, he was constrained to seek an escape by the swiftness of his Horse, who in the chase either falling or sinking in a marish, left his Master to the cruelty of his Pursuers, who strook of his head, and to feed their eyes with the spectacle of their rage, set it to the disgrace of the French on the battlements of the Castle of Hume. This end had Sir Anthony Darcey who deserved so well both of France and Scotland, having been cour­teous, valiant, and noble in all his actions, and a great Administrator of Justice, who spared no travel, and freely adventured upon any dangers to suppress malefactors, and defend the weak and innocent.

The Governours, That greater mischief should not follow the boldness of these men, made choice of the Earl of Arran to resist their outrage, and declare him Warden of the Marches and Supream. Which election displeased the Earl of Anguss the Earl of Arran armed with power, neglecting Anguss his in­terest, immediately committed Sir George Dowglas his Brother to the Castle of Edenburgh, and Mark Car in Garvet Castle, out of a suspition they were ac­cessory to the slaughter of Sir Anthony Darcey. In a Parliament shortly following many of the Humes [Page 260] and Cockburns Fugitives for this slaughter, and for that they had invited the English to their aid and spoil of the Country, are declared Rebels. The Parlia­ment being dissolved, the Earl of Arran with a suffi­cient number of Soldiers, and some great Ordinance, besieged the Castles of Hume and Langtoun, and had h [...]em rendred to his mercy.

When the accident or Sir Anthony Darcey was noised at the Court of France, King Francis is re­corded to have said he never looked for better at the hands of the Scots, and that the Duke of Albany should have deputed men of their own nation to have governed them, and not a stranger, being a people delighting in Misgovernment, ever well pleased at the Falls and tragical ends of their Rulers, and joying to see any hard hap happen to them they deem happy.

The Bishop of Dunkell who had accompanied the Governour to France, used such diligence at the Court, that he was imployed to be the first Messenger to the Country of the great promises and many Cere­monies of the French, at the confirmation of the Lea­gue, with their protestations for the preserving and maintaining the Liberties of the Kingdom of Scot­land against all who would essay to empair them. Not long after arrived the Earl of Lennox and an Herauld with Letters from King Francis and the Governour, amplifying and putting a larger gloss on the same. But when by other Letters the Queen and Nobles had received certain intelligence that King Francis and the King of England had composed their Quarrels, entred in a new band of Amity a de­fensive League being passed between them, Tournay rendred to the French, promises upon either side solemnly made for a Match to be between the Daul­phine of France, eldest son to King Francis, and the eldest daughter of Henry King of England. when [Page 261] age should enable them for marriage; and that in the large Treaty of Peace, not one word was set down for the quietness and help of those who for the quar­rel of France hast lost their King, and endangered their whole Kingdom; no care had of their welfare and prosperity, they stormed not a little, and thought their lives and travels evil imployed. Then with as great hast as such a matter required they dispatched Letters back again to the Governour blotted with complaints and expostulations. The year following to excuse his oversight, the French King sent a Rea­son why he had not made mention of the Scottish nati­on in his league with England, He had studied to give satisfaction to some of the Scottish Nobility (obliquely touching the Duke of Albany) whose minds he knew to be altogether averse from any peace or Truce with the English nation; whose undaunted Spirits and great courages were only bent to revenge the deaths of their King, Kinsmen and Compations. This evasion not giving satisfaction to the best advised of the Council, the French King interposed his endea­vours with King Henry to have a cessation of arms for as short a time as he could devise. Whereupon Clarencieux and one la Fiot, coming to Scotland, the one from the King of England, the other from the French King, a Truce was concluded between the two Kingdoms for one year and a whole day: The reason of this Truce was thought mostly to be, for that the Kings of England and France, the next Summer, were to have an interview, and with all Princely courtesies entertain each other.

The Kingdom began to be sensible of the absence of the Governour, factions increasing, the Commons suffering dayly outrages, the Nobility and Gentry deciding their Rights by their Swords. The Earl of Rothsay and the Lord Lindsay contending which [Page 262] should be Sheriff of Fyfe, with tumultuary arms invade each other, and hardly by the Deputies were restrain'd, till the one was committed to the Castle of Dumbar, and the other to the Castle of Dumbar­toun. Robert Blackadour Prior of Coldingham, with six of his Domestick Servants is killed by the Laird of Wedderburn. The King out of a suspition that the plague was in Edenburgh, being transported to the Castle of Dalkieth by the Convey of the Earl of Arran, who was then Provost of the Town, it being the season when the Townsmen make election of their Magistrates for the year following; when the Earl was returned and sought to enter the Town, he found the Gates shut upon him by the Citizens, who alledged he came to invade their liberties in the free choice of their Magistrates: the tumult continu­eth the most part of the night, and the next morn­ing early the people dividing in factions, and skirm­ishing in the streets, a Deacon of the Crafts is killed by the faction of the Hamiltons, which alienated the minds of the Townsmen altogether from the Earl of Arran, and made them encline to the Earl of Anguss some of whose friends and followers had re­scued some of the Citizens, and taken part with others; which made many after conceive this discord was plotted by some Noblemen enemies to the Earl of Ar­ran, amongst which the Earl of Anguss was the chief.

After this tumult the Earl of Anguss and Arran sought likewise to cross each other in their procee­dings: the one maintaining the enemies of the other: who had a quarrel against the Earl Arran the Earl of Anguss befriended him, as the Earl of Arran suppor­ted and sided those who had any discontent against Earl of Anguss. A suit falling between the Earl of An­guss and David Car Laird of Farnehast about the Bal­lywick of Jedbrough Forrest, the Lands appertained to [Page 263] the Earl; the Title and power to fit Judge belonged to the Lairds of Farnehast; Sir James Hamilton the natural Son of the Earl of Arran assisted the Laird of Farnehast; and besides those who out of good will, friendship, kindred, vassalage, did follow him, he gathered fourty Souldiers such as were found upon the Borders, men living upon Spoil and rapine, to be of his parry. The Laird of Cesfoord (then War­den of the Marches) who with his Counsel and Force sided the Earl of Anguss, at the Rumour of the ap­proach of Sir James to Jedbrough, encountreth him, and his fourty Hirelings abandoning him in his great­est danger, Cesfoord killing some of his followers brought to make use of his spurs towards the Castle of Hume, where after a long chase he got Sanctuary. The day following the Laird of Farnehast held a Court in the Town of Jedbrough, as Baily to the Earl of Anguss, and the Earl himself kept his Court three miles distant in Jed-ward Forrest. In the month of May after, certain Noblemen assembled at Eden­burgh to accommodate all quarrels, and make an a­tonement between the Dowglasses and Hamiltons. Many Lords of the West here meet, attending the Earl of Arran, the Earls of Lennox, Eglintoun, Cassiles, the Lords Ross, Simple, the Bishop of Gallo­way, Abbot of Pasley. The Provost of the Town of Edenburgh Archembald Dowglas of Kilspyndie, Uncle or Cousen Germain to the Earl of Anguss, yielded up his place to Robert Logan Laird of Restlerig. The Lords of the West by the advice of James Beatoun Chancellour (in whose House they often assembled) laid a plot to surprize the Earl of Anguss, then attended but by some few of his Friends, and as it were solitary. they thought him too great and insolent a Subject, to whose power never one of theirs alone, was equal in all points, and they had many [Page 264] things to challenge him upon when the Governour, should return. The Earl of Anguss, forewarned of their intention, imployed the Bishop of Dunkell his Uncle to offer them what honourable satisfaction they could require. All that he propounded being rejected by implacable men, and finding the only way to be freed of violence, to be violent, and that danger could not be avoyded but by a greater danger, with an hundred hardy resolute men armed with long Spears and Pikes, which the Citizens as he traversed the Streats, out of Windows furnished him, he invested a part of the Town, and barricadoed some Lanes with Carts and other impediments which the time did affrad. The adverse party trusting to their number, and the supply of the Citizens (who calling to mind the slaughter of their Deacon, shew them small favour,) disdaining the Earl should thus muster on the Streats, in great fury invade him. Whilst the bickering continued, and the Town is in a Tumult, William Dowglass brother to the Earl of Anguss, Sir David Hume of Wedderburn, George Hume brother to the late Lord, with many others by blood and Friendship tyed together, enter by violence the East Gate of the Town (the Citizens making small resistance) force their passage through the throngs, seek the Earls enemies, find them, scoure the streets of them. The Master of Mont­gomery eldest Son to the Earl of Eglintoun, Sir Patrick Hamiltoun, Brother to the Earl of Arran, with almost fourscore more are left dead upon the place. The Earl himself findeth an escape and place of retreat through a Marsh upon the North side of the Town; The Chancellour and his retinue took Sanctuary in the Dominican Fryers; the tu­mult by the slaughter of some, and flight of others appeased, the Earl of Anguss now freed of danger [Page 265] licensed all who pleased without further pursuit peaceably to leave the Town of Edenburgh, and return to their own Houses. Some daies after the Humes well banded and backed with many Nobles and Gentlemen of their linage by the Earl of Anguss consent, took the Lord Humes and his bro­thers heads from the place where they had been fixt, and with the funeral Rites of those times interr'd them in the Black-Fryers.

The Earl of Anguss having angled the Peoples hearts by his Magnificence, Wisdom, Courage and Liberality, his Faction began to bear greatest sway in the Kingdom. For the continuance of which, the King of England dealt most earnestly with the French King to keep the Duke of Albany still in France with him. But the French had contrary de­sign [...]. And when the Duke understood the great discords of the Nobility of Scotland, persons of Faction being advanced to places, dangerous immu­nities being granted to the Commons, France and England beginning to be tyred of their Peace, and preparing for a new War: to curb the Scottish Facti­ons, keep the Nation in quietness in it self, by giv­ing the Subjects other Work abroad, whilst com­mon danger should break off particular Discords. Notwithstanding of the English Ships which lay in wait to take him, after he had been about five years in France, in November he arrived on the West Coasts of Scotland at a place named Garloch. The Governour coming to Edenburgh, set himself to a­mend the enormities committed in his absence; the Magistrates of the Town are deposed, because in the late uproar they had been evil seconds to the Lords of the West, when they went to surprise the Earl of Anguss. A Parliament is called, to which many No­blemen and Gentlemen are cited to make appea­rance [Page 266] in February to be tryed, and to answer for offences committed by them in the Governours ab­sence. The appointed time being come, these who appeared not, were Indicted, and fled into England. Amongst which, and the chief, were the Humes and Cockburns, men Authors and accessory to the death of Sir Anthony Darcy. The tyde now turning, and mens affections changed, the Earl of Anguss, with his Brother Sir George Dowglass, by the Intercession of the Queen, are constrained to seek a Pardon: which was obtained for them, but with the condition that they should leave the Country, and stay in France one whole year, which they obeyed. Others have Recorded, they were surprized in the Night, and in French Ships conveyed privately away. Mr. Gavin Dowglass Bishop of Dunkell, in the ab­sence of his Nephew, finding the Governour violent in the Chase of the Faction of the Dowglasses, fled privately to the Court of England, where he gave informations to King Henry against him. He alone had taken to him the custody of the young King, the sequel whereof he much feared; he was an irrecon­cilable Enemy to the whole Family of the Dowglasses The principal cause of his coming to Scotland was to engage the Nation in a War against England, that the English should not assist the Emperour against the French King, and make his Nation slaves to France.

This Bishop shortly after dyed at London, and was buried in the Savoy Church: having been a man Noble, Valiant, Learned, and an excellent Po­et, as his Works, yet extant, testifie.

The King of England upon such informations sent Clarencieux (King of Arms) to Scotland to re­quire the Duke to avoid the Country, according to the Articles agreed upon between the French King and him in their last Truce.

[Page 267] It belonged (said Clarencieux) to his Master to tender the life, wellfare, honour, fortunes of his Nephew, of none of which he could be assured so long as the Duke ruled and stayed in Scotland. It was against all reason, and unbeseeming, the man should be sole Guardian to a King, who was the next heir to the Crown: how easily might he be tempted by op­portunity to commit the like unnatural cruelty which some have done in the like case both in England and other parts of Europe? if he loved his Nation and Prince (as he gave out) he required him to leave the Country, which if he yield not unto, but obstinately continued in a resolution to stay, he denounced from his Master present war. He farther complained, That the Earl of Anguss, who was King Henries Brother-in-Law, was by him banisht and detained in France; That during the banishment of the Earl, which had been near a whole year, the Duke had importuned his Sister the Queen with dishonest love.

The Governour answered Clarencieux, That what the Kings of France and England agreed upon in their Treaties of Peace was to him uncertain, but of this he was most certain, That neither the King of England nor France had power to banisht him (a Foreiner over whom their authority did not reach) his native Country, like, over like having no jurisdiction.

As concerning the King of Scotland, who was yet young in years he reverenced him as his Soveraign Lord, and would keep and defend both him and his Kingdom according to his Conscience, honour, and bound duty; that there were ever more men in the world who desired to be Kings, than there were King­doms to be bestowed upon them, of which number he was none, having ever preferred a mean estate justly enjoyed, before a Kingdom evil acquired. For the Earl of Anguss, he had used all Courtesies towards [Page 268] him notwithstanding of his evil demerits, not for his own sake (he did confess) but for the Queens sake, whom he honoured find respected as the Mother of his Prince, and towards whom he should continue his Observance. That the King of England needed not misdoubt he would attempt any thing, should dero­gate from the honour of his Sister, that complements of meer courtesie in France, might be surmised sometimes by English Ladies to be solicitations and suits of Love.

For the War, with which in case of his stay, he threatned his nation, he would use his best endeavours to set his in a posture of Defence.

When this answer was reported to King Henry, he gathered a great Army to invade Scotland, and essay if by their own dangers the Scots people could be moved to abandon and disclaim the Dukes au­thority. Seven great Ships came to Inche-keeth and spoiled the adjacent Coasts: all the Scots and French which did them inhabite London, and other places of England, were put ot their fines, and com­manded to go off the Country.

In compensation and for equal amends, the French Kingseized all English mens goods in Bourdeaux, im­prisoned the persons, and retained the money to be paid for the restitution of Tournay The Earl of Shrewsbury making incursions on the Borders, burn­ed the one half of Kelso, and plundered the other.

At this time the Emperor Charles the fifth came to England, and stirred King Henry to take arms against the French King; and the French had sent Embassadours to Scotland intreating and conjuring the Scots by their old and new League to arise in arms and invade England. The Governour assem­bled the three Estates at Edenburgh, which together condescended to the raising of an Army to resist the incursions of the English and defend the King­dom, [Page 269] to encourage every man for fighting, the Wards of those which should fall in this expedition, were freely remitted and discharged by Act of Par­liament, and pensions designed to the Widdows and Daughters of those who dyed in this service. This Empyrick balm could the French apply to cure the wounds of the Scottish Commonwealth.

The Earl of Shrewsbury advancing (as was re­ported) towards the west Borders, an Army was far gathered and encamped on Rosline-moor, which after, according to the orders given, marched to Annandale and forwards, came to the Esk, a River running in the Irish Seas neer Carlile; the Gover­nour delighted with the Seat and standing of the place, caused dig Trenches, and by the advice of certain French Gunners placed some Field Pieces, and small Ordinance for defence of them, and spread there his Pavilions. The Citizens of Carlile terrified at the sudden approach of so powerful an Army, offer many presents for the satety of their Towns which he rejected. The English Army not minding to invade the Scots so long as they kept themselves on their own ground and advanced not, the Governour endeavoured to make the Scots spoil the Country by incursions, but he fin­deth them slack and unwilling to obey and follow him, most part refusing to go upon English Ground, amongst whom Alexander Lord Gordon was the chief and first man. The Governour finding his command neglected, and some Noble men dissent­ing from what he most intended, cometh back to the place where they made their stand, and desires a reason of their stay. They told him, they had determined to defend their own Country, not invade England. That it neither consisted with the weal of the Commonwealth, nor as matters went at that [Page 270] time, had they sufficient forces to make invasive War That the Governour did not instigate them to invade England for the love he carryed to Scotland, but for a benefit to the French, by invading they might make themselves a prey to their enemies; they were Men and not Angels; it was enough for them whilst their King was under age to defend his Kingdom from the violence of Foreigners. Put the case they were in one battel victorious, considering the slaughter and loss of their Nobles and Gentry in that purchase, they might be overthrown in a second fight, and then to what would the King and Country be reduced? their last King might serve them for a pattern, the Revenge of whose death should be delayed till he himself were of years to undertake it.

The Governour brought to an exigent, said they should have propounded these difficulties before they took Arms, and not on the place of Battel. Teme­rity misbecame Noblemen in action, but especially in matters of War, in which a man cannot err twice. At the convention of the three Estates when war was in deliberation, they should have inquired for the causes of it; he was not to bring them upon the danger of a war without their own consent. The English had made many incursions, upon their Country, burning and ravaging: who stand only upon defence, stand upon no defence; a better defence of their own Country could not be found than by invading the Country of their Enemies. They should not be dejected for that accident at Flowden, since it was not the fault of the Souldier, but the Treason of their Chamberlain who had suffered for it. That the glory of the Nation should raise their courages, and inflame their bosoms with a desire of revenge: The Kings honour and [Page 271] their piety towards the Ghosts of their Compatriots, craved no less from them. That if they would not invade England, at least, for their Reputation and Fame with the World, they would pitch there a short time their Tents, and try if the English would hazard to assail them. That it would be an everlasting branding their honour, if timorously in a suddenness they show their backs to their enemies, and dared them not in the face by some daies stay.

The Queen, though absent, had thus persuaded the Noblemen, and having understood the Gover­nour to be turned now flexible, she dispatched a Post to him, requesting he would be pleased with a Truce for some Months, and that he would commune with the Warden of the English Marches, whom she should move to come to his Tent and treat with him. The Governour finding he stood not well assured of some of his Army, and know­ing what a cumbersome task it was to withstand the the violence of their desires, determined to follow their own current: seemed well pleased to hearken to their opinion. Hereupon the Lord Dacres War­den of the West Marches came unto the Governours Camp the eleventh of September (and as some have recorded, the Queen also) where a Cessation of Arms was agreed unto for some daies, in which time the Queen and the Governour should send Embassa­dours to treat for a Peace with King Henry, and shortly after, Embassadours were directed to the Court of England, but returned without any good done, King Henry demanding extraordinary and harmful conditions to the Realm of Scotland.

The year 1522. Andrew Forman Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, dyed, and James Beatoun Arch-Bishop of Glasgow and Chancellour of the Kingdom [Page 272] came in his place of St. Andrews, the ArchBishop­rick of Glasgow was conferred upon Gavin Dumbar whom the King after advanced to be Chancellor of the Kingdom.

The Governour resenting highly the slighting of the Embassadours by the King of England, but more the contempt and scorn of the Scottish Nobility in refusing to follow him, in October by the West Seas past over to France, promising that if a peace in this mean time were not concluded with England, he would the next Summer bring such War-like Briggades of French and Germans, that he should not stand much in need of his own Countrymen, who had continued so refractory and backward to his designs. He demanded from King Francis five thousand German Horsemen, and ten thousand foot to be transported to Scotland: which with the Scots who would accompany him, he thought sufficient to continue a War with England. The French could not spare so many men, having Wars both with the Emperour and the English, but they gave him three thousand Pikes, and one thousand Launces. The Governour intending to return to Scotland, receiving intelligence that the Ports towards the coasts of France were watched by the English to intrap him in his passage, bestowed his Ships so covertly here and there in small companies to avoid all suspition of any purpose he had to stir that year, as that thereupon the English Fleet under the Con­duct of Sir William Fitz-Williams, which had at­tended and waited his coming forth, until the Midst of August, brake up & bestowed themselves in convenient Ports against the next spring. The Duke then watching opportunity, and readily gathering together his dispersed Ships, to the number of some fifty Sail, imbarked his men at Brest in Bretaign [Page 273] the one and twenty of September, and landed at Kirkowbry, or the Isle of Arran, in the West of Scotland. In his company was Richard de la Pool who had been banished England, and to his power faithfully assisted the Governour. He arrived the same time that Jedbrough was burnt by the English; for Thomas Earl of Surrey high Admiral of Eng­land, the Marquess of Dorset and his Brother, with a competent power entring Scotland had burnt many Towns, and overthrown Castles and Piles.

At his coming the Duke assembled the Lords at Edenburgh, where they agreed that an Army should forthwith be gathered, and the 28. of October was appointed for their meeting at Dowglass-dale. At the day prefixt the Army marched towards Cold­stream upon the Tweed. Out of this Army the Go­vernour having selected a number of the hardiest Souldiers of Scots and French, and convoying some Artillery over the water under the command of David Car of Farnehast, on the last of October they besieged the Castle of Wark, which was defend­ed by Edward Lile or Lisle. The Assailants upon the outmost Ward continuing their Battery, entred by main force the second Ward, but being there repulsed and beaten back, a great Tempest arising, and fearing the swelling of the River of Tweed might cut them off from their Army on the other side, they turned back and repassed the Water; the Report of the Earl of Surreys forces come to rescue the Castle and lying Anwick, had also perplexed them not a little; the Earl of Surrey at his approach finding the Enemy retired to the other side of the River, the Castle safe, and having no Commission to pass the English marches, or to invade Scotland, made no further pursuit. In the mean time the Queen who had ever sought to make firm friendship [Page 274] with her Brother, and break the amity of France sent to him to yield to a cessation of War, hoping in that time to work some agreement between the two Nations. Whereunto the King consenting, the Governour finding the Scottish Lords averse to his intentions, that he was this time served as he had been before (they refusing still to enter upon England) and that striving would but the more chafe them, also condescended. Thus a Truce was promised, and faithful peace concluded till the last of November, being the Feast of St. Andrews; the Winter past without any invasion of the English on Scotland, or the Scots on England.

During the time of this Truce many serious con­sultations were amongst the Lords of Scotland whe­ther it were more fit to continue this War, or give it over. Many of them held it unreasonable that for the only pleasure of the French King the Realm of Scotland should suffer any more damage by the Contiuning of so needless a War, and that the Duke of Albany was alwaies set to perform what the French de­sired not what was expedient for the Scottish Nation, nor what was in their possibility to accomplish. Wherefore they wished that their young King now having attained some years of discretion, and passing the age of a Child, might bear some sway in the Government of the Realm. Some argued that a King sooner than the Sons of Noblemen went out of the bondage of Tutelage, and enjoyed greater immunities, his age often being reckoned from the time of his conception. That the administration and charge of the Kingdom should early be given him, that he might with his years grow in the [...] of Governing; Since we find the same to be usual in the perfection of other arts and Sciences. Others entertained other thoughts, That to a child who [Page 275] could not by the weakness of his judgment discern Right from Wrong, the Helm of State should not be trusted, and that the Peers of the Kingdom might be challeng'd of dotage by their Neighbor Coun­treys for giving to a Child the Sword of Justice, which he might thrust in their own entrails one day or wound therewith the bosom of the Commonwealth.

The Governour finding the Lords divided amongst themselves, and their reasons averse to his intentions, and that not only the people, but the Souldiery were weary of him, and had bent their affections upon their young King, foolishly pre­ferring the ignorance and simplicity of a child to his prudency, experience, and long practice of State, requested them to give him leave to return to France, and to forgive him any errour he had committed, which he protested was of ignorance not of malice. Having from men distasted with him, without any opposition, obtained what he required, far from any outward shew of inward dis­contentment, or disquieting himself at the ingratitude of some whom he had advanced to Honors. he came to Sterlin, where after some days stay with the King, when he had given him such instructions of State, as he was able to understand (for he was but then in the thirteenth year of his Age) with many tokens of love, and demonstrations of sincere affection he took his leave of him: and his Ships attending his passage on the West, with a great retinue of Scots and French, he held his way towards them, and recommended him self to the Sea in the Spring time, now the third time for France, after which he return'd not at all into Scotland.

He was a Prince adorned with many Virtues, Active, Couragious, Resolute, and knew how to use men as they are.

[Page 276]If he had not been opposed by the Queen and Nobility, he was likely to have lost himself and the whole Kingdom, or revenged the death of his Cousen.

His courteous nature went above his ambition; he could as well lay down his Honours, as he had modestly, when they were laid upon him, received them,

Before the Rumor of the Duke of Albanies ta­king the Seas was spread abroad, the King of Eng­land by secret Letters had required the Earl of An­guss, who then an Exile staid in France, to come to him; after the receit of which, with a short-leave taking he left France, where he had staid al­most three years, cometh to England; King Henry had brought him to believe. That the Duke had determined to extirpate his whole Linnage: To pre­vent which he made him offer of Men and Ammuni­tion to preserve his own, and by his faction at home, and his assistance, to send the Duke over Seas; which if he had staied, the Earl was esteemed powerful enough to have accomplished

The Duke of Albany being in France, the Queen with the Government of the State, assumeth the person of her Son, whom she moved to leave Sterlin and come to Edenburgh; the third day after he had made his entry in the Town she lodg'd with him in the Maiden Castle, and it seized on, armed with authority, she doubted not to make the Coun­try yield her all obedience. That the Supream Ma­gistrate of the Town should not oppose her Designs he is put from his Office, and the Lord Maxwell (a man to her obsequious) is substituted in his place.

To give the fairer lustre to her Actions, a Parli­ament is called at Edenburgh, that what she did, might consist with Law.

[Page 277]When King Henry understood the Duke had left Scotland, to exclude and bar him all regress, he sent one Magnus, a great Oratour, but greater by the renown of his skill in the Laws, with Roger Ratcliff, his Embassadours, to try how the Scots, amidst unnecessary turmoils, would rellish a Truce and Cessation of Arms: and these lay the blame of all the disorders and discords between the two Nations upon the Duke; The Nobles tyred with their tedious Wars, beginning to espy a Haven of rest, cheerfully accept of this Embassie, and agreeunto a Truce for one whole year. To confirm which they condescend Commissioners shall be dispatched in­stantly, who shall treat not only for a Truce, but for a firm and lasting Peace between the two Nations, and unite the Crowns in bands of Amity, as well as they were united in degrees of blood.

The Earl of Anguss, his enemy abandoning the Kingdom, after honourable entertainment of the King of England, many promises to befriend him, and blandishments at his departing, cometh to Scot­land, and his return began to change the Game of State. The Queens and Earl of Arrans Faction carryed all matters of importance; the Earls of Len­nox Arguyl, and the Humes had been sequestred from publick imployments; the first faction by his presence find their power diminisht, the other by his counterpoise and assistance have new hopes of arising; both factions disliked that Anguss should arise to the first place, and suspected he would not be content with the second; they loved to have him an equal, not Supreme.

Private jarrs smothered and interests delayed, matters concerning England requiring a hasty and present discharge, Gilbert Earl of Cassiles, Robert Cockburn Bishop of Dunkell, David Mill Abbot [Page 278] of Cambuskenneth, are sent Commissioners to the Court of England. At Greenwich they are hono­rably and kindly received by King Henry, whose countenance promised them a refusal of no reasona­ble thing they would require. The Bishop had a speech, the Sum of which was.

That, dissention and hatred taken away between the two Nations, a faithful Peace might be agreed unto and confirmed, their Discords turned into Union, their Rancour into Love; which to bring to pass and make durable, the only apparent and probable means, was to bestow the Lady Mary the Kings daughter, upon James the young King of Scotland.

The English with great joy applauded to what was said: And King Henry appointed certain Com­missioners to treat about that purpose in private. These when they had met to advance the Union of the Kingdoms, desired these Conditions.

First, That the Scottish Nation giving over, and fairly forsaking the League they had with France, should enter in a new League with them, upon the same conditions and terms which were contained in their League with France.

Next, That the young King of Scotland, till by age he was able for marriage, should be brought up at the Court of England.

When the Embassadours of Scotland had answer­ed, That these conditions were above their Commissi­on, to which they could not well answer, and desired a time to acquaint the Council of Scotland with them; it was condescended unto. Thus two of them remaining at London the Earl of Cassiles, re­turned to Scotland to bring back an answer.

When the day in which the Parliament should have been held was come, the Queen and they who [Page 279] were of her faction, as the Earls of Arran, Murray Eglintoun, fearing the Earl of Anguss might turn the wavering peoples affection, and move them to some Revolt, which might hinder their Determina­tions, or terrify the Commissioners by the frequent convention of his Friends and followers, constrain­ing their voices, and restraining their freedom of speech: Or that they had a plot to surprize some of the contrary Faction, and by authority of Par­liament commit them in that place, caused a Pro­clamation to be made, That none of the three Estates should sit or assemble themselves in the Town of Eden­burgh, but that they should keep their meeting in the Castle and there give their presence. The Earls of Anguss, Lennox, Arguyl, Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrews, Bishop of Aberdeen and Dumblane, with their adherents, and others, who joyned with them rather out of fear than good will, refuse to enter the Castle, and require, That the Parliament be kept in the accustomed Place, the King may in Triumph be shewn to his own people, conveyed along the High-street. All which being denyed them, giving out That Justice was violated, the King kept against his will as a Prisoner, the Government and custody of his person seised on without consent of the three Estates, they surround the Castle with two thousand men in Arms, stop all furniture of food and Victuals, which should been afforded by the Town. In this distress they in the Castle turn the great Ord­nance against the Town, and threaten the innocent Citizens with the overthrow of their buildings. Some powder and time spent in terrifying the people, at last Church-men interposing themselves, and in­terceding, persuading with the parties, an accommoda­tion and atonement is wrought, their fury quench­ed, all rancour supprest, injuries forgotten, the King [Page 280] in magnificence and pomp is convoyed from the Castle to his Palace at Holy-rood-House, and the Estates assemble in the wonted place of the Town of Edenburgh.

In this Parliament the Authority of the Gover­nour is abrogated, by which means they saved him a labour from returning into Scotland again; Eight Lords were chosen to have the custody of the Kings person quarterly, every one his Moneths successively, and the whole to stand for the Government of the State; yet with this Limitation, That the King by their Counsel should not determine, nor ordain any thing in great affairs to which the Queen, as Princess and Dowager, gave not her free consent and appro­bation.

The Lords were, the Arch-bishops of St. An­drews and Glasgow, the Bishops of Aberdeen and Dunkell, the Earls of Anguss, Arran, Lennox, Arguyl.

Time urging resolution, the Lords of Parliament direct the Earl of Cassiles again to the Court of Eng­land to declare their resolution concerning the marriage of the King and the establishing a Peace between the Kingdoms.

The news of the overthrow of the French Army and the taking of their King at Pavia by the Im­perialists being come to the Court of England be­fore the Arrival of the Earl of Cassiles, King Henry told the Scottish Embassadours in plain terms, He could not determine any thing concerning the Marri­age of his Daughter, without acquainting the Em­perour her neerest Kinsman and his Confederate, with his proceedings, which could not be done in hast, and so soon, as they required, considering the troubles of Italy.

Hereupon the Embassadours, their hopes of this Alliance delayed, having obtained a Truce between [Page 281] the two Nations for the space of three years and three moneths faithfully to be kept, returned to their own Country.

The State began of new to be tossed by the trou­blesom Factions of the Queen and Earl of Anguss, the Original of which sprang from matters of the Church; the Abbacy of Holy-rood-House falling vacant by the promotion of George Creightoun Ab­bot to the Bishoprick of Dunkell; the Earl of An­guss, to whom the custody of the King was entrust­ed either by lot or consent, moved him to confer this Abbacy upon his Brother Mr. William Prior of Coldin­ham, without acquainting the Queen with the Gift, or seeking the consent of the other Rulers: at this the Queen turned so displeased, that abandoning the King to the pleasure of the Earl of Anguss, She with her Followers retired to Sterlin. By this inconsiderate retreat the Earl administred all alone leaning to the greatness of his own power, that some might have thought the Queen set her Game to make up his. All favours and punishments pass by him, All Offices and Places of importance are dis­tributed to his favourites; He made Archembald Dowglass his Uncle Treasurer, Sir George his Bro­ther Great Chamberlain; the Abbacies of Colding­ham and Holy-rood-House were in his Brothers hands, neither temporal nor ecclesiastical Dignity escapt him; his greatness instantly procureth him envy.

The Arch-Bishop of Saint Andrews, the Earls of Arran, Arguyl, Murray, who were of the Queens faction, lay a plot to accuse Anguss of high Trea­son. They challenge him, That he kept the King against his will, insolently restrained his Liberty, and that contrary to the order established by the Estates, which was that the custody of his person should every four Moneths by turns be allotted to the Governours [Page 282] of the Country in a Circle, That he could not dispose of any thing of moment alone, the contrary of all which he had usurped; whereupon they charge him to dismiss the King, and restore him to them, and the other Counsellours equall in Government with him, under the pain he should be reputed a Traytor and no loyal Subject, for this invassalling his Prince to his attendance.

The Earl of Anguss himself to this answered not, but Sir George his Brother moved the King to give the answer himself. His Mother and those other Rulers should not be thus solicitous for him; for with none more cheerfully, willingly and content­edly could he live and spend his time than with the Earl of Anguss, neither could he leave the com­pany of one so highly favoured of his Uncle, and so well meriting of himself.

For all this answer he had secretly sent Letters to his Mother, and those of the adverse party, in­treating, They would remove him from the Earl, and not suffer him any longer to remain under his imperious Government, and if it could not be other­ways done, to accomplish it by main force of arms, if they had any pitty, or if any Sparks of duty re­mained unquenched in them towards him, if they dared Enterprize ought for a Royal, though now thr [...]lled, Supplyant, or obey the Command of a King in Prison; that the answer which he sent before unto them and his Mother was by constraint and compulsion drawn from him, and far from his Mind.

Upon this advertisment the Queen and they of her Faction, assemble what power they could raise in such a suddenness at Sterlin, and with great ex­pedition marched towards Edenburgh to separate the King from the Earl his Guardian; Who, resol­ved to repel force by force, with the Townsmen of [Page 283] Edenburgh, many friends and adherents, and the King, though against his will, marched out of Edenburgh to encounter the fight of these Rebels. When the Leaders of the Queens forces understood the King in person was in the adverse Army, either dazled with the splendour of the presence of a King or fearing if they joyned in battel, the person of their Prince might be endangered, or that they found themselves not strong enough in number and arms for a Conflict, they retired back again to Sterlin, where they disbanded, and returned every man to his own dwelling place: The Queen with the Earl of Murray went to Murray-land, the Earl of Arran and Arguyl to the West, the Archbishop of St. Andrews to Dumfermling.

This Faction dissipated, the Earl of Anguss re­mained more stable, and assured of his Guardianship, and now he findeth no Competitour.

The want of the great Seal being a hinderance to many of his projects, and he disdaining to be a suiter to his enemy; for dispatch of publick affairs, caused the King send a Letter for it, and the Arch­bishop with all respect sent it immediately to the Earl: with whom to be equal he took himself to new Meditations.

The Queen many waies provokt by her Husband the Earl of Anguss, and lastly by detaining her Son against his will and contrary to the publick course agreed upon, the Archbishop persuaded her To in­tend a process of Divorcement against him, and dissolve her marriage; this might produce some great effect, at least it could not but diminish the Earls reputation among the people. The Queen and the Earl many times in private between themselves agreed upon a separation, disliking each others conditions; for it was fatal to her as to her Brother King Henry, to [Page 284] delight in change of Wedlock, and be jealous of her Matches. The Earl is therefore cited before the Archbishop of St. Andrews to hear the sentence pro­nounced according to the Laws of the Church in those times; at the day appointed he appeareth. The Queen alledged, He had been betroathed, given his faith and promise of marriage to a noble woman of the Kingdom (a daughter of Traquare) before the marrying of her, and so by reason of that Precontract he could not be her lawful husband. The Earl con­fesseth; the Archbishop pronounceth the sentence of Divorcement, but with this Reservation and Restraint, That the Child come of the Queen and the Earl the time of their marriage, by the ignorance of the Mother (the Queen) should not suffer any loss, dammage or disadvantage.

The King of England resented highly this Di­vorcement, endeavour'd by his Letters to hinder it; for he thought some things tolerable in men, which were incompetent and shameful in women, and after never carried such respect to his Sister as he had done before. Of these she made little reckon­ing, for after the sentence given, she married Henry Stuart, Son to the Lord Evendale, whom K. James, to do honour to his Mother, promoted to be Lord Meffan, and General of his Artillery.

Whilst the King remained a shadow to the Earls Government amidst so many distractions, discords and jars of the Grandees, the Court turned solitary and unfrequented by any Noblemen, save these of the Dowglasses own faction, amongst which the Earl of Lennox, shewed himself most indifferent. For he for his own ends attending the Court, in a short time so framed himself to the Kings humours, that he delighted alone in his conversation, and often had none of his inward thoughts and secret intentions [Page 285] from him. Among others he many times importun­ed him to give him a sound advice how he might be delivered from the Earl of Anguss, of whose bondage they had been long weary, whose rule over him was now turned into tyranny, his ambition hav­ing mounted to that height that he was not content to command the Kingdom, but to thrall and keep under his Soveraign Lord the King himself, that the effects of his Governing were the dispersing of his Nobles, and banishing of his mother from him.

The Earl of Lennox, who by his familiarity with the King was become suspicious of Anguss, and had an intention to tumble out a man hated of his Prince, establish himself in his place, and rule the young King alone, aggravating his and the Countries miseries, told him, after much intreaty, The Lord of Bal­clough was the only person to be imployed in such a service; a man of unlimited desires, displeased, strong in power, mightily hated, and who had in­veterate hatred against the Earl of Anguss, who wanted nothing but opportunity to execute his ran­cour: If this conceived exploit had not a desired success, then he himself would by main force either win his Prince, or lose his life in the Enterprise. The Laird of Balclough secretly advertised of the Kings intention giveth way to much oppression and many insolencies on the borders, the redress of which re­acquired the presence of the Prince. Complaints are given against them, and the King to do justice compa­nied with the Earls of Anguss, Lennox, Lords Hume, Flamin, Areskin, Cesfoord Farnehast, and others com­eth to Jedbrough. But when they had staied there some daies, small redress was of wrongs, no justice executed, the chief men of the Borders not produ­cing the Delinquents of their Names, to answer ac­cording to law as was the ancient custom. Thus as [Page 286] they came they were returning, when at Melross as they hoverd at the passage of a Bridge over the Tweed, certain companies of men in arms appeared on the descents of Hellidon Hill: which being come within distance of discerning were known to be com­manded by the Laird of Balclough, and number'd a thousand all borderers and broken men. The Earl of Anguss, not a little mov'd at so sudden an apparition, by an Herauld craveth to understand their intentions, and how in such a hostile manner they dared come so near the Kings person, withal charging them under pain of high Treason to retire. The Laird of Balcloughs answer was, he came to do the King service, invite him to his house, show him what forces he was able to raise upon the Bor­ders when necessity should require his service and assistance. That he would not obey a charge con­trary to the Kings mind, of which he was conscious, and herewith he marched forwards. Presently the Earl alighting on foot, leaving the Earl of Lennox, Lords Areskin, Maxwell, Sir George Dowglas, Ninian Creightoun with the King as Spectators of the Game, with the Lord Flammin and other his Friends, marshall'd his Men for the Charge, which was given with a great shout and clamor of these Borderers. The Lord Hume, Lairds of Farnehast and Cesfoord had taken their leave of the King who gladly dismist them, but upon advertisement of the sudden fray, being not far of they return in hast with an hundred Launces, in good time for the Earl of Anguss, and falling upon one of the Wings of Balcloughs troups force them to yield ground, and some to turn their backs, upon which suddenly followeth the Chase, Cesfoord and Farnehast; eagerly persewing. Here at the descent of a little Hill, by the blow of a Launce which a Domestick of Balcloughs threw from his [Page 287] Army, the Laird of Cesfoord is slain, and by his death the Chase left off to be follow'd, and a long deadly fewd between the Scots and Cars was begun, fourscore Borderers were kill'd in this bickering assisting Balclough, himself was wounded with many of his friends, the Earl of Anguss lost not a few besides the Laird of Cesfoord.

The Earl of Anguss after this road of Melross perceiving his enemies to increase, and the affections of some of the Nobility turned from him, composing the old difference between him and the Earl of Arran, entered into condition of a strict friendship with him and was content he should be his partner and fellow governour in distribution of Casualities and ruling the Country. When the King had considered how twice his intentions had been broken, and unhappily without success, he began to essay the third by the Earl of Lennox, whom challenging of his promise he desired to gather an Army, and joining his Forces with the Queens to restore him to his Liberty. The Earl of Lennox, before suspected, after the League and friendship of the Earl of Anguss with the Earl of Arran, became a declared enemy to Anguss, with­drew himself from Court: and some few Moneths being passed, at Sterlin he maketh a Declaration to all the Lieges, of his intentions, inviting them to [...] and side with his cause. One thousand men came from the High-lands to him, the Earl of Cassole and Master of Kilmayers come from the West with two thousand, the Queen and Archbishop James Deu­toun, direct many of their Vassils from Fyffe to him: Thus with three strong Briggades he march­ed towards Linlithgow.

The Earl of Anguss understanding these prepara­tions to be against him, imploreth the assistance of his best Friends to withstand them, especially the [Page 288] Cars and Humes, to whose valour he had lately been so far obliged. He sendeth Letters to the Earl of Arran and the Gentlemen of the name of Hamil­toun, regretting the estate of the Commonwealth, requiring their speedy aid. That in so perilous time setting aside all particular Respects and Quarrels, they would have a care of the Common good of the Country. If the Earl of Lennox should carry the King from him, and remained Victor of the Field, he would not stay there, his next mark would be the Hamiltouns whom he was in the way to put from all title to the Crown, the report going already that the King would intail it to him out of his own favour, and had designed him Heir to the Earl of Arran, he having no children of his own. That the King had a magnetical affection towards him, which, if Fortune favoured with a Victory, would increase; now meriting which before was but meer favour. The custody of a young King was not for a man of so short experience. The Hamiltouns finding that man their Suppliant who late was their Compe­titor, delighting to live in a troubled State, and be Copartners of the Government and managing the affairs of the Kingdom, which was promised them in their new band of Friendship, laying aside all former discontent and grudge accept the Quarrel, and assem­ble their Forces at Linlithgow. To this Town the Earl of Lennox was advancing, and he being the Sisters Son of the Earl of Arran, by Gentlemen well affected towards him, and of his kindred, they intreat him to turn back, and not to try the hazard of a battel for a conquest; he could not long enjoy the Government of a young Prince, whom a little more time would make Governour of himself, and who (perhaps) would reward his service with disgrace; It being ordinarily seen that great obligations to [Page 289] Princes procure rather their hatred than love, whilst it is more easie to pay men by contempt than benefits: that if he came forwards, no interest of blood would save him from their just and lawful stopping of his passage and enterprize. The Earl of Lennox an­swered, it was no time then in the eye of the World to abandon so just a quarrel, that shame wounded deeper than death, which he would rather imbrace than not see his Prince at Edenburgh. And finding the Bridge over the Avan possest by the Enemy, passed his Companies over the River Et near the an­tient Monastery Immanuel; the Master of Kill­mayers guideth the Vanguard, consisting of West­land men; the Earl of Cassiles and himself the main Battel, many of which were High-land men, being of all (as some write) ten thousand. The Earl of Anguss having essayed in vain to bring the King to the Field with the power of Edenburgh, leaving that Charge to his Brother Sir George and Archembald Dowglass Provost of the Town, ac­companied with the Humes and Cars, being of all two thousand, maketh a speedy march towards Lynlithgow. But the Earl of Arran, spurr'd by the ambition and youthful heat of his Son Sir James Hamiltoun, had begun the fight before he could appear; for a long time it is valiantly fought, vi­ctory inclining to neither side, till a great clamour arose, seconded by the appearance of fresh Troops of Enemies, the Dowglasses and their Friends, at which alarum many of the High-land and West­land men turned their backs; the rest by the ad­vantage of the place sustain the Fight.

The King; after much loytering and many de­lays (having heard the Armies were near joyning) and much solicitations of Sir George Dowglas, is­sueth out of Edenburgh at a slow march. But when [Page 290] at Corstorphine Hills he was awaken'd with the noise of the great Ordnance, he urged his Followers to make all haste to come to the fight. It was re­ported Sir George Dowglass drove his Horse, in a great rage gave him injurious words, which he ne­ver after forgot. Being half way, he is advertised that the Earl of Lennox Highland-men were fled, and by all appearance the Earl of Arran was Master of the Field. This news perplexed him not a little, but making the best of that worst, he dispatch'd all his domestick Servants with Andrew Wood of Largo, to save so many as they could in the Chase, especi­ally the Earl of Lennox, whose life he now ten­dereth as his Crown. But this Earl after he had been taken by the Laird of Pardowye, in cold blood was unnaturally slain by Sir James Hamiltoun, who either killed or wounded on the face all that came under the dint of his Sword in the Rout.

They found the Earl of Arran mourning over his Corps, over which he spread his Cloak; the Laird of Howstoun lay dead by him, the Master of Killmayers sore wounded at their coming, main­tained the fight, and was by them with difficulty saved, with so many others as either the Kings au­thority or their power could rescue. This Conflict happened in September.

After the victorious Earls had restored their woun­ded Soldiers, and refreshed themselves in Lithgow, they accompany the King to Sterlin, and imme­diately march through Fyffe in quest of those who had been the cause of taking Arms against them, of which number the Queen was; but the Arch­bishop of Saint Andrews was the most eminent, who, as before he had seconded Arran to surprize Anguss, so now he had stirred Lennox to the over­throw of them both. Because the Archbishop was [Page 291] not to be found (for he (as some record) was turned a true Pastour, and in Shepherds weeds kept Sheep on some Hill) they spoiled the Abbacy of Dumfermling, and Castle of St. Andrews, de­facing all the Ornaments, and carryed away the Moveables and Stuff in them. The Queen with her Husband Henry Stuart, and James his Brother, betook them to the Castle of Edenburgh, which the Lords at their return besieged. The Mother hearing her Son was amongst the Besiegers in Per­son, obtaing favour for her Husband and his Bro­ther, caused the Gates to be cast open. But for their safety such who loved them, advised the King to commit them to that place during his pleasure.

Now the Earl of Angus and Arran summoned all who had born Arms against the King to appear in Judgment, and answer according to the Law as Traytors. Some compounded for Sums of Money, others became Dependers of the Houses of Anguss and Arran: Gilbert Earl of Cassiles being sum­moned and compearing, Hugh Kennedy his Kins­man answer'd the Indictment, that he came not against the King but to assist the King, for proof of which he offered to produce the Kings own Letter. Though the Earl of Cassiles escaped the danger of the Law, he did not the fury of the Re­venge, was taken about some disparaging words; for as he was returning home, he was surprized in the way and killed; Some write by the Sheriff of Aire, but by the direction of Sir James Hamiltoun.

About this time the Archbishop of St. Andrews, and other Church-men in revenge of the spoiling of this Houses, and persuing himself, for questions of Religion, burn the Earl of Arrans Brothers Son Mr. Patrick Hamiltoun, and banish Mr. Pa­tricks Brother, James Sheriff of Lithgow.

[Page 292]Not long after, mens wrath by time diminishing and their blood growing colder, the Archbishop having bestowed on the Earl of Angus, Sir George his Brother, and other their Friends, some Church Benefices and many Leases of Tythes, was recon­ciled unto them, and with appearance of great friendship they mutually entertained and feasted each others at the Christ-Mass in the City of St. Andrews. But small confidence could be long a­mong reconciled Enemies.

Now went every thing as the Earl of Anguss could have wished, he was not only entire and fa­miliar with the Kings Person, but with his Office; some of his Enemies were dead, others overthrown in open Field, with the rest he was reconciled. No Faction for power or riches was equal to his; Nor remained there any Castle or Fortress not seised on by him, and garrisoned with his Friends and Fol­lowers, except the Castle of Sterlin, a part of the Queens Dowry, which being desolate by her Mi­series, and only haunted by some of her poorest and meanest Servants, was neglected by the Earl, which in him was a great Error, the fitness of the place for a revolution and change of Court considered. Many days the Earl had not seen his own dwelling Places, nor thought upon his private Affairs, being carried away by the storms of Court, now he think­eth he may securely pass to Lothian, whilst at Faulk­land the King shall be safely entertained by his Bro­ther Sir George, Archembald his Uncle, and James of the Parkhead Captain of the Guards; ha­ving earnesty entreated their attendance on the King, he crosseth the Forth, with resolution soon to re­turn. His departing was not so concealed, but the Archbishop of St. Andrews had knowledge of it, and he inviteth Sir George to see him in his City of [Page 293] St. Andrews, to receive the Leases of the Tithes pro­mised, all now perfected, valid, and according to Law sufficient. Whilst Sir George is here detained, Archembald the Treasurer by other Letters, for matters of love, is inticed to Dundee; But nothing could make the Captain of the Guards leave his Charge. The King amidst his solitary Walks in his Park of Faulkland considering of what a te­dious Train he was relieved, and how suddenly oc­casion might turn her bald scalp, if presently he took not hold of her, resolveth to accomplish by Stratagem, what the Factions of his Nobles could not perform by force. It is delightful to under­stand every particular circumstance in the progress of the actions of Princes. Upon this resolution he directeth the Forrester of the Park to give adver­tisement to such Gentlemen about, who kept Hounds, the next morning to attend him, for he would early have his Game. He suppeth sooner than his custom was, entertaining the Captain of the Guards with more than usual ceremonies and representations of the next mornings sport, withall inviting him to go to his rest, the Night being short about the Summer solstice. The Waiters all shifted and the Court husht, shutting his Chamber Door, in the Apparel of one of his Grooms, unperceiv'd he passed the Guard to the Stable; where with two who attended him, with spair Horses he posted to Sterlin, where by the Queens intelligence he was expected in the Castle.

When the certainty of this escape was noised abroad, many Noblemen repair to Sterlin, some by Letters sent unto them, others at the rumour of his evasion, that in a little time he found him safe and far from any danger again to be surprized, the Earls of Arguyl, Atholl, Glancarn, Monteeth, [Page 294] Huntley, The Lords Graham, Drummond, Le­vingstoun, Sainclaire, Lindsay, Evandale, Ruthen, Maxwell, Simple, the Earl of Eglintoun, Rothess, James Beatoun Archbishop of St. Andrews, the Deviser of his escape. The Earl of Angus full of miss-giving thoughts, with many of his Friends, was also on his way to Sterlin; but Proclamation being made against him, Discharging him from all Offices and publick Functions, and being by an He­rauld forbidden with his Friends and Followers to come near the Court by some Miles, under pain of Treason: either moved by inward terrours, or love of the Peace of his Countrey, turned back to Lin­lithgow, where two days he attended News of the Kings pleasure, which at last was declared, That neither he nor none of his should presume by some miles to approach his Residence. The more parti­cular favours were, That the Earl should confine him­self beyond the River of Spay in the North, whilst his Brother, Sir George Dowglass, should render himself Prisoner in the Castle of Edenburgh, and there remain during the Kings pleasure. When the Dowglasses had refused these offers, they are cited to answer according to Law in a Parliament to be holden in September at Edenburgh.

before the day of appearing, the Earl of Angus accompanied with an able Train of his Friends and Followers essayeth to enter the Town of Edenburgh, and there attend the coming of the King; but by the Lord of Maxwell, and the Lord of Lochin­varre, who in the Kings Name had invested the Town, he is kept out, and the King with an un­expected suddenness, with two thousand men co­ming from Sterlin, he removed. The Earl not appearing at the appointed day, is by Decree of Parliament attainted and forfeited, with his Brother [Page 295] Sir George Dowglass, Archembald Dowglass his Uncle, Alexander Drummond of Carnock, and others.

The points of which they were to be accused, were, The assembling of the Kings Lieges with in­tention to have assailed his Person; The detaining of the King against his will and pleasure, and con­trary to the Articles agreed upon the space of two years and more; all which time the King was in fear and danger of his life. At this Parliament (some write) the King made a solemn Oath never to give a Remission to any of the Dowglasses there forfeited, as the Lords did, never to interceed nor request for any of them: and in disgrace of the Earl of Angus, Henry Stuart who had married the Queen his Wife, was created Lord Meffan.

The Dowglasses having all favour denied them, being openly declared Enemies to the King and Countrey, commit all Hostility (the last refuge of desperate men) on their Enemies bounds, Caust­land and Cranstoun are burned, they ravage even to the Gates of Edenburgh, the harmless people suffering for the faults of the great; under shadow of their Followers all Robberies and Oppressions brake forth, and by whomsoever committed, are laid to their charge. The King will not hear of them in any other terms than Oppressours and common Robbers. In their defence they fortifie their Castle of Tantallon with the readiest Provision taken from the nearest adjacent bounds. In October the King raiseth a great company of Soldiers, with great Or­dnance, and other Engines of War brought from the Castle of Dumbar, Tantallon is besieged, but proveth impregnable; and David Faulconer the General of the Ordnance at their removing is slain. A Commission is sent to the Earl of Bothwell, as [Page 296] the Kings Lieutenant, to invade with Fire and Sword in all places the Dowglasses, which he, either out of human compassion, or that he knew wise States-men should extenuate the faults of others rather than aggravate them, refused to accept. But the Earl of Arguyl and Lord Hume accepted that charge, prosecute them where they might be ap­prehended, till after much misery and night-wan­dring at home, they were constrained with Alex­ander Drummond of Carnock, who had been par­taker of their misfortunes by his consanguinity with the Earls Mother, who was Daughter to the Lord Drummond, to fly into England, where they were charitably received, and honourably entertained by King Henry the Eight.

Now are the Offices and Lands of the Dowglasses disposed upon; the Archbishop of Glasgow, Gavin Dumbar is made Chancellor, Robert Bartoun, who was in especial favour with the King, Treasurer, great Customer General of the Artillery and Mines, and other Charges are given unto others.

The King of England intended a War against the Emperor Charles the Fifth, sendeth Embassa­dors to Scotland for a certain time to treat a Peace, and if it were possible to reconcile the Dowglasses with the King. Five years truce was resolved up­on; but for the Dowglasses, the King would hear­ken to no offers; only Alexander Drummond by the intercession of Robert Bartoun, and the Embas­sadors, had liberty to return home. When the Earl of Northumberland and the Earl of Murray, who had full power to conclude a Truce, had met the other Commissioners upon the Borders, the Factious great men and rank Ryders there, put all in such a confusion by urging difficulties, that they parted without agreeing unto any Articles or certain [Page 297] Conclusions: which the King took in so evil a part, that divining from what head this interruption sprung, he committed sundry Noblemen to the Castle of Edenburgh, till they gave Hostages, and secured the Borders from invasion or being invaded. In the month of June following with a great power he visited these bounds, executing Justice upon all Oppressours, Thieves and Out-Laws. In Ewsdale eight and fourty notorious Riders are hung on grow­ing Trees, the most famous of which was John Arm-strong; others he brought with him to Eden­burgh for more publick Execution and Example, as William Cockburn of Henderland, Adam Scot of Tushelaw, named King of Thieves.

The year 1530. the King instituted the Colledge of Justice; before it was ambulatory, removing from place to place by Circuits; Suits of Law were peremptorily decided by Bayliffs, Sheriffs, and other Judges; when any great and notable cause offered it self, it was adjudged Soveraignly by the Kings Council, which gave free audience to all the Sub­jects. The power and priviledges of this Colledge was immediately confirmed by Pope Clement the Seventh.

In this Court are fifteen Judges ordinary, eight of them being Spiritual Persons, of the which the most antient is President, and seven Temporal men: The Chancellor of the Realm when he is present is above the President, There are also four Councellors ex­traordinary, removeable at the Princes pleasure.

This Institution is after that Order of Justice which is administred in Paris, first instituted by Philip the Fourth, the French King the year 1286.

The King about this time storeth his Arsenals with all sort of Arms; the Castles of Edenburgh, Sterlin, Dumbartoun and Blackness, are repaired [Page 298] and furnisht with Ordnance and Ammunition.

Whilst no certain Truce is concluded between the Realms of England and Scotland, the Earl of Angus worketh in this interim so with the King of England, that Sir Edward Darcey is sent to the Borders; who when his solicitation for restoring the Earl, at the Scottish Court had taken no effect, yea had been scorned, after he had staied at Ber­wick, with the Garrisoned Soldiers, and some se­lected companies out of Northumberland and West­merland maketh a Road into Scotland; Coldingham, Dunglas, and adjacent Villages they burn, ravage the Countrey towards Dunce. Some Scottish Ships and Vessels were also at this time taken by Sea. When a reason was sought of this Invasion in a Cessation of Arms, and calm of Truce; They require the Dowglasses may be restored to their ancient Inheri­tances, and whatsoever had been with-held from them, and that Cannabie (a poor Abbacy) be ren­dred to the English, as appertaining of old to the Crown of England. The Earl of Murray being declared Lieutenant maketh head against them: but the English daily increasing in number, and his Companies not being sufficient to make good against so many and large Incursions, the power of Scot­land is divided into four Quarters, every one of which for the durance of fourty days by turns taketh the defence of the Countrey. The English finding by this intercourse of new Soldiers the War to be prolonged, would have gladly accepted of Peace, but they disdained to sue for it to the Scots: it was thought expedient that the French, a Friend then to both, should be a Mediatour to reconcile them, wherupon, after an Ambassador had come from France, Commissioners first meet at Newcastle, and after at London, James Colvil of Easter Weyms, Adam [Page 299] Otterburn of Redhall, William Stuart Bishop of Aber­deen, the Abbot of Kinloss. These conclude a Peace To continue between the two Realms, during the two Princes lives, and one year after the decease of him who should first depart this life.

About this time the secrets of the Ecclesiastical Doc­trine and Authority beginning to be laid open to the view of the World, the politick Government of King­domes began to suffer in the alteration and discovery. The Lady Katherine Daughter to Ferdinando and Isabella, King and Queen of Spain, and Sister to the Mother of Charles the Fifth Emperor, had been Married to Arthur Prince of Wales, Eldest Son to Henry the Seventh King of England, he dying, by the dispensation of Pope Julius the Second, her Fa­ther in Law gave her again in Marriage to Henry his other Son, the Brother of Arthur. This Queen though fruitful of Children, and often a Mother, brought none forth that long enjoyed life, and came to any perfection of growth, except one only Daugh­ter Mary. Her Husband either out of spleen against the Emperor Charles, or desire of Male Children, or other Causes known to himself, pretended great scruples in his Conscience, would make himself and the World believe, that his Marriage was not lawful. After deliberation with his Church-men, whom he constrained to be of his mind, he kept not longer company with his Queen; his Church-men used all their eloquence to make the Queen accept of a Di­vorce, which she altogether refused, and had her recourse to the Pope, who recals the cause to himself. At Rome, whilst in the consistory the case is made dif­ficult, and the matter prolonged, King Henry im­patient of delays, and amorous, divorceth from his own Queen and Marrieth Anne Bullen 1533.

Then the Pope with his whole Cardinals gave out [Page 300] their Sentence, That it was not lawful for him by his own authority, to separate himself from his Wife; that his Marriage with Katharine was most lawful, not to be questioned, and that under pain of Excommunication he should adhere unto her.

King Henry well experienced in the great Affairs of the World, considering how the threatnings and thunders of the Bishops of Rome, even in these an­cient and innocent times when they were believed and reverenced, in his Kingdom produced never great Effects, thought them to no purpose in a time when a Doctrine was publisht to the World, em­braced and believed of numbers, by which they were contemned and scorned: upon this and other grounds he refuseth to obey, and the Pope conti­nueth his menacing.

This disorder and boldness of the King of Eng­land moved the Emperor and the Pope to try if they could win the King of Scotland to arise in Arms against his Uncle King Henry. The Emperour es­sayeth it under pretence of other business of great importance. For having given way to new Opi­nions in Religion amongst his Countrey-men in Germany, and finding them mounted to that height as to have produced the Effects he desired, (by this Division laying a foundation to turn the Imperial Crown Hereditary to his own House, which, Germany being all of one mind and undistracted, he could never have brought to pass) he compelleth the Bi­shop of Rome to condescend to a general Council or Assembly of the Clergy of Europe, the onely and soveraign Remedy to cure diseased minds, and accord different Opinions: but he knew well that by the Church of Rome, men would be delegated to this meeting, turbulent, and so far from pacify­ing tumults begun, that instead of Water they would [Page 301] apply Oyl and Wood to these flames, turn Opini­ons before disputable, irreconcileable, and leave matters worse than they found them. Having im­plored the aid and assistance of the Potentates about him to the setting forward of so Pious and Holy a Work, he sendeth Goddescallo Errico (a Sicilian) for greater secrecy by Ireland to the King of Scot­land.

This Embassador for a token of that affection the Emperour his Master carried to the Person and Virtues of King James, presenteth him with the Order of the Golden-fleece 1534. with solemn Pro­testations for the observing of these ancient Leagues and Confederacies contracted between the Princes his Masters Predecessors and the Kings of Scotland, to continue ever amongst themselves.

His other Instructions were Plains of the wrongs done to his Aunt Katharine, most unjustly repudiate and forsaken by a King forsaken of God and abhor­red of men. The Marriage of Anne Bullen should wound deeply King James, it being likely by her Suc­cession he should be barred of his Right to the Crown of England: The Emperour by his Embassador ex­postulating the wrongs of his Aunt, had gained no­thing, but that for his sake She was the worse en­tertained. To make more strong and lasting the Em­perours friendship with King James, he (if he pleas­ed) would make him an offer, and give him the choice of three Ladies, three Maries, all of the Im­perial Stem: Mary of Austria the Emperours Sister, the Widow of Lovis King of Hungary; Mary of Portugal, the Daughter of his Sister Eleonara of Austria: Mary of England, the Daughter of Ka­therine and King Henry. And would undertake the performance of this last, either by consent of her Fa­ther, or by main force. The greatest but last of his [Page 302] Instructions was that to suppress the Heresies of the time he would concur with the Emperour for the con­vocating a general Council, and obviate the Calamities then threatning the Christian Religion.

The King with great cheerfulness and many thanks, that the Emperour entertained him with such respect, and held him worthy so fair and Royal Alliance, and the participation of Affairs of such importance and moment, received this Embassage.

For the Council, providing it were a general Coun­cil lawfully convocated by the Emperour and Chri­stian Kings, as the first Councils were wont, free and holy (as nothing is more holy than a general Convocation of Christians) the most charitable and quiet of the Clergy, and such who would pacifie mat­ters, not the most zealous and fiery Spirits, or men corrupted by rewards being delegated unto it, being premonisht of the time and place, he would apply his will unto his, assist him, thither send his best Ora­tors and most convenient Church-men. That if a true Council could not be obtained, every Prince should reform the Errors of Doctrine and faults of the Cler­gy within his own Dominions.

The proceedings of his Uncle were grievous unto him, being a man altogether thralled to his own O­pinions. For the good of the Christian Religion and Peace of Europe, it were expedient that all her Princes were united together in amity and love, and their Arms directed against the common Enemy the Turk. For himself he would be Mediatour to re­concile the Emperour and his Uncle, endeavour to recall him to the love of his Wife, nor by any per­suasions to be induced to condescend to ought preju­dicial to Queen Katherine.

The three Ladies were every one in the superlative worthy, especially Mary of England, for that great [Page 303] reason of uniting the Isle of Great-Britain, but she was not in her own power, nor in the power of the Emperour, that he could bestow her upon whom he pleased. That to ravish her out of the hands of her Father would be, beside the danger of the Enter­prize, a breach of Divine and Human Laws.

It was not safe for Paris that he preferred one of the three Goddesses to the other two, for prizing those three (that the Emperour might know how dearly he respected and earnestly affected his affinity) there remained a fourth Lady near in blood to the Emperour, Isabella Daughter of Christian King of Denmark, and Isabella the Emperours own Sister, whom, besides her matchless virtues, for the vicinity of the Nation to his, and the conformity of their harmless humors, he made choice to be Queen of his affections and Dominions.

Goddescallo answered this last, That a match with Lady Isabella of Denmark could not with the Em­perours credit be brought to pass, because she was promised already to another, Frederick Count Palatine, and the Marriage might be accomplished before news came to the Emperour of the Kings Election.

This choice of the Kings was but on evasion, for Sir Thomas Areskin of Brichen Secretary, and Da­vid Beatoun Abbot of Arbroth, under pretence of renewing the League between France and Scotland long before had been directed to France about a Marriage with the eldest Daughter of King Francis, which John Duke of Albany projected when the League between the two Kingdoms was renewed at Rochel.

Henry King of England had now renounced all obedience from the Bishop of Rome, and through his whole Dominions abrogated his Authority, and Paul the third after his assuming the Papacy, set for­wards [Page 304] by the Emperour and his Cardinals, who thought either to recover England or burn it up [...] a Foreign or Civil War, never left thundring a­gainst him. But after John Fisher Bishop of Ro­chester was beheaded (a man imprisoned for ad­hering to the Pope, then for his persecution, and that the King might carry him the greater respect, made Cardinal) the whole Conclave stir the Pope against King Henry. And full of Grief and rage remonstrate what danger would follow their Order if this Example unpunisht should have way. They maintained the Papal power against all Princes, which now for fear of their Lives they would be forced to forsake, or to proceed with great timo­rousness and neglect, if by any secular power they might be called in Judgment and embrue Scaffolds with their blood. The Pope, though highly pro­vokt, parted not from his Resolution, yet used a sort of moderation; he threatneth still to let fall the blow, in the mean time holding his hand.

Thus to give satisfaction to his Court, he formed a Process against King Henry and a most severe Sentence, but abstained from the publication of it during his pleasure; Secretly sending many Copies of it to those Princes he thought could be useful to his Designs when occasion should serve, and he pro­ceed with a constant rumor of the Bull shortly to be put in execution and publisht.

Amongst many interested in wrongs by the King of England, considering there was none comparable to the Nation and King of Scotland, he directeth hither John Antonio Compeggio; This Legate find­eth King James at Faulkland 22. February 1535. and here with many Ceremonies and Apostolical Be­nedictions, delivereth him a Cap and a Sword, Con­secrated the Night of the Nativity of our Saviour: [Page 305] which the fame of his valour and many Christian virtues had moved his Master to remunerate him with. Also (saith the Original) that it might breed a terror in the heart of a wicked neighbouring Prince against whom the Sword was sharpned.

The Popes Letter in most submissive stile con­tained, A Complaint for the death of John Bishop and Cardinal of Rochester, miserably taken away by the hand of an Hang-man. The Calamities of England occasioned by the Kings Divorce from Ka­therine of Spain, and his Marriage with Ann Bullen; That since the Roman Church had received great disgrace and a deadly wound, and by patience procured more and more wrongs from, the King of England, She was constrained to use a searing Iron. For the application of which She had recourse to his Majesty, a Prince for his Ancestors piety and his own renowned. His aid, maintenance, protection she implored; Since King Henry was a Despiser, a Scorner, One who set at naught the censures of the Church: an Heretick, Schismatick, a shameful and shameless Adulterer, a publick and profest homicide Murtherer, a Sacrilegious Person, a Church-Robber, a Rebel guilty of lese-Majesty Divine, outragious, many and innumerable ways a Felon, a Criminal: By all Laws herefore justly to be turned out of his Throne: The King of Scotland for the Defence of the Church would undertake something worthy a Christian King and himself: he would endeavour to suppress Heresie, defend the Catholick faith against those whom the justice of Almighty God, and judg­ments were now prepared and already ready to be de­nounced.

The King kindly entertained the Legate, an­swered the Pope with much regret for the estate and stubborness of the King of England. Who would [Page 306] not be struck with Pitty that a King who late amongst Christian Princes was honoured with the Title of Defender of the Faith, should be obnoxious to so many Crimes, that now amongst Princes he could scarce be reputed a Christian? This Compassion was common to him with others, but he by a necessi­ty of Nature, and nearness of Blood felt a more piercing sorrow; he should leave no means untried to recal his Uncle to the obedience of the Church: and though by his Embassadors, he had once or twice went about the same, but in vain, he would study a way how face to face he might give him his best Counsel, and remonstrate how much good he would do the Christian World and himself by re­turning again to the Church. Mean while he re­quested him not to be heady, forward nor rash in executing the Sentence against his Uncle, which would but obdure him in his separation.

King James not having lost all hopes of his Uncle, directeth the Lord Areskin to England, to acquaint him with the Emperors and Popes Embas­sages; and to take his Counsel about a Marriage with the Duke of Vandosons Daughter whom the French King had offered to him, his own Daughter being weak and sickly. In this Embassage there was a complaint against the Londoners, who in their passage to the Island fishing, spoiled the Coasts of Orknay and the adjacent Islands: with a Roquest that King Henry would not succour the Lubeckers against the Duke of Hulstein.

The King of England not to prove inferior to the Emperour and Pope in conferring honours upon his Nephew, admitteth him to the Fraternity of the Garter, which he delivered to the Lord Are­skin his Embassador. And thereafter dispatched William Lord Howard, Brother to the Earl of Nor­folk [Page 307] (as if that name were a sufficient Scar-crow to the Popes Sword and the Emperours Golden-fleece) to Scotland, who made such hasty Journeys that he prevented the News of his coming, and at unawares found the King at Sterlin. The Sub­stance of his Embassage was, That the King of England and Scotland might have an interview at York, at which meeting the King of Scotland should be declared Duke of York, and General Lieutenant of the Kingdom of England. That his Master having Instructions of the Alliance offered him by neighbouring Princes, did offer to his own and his Counsels, judgments if they could find a more fit, than to contract a Marriage with his Daughter, which might be easily perfected if his Master and King James could condescend upon some few points.

When the King had taken these Propositions into deliberation, the Church-men suspecting if this meeting and match had way, the King would em­brace the Opinions of the new Reformers, set all their wits to overthrow it. The nearest Successors to the Crown, covering their claim and interest, argued, That to Marry the Lady Mary of England who for many years would not he marriagable was not a right way to continue his Race by procreation of Children, and that his impatience of living alone, would not be much abated by marrying a Child. That King Henry projected this Marriage to no other end than to hinder him from better Alliances, or to facilitate an entry to the Kingdom. That when a Prince would take advantage of any neighbour Prince, it was more safely done by Alliance than open force. That it was more safely, King Henry being a wary Prince, never meant to marry his Daughter at all as long as himself lived, but to keep her at Home with him, bearing many Princes in [Page 308] hand to save him from Dangers both at home and abroad: which counsel was practised lately by the Duke of Burgundy.

Most oppose neither to the meeting of the two Kings, nor to the Alliance, but to the place of their meeting, which seemed unto them of no small im­portance, being in the heart of England, and amidst the most martial people of that Nation.

They require the two Kings might have their in­terview at Newcastle, this place, when they meet, being most commodious for furnishing all necessaries by Ships; That the number of their Train should be a­greed upon, as one thousand, which none of the two Kings should exeeed. That the time should be at the Feast of Saint Michael the Arch-Angel between the Harvest and the Winter, which would hast the con­summation of the Ceremonies, and not suffer the Kings to prolong time, but invite their return to their own chief and principal Cities. When it was declared to the Lord Howard, that the consent of the Nobles of the Kingdom obtained, the enterview at the Feast of Michaelmas at Newcastle might be condescend­ed unto; he would neither accept of the place nor time, His Master having already (as matter he had never put in question) made great preparations for this interview at York, that he would think his offers slighted and an affront put upon him, if any excuses were alledged to the contrary: Thus with some bravadoes to the Council he departed.

The King to give satisfaction to his Uncle of his Councils proceedings with the Lord Howard, send­eth after him Sir Adam Otterburn of Red-hall, who layeth the fault of his not appearing upon the Lord Howard, complaining, That he menaced the Coun­sellors, and would have forced their Votes; that he was a Friend to Sir George Dowglass and other [Page 309] Rebels, who convoyed him to Scotland, and accom­panied him back again. It was against the credit and honour of free born Princes to be threatned, what was friendly begun should friendly continue and end: Princes should not be constrained, especially in matters which were not of Debt but benevolence.

Amidst these importunities and solicitations King James with five well manned Ships taketh the Seas, giving out a Voyage for France; and the French record it was his first adventure to come to them: but it is more likely this proceeded from Policy of State, to try the affections and demeanour of the great ones of his Kingdom in his absence, rather than any intended Voyage towards Forreigners. For with this Fleet he arriveth at Orkenay, there in some Forts placeth Garrisons, sails about the Islands of Sky and Lewes, surprizeth the chief of the Clannes of those Highland Islanders, whom he sent for Ho­stages to the Castles of Dumbartoun and Edenburgh. And when by the skill of one Alexander Lyndsay his Pilate, he had sounded the remotest Rocks of his Kingdom, he was driven by storms to take Land at Saint Ninians near Whitehorn in Galloway. This Voyage bred great fear in those Islanders and Sa­vages, and brought long Peace and quietness to those Countreys thereafter. At his Return to Edenburgh for Disorders committed or surmised in his absence, most part of the great men near the Borders are charged to enter their Persons in Ward during the Kings pleasure. Walter Scot of Balclough is com­mitted to the Castle of Edenburgh, the Lord Hume to the Castle of Down, Farnehast to Faulkland, the Laird of Johnstoun and Mark Car to Dundee: and others elsewhere. He knew the common Riders never made incursions without either the command or tolerance of these Superiors.

[Page 310]The remote High-lands and Borders made peace­able by the incarcerations of the Chiefs of the Clannes and Families there commanding, he may when oc­casion is offered in Person visit any neighbour Prince or State. To second his former Embassadors in their suit in France he had sent the Earl of Murray, William Stuart Bishop of Aberdeen, with others: and King Francis in regard of the indisposition of his Daughter Magdalen, had made an offer to them of his near Kins-woman.

The Kings mind having been long troubled with youthful thoughts by the many matches offered him; and thinking marriages contracted and trust­ed to the eyes of others, one way or other deficient, resolveth to go in Person and Woe for himself. Up­on this resolution he imbarked at Leith, concealing the intention of his Voyage; many suppose he ma­keth for England to pacify his Uncle, for many wish­ed the same: Whilst he is on the Ocean, the Winds contrarying his Course, a violent Tempest separat­ing his Ships, the Pilate asketh him to what Coast he should direct his Course; To any thou best likest (answered the King) except towards England; the Storm encreasing and sleep shutting up the Kings eyes, these who accompanied him, command the Pi­late to turn sails again for Scotland, and not struggle with the pittiless Element for matters which might be delayed, and a little time could not turn worse: so when the King awoke, he found himself near his own Harbours upon the Forth, and was so highly displeased with the Authors of his return that he ne­ver pardoned them: the fault was laid on Sir James Hamiltoun, and to stir him more against this man, there wanted not who said, His obedience to his Prince was dissembled, that he accompanied his Master to no other end in his Voyage than to cross his intentions so far as was in his power.

[Page 311]The season thereafter being more fit for Naviga­tion, he ascendeth again his Ships at Kircaldy, and with a prosperous wind the tenth day after arrived at Deep in Normandy; The Earls of Arran, Arguyl, Rothes, Arrol, Lords Flemin, Boyd, attended him, with many Barons and Knights: the Earl of Mur­ray, young Lennox and Cassiles, the Lord Areskin, and Abbot of Arbroth expected him at Paris; but he, preventing the same of his coming, with a small Train holdeth his way to Vandosm, to see the Lady Mary of Burbon, all which way one John Tennant personating the Lord of the Company, he passed un­descried. But come to Vandosm, whether the Lady had a Letter for the same from David Beatoun, or that by matching the faces of one of those Strangers with a Pourtraict she had of King James, in like­ness (as she said) he was found out, and challenged by the Lady of that fault, which was easily confess'd and pardoned? He found her very beautiful, and eminent in all Princely excellencies, but bethinking how he having choice of three Princesses, all Daugh­ters of Kings, if he should fix his affection on this Lady at the first interview, he should be obnoxious to the indignation of the other, he returned as he came towards Roven, where his Nobles attended him, and having understood King Francis was to give the Emperour Battel in Provence, quitting his Retinue, he posted towards him. The Daulphine meeteth him at the Chappel between Tarray and St. Sophorin in the Countrey of Lions. King Francis receiveth him with as much honour as could be de­sired, and convoyeth him to Paris; the Peers of the Kingdom haste from all quarters hither to entertain this Strange Prince, and the Court is changed into an Academy of Knightly exercise, where King James proveth inferior to none in feats of Arms. [Page 312] Magdalen the Kings eldest Daughter is his Mistress, a Lady fair, young, of a lovely countenance, and comely behaviour, above all others of the King­dom. The Lady Margaret her younger Sister (who after was married to the Duke of Savoy) is offered to him, by reason of the tender and weak dis­position of her Sister: but Magdalen by the glaun­ces of her Princely Woer re-obtaining her health (her body as it were following the Temperature of her Spirit, or that it appeared to her self and her Fa­ther so) King James continuing in his first resolu­tion, the marriage is contracted between them, an hundred thousand Crowns of the Sun being pro­mised in Dowry, besides thirty thousand Franks of yearly pension during the life of King James; the Jointure assured to her by the King of Scotland, was all the Lands possessed by any former Queen, the Earldoms of Strathern and Fyfe with the Palace of Faulkland, and other Lands of the best and most certain Revenue.

Thus Anno [...] in the Church of Nostre-Dame in Paris, the King of Scotland married the Lady Magdalen in presence of her Father, seven Cardinals, the King of Navarr, many great Dukes and Barons.

King Francis after the Solemnities of this Mar­riage, having Piccardy and Piedmont then over-run by the Imperialists; and King James fearing he might suffer wrong in his absence from the King of England, with assurance of mutual Amity, part from other in the end of April, and from New-haven the Queen with her Husband the 29. of May arrives at the Port of Leith; it is reported that after she put her foot on the Shore, upon her Knees she kissed the Ground, Praying for all happiness, to the Countrey and People. Never Queen in so short a time was [Page 313] more beloved of her Husband, nor sooner made conquest of the hearts of her Subjects: Nor was their greater hopes conceived of any Alliance than of this, nor greater joy did ever arise for those hopes, but as in the life of man there is ever remaining more of bitter than sweet: so were these content­ments but Shadows, matched with the real Sorrow that the death of that young Lady brought forth. For she lived not many weeks after her Arrival in Scotland, when of a Feaver, which she contracted in June, she departed this life in July: She was buried with the greatest mourning Scotland ever till that time was participant of, in the Church of Holy-rood-House near King James the Second.

These last honours to the dead Queen and funeral pomp finished, the King (desirous of Succession) hath yet his thoughts wandring in France; Mary of Burbon Daughter to Charles Duke of Vandosm, being frustrate of her Royal hopes, had not only turned religious, but was dead of displeasure. Whilst he disported himself at the Court of France, he had been acquainted with a Lady rich in all ex­cellencies, who next Magdalen had the power of his affections, Mary of Lorrain Sister to Francis, Daughter to Rhene, Duke of Guize, and Widdow of the Duke of Longueville: Her he thinketh for her Stemm, healthful complexion, fertility (for she had been a mother) and other fortunes, worthy of his love. But to try her affection towards him, he directeth David Beatoun his late paranymph, and the Lord Maxwell to France. Whilst they traf­fick this Marriage, many false accusations (as Plots laid against his Person) are intended one after ano­ther at the Court, amongst which two are remark­able for their notable calumny.

John eldest Son to the Lord Forbess, a young [Page 314] Gentleman chief of his name, hardy and valorous, but evil brought up, and therefore easily suspect to but capable of sin, had for a Servant or Companion, and ordinary sharer of his pleasures, one named Strachan, a man come of the dreg of the people, and perfectly wicked. This man after much fami­liarity, and some secret service and attendance, to satisfie his insatiable desire, desired earnestly some­thing from the Master of Forbess, which he passio­nately refused to give him, upon which, carried away with rage and malice, he not only renounced his friendship and service, but betook himself to the Service of his Enemy the Earl of Huntley: by whose advice he forgeth a malicious Plot to over­throw him. To compass their design, they accuse the Master of Forbese to have had once an intenti­on and mind to kill the King, that the Dowglasses might be restored to their wonted honours and an­cient possessions. By price and prayers witnesses are procured to prove this against him, and convict him, or at the least to leave him suspected and taxed with this Treason. Though this crime was not suffici­ently and clearly proved, yet was the Master of For­bess indicted, and convicted by an Assize, for ha­ving conspired the Kings death, for the which he was beheaded and quarter'd, and his Quarters set aloft upon the Gates of Edenburgh.

This Gentlemans death proveth how dangerous the Society and company of the wicked is to any; for ascending the fatal Scaffold, he justified his in­nocency of what was laid to his Charge, but con­fessed the guilt of the Laird of Drummes blood by the justice of God brought him to that end. His Father the Lord Forbess was upon suspicion kept long after in the Castle of Edenburgh. The King when he could not amend what was past, testified he [Page 315] was grieved at the death of this Nobleman, for he banished Strachan, because he had so long conceal­ed the Treason of Forbess, silence in a matter im­porting no less than the life of a Prince, being rec­koned equal to the Treason, he made his second Brother one of his Domesticks, restoring him to the Estate which was forfeited.

This thunderclap was immediately followed by another, for the quality of the Person, and strange­ness of the Crime deplorable, but more for the hor­rour and terrour of the punishment.

Jane Dowglass Sister to Archembald Earl of An­guss, the Widdow of John Lyon Lord Glammes, with her Husband Archembald Campbell of Keep­neeth, her young Son the Lord Glammes, and an old Priest, were brought to Edenburgh, committed, and accused that they should have poysoned the King. Their accuser was William Lyon a Kinsman of the late Lord Glammes. This Treason had no probabi­lity of truth among such who knew the accused, be­ing persons who lived far from the Court in their so­litary mansions, seldom or never almost seeing the King. Nevertheless their accusations were believed, and strict command given to the Judges to dispatch their Process.

William Lyon aggravating the case represented to the King, the ancient faults of the Family of the Dowglasses, committed against his Predeoessors, the particular wrongs of Earl Archembald, now stir­ring the English against him, and ravaging his Bor­ders; That he should believe, he not being able to be restored to his first Estate by prayers and solicita­tions of Neighbour Princes, nor by open force, now set on work his last engines to come to his end, though it were with the life of his Soveraign; That in so secret and dangerous a Plot he could not use but his [Page 316] nearest Kindred; a Woman, and his own Sister, might attempt such a mischief, her sex and other qualities making her less suspect to have access to his Person.

Suppose clear proofs could not be found against her, the whole race of the Dowglasses should be extirpate, being a Linage only fertile in bringing forth Monsters of Rebellion. That by sparing her life, and suffer­ing her to escape, he should afford her time, licence and power to execute what she but now (perhaps) had intended.

The King, not knowing the mans particular hatred against this Lady (for some write, He did inform against her in revenge that she refused to marry him, giving her self to another) suffered the Process to be concluded.

Some of the Judges would have referred her to the Kings clemency till a farther trial of the Wit­nesses might be had, upon whose testimony the Process did depend, it being a safer way in Judg­ment to absolve the guilty, than condemn the in­nocent. But the most part gave her over to the Assizers; the better part of which being in voices fewer, the greater, who neither respecting consci­ence within them, nor shame with the present age and posterity, nor the Supream Justice of Heaven, find this poor Lady guilty, and she is condemned to be burnt alive. Her sentence was executed the fifth day after the beheading of the Master of Forbess on the Castle hill of Edenburgh, in sight of her Hus­band. Who either out of Revenge or Fear, after this tragical end of his Lady, seeking to save him­self by escape out of the Prison, whilst he came o­ver the Wall by the shortness of the Cable was dash­ed against the Rock, and found dead. Though the tender years of the Lord Glammes, her Son, pro­ved [Page 317] his innocency, he remained prisoner in the Ca­stle till after the Kings death. The old Priest, when after torture, nothing could be proved against him was set at liberty, William Lyon the Author of his calumny, was banished the Countrey, which justi­fied the Ladies integrity, and verified that however Princes love to find out Treason, they hate the In­formers except upon clear grounds.

Upon the like suspitions Droomlenrigge and Hemps-Field ancient Barons, having challenged others, had leave to trie the verity by Combate; the lists were designed by the King (who was a Spectator and Umpire of their Valour) at the Court of the Palace of Holy-rood-house. They appeared upon the day, armed from head to foot, like ancient Palladines, and after many enterchanged blows to the disadvan­tage of their Casks, Corslets and Vantbraces, when the one was become breathless, by the weight of his arms and thunder of his blows, and the other (who was short sighted) had broken his ponderous Sword, the King, by Heraulds, caused separate them, with disadvantage to neither of these Companions, and the verity which was found, was, that they dared both fight in close Arms.

The Abbot of Arbroth, and the Lord Maxwell by many enterchanged Letters full of Princely love, had assured the King and the Lady Mary of Lorrain, and Articles being agreed upon, to the great con­tent of the French, they were espoused by Proctors, as is the custom amongst Princes, with great tri­umph in the City of Paris, in the presence of the French King and many Peers; after which solem­nity, Monsieur d' Annabault Admiral of France, accompanied her to New-haven in the beginning of the month of June 1538. where she embarked, and with many French Ships, when she had been tost [Page 318] on the Seas, came to Fyffes-ness, where at Cayrel she was attended by the Noblemen, and the King, who consumated the Marriage in the Cathedral Church of St. Andrews in July.

Nothing more linketh the affections of the Mar­ried than Children: the first year the Queen answer­eth her Husbands hopes, and in St. Andrews was delivered of a Son, who was named James; the Archbishop of St. Andrews and Earl of Arran be­ing his God-Fathers, and the Queen the Kings Mo­ther his God-Mother 1539. in Febr. thereafter she was Crowned Queen or Scotland in the Abby Church of Holy-rood-house by the Abbot of Ar­broth; at which time Margaret the old Queen fal­ling sick at Methven in few days departed, and was buried in the Charter-house of St. Johnstoun near the Tomb of King James the First. The King her Son, with all the Nobility, and Gentry being present at her Funerals, which were celebrated in most solemn and pompous manner. Not long after James Beatoun Archbishop, a man of great age, followed this Lady to the other World: he had pro­vided Successors to his Benefices, and his Archbi­shops See to David Beatoun, afterwards Cardinal, whom the King accepted and admitted without con­testation.

The Kingdom now began to be divided in Opi­nions of Religion, they which held the helm of State, labouring in vain to reconcile them; the King was fore perplexed and uncertain what course to follow; suppress them he could not; to give way to them, without shaking the strongest beams of the policy of his Kingdom, seem'd unto him impossible; his Privy Counsellors being more of his ancient Servants, than Nobles or Church-men, (of which many were pip­ing through these flecked clouds of ignorance) as [Page 319] they favoured gave their Opinions, some one way, some another, and a freedom of speech being given, one of them as they were in his Chamber together, spake to him to this purpose.

Sir, Amongst the many blessings your Subjects en­joy under this your Government, this is not the least, that for the Weal of your Majesty, and the publick good of the Kingdom, the meanest of your Subjects may freely open his mind and declare his opinion unto you his Soveraign.

And if ever there was a time in which grave, good and sound Counsel should be delivered to your Majesty, it is this, and the difficulties of the Common­wealth do now require it. Nor ever in matters of advice and consultation, can we embrace and follow what is most reasonable, and what according to Laws, Justice and Equity should be, but what necessity driveth us unto, and what is most convenient for the present time to be, and what we may well and fairly accomplish and bring to pass.

The Estate of your Kingdom is troubled with di­versity of Opinions concerning Religion; It is to be wished that the one onely true Religion were in the hearts of all your Subjects, (since diversity of Opi­nions of Religion and Heresies are the very punish­ment of God Almighty upon men for their horrible vices and roaring sins. And when men forsake his fear and true obedience, God abandoneth them to their own opinions and fantasies in Religion; out of which arise Partialities, Factions, Divisions, Strife, intestine Discords, which burst forth into Civil War, and in short time bring Kingdoms and Common­wealths to their last periods) But matters arising to such a height and disorder, as by all appearance, they are like to advance in this Kingdom, the number of [Page 320] the Sectaries daily increasing, without dissembling my thoughts to your Majesty, The preservation of the People being the supream and principal Law which God Almighty hath enjoyned to all Princes.

I hold it more expedient to give place to the exer­cise of both Religions, than under pretence and sha­dow of them to suffer the common Peace of your Sub­jects to be torn in pieces. What can wisdom (Sir) advise you to do with these Separatists? Either they must be tolerated for a time, or they must altogether be removed, and that by death or banishment.

So soon as a Prince beginneth to spoil, banish, kill, burn his people, for matters abstract from sense and altogether spiritual, he becometh as it were a Plague unto them. It is an Error of State in a Prince, for an opinion of Piety to condemn to death the adherers to new Doctrine. For, the constancy and patience of those who voluntarily suffer all temporal miseries and death it self for matters of Faith, stir up and invite numbers who at first and before they had suf­fered were ignorant of their Faith and Doctrine, not only to favour their Cause but to embrace their Opini­ons, Pitty and commiseration opening the Gates. Thus their belief spreadeth it self abroad, and their Num­ber daily encreaseth.

It is no less Error of State to banish them. Banish­ed men are so many Enemies abroad, ready upon all occasions to invade their native Countrey, to trouble the Peace and Tranquillity of your Kingdom.

To take Arms against Sectaries and Separatists will be a great Enterprize, a matter hard and of many dangers, Religion cannot be preached by Arms; the first Christians detested that form of proceedings; force and compulsion may bring forth Hypocrites; not true Christians. If there be any Heresie amongst your People, this wound is in the Soul; our Souls [Page 321] being Spiritual Substances upon which fire and iron cannot work, They must be overcome by spiritual Arms; Love the men and pitty their Errors.

Who can lay upon a man a necessity to believe that which he will not believe, or what he will believe, or doth believe, not to believe. No Prince hath such Power over the Souls and thoughts of men, as he hath over their bodies. Now to ruine and extirpate all those Sectaries, what will it prove else than to cut off one of your Arms, to the great prejudice of your Kingdom and weakning of the State? they daily increasing in number, and no man being so mi­serable and mean, but he is a membor of the State. The more easie manner and nobler way were to tole­rate both Religions, and grant a place to two Chur­ches in the Kingdom, till it shall please Almighty God to return the minds of your Subjects, and turn them all of one will and opinion: Be content to keep that which ye may, Sir, since ye cannot that which ye would.

It is a false and erroneous opinion, That a King­dom cannot subsist which tolerateth two Religions: Diversity of Religion shutteth not up society, nor bar­reth civil conversation among men; a little time will make persons of different Religions contract such ac­quaintance, custom, familiarity together, that they will be intermixt in one City, Family, yea Marriage-Bed, State and Religion, having nothing common.

Why (I pray) may not two Religions be suffered in a State (till by some sweet and easie means they may be reduced to a right Government) since in the Church (which should be union it self, and of which the Roman Church much vaunteth) almost infinit Sects and kinds of Monks are suffered: differing in their Laws, Rules of government, Fashions of li­ving, Dyet, Apparel, maintenance and opinions of per­fection [Page 322] and who sequester themselves from our pub­lick union. The Roman Empire had its extension, not by similitude and likeness of Religion. Different Re­ligions, providing they enterprize nor practise nothing against the Politick Laws of the Kingdom may be tole­rated in a State.

The Murthers, Massacres, Battels, which arise and are belike daily to encrease amongst Christians, all which are undertaken for Religion, are a thousand times more execrable, and be more open, plain, flat impiety, than this Liberty of diversity of Religions, with a quiet peace, can be unjust.

Forasmuch as the greatest part of those who flesh themselves in blood and slaughter, and overturn by Arms the peace of their Neighbours (whom they should love as themselves) spoiling and ravaging like famished Lyons, sacrifice their souls to the infernal powers, without further hopes or means of their ever recovering and coming back, when those others are in some way of repentance.

In seeking liberty of Religion, these men seek not to believe any thing that may come in their Brains; but to use Religion according to the first Christian institu­tions, serving God and obeying the Laws under which they were born.

That Maxim so often repeated amongst the Church-men of Rome, That the Chase and following of Here­ticks is more necessary than that of Infidels, is well applyed for the inlarging and increasing the Domini­ons, Soveraignty and power of the Pope, but not for the amplifying and extending of the Christian Reli­gion, and the Weal and Benefit of the Christian Com­mon-Wealth.

Kingdoms and Soveraignties should not be governed by the Laws and Interests of Priests and Church-men, but according to the exigency, need, and as the case [Page 323] requireth of the publick Weal, which often is neces­sitated to pass and tolerate some defects and faults. It is the duty of all Christian Princes to endeavour and take pains that their Subjects embrace the true faith, as that semblably, and in even parts they observe all Gods commandments, and not more om commandment than another.

Notwithstanding when a vice cannot be extirpate and taken away without the ruine of the State, it would appear to human judgments that it should be suffered. Neither is there a greater obligation, bond, necessity of Law, to punish Hereticks more than For­nicators, which yet for the peace and tranquillity of the State are tolerated and past over. Neither can a greater inconveniency and harm follow, if we shall suffer men to live in our Common-wealth who believe not, nor embrace not all our opinions. In an Estate many things are for the time tolerated, because they cannot without the total ruine of the State be suddenly Amended and Reformed.

These men are of that same nature and condition of which we are; they worship as we do, one God, they believe those very same holy Records; We both aim at Salvation; We both fear to offend God; We both set before us our happiness: The difference between them and us hangeth upon this one point, that they having found abuses in our Church, require a Reformation. Now shall it be said for that we run divers ways to one end, understand not rightly others Language; we shall pursue others with Fire and Sword, and extir­pate others from the face of the Earth? God is not in the bitter division and alienation of affections, nor the raging flames of sedition, nor in the Tempests of the turbulent Whirl-winds of contradictions and dis­putations, but in the calm and gentle breathings of Peace and Concord: If any wander out of the High-way, [Page 324] we bring him to it again; If any be in darkness, we shew him light and kill him not; In Musical In­struments if a string jar and be out of tune, we do not frettingly break it, but leisurely veer it about to a Concord: and shall we be so churlish, cruel, uncha­ritable, so wedded to our own superstitious opinions, that we will barbarously banish, kill, burn those whom by love and sweetness we might readily win and recal again?

Let us win and merit of these men by reason, Let them be cited to a free Council; it may be they shall not be proved Hereticks, neither that they maintain Opinions condemned by the ancient Councils. Let their Religion be compared and parallel'd with the Religion of the first Age of the Church.

Shall we hold this People worse than the Jews, which yet have their Synagogues at Rome it self? Let them receive instructions from a free and lawful Council, and forsake their Errors, when they shall be clearly and fairly demonstrated unto them. Heresie is an error in the fundamental grounds of Religion, Schism intendeth a resolution tn Separation: Let a good Council be convocated, and see if they be ready or not to re-unite themselves to us.

That which they believe is not evil, but to some it will appear they believe not enough, and that there is in them rather a defect of good than any habit of evil. Other points when they shall be consider'd, shall be found to consist in external ceremonies of the Church, rather than in substance of Doctrine, or what is es­sential to Christianity. These men should be judg'd, before condemn'd, and they should be heard before they be judg'd; which being holily and uprightly done, we shall find it is not our Religions, but our private Intrests and Passions which troubleth us and the State.

[Page 325]The King followed not this opinion, but gave himself over to the Counsel and Government of the Prelates. They remonstrate to him, that he should not rashly alter approv'd and long receiv'd Customs; that there was nothing more dangerous in Govern­ment, than to abase the authority of ancient Laws. Let him well consider and set before his eyes the ma­lice of man, who ever when he is drawn off one course of evil, precipitateth himself in a worse; It was less evil in State to tolerate disorders known, unto which usual and accustomed remedies might be applyed, than by altering and changing foundations to give way to new, to find out Remedies to which, would take and consume a whole age. That this would be a way, not only to take away the abuses, but even the good uses of every thing, and put in hazard all matters and main points concerning Reli­gion. They desired him to consider how there were two sorts of persons affecting these new Opinions and studying Novations. The multitude or com­mon people, and some of the Nobility and Gentry. It was likely the common people might be deceived; and to give them satisfaction, and appease them, by granting them a Reformation or change in Re­ligion, would not be a means to illuminate and in­struct them, but to bring in a popular licence. If he should suffer them to misbelieve, distrust, call in question points of Religion, or search or find out more light, they would immediately thereafter pre­sume to make Laws and limit the Government, by degrees restraining the Soveraign Authority, and af­ter they had examined, sifted narrowly, and discust Ecclesiastical authority, they would essay to correct and find the difficulties of the Temporal. That it was more easie to oppose and resist the first demands of the multitude, than pleasing them in a part, af­ter [Page 326] bound and limit their desires and petitions. As to the great Men of his Nobility and Gentry he might be assured they had not Religion and Piety for their Ends, but to impatronize and lay hold on the Church Rents, and Ecclesiastical Goods. To turn absolute and free men, acknowledging neither Church nor King. To this end many reserved themselves, and kept close their opinions, attending the change: which once appearing, their faces would turn all one way. Which imminent evils, if the King would prevent, there was no other means than to use his Authority and Power, whilst the most and greatest part of his Kingdom yet obey'd him. That cele­rity in this was most necessary, before their number increas'd, and ere they discover'd that universal commodity, which would follow the imbracing of these new Opinions. It was safer to compose these Tumults by his absolute command and authority, and if this produced not the wished effect, to perform it by Arms, than to give reins to a popular Licence, and the ambition of great Men.

After this Counsel had prevailed, most rigorous Inquisitions are Established, and punishments de­nounced against all who professed Opinions differing to the Church of Rome.

Whereupon some out of a muffled zeal of Reli­gion, others to revenge their particular quarrels, most to possess Moveables and Lands, pursue many to judgment. Of which some are executed by fire, others banished, many imprisoned, amongst which was that famous Poet and Historian George Buchanan, who whilst his Keepers slept, escaped by a Window of the Prison, the Muses holding the Cable; the more frequent the publick executions were and ba­nishments, the greater number embraced the opini­ons of them which suffered.

[Page 327]The King of England having understood that the Pope, giving out the confirming of a Peace between the Emperour and the French King, had a meeting with them at Nice (a maritime Town upon the con­fines of Provence) and assuring himself that matters there would be both consulted upon, and determined to his prejudice, sendeth again to his Nephew the King of Scotland, that he would come and see him at York, for now he had more vehemently irritated the Pope, having condemned as Rebels, and con­fiscated the Goods of all who maintained Papal Au­thority; and raised from their Tomb the Bones of Thomas Becket (commonly named St. Thomas of Canterbury, canoniz'd by Pope Alexander the third, for being kill'd for the maintenance of the liberties of the Church 1171. to whom there was yearly a Festival Day kept by the Roman Church) and by the hands of a common Executioner caused burn in ashes and throw them in the River. The revealing of which to the World was a secret more derogatory to the Pontifical State, than any stumbled upon here­tofore, or opened up. Upon this the Sentence of Excommunication, some years deferred, was pro­nounced against him. By which he was deprived of his Kingdom, and those who adhered to him, de­clared uncapable of what they possessed. His Sub­jects were dispensed from their Oath of Allegiance, and discharged to obey him. Strangers were inhi­bited traffick with his Kingdom. All Christians charged to arise in Arms against him. The Estates, Goods and Persons of such Subjects as followed him, given over to be a prey and spoil to any would in­vade them.

It was time for him to look to himself. Such of the Nobility as loved peace, and the Weal of the the two Kingdoms, stirr'd King James to this inter­view, [Page 328] especially they who favour'd the reformed Re­ligion; assuring him King Henry was disposed with all demonstrations of good will, that his Person would be far from any danger. And if by this con­ference they should join in bands of Amity, a great benefit to themselves, Country and Posterity would redound. Why would King Henry in the face of the World and Neighbour Princes, brand so his Re­putation, as to break the Laws of Hospitality, wrong a Prince whom he had invited to come and see him? Why would he violate those of consanguinity at­tempting against his own Nephew? The Emperour Charles the Fifth had been his Guest, and after Royal entertainment, was friendly dismissed. He met with Francis the French King at Bullen; which meeting seemed rather of Brothers come to countenance some marriage Pomp, than contending Neighbours. If King Henry had born any discontent against his Ne­phew, he might long ere now have satisfied his am­bition, and at more easie rate, when the King his Father with most of the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland receiv'd that fatal overthrow by the Hills of Flowden and Banks of Till; the refusing of an interview might divide the King and his Uncle upon which might follow some unnatural War.

Upon the other part the Church-men set all their Power to hinder this interview, persuading them­selves it would give a terrible blow to their Estates or Religion. The principal cause (say they) why the King of England is so passionately earnest to have this meeting, is to persuade his Nephew to con­form Church-matters in Scotland to those already begun in England; to abolish the Popes Authority, to drive Religious Persons from their Lands, Rents, Houses; invest the Jewels and Ornaments of the Churches. Which counsel and example if King [Page 329] James should follow, he would hazard or lose the friendship he had with the Pope, Emperour and French King, his best Confederates, abandoned of which he and his Kingdom would be left a Prey to the tyranny of his Uncle; if Henry kept no faith to God, Men had no reason to trust unto him. That this Interview was to intrap his Person; He being the man whom the Pope and Emperour had designed to set upon his Throne, and revenge their quarrels; That it was grosly to err, to be carried away with a shadow and appearance and leave a Substance, to trust at once his Crown, Person and Liberty to an Enemy. And sith examples move more than Pre­cepts, let him think upon the hazard of King James the First, eighteen years Prisoner, and after sold to his Subjects: Malcolm and William Kings of Scot­land. He should remember (if yet he were therein to be instructed) that Princes serve themselves with occasions over their Neighbours, that they have greater care to satisfie their ambition, than fear of shame for doing of wrongs with the present times or posterity. That their Oaths were no longer kept than they observed their advantages. That after he falleth in his hands, he ought to follow his man­ners, Religion, forsaking and giving over his own natural disposition, manners and freedom, have no other affections nor motions than his. For who cometh under the roof of a Tyrant turneth slave, though he was a free man ere he did enter. That this meeting with the Body, would endanger the Soul and infect it with his Errors, corrupting it with false opinions grounded upon a liberty to live to sen­suality and Epicurean pleasure. If upon the slight­ing of this Interview, King Henry should denounce War against King James and invade his Countrey, they in his just defence should furnish Moneys to en­tertain [Page 330] an Army and overturn his proceedings. For the present necessity they offer to pay to him fifty thousand Crowns yearly; and in any hazard of the Estate voluntarily to contribute all their Rents and Revenues, providing it would please his Majesty to suffer justice to proceed against those who scanda­lously had sequestred themselves from the holy Church, and to the contempt of his Laws publickly made profession of the opinions of Luther. That the Goods of all who should be convict of Heresie (which they esteemed to no less than an hundred thousand Crowns of yearly Rent) should be brought to the Exchequer, and their Lands annext to the Crown. To this effect they intreat his Majesty to give them sufficient Judges truly Catholick and full of zeal and severity.

After long reasoning upon both sides it was agreed, the King should not altogether refuse to meet his Uncle, but adhere to the first offer propounded to his Embassadour concerning this Interview. The meeting to be at Newcastle, one thousand at the most in train with either King, the time to be the Feast of St. Michael the Arch-Angel.

These Conditions not being embraced by King Henry, would if not abolish totally, at the least pro­long the time of this meeting; the King of England thinketh his Nephew too imperious to assume the Injunction of the whole circumstances of their meet­ing, but rather than his suit should take no effect, ac­cepteth both of the Place and number of the Train: and that he might have some point yielded unto him, requireth the time may be the first of August. These Conditions being almost agreed upon, three or four hundreth Riddesdale and Tinedale men, with other Borderers, break upon Liddesdale, and there with large incursions kill and forrage. This during the [Page 331] Treaty falling miserably forth, so much irritated King James, that, accepting the offers of his Cler­gy, he gave over inwardly all intentions of any in­terview: By prolonging time labouring to winde himself out of the Maze. Hereupon he sendeth Letters full of excuses for his stay; representing his many grievances and wrongs suffer'd; and the seeds of discord began now to be sown amongst them. To lighten and recreate his cloudy thoughts, the Queen is delivered at Sterlin of another Son, who with great solemnity is Baptized in the Chappel of the Castle, and named Arthur.

The Prelates after mature deliberation present Sir James Hamiltoun, natural Son to the Earl of Arran, to be Supream Judge of the Inquisition, against all suspect of Heresie and new Opinions differing from the Faith of the Roman Church. The King ap­proving their judgments in their choice, admitteth him. Sir James chearfully accepteth this new ho­nour: For now his ambition will find many guilty and miserable supplicants: Yet was this change his ruine. For whilst he persecuteth all who were in­formed against to be suspected of the Reform'd Re­ligion, having many in Jayls, and numbers in his Scrolls to bring within the Labyrinth of a Process, the supream Providence arresteth himself.

James Hamiltoun Sheriff of Linlithgow, Brother to Mr. Patrick Hamiltoun Abbot of Ferm (who had suffered for Religion, and was Cousen to Sir James Hamiltoun of Fennard, Lord Inquisitor) for embracing his Brothers Opinions, had been per­sued so by the Church-men that he was constrain'd to forsake his own Countrey, and some years wan­der as a banisht man abroad; But by his Friends at Court having purchased a Licence or Protection for some months to see his desolate Family, and put his [Page 332] private Affairs in order, cometh home. Where finding the censorian Power to be in his Cousens hands (for where should he have Sanctuary, if he were challenged by so near a Kinsman for matters of Re­ligion?) imagining to himself an over-sight and preterition, out-dateth by his stay his Protection. Sir James to curry the favour of the Church-men, and testifie how dearly the cause of the Catholick Faith touched him, resolveth to begin with his Cou­sen. For if he were so burnt up with zeal, that he spar'd not his own blood in the quarrel of the Ro­man Faith, what Heretick could pass unpunisht? Besides the investing himself in the Sheriffs Office and Lands (which he never minded to restore) he had a Pick against him, for that whilst he sat Judge in Lithgow, he pronounced a Sentence by which he was interested in some petty gain.

The Sheriff falling so far short of his expectation, that he findeth himself the first subject of his Cousens Justice, and highly resenting his Kinsmans cruelty, whom he knew under pretext of Piety ready to exe­cute his own Revenges, resolveth to prevent his mischief. He had sometime been familiar with Sir James, had known his by-paths; his secret Plots and airy brags had not escaped his observation; some alike in Kindred, to them both were emissaries suborned, to mark not only his actions but words and behaviour, by which one way or other he might be intrapt; He knew Sir James stood in some um­brage with the King, and that some suspitions by no Innocency could be taken away. When at last he had found his hot-spur Cousen (who threatned him with Death and Fire) within the circle of his conjurations, he directeth his Son to the King, who at that time was ready to pass the Forth in his Barge; this bashful Messenger giveth advertisement from his [Page 333] Father, that the King should make his Person sure from his foes at home; for Sir James Hamiltoun had secret Intelligence and Plots with the Earl of An­guss and Dowglasses, and that he attended only the occasion when he might surprize him, either alone, or with a mean Retinue, and then or openly he would invade him, or breaking up his Chamber-doors assassinate him. The King giving attentive ear to a business which concerned him, no less than the safe­ty of his Person, the accusation being given by a Cousen of the suspect, against a Family, which a little disorder in the State might turn Successors to the Crown, directeth the young man to Edenburgh, and beyond his private instructions giveth him a Ring (well known by the chief Officers to be a to­ken of power and secrecy) to assemble so many of the Counsel as were resident. Sir Thomas Areskin, Secretary, Sir James Lermound, Master of the Houshold, William Kircaldie Treasurer and others, meet, fear, consult upon the Treason, labour how to prevent it; come to Sir James his Lodging, make sure his Person in the Castle of Edenburgh: and at that same time proceed, according to the Kings di­rection to instruct his Process. Sir James passionate­ly resenting his imprisonment, by his Friends im­ploreth the aid of the Church-men upon his inno­cency. They apprehending his accusation to be a Stratagem of State forg'd by these of the Reformed Religion, for the stopping any further progress of the Inquisition, already so furiously begun, inter­pose their credit with the King for his Liberty to the discharging of his Commission against Hereticks. If the King should hearken to every Informer against a man in State and Office, he should never have an end; for thus no man is so innocent who may not be detracted and calumniated. Sir James was [Page 334] known to be a man rash and insolent in words, his Brains having been a little giddy (like one looking from a great height) by his advancement in honours and place in Court; but sincere in the service of his Prince and loyal. If he was arrogant in boldness of terms, that was to acquire some more credit with the Commons, that he might do better service to his Prince.

They who committed Sir James Hamiltoun, knowing the King facile and easie to be wrought up­on by the Clergy, some of them too, professing or giving way to the Reform'd Religion, resolve (if he should escape free of this accusation) that an imminent ruine hung over their Persons and Estates. Necessity and fear combining the distracted powers of their minds, they come, prostrate before the King, beseech him not so much to look to the quality and circumstances of the Crime, as to the evil inclinati­on of the man, who, powerful, factious, and na­turally vindicative, would never forgive nor forget the danger he was driven unto; that his Majesty would consider his pass'd life, terrible and cruel a­gainst all whom he could over-reach; That to give him liberty, and relieve him of his imprisonment, before the Crimes of which he was accus'd were clear­ly proved, or not, would be their, and the accusers overthrow; whom they esteemed loyal Subjects, and except upon evident probabilities, had never gi­ven informations against him. That he was a man perfectly hated of the People, and a more accepta­ble sacrifice could not be offer'd unto their fury it he prov'd guilty. At their Supplications the King gave the Judges full power to proceed against him, and administer Justice according to their Consciences and the Laws of the Kingdom. The pannal being found guilty of such points of the Indictment as was laid a­gainst [Page 335] him, was condemned to die, and thereafter accordingly beheaded, his Quarters being set aloft on the Town gates his Lands annexed to the Crown.

The Crimes of which he was found guilty (as from those who lived near that time have by tradi­tion been received) were, he had intelligence with the Earl of Anguss and Dowglasses, whom he labour­ed to have restored, though with the Kings death, he had a plot to have broken up the Kings Chamber-doors, and killed him, devolving the title of the Crown, or at least Government of the Kingdom to his kindred. Being directed to have repaired a Castle in Bute, and to this effect receiving three thousand Crowns in April, he went not thither, attending some change in the State, which was to be accomplished by treason against the Kings person. He kept still with him men of desperate minds and fortunes who at his direction durst enterprize any mischief.

Where he had repaired some of the Kings houses, he had placed a Statue resembling himself, or which to some he had named his Statue (what Mole hills are turned into Mountains when a Prince will pry into the actions of a disgraced Subject?) above the Kings arms. He had detracted from his Master, nam­ing him the King of Clowns and Priests, and Scourge of the antient Nobility; He had laboured to hinder the Kings marriage at his being in France.

To these points the people (who rejoiced in his ruin) added, he had slain cruelly the Earl of Lennox at the battel of Lithgow, after he was Prisoner to Purdowye; he had way-laid Gilbert Earl of Cassiles who was killed by his direction and Councel.

This back-blow of Fortune proveth, that it is dangerous once highly to offend a Prince, and after remain in his service; for Princes put old offences up as neglected, and when the occasion serveth [Page 336] them, surprize long after the Delinquents for some faults for which they are scarce guilty.

Sundry of the Nobility, appall'd at this sudden fall of Sir James Hamiltoun (for though they loved not the Man, they hated the examples of such strict Justice) left the Court, retiring to their own dwell­ing Houses: which made the King suspitious of them and believe they favoured the reformed Religion, and preferred the friendship of King Henry his Uncle to his. Neither was he herein far Mistaken: for some feared not to send him word, that they had learned the Church-men had set him on work to extirpate his antient Nobility, as if it were an easie matter to create as many out of the Gentry, in whom (being his own Creatures) he might have greater confidence than any made by his Predecessours.

After this he turned so retired, sullen and melan­choly, that every thing displeased him, and he be­came even insupportable to himself. not suffering his Domestick Servants to use their ordinary disport and recreations near him. And as all day he pro­jected and figured to himself new cares to perplex himself, some of which might fall forth, others could never come to pass; So in the night time the objects of his dayly projects of working upon his fantasie, limmed their dark shadows of displeasures; which gave him terrible affright in his sleep. Amongst many of which, two are recorded as notable; one in the History of the Church, the other common; both seem to have been forged by the Men of those times, who thought fictions as powerful to breed an opinion in discontented minds as verities, and they may challenge a place in the poetical part of History. As he lay in the Pallace of Lithgow about the midst of the night, he leaped out of his Bed, called for Lights, commandeth his Servants to search Thomas [Page 337] Scot his Justice Clark, who (he said) stood by his Bed-side accompanied with hideous weights cursing the time that ever he had served him; for by too great obedience to him, he was by the justice of God con­demned to everlasting torments.

Whilst they about him laboured to cure his wounded Imagination, news came that Thomas Scot about the same hour of the Night was departed to the other World at Edenburgh and with no better Devotion than he was represented to the King.

After Sir James Hamiltoun had ended his part of this Tragicomedy of life, he seemed to the King to have returned on the Stage and in a ghastly manner with a naked Sword in his hands, he thought he parted both his arms from him, advertising him he would come again shortly, and be more fully reven­ged, till which occasion he should suffer these wounds. The next day after this vision (which is recorded to have been the seventh of August) word came that both his Sons were deceased and that almost in one hour. James the Prince (then one year old) at St. Andrews, Arthur one moneth old at Sterlin.

The King of England finding himself disappoint­ed by his Nephew of their meeting, and understand­ing it to have been occasioned by the Rhetorick and liberality of the Churchmen: having many of the Nobility of Scotland of his faction (whose innocency interpreted his Religion to be the reformed, though indeed it was of his own stamp, for he abolished the Pope but not Papacy) by making prizes of Scottish Ships upon the Seas with his Fleet, and incursions of his garrison'd Souldiers upon land beginneth the prologue of an unnecessary war.

King James to stop the English incursions placeth George Gordoun Earl of Huntley with his full power and authority at the Borders, and directeth James [Page 323] Lermound of Darcey, towards his Uncle, to give sufficient reasons of his not meeting him at Newcastle, withal to seek restitution of his Ships, sith taken be­fore any lawful War was proclaimed, and to expo­stulate the hostility of the Borderers.

King Henry not only refuseth to render the Ships, or give a reason for the breaking forth of the Garrisons on the Borders, but delaying the answer of the Scot­tish Embassadour upon advantage of time, sendeth Sir Robert Bowes seconded with the Earl of Anguss and Sir George Dowglass, in hostile manner to in­vade Scotland. These to the number of three thou­sand, burn, spoil small villages, and ravage the Country near the debatable bounds. The Earl of Huntley omitteth no occasion to resist them, places garrisons in Kelso and Jedburgh, assembling all the hardy Borderers, and invadeth the English and Scottish forces at a Place named Hall-dan rig; here it is soundly skirmished, till the Lord Hume by the advancing of four hundred fresh Launces turned the fortune of the Day; for the English were put to flight; the Warden Sir Robert Bowes Captain of Norham, Sir William Mowbray, James Dowglass of Parkhead with the natural Son of the Earl of Anguss, were taken Prisoners (the Earl by the ad­vantage of his horse escaping) with others to the number of six hundred. The Warden staied in Scot­land till the Kings death.

This Road happened prosperously to the Scots the 24 of August 1541. being a Dise-mall St. Bartho­lomew to the English.

The War continuing till Midsumer, King Henry sent the Earl of Norfolk, whom he named the Rod of the Scots, with great power towards Scotland; with him the Earls of Shrewsbury, Derby, Camberland, Surrey, Hereford, Anguss, Rutland, and the Lords [Page 339] of the North parts of England, with an Army of fourty thousand men, as they were esteemed. With them he directeth James Lermound of Darcey the Scottish Embassadour to keep an equal march till they came to Berwick and there to stay that he should not give advertisement to his Master of any of his pro­ceedings, the Earl of Huntley upon advantages of places resisting the adventuring Routs who essayed to cross the Tweed. But King James hearing the old Duke of Norfork was their Leader, raiseth from all the parts of his Kingdom Companies, and assem­bling them upon Sawtery-edge mustered thirty thou­sand men. They encamped on Falla-Moor, the King having advertisement that the Duke would march towards Edenburgh: Ten thousand strong, the Lords Hume, Seatoun, Areskin, to make up the Earl of Huntleys forces, are sent towards the borders: The King himself expecting the Artillery and other furniture of War staieth with the body of the Army in the Camp. During this time it is reported the Lords plotted a Reformation of the Court, according to the example practised at Lawder-Bridge: especially against such who were named, Pensioners of the Priests; but because they could not agree, among themselves about those who should stretch the ropes, every one striving to save his kinsman, or friend, they escaped all the danger.

That this attempt being revealed to the King, he dismist some of his favourites in great fear to Eden­burgh. So malitious is faction armed with power.

Thomas Duke of Norfolk, by such in the Scottish Camp who favoured King Henry, having under­stood the preparation and mind of King James to meet him in an open field, well knowing that For­tune had that much of a woman to favour young men more than old, and that honourable retreats are [Page 340] no waies inferiour to brave Charges, retireth off the Scottish ground, and keeps his Forces on their own Marches. For the valour and resolution of this young Prince might (perhaps) spoil and divest him of his former purchased Lawrels and Palms, to the applause of King Henry, who, some thought (being weary of his service) to this effect sent him to Scot­land. A great number of the Lancastrians and North-Humbrians, who, upon hopes of spoil, had followed him, pretending want of Victuals, and the rigorous season of the year, with Arms and Baggage leave this Army. Having done little harm to the Scots, and suffered much hunger and cold at Berwick, he prepareth a retreat towards London.

When King James understood the Duke had re­passed the Tweed, he encouraged his Army to fol­low him. The Common Souldier was indifferent; the Noblemen refuse to fight except upon Scottish ground. The King urgeth them with the commo­dity and advantage of a Revenge of the old wrong of the Duke, commanding an Army neither of the Gentry, nor many Nobles of England, but of Hire­lings and pressed Artizans, whose number would prove hurtful to themselves, and turn them in a dis­ordered confusion. They had many days suffered famine, and all necessities of War; their vigour and courage was spent; that the English fought far off, and they at home. There wanted not matter to an­swer, but a man to deliver the King an answer; generally they refuse to fight. To defend the Per­son of their Prince, the State and Countrey, they would hazard their lives, and if they had any thing more dear. If the Enemy would stay on Scottish ground, they would do their uttermost to make him retire, or by main force expel him; But to invade England and tempt an Army, who not only was re­tired [Page 341] but returned to their own bounds, they neither had so just a quarrel as they wisht, nor were they sufficient at that time to pursue them. Their pro­visions for War were spent, the Winter approached, Victuals consumed: that despair often turned it self into true fortitude, and men in good Order retiring would not be too near followed, that even flying Enemies should have Bridges of Gold. Now if they were to charge the Enemy they would not have the Kings presence, a man young, rash, valorous, up­on whose life, not only the glory of the Battel, but the life of the Common-wealth depended, his two Sons being lately departed. For if the fortune of War brought a period to his life, the Crown would remain at the mercy of the Victor; that the Kings glory was not little that he had in so short a time with so small Forces, and these suddenly gathered, stopt the progress of so mighty an Army, which was so long in gathering, and boasted of such great matters, yet which durst not advance one mile in Scottish ground. Whether the English fly or retire, they had suffered as much wrong as they had done, and now to fight them (and that perhaps) with disad­vantage, was to put in hazard what was already ac­quired.

The Duke of Norfolk returning to London, the King with his Army cometh to Edenburgh, which immediately he disbanded; but he forgot not the secret Plot against his Favourites, nor the open re­fusal of his Nobles to fight on English ground: as if the Earth were not all one piece and Matter, and men the destinade inhabitants of it every where; the Cardinal David Beatoun, Oliver Saintclair, Craggy Ross, and others add fewel to these flames, Falla-Moor Plot mightily instigating them.

[Page 342]The King avouched publickly, That the Nobi­lity neither loved his honour, nor desired his conti­nuance amongst them.

To cool these smoaking humors and breed in the King fairer hopes of his Nobles, the Lord Maxwel offereth, giving him ten thousand men to command (if the State thought it expedient) to invade Eng­land at Salloway, affirming the State and fortune of those who assail, to be better than theirs who are still put to their defence. The English Forces being divided, he doubted not to stay longer on English ground than the Duke had done on the Scottish, and to effectuate something to the Kings content. The King thanking him for his offer, appointeth a Ren­dezvous to be at the West Marches. No Procla­mations are divulged for the Levies of men, but close Letters sent.

The Cardinal and the Earl of Arran (the one a Church-man of a mind above many Nobles, the other a Nobleman of an humility under any Church-man) to give false perspective to those proceedings, by sound of Trumpets, and beating of Drums raise men openly, march toward Hadingtoun, and the East-Borders; Whilst the Earls of Cassiles, Glencaris, Lords Flammin, Sommervail, Areskin, Barons Aytoun, Langtoun, Ormestoun, Waughtoun, and many others, accompanied with the Kings domestick Servants ride to the West Borders.

The night before the Road, the King himself came to Loch-Maban, attending the event of the in­cursion. Companies comming from all quarters of the Countreys about, none knowing of another, with the power of the Scottish Borderers, pass the Wa­ter of Esk, burn certain Hamlets of the Grahams on the very limits.

[Page 343]Sir Thomas Whartoun Warden of these Marches, not a little troubled at such a frequent assembly of the Scottish Riders, raising the power of the Coun­trey, placeth them by a hill, where he might take a view of their Forces, in good order; with him were Bastard Dacres and Jack Musgrave; two va­liant Captains.

The Scottish Lords beholding the English, range themselves in a Battalion, desire to know the Kings Lieutenant-General, for now it was to Marshal their Companies, and every man to take him to his Charge. Presently Oliver Saintclair upon, crossed Pikes is mounted, the Kings Banner displayed, and the Commission read in which he is designed Lieutenant, and all commanded, in the Kings name, to obey and follow him.

It hath been reported by those who were acquaint­ed with Oliver, that the Commission was not read, but that at his very sight such a tumult, confused clamour, and enter shouldering of Male contents arose, their Ranks were broken, the Military or­der turned into a confusion, none so repining as the Lord Maxwel and the Borderers; Who if he had patience to have heard the Commission (as Oliver protested) was Lieutenant, and not he, whose charge was only to present it.

The English who now were ready for the Fight, observing this disorder, take the advantage upon the occasion, and brake forwards with a military shout, whilst the others are in doubt whether to flee or stand, and the Guidiats and Scullons are pesle mesle thronging with the foot Soldiers and they with the Horsemen. Here is a general surprize, most part willingly rendring themselves to the English without any shew of defence, or the slaughter of any person of any side. This overthrow proveth [Page 344] that neither arms nor the multitude and numbers of Souldiers without their love and hearts availeth any thing in a Field, yea rather they are hurtful the more in number they be, if their affection be alienated from their Commanders.

It is recorded that at this road, which was named Solloway-Moss, every English had three or four Scots for Prisoners, and when their wanted men to take them; the women of the neighbouring Hamelet and Boys had Prisoners; the Earls of Cassiles and Glencarn, the Lords Maxwel, Flamin, Sommervail, Olivant, Gray, Robert Areskin Son to the Lord Areskin, Oliver Saintclair; The Lairds of Craggy, Aytoun, Lang­toun, Ormestoun, Waughtoun, many of the Kings Domestick Servants were taken Prisoners, brought to London, and remained there till after the Kings death.

The certainty of this voluntary defeat coming to the King at Loch-Maban (or Carlawfroke as others) so astonished all the powers of his mind that he neither had counsel nor resolution what to follow, neither remembring his own valour, nor the number of his Subjects yet flourishing; he remained as one distract­ed, and abandoned of all hopes. The Plot of the Nobles at Falla-Moor against his Servants, the re­fusing to give battel on English ground, made him apprehend that the whole body of his Nobility had conspired his overthrow.

The Cardinal and Earl of Arran coming to Eden­burgh, he also returned; all so cast down that they were ashamed to come within sight of each other some daies.

After which, in a retired manner, he passed to Fyffe, and from Hall-yards to Faulkland, where he gave himself over to Sorrow, No man had access unto him, no, not his own Domesticks. Now are his thoughts busied with revenge, now with rage a­gainst [Page 345] his scornful Nobility: long watchings, con­tinuall cares, and passions, abstinence from food, and recreation, had so extenuated his body, that pierced with grief, anguish, impatience, despair, he remained fixt to his bed.

In these Trances Letters come from Lithgow to him, That the Queen was delivered of a Daughter the eight of December. When he heard it was a Daughter was born, he is said to have turned his face from them that read the Letters, and sighing a farewell to the World, it will end as it began (says he) the Crown came by a Woman, and it will with one go; many miseries approach this poor King­dom; King Henry will either make it his by Arms or Marriage.

The Cardinal put in his hands some blank Papers, of which they composed a Letter Will, which whe­ther he subscribed or not, is uncertain. After which he said not many words which could be understood, but mused on the discomfiture of his Servants at the Solloway-Moss. In which fits he left this World the thirteenth of December 1542. the three and thir­tieth year of his Age and two and thirty of his Reign.

Some record he was troubled by an unkindly Me­dicine, and that the Cardinal was conscious to it, but upon far conjectures: for the event proved that his death was not only the ruine of the Cardinal, but of the whole Church-men of the Kingdom, and frame of the Roman Religion. His Body was conveyed from Faulkland to Edenburgh; the Car­dinal, Earls of Arran, Arguyl, Rothess, Marshal, accompanying it; and in January buried in the Abby Church of Holy-rood-House, near the Body of Magdalen his first Queen. He left behind him many natural Children; of his Marriages only one [Page 346] Daughter, five days old at his death, the Heir of his Kingdom and misfortunes.

This King was of a well made body and excel­lent mind, if it had been carefully polisht; he was of a middle stature; Nature had given him strength and ability equal to any; but by exercise he had so confirmed it, that he was able to endure any tra­vel, and practise all feats af Arms, as his attending on Malefactors proved; for he was ordinary thought the first of his Troops who pursued them, and the last that left the chase, being daring and forward. In his private affairs he was attentive and liberal, yet spared his Treasure that he should not want, and when occasion required, caring for no charges. Ne­ver man did entertain Soveraignty more familiarly, being of easie access to the meaner sort as to the great. He was studious of all good Arts, naturally given to Poesie, as many of his Verses yet extant testifie. He was of as great sobriety as of little continency; he was a great favourer of learned men. The poor men loved him, the great feared him; he made the rushy bushes keep the herds of Cattel; he was thankful towards his Friends, dangerous towards his Enemies. He infinitely obliged his People by esta­blishing a Justice Court among them, and bringing all sorts of Manufactours from Neighbour Nations home. By the Germans he found the Gold Mines of Crawfoord Moor, being unknown to this part of the World before him, out of which he extract­ed Treasure. He left his Arsenals furnisht with all sorts of Arms and furniture for War. Now as in Pictures not only the light but the shadow is obser­vable, let us look upon him in all his umbrages. This Prince in his long pursuit of the Dowglasses seems to [...] had a strange humor, that he could never for­give; And most of his miseries may be traced to this [Page 347] Source; these he would have extirpate, and the King of England could not forsake a man who was his Brother-in-Law, and had been ever obsequious to him. Seeking only that he might be restored to his own, out of which he was cast, not by any Treason or aspiring to the Crown, but of an ambition he had to be near the King, and equal to any Subject: his own worth, Kindred and Followers animated him thereunto; having Married the Kings Mother and one of the greatest Kings Sister of those times.

The burning alive of the Lady Glames, behead­ing of the Master of Forbess, and after him Sir James Hamiltoun, turned many of his Nobles from him, and made the Commons detract him. For though they delight sometimes to have great men made equal to them, when they find not evident proofs and sound grounds of their sufferings and exe­cutions, they abhor the Actors. Princes should re­member that as the People are their Subjects, so are they the Subjects of Time and Providence.

This humor of revenge made many believe if he had not been prevented by death, many Scaffolds had been embrued for Falla-Moor Plot, and Sol­lowny-Moss. The Lord Maxwel, who had studied the Character of the King, at that Road vowed (when he might have escaped among his known Bor­derers) he would rather be the KING of Eng­lands Prisoner, and see him at London, than return home, and be shamefully hanged at the Cross of Edenburgh.

He studied very much the overthrow of his an­cient Nobility, not considering that the Titles of Crown in Hereditary Kingdoms belong only to Kings for that they are the most Ancient Noblemen, and also first of the Primitive Blood.

[Page 348]In his last years he was altogether governed by Romish Prelates, dangerous Pilots in the Ocean of a troubled State; that Body in which one humour signorizeth, cannot last long, and a Prince perish­eth when he is governed by only one sort of men. Neither was he ruled so much by them out of great zeal to Religion (being a Prince altogether given to his own pleasures) as that he found them coun­terpoise the Nobility, whilst he swayed the bal­lance.

His death proveth his mind to have been raised to the highest strain, and above mediocrity; for he could dye, but could not disgest a disaster. He seemeth to have too much confidence in himself, and that he forgot the conditions of Mortality. Whilst he suffered himself to be carried away by the cur­rent of grief, and swallowed up in the gulf of de­spair.

All his faults are but some few Warts in a most pleasing and beautiful Face. He was very much beholding to the excellent Poets of his time, whose commendation shall serve him for an Epitaph. Ari­osto, who knew him only by fame, in the Person of Zerbino, whom he nameth Prince of Scotland, glaunceth at his worth.

Zerbin di Bellezza e di Valore
Sopra tutti i Signori eminente,
Di virtu essempio e di Bellezza raro.

In another place; but Romzard, who with his Queen came to Scotland, and was his Domestick Servant, describeth him more to the life.

[Page 349]
Ce Roy D' Escosse estoit en la fleur de ses ans:
Ses Cheveux non tondus commine fin or linsans
C [...] donnez et crespez flotans dessus sa face,
Et sur son col de laist luy donnoit bonne grace.
Son Port estoit royal, son reguard vigoureux.
De vertus, et de honneur, & de guerre amoureux.
La douceur, et la force, illustroient son visage.
Si que Venus et Mars en avoient fait partage.

So happy is a Prince when he cherisheth and is entertain'd by the rare spirits of his time, that even when his Treasures, Pomp, State, Followers, Dia­dems, and all external Glory leave him, the sweet incense of his Fame in the Temple of Honour, per­sumeth his Altars. A Princes name is surer pre­served, and more deeply ingraven in Paper, than in all the rusting Medals, blasted Arches, entombed Tombs (which may serve to any as well as to him) raised with such loss of time, vain labours of Arti­zans, vast expence, to be the sport of the Winds, Rains, Tempests, Thunder, Earthquakes, or if they shun all these, of superstition, faction and civil Broyls.

After this Prince had some years rested in a Tomb, not only it, but the most part of the Church was made equal to the ground, by the Armies of his Uncle King Henry the Eight, whose malice left him not even when he was dead, proving as horrible an Uncle, as Nero was a Son. A while after he was transported to another Vault, by the piety of [Page 350] his matchless Grand-Child James King of Great-Britain; where he was embalmed again, enshrined and his Coffin adorned with the Arms of the King­dom, cognoscances and a Crown. With which Ho­nours I leave him, till some famous pen, encourag­ed by the favours of his Royal Successors, raise his Fame from the dust of obscure Papers to Eternity.

THE END.

MEMORIALS OF STATE.
Considerations to the KING.

December 1632.

THere is nothing more dangerous to a King than to suffer Ma­jesty, and that sacred respect which a Subject oweth him to be violated, and his Fame and Reputation lessened by other mens boldness, whose presump­tion may lead them forwards not only to dally with his Person, but with his Crown. But his Ears are so often guarded by these men, that he never hear­eth virtues till he hath granted what he cannot well amend, and his wounds be incurable. If a Prince hold any thing dear it should be the Right and Title of his Crown, which concerneth not only himself but his Posterity, out of which a small Jewel [...] away, maketh it the less Radiant; And to all Sub­jects [Page 352] that should be as Mount Sinai, not to be ap­proached. In every case we should take greater heed to what in it is hurtful, than to what is in it profitable; for what profit and commodity any thing carrieth with it, easily presenteth it self unto us; but any one point which may hurt us, unless it be observed and carefully taken away, may over­throw and bring to nought all that hath been rightly intended.

The restoring of the Earl Monteeth in blood, and allowing his descent and title to the Earldom of Strathern is thought to be disadvantageous to the King's Majesty, and that a more dangerous blow could not be given to the Nobleman himself. We may easily conjecture of things to come and imagine them by those of the like nature which have proceed­ed. The Stage of the World is the same still, though in times the Actors be changed, and come about again.

For the Kings Majesty, it would be considered if Henry the sixth King of England would, if it had been in his power, reclaimed the approbation restoring in bloud and allowing of the descent and title of Richard Duke of York, who openly in Parliament thereafter made claim for the Crown, as in his own right, laying down thus his title.

The Son of Ann Mortimer who came of Philipe the Daughter and sole heir of Leonel Duke of Clarence, third Son to King Edward the third, is to be pre­ferred by very good right in Succesion of the King­dom before the children of John of Gaunt the fourth Son of the said Edward the third: but Richard Duke of York is come of Philipe the Daughter and sole Heir of Leonel Duke of Clarence, third Son to K Edward the third, then to be preferred before the children of the fourth Son who was Henry.

[Page 353]The like reason may be alledged in the Title of the Earl of Strathern. The children of a first marriage by the common Law are to be preferred in the Suc­cession before the children of the second marriage; for the marrying of Elizabeth Moor did but legiti­mate and make her children to succeed after the children of the first marriage.

As for the authority of a Parliament, it would be considered, whether or not the Authority of a Parlia­ment may confer and entail a Crown from the lawful Heir thereof, to the next apparent heirs. Or if an Oath given unto a King by mans Law should be perform­ed, when it tendeth to the suppression of Truth and Right which stand by the Law of God. Then if one Parliament hath power to entail a Crown, whe­ther may not another Parliament upon the like consi­derations restore the same to the righteous heirs.

But the Subject resigneth all his right to his King. It would be considered whether a subject may safely capitulate with his Prince, that is to say, give over and quit-claim all right and title which he hath to his Soveraigns Crown, his Right being sufficient, and if by his capitulation his heirs be bound, and if it be honourable for a Prince to accept his conditions.

The trouble which Edward Baliol raised in Scot­land, is yet recent to the Readers of Histories.

Notwithstanding that his Father John Baliol had resigned unto Robert King of Scotland all the right and title which he or any other of his had, or thereaf­ter might have to the Crown of Scotland concerning any interest or claim which might be avouched for any cause or consideration: He, anno 1355. gave to Edward the third, King of England, a full resig­nation of his pretended Right of the Crown of Scot­land, As before, being assisted by the said King and the confederate Gentlemen of Scotland in a Parlia­ment [Page 354] holden at Perth, where he had been confirmed King of Scotland by the three Estates.

It would be considered if the Pope, the Kings of Spain or France after some revolutions of years, seeking to trouble the state and peace of this Isle, should entertain and maintain one of the Heirs of the Earls of Strathern (as Queen Elizabeth did Don Antonio the Prior of Crato, who claimed the Crown of Portugal, to reclaim whose Kingdom She sent the Earl of Essex [...] and Drake) or should marry one of them to their neerest Kinswomen, and send him armed with power to claim his Title to the Crown of Scotland, as King James the fourth of Scot­land practised upon Perkin Warbeck naming himself Richard Duke of York; to whom he gave in marriage Lady Katharine Gordoun Daughter to the Earl of Huntley, and thereafter with all his forces, to estable his said Ally in his Title, invaded England. It would be considered whether they had a fair bridge to come over to this Isle.

It would likewise be considered if the Earl of Strathern, though a mean Subject, these two hun­dred years, having been debarred from all title to the Crown, and now by the indulgency and exceed­ing favour of the Prince, being restored to his descent in blood and served Heir to his great Progenitors, and indirectly as by appendices to the Crown, if either out of displeasure. or for want of means to maintain their estates, he or his should sell and dispose their Rights and Titles of the Kingdom of Scotland to some mighty and Foreign Prince, such as is (per­haps this day the King of Sweden) who wanteth no­thing but a title to invade a Kingdom, not knowing whither to discharge his victorious forces. It would be considered if that title disposed to that Prince were sufficient to make him King of Scotland. Or [Page 355] if establishing his right upon fair conditions, such as is liberty of conscience, absolution and freedom from all taxes and subsidies, the transferring of Ward lands into fewd, the people of Scotland might give him their Oath of Allegiance; or if he might redact the King of Scotland to give him satisfaction and compound for his right of the Crown of Scot­land.

It would to these be considered, If times should turn away the minds of Subjects from their Prince, by superstition, sedition and absolute Rebellion, as what may not befall an inconstant ever wavering Nation, to an Aristocratie, Oligarchy, Democratie, or absolute Anarchy? If the Rebellious subjects and abused Populace might not make advantage of such Men, who draw their titles from Evanders mother to trouble the present times.

That nothing could be more dangerous to the Nobleman himself than this service, may be under­stood by the like examples.

Clouis King of France having understood that a Nobleman of Artois named Canacare blown up by Powder, had vaunted that he was come and lineally descended from Clodion le Chevelu, and by that same Succession was heir of the Crown of France, closed not his ears to it (saies the History) but caused ex­tirpate that Sower of impostures and all his Race.

Henry the fourth King of England after the de­posure of King Richard the second, kept Edmond Mortimer Earl of March, who had a just title to the Crown, under such Keepers that he could never do nor attempt any thing till he dyed. But Henry the seventh King of England took away Edward Plan­taginet Duke of Warwick Heir to George Duke of Clarence, by reason of his jealousie of Succession to his Uncle Edward the fourth.

[Page 356] Margaret Plantaginet his sole Daughter (married to Sir Richard Pole knight) by Henry the eight re­stored to the Earldom of Salisbury, was attained threescore and two years after her Father had suffered and was in the Tower of London beheaded, in whose person dyed the surname of Plantaginet.

Ann Plantaginet Daughter to Edward the fourth, being marryed to Thomas Howard Earl of Surrey and Duke of Norfolk was the ground and chief cause wherefore King Henry the eight, cut off the head of Henry Earl of Surrey; though the pretended cause whereon he was arraigned was the bearing certain arms of the house of York, which only belonged to the King.

Mary Queen of England cut off the head of Lady Jane Gray and the Lord Guilford her Husband, for their title to the Crown; and that same reason was the overthrow and finall destruction of Mary Queen of Scotland by Queen Elizabeth.

The Duke of Guise by a Genealogy deduced from Charles the Great, in the reign of Henry the third, the French King, was thought to aspire to the Crown of France, and suffered at last for this and his other presumptions.

It is notoriously known, that these two hundred years the Race of Euphane Ross in her children David Earl of Strathern and Walter Earl of Athol, and all their Succession by all the Kings of Scotland sithence, have been ever suppressed and kept under, and for reason of State should still be kept low and under, unless a Prince would for greater reason of State advance them, to give them a more horrible blow, and by suborning mercenary men, make them aim above their reach to their last extirpation.

Dum nesciunt distinguere inter summa & precipitia,
Princeps quem persequitur honor [...] & extollit in alium.
[Page 357]

An intended Speech at the West Gate of Edenburgh to King JAMES.

SIR,

IF Nature could suffer Rocks to move and abandon their natural places, this Town, founded on the strength of Rocks (now by the chearing Rays of your Majesties presence, taking not only motion but life) had with her Castle, Temples and Houses, moved towards you, and besought you to acknow­ledge her yours, and her indwellers your most hum­ble and affectionate Subjects; And to believe how many souls are within her Circuits, so many lives are devoted to your sacred Person and Crown. And here Sir, She offers by me to the Altar of your glory, whole Hecatombs of most happy desires; praying all things may prove prosperous unto you; that every Virtue and Heroick Grace which make a Prince eminent, may with a long and blessed Go­vernment attend you. Your Kingdoms flourishing abroad with Bays, at home with Olives; present­ing you Sir, who art the strong Key of this little World of Great-Britain, with those keys which cast up the Gates of her affection, and design you power to open all the springs of the hearts of those her most Loyal Citizens.

Yet this almost not necessary; For as the Rose at the fair appearing of the morning Sun, displayeth and spreadeth her purples; So at the very noise of your happy return to this your native Countrey; their hearts (if they could have shined through their breasts) were with joy and fair hopes made spatious. Nor did they ever in all parts feel a more comfor­table heat, than the glory of your presence at this time darteth upon them.

[Page 358]The old forget their age and look fresh and young at the appearance of so gracious a Prince; the young bear a part in your Welcom, desiring many years of life, that they may serve you long; all have more Joys than Tongues. For as the words of other Nations far go beyond and surpass the af­fection of their hearts; So in this Nation the af­fection of their hearts is far above all they can ex­press by words. Daign then Sir from the highest of Majesty, to look down on their lowness and embrace it; accept the homage of their humble minds; ac­cept their grateful zeal; and for deeds accept that great good will which they have ever carried to the high deserts of your Ancestors; And shall ever to your own, and your Royal Race, whilst those rocks shall be overshadowed with buildings, buildings in­habited by men, and while men be induced, either with Counsel or Courage, or enjoy any piece of Reason, Sense, or Life.

An Apologetical Letter.

March 2. 1635.
My Lord,

IN a time when men for reading of Papers con­cerning State are challenged, it must be a great hazard to write them, and a greater to send them from home, and the most to send them to one so near the Helm as is your Lordship, who the next day (perhaps) may put in the Princes hands what is sent him. And then, though what is set down may be free of great faults; yet must it pass and be un­derstood as it pleaseth the Prince to construe it. But [Page 359] what Marius Geminus said to Julius Caesar, may be said to King Charles; Caesar, qui apud te audent di­cere, magnitudinem tuam ignorant; qui non audent, humanitatem. And writing to your Lordship I know to whom I write. Thus the way of glory lying near the Gates of danger, I have adventured this sheet of Paper of which I beseech your Lordship to be both Judge and Patron.

What a noise hath been raised in this Countrey by prosecuting a piece of writing, supposed to be derogatory to the Honour of the Kings Majesty! No times have been without such men. Wise men keep their thoughts locked up in the Cabinets of their Breasts, and suffer the faults of times patiently; Fools rail, cry out, but amend nothing. What ever advice hath been given for the putting of Li­bellers to the extremity of Law, I would say (with all humble respect to grave Statesmen) that in a matter of a Calumny and reproach with Subjects, a Prince can do nothing more fitting his own fame and reputation, than to slight and contemn them, as be­longing nothing to him; and that 'twere better to neglect, than be too curious in searching after the Authors. So Theodosius, Honorius Arcadius were wont to say, If any man speak ill of the Emperour, if he do it of lightness, it is to be contemned; if of madness, to be pittied; if of injury to be remitted. And Alexander the Great used to say, Regium est benefacere & male audire; or as Plutarch reporteth it, Regium est a quibus male audias, magis esse iis beneficum. Nero (otherwise a terrible Prince) when that Pasquil was given out against him?

Quis neget Aencae magna de stirpe Neronem?
Sustulit hic Matrem, sustulit ille Patrem.

[Page 360]Or as DION citeth it,

[...].
Nero, Orestes, Alcmaeon, Matricidae.

He took no notice of it, followed not the Writers with any punishment, sought them not, as ye find in Suetonius, Et quosdam ad Judicem delatos ad Se­natum, affici graviore poena prohibuit. Writings which we scorn and make none account, or them­selves vanish and turn into nought. If we chafe and fret, it would appear that we have been therein touched, and vively see in them our own faults and misdemeanor taxed and laid open.

If these Papers for the Kings honour were not to be seen and read, or if they did derogate to the fame of the Nobles, why were they not suppressed and hidden? But is this the way to suppress and hide them? To imprison, arraign, banish, execute the per­sons near whom they are found? Or is it not rather to turn them a piece of the Story of the Time to make such a noise about them, and by seeking to avoid the smoak to fall into the fire? What we would most evite and shun, to be the Authors to bring upon our own heads?

What gained Queen Elizabeth the twenty three of her Reign, by cutting off the hands of Stubbes and Page on a Scaffold for writing that Book a­gainst her Marriage with the Duke of Anjou, save that out of horror of that new and unpractised pu­nishment, the People acknowledged her to be the right and not uncertain Daughter of King Henry the Eight, and she began to be feared, where be­fore she was beloved of her Subjects? Whom a Peo­ple fear they hate, and whom they hate they wish taken away. A Prince should be more violent in [Page 361] revenging other mens quarrels than his own. That unfortunate Duke of Buckingham in the time of Richard the Third, could make good use, against the Succession of the Race of Edward the Fourth, in his Speech to the Commons of London, by re­membring them of the strange proceedings of King Edward against a Merchant named Burdet: who dwelling at the Sign of the Crown, and having said to his Son, that after his death he would make him Heritor of the Crown, meaning his own House, was for this Tale in four hours after quartered, which blot is eternally fixed to that Prince.

In the Reign of King Richard the Third, who had ever known that Pasquil against three of his Courtiers, Louell, Ratcliff, and Catsby,

The Rat, the Cat, and Louel that Dog,
Rule all England under the Hog.

If his Tyranny had not been mightily extended against that poor Gentleman Collingburn the Maker of it? Ye will say, it is in a Princes power to sup­press such Papers by Authority; That is the only way to make all men seek them, and being found highly prize them. Tacitus telleth us of certain Verses of Fabricius Viento against Church-men and Senators, which were condemned to be burnt; as long as the reading and finding of them was dan­gerous, they were much sought for, and with danger read: but being afterwards licentiate to be read, and the liberty of having them obtained, they were for­gotten and no man cared for them.

No Prince, how great soever, can abolish Pens, nor will Memorials of ages be extinguished by pre­sent power; the posterity rendring to every one, his due honour and blame. It is true that great men [Page 362] should direct their great care to Fame and hold no­thing more dear unto them; and he who contemn­eth it, neglecteth those actions by which it is acqui­red: But it is pitty men should be more careful and studious of fame for times to come, in which they are not, than of honesty in the present times in which they live.

Sometimes it is great wisdom in a Prince not to reject and disdain them who freely tell him his duty, and open to him his misdemeanours to the Common­wealth, and the surmises and umbrages of his Peo­ple and Council for the amending disorders, and bettering the form of his Government. As if a man should tell King Charles, That there is none in all his Kingdoms here can reckon himself Lord of his own Goods amongst so many Taxes and Tail­lages, so much pilling and polling. So that sub­stance is daily plucked and pilled from honest men to be lashed out amongst unthrifts, that as Thucy­dides writes of the great Plague in his time at Athens, Men seeing no hopes of safety spent all they had in one night: So the uncertainty of enjoying and holding what they have for the present draws the thrifty and unthrifty to one end, for no man being sure of Lands, less of Moneys, every man is turned in a desperate carelesness of his Estate.

As to tell him also about this Subject, who is the subject of this Letter, the People say, Kings seeking Treason shall find Land, and seeking Land shall find Treason. The denial of a Princes desire was the destruction of an innocent Naboth; the voice of the People should not be kept up from the Ears a Prince.

As to unfold to a King, if Usury be not lawful at all (for it is against Nature that Money should be­get Money, and not tolerate by the Mosaical Law, [Page 363] and in Ezekiel, cap. 18. v. 13. it is reckoned a­mongst the roaring sins, such as are Adultery and bloudshed) it being a sin in the persons of subjects, it is a greater sin in the person of a Prince; for any sin is greater in the person of a Prince, than in the per­sons of subjects: As sin was worse and greater in Angels than men. Nothing is profitable to a Prince which is not joined with honour; and the State of Kings unless it stand in pureness and fidelity, it cannot subsist in power.

As to tell King Charles, what a strange thing it is to swaer a man for the true value of his own Sub­stance. Since the valuing of Subjects Lands and Rents, Rents were never less, nor the Lands worse; a secret scourge of God having followed it, the Country scarce affording bread to the Labourers of it.

Remember Davids numbring the people. In the times of King Henry the eight, Regnante Cardin. Volseio, this was held uncouth, strange and terrible; and no wonder if men scare and start at it now, un­der a Prince of so meek a Spirit, so innocently good: who preferreth peace before war, rest before busi­ness, honesty before profit: None of all his kingdom, no, not one being more holy, more chaste, nor a better man; in whom reigneth shamefastness and modesty and patience, taking all worldly crosses in good part: never gaping for glory, nor thirsting after riches: but only studying the health of his soul, peace of his Kingdoms, and how to advance the holy Church, and restore her to her first Rents and integrity. But God knoweth what he hath predesti­nated and ordained for the Scourge of this Country, against whose Ordinance prevaileth no counsel.

A Prince should be advertised that the hatred and distast of mens present estates and fortunes setteth [Page 364] them on work and maketh them exceeding earnest to seek novations; for finding themselves plunged in the beggary of a miserable estate, as many do believe, it turneth not them base, nor keepeth them under, but raiseth in them a mad desire to change their fortune; and this hath been the ensign of Male­contents to attempt and enterprize dangerous mat­ters; for it hath often been found that nothing hath sooner armed a people than poverty, and poverty hath never so often been brought upon a Nation by the unfruitfulness of the Earth, by disasters of Seas, and other human accidents, as by the Avarice of the Officers and Favourites of Princes; who are brought foolishly to believe that by tearing of the skins of the flock they shall turne the Shepherd rich. It is no property of a good Shepherd to shear often his flock, and ever to milk them. Nor is it of a Prince to gall and perpetually afflict a people by a terrible Exchequer. Brutorum se Regem facit qui premit suos. Now in such Theams it were not evil for a Prince to read Jan Marianai and George Buchanans piece de jure Regni apud Scotos, for his own private and the publick good.

Princes have in their actions this disadvantage, that in matters of wrong and injuries concerning their Subjects, though they sometimes suffer, by reason of their power, being thought stronger, they are ever esteemed to do the wrong, which should move them to abstain from all violent courses, and think really their Subjects losses are their own.

Ye will then say, the case of Princes is pittiful if Writers of infamous Libels be not rigorously punish­ed; without all question the Law is just and necessary against them. But in some cases good Princes ne­ver follow the rigour and extremity of punishment set down by their Laws, no, not against the naugh­tiest [Page 365] Subjects, and especially when the case con­cerneth their own particulars. There is much to be considered in the convoy of such Libels: If they contain Truths there is small wrong in such papers, as to call Mary Magdalen a Sinner, Matthew a Pub­lican, Thomas a Misbeliever, Paul a Persecutor, Peter a Denyer of his Master, and the rest fugitives from him, and these are to be slighted and past over, If they contain mixed truths and apparences, they may be neglected; If they admit no interpretation, but true and flat railing, then is a Princes patience to be tryed, and the Libel to be scorned. If they propound novelty and causes of sedition upon ap­parent grounds, they are to be answered, and by good reason to be overthrown. If they be presented by way of Supplication for redressing of errors in the State, it is a question whether they be Libels or not. That Supplication of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester to King Henry the sixt of England against the Cardi­nal of Winchester Archbishop of York may have place amongst Libels; for the King is taxed there of notable dotage. As that by the counsel of the Cardinal, he had set at Liberty the King of Scots, suffered his Jewels and houshold-stuff to be sold, granted the Cardinal a Charter of Pardon for taking up his Rents, which were sufficient to have maintain­ed the wars in France many years. The setting of the Duke of Orleance at liberty, against the Duke of Burgundy the great friend of the English, and many other points. Yet this being done by way of Supplication, for redress of wrongs in the State, he was not threatened for (perhaps) verity, but remitted to the Council, and what for fear, and what for favor (saith the English History) the whole matter was winked at touching the Duke, and nothing said a­gainst the Cardinal, Miseria summa ubi de injuria conqueri pro delicto habetur.

[Page 366]These who set their Prince on work to follow and persue such an idle piece of Paper, if they had fair Judges, and powerful Enemies near the Court, may themselves be brought within compass of that same punishment, which they would have laid upon o­thers; as P [...]rillus was brought to take an Essay of his own brazen Bull: for no better are they which relate, divulgate and are occasioners to have infa­mous Libels published, than they which write them. And these men have done what in them lay to make that Paper publick, and have recorded in the Annals of this Kingdom to all ages, what should have been smothered in the darkest pits of Oblivion. They have often assembled the Kings Majesties Subjects to the great charges and vain attendance of many Noblemen and Barons to see their passions put for­ward. They have busied the Prince to condemn others by power (a Minister of their attempts) and not purge himself to posterity; for such a Paper should have been answered by a Pen, not by an Ax. There is no Prince living, no, nor dead, but Sub­jects have and do both write and speak of after their fantasies. Augustus in a Letter to Tiberius, Noli in hac re indagare & minium indignari queniquam esse qui de me loquatur male; satis est enim fi hoc habe­mus ne quis malefacere possit. And Tiberius in the beginning of his Reign (though after he killed Cre­mutius Codrus for words) was wont to say, in Civi­tate libera linguam quoque liberam esse debere. Wise Princes have never troubled themselves much about talkers; weak spirits cannot suffer the liberty of Judgments, nor the indiscretion of Tongues. To strive to restrain them is the work of busie Bodies, who would fain have somewhat to do, but know not what, nor how to help Domitian to kill gnats with his Dagger; having won points and conclusions [Page 367] heretofore in the State beyond their hopes, they be­gin to foster great and shameful hopes beyond the reach of all obtaining. A Prince should be such towards his Subjects as he should have God eternal towards him, who full of mercy spareth peopled Cities, and darteth his Thunders amongst the vast and wild Mountains.

To ARABELLA Countess of Lothian.

Madam,

AS those Ancients who when they had given over with credit any faculty wherein they excel­led, were wont to offer the Tools and Instruments of their Art to the Shrine of some Deity: My Mu­sical recreations giving place to more laborious, se­rious, (my Lute these many days (like my mind) lying out of tune, keeping no harmony in perfect discord) I offer these airs and tabulature to your Ladiships harmonious Virtues; and to whom could they more deservedly appertain, than unto her whose goodness of nature, and eminent known virtues of mind, may justly intitle the only Grace and Muse of our Northern Climate. Though the Gift be not much worth, I hope your Ladiship will daign to accept it as if it were a greater and more pre­cious from a Giver brought already in admiration of your Ladiships worth, and who desireth nothing more than to remain,

Your Ladiships to Command, W. DRUMMOND.

To ISABELLA Countess of Perth.

Madam,

YOur Courtesie hath prevented me, it being mine to offer you thanks, both for esteeming me worthy so honourable a Task, and for measuring those lines according to affection, and not their worth; for if they had any, it was all (as the Moon, hath her light) borrowed from the Rays of your Ladiships own invention. But this quality becometh well your sweet disposition, and the generosity of that Noble Stem of which you have your Birth; as doth the erecting of that notable Monument to your all-worthy Lord; by the which ye have not only o­bliged all his Kindred now living, but in ages to come the unborn posterity to render you immortal Thanks. Your Desert and good opinion of me have by a gracious violence (if I can be so happy as to do you service) won me to remain, your Ladiships,

Ever to Command, W. DRUMMOND.

To the Right Honourable JOHN Earl of Perth.

My Noble Lord,
THough as Glaucus says to Diomed in Homer,
Like the Race of Leaves, the Race of Man is,

That deserves no Question: nor receives his being [Page 369] any other breath; the Wind in Autumn strows the Earth with old Leaves, then the Spring the Woods with new indews; yet I have ever thought the knowledge of Kindred, and the Genealogies of the ancient Families of a Countrey, a matter so far from contempt, that it deserveth highest praise. Herein consisteth a part of the knowledge of a mans own self. It is a great spur to virtue to look back on the worth of our Line. In this is the memory of the dead preserved with the living: being more firm and honourable than any Epitaph. The living know that band which tieth them to others. By this man is distinguished from the reasonless, and the noble of Men from the baser sort. For it of­ten falleth out, though we cannot tell how, for the most part, that generosity followeth good Birth and Parentage. This moved me to essay this Table of your Lordships House, which is not inferior to the best in this Isle and greatest. It is but roughly (I confess) hewen, nakedly limmed, and after better informations, to be amended. In Pieces of this kind, who doth according to such light as he receiveth, is beyond reprehension.

Your Lordships humble Servant and Kinsman, W. DRUMMOND.

To the Right Honourable J. Earl of T.

My Lord,

THe Ocean, though great Rivers with many Currents pay him Tribute, disdains not to re­ceive also the lesser loyal, though ignoble, Brooks, which by one only Urn powre themselves into his bosom; no more will your Lordship after the many congratulations of your Countrey, of the State, of your great Friends, reject the applause of the Muses (fair, though contemned, Mistress) who by me offer this Posie of Flowers to your Lordship (who is the flower of Nobleness) in acknowledgment of your Lordships constant zeal towards them, and their many obligations towards you, congratulating your prosperous Fortunes, which they wish to en­crease, and praying the heavens at last may turn so propitious to virtue and true worth, that though they do not reward them upon Earth, yet the World may see that they do not suffer them ever to lie oppressed. They have fair hopes that the ad­vancement of your Lordship is the advancement of them, for the body preceding, the shadow must follow. Your Lordship being near the Helm of the State, they expect a new Saturnian World: Know­ledge must flourish, ignorance decay (as Mists be­fore the Sun) Innocency live guarded, oppression trampled, and they shall no longer hereafter have occasion to wish, ask, or complain.

Your Lordships Servant, W. DRUMMOND.

To the truely Noble S. R. C. Gentleman of the Kings Majesties Bed-Chamber.

SIR,

HOw joyful were all here who either love worth in others or are conscious of any part of it in themselves, to hear the happy event of your late danger? but yet the apprehension of what might have fallen forth (if Providence had not otherwise disposed) doth still with a pensive fear possess their minds. It was too much hazarded in a point of Ho­nour; why should true Valour have answered fierce Barbarity, Nobleness Arrogancy, Religion Impiety, Innocency Malice? The disparagement being so vast. Was it for knowing this when ye left us, that ye graved with your Diamond in a Window;

Frail Glass thou bearest this name as well as I,
And none doth know in which it first shall dye.

And had ye then to venter to the hazard of a Com­bate the exemplary of virtue, and the Muses Sanctu­ary? The lives of twenty such as his who hath fallen, in Honours Ballance would not counterpoise your one. Ye are too good for these times, in which, as in a time of Plague, men must once be sick, and that deadly, ere they can be assured of any safety. Would I could persuade you in you in your sweet walks at home to take the prospect of Court Ship­wracks; forgive mine importunity, your many courtesies in my behalf, and the World, which is a [Page 372] Witness of them, force me to bear a part in all your Fortunes, and ever, whilst I remain my self to be,

To serve you, W. DRUMMOND.
February 10. 1620.

To the Right Honourable Earl of L.

My Noble Lord,

OF that duty I owe to your Lordship, and love to your honourable Father, I have adven­tured to bear a part in his Obsequies, a work I must confess profuse; no Verses of mine, nor any others, having power to add any thing to his noble Memory, being so strongly upholden by your Lordship, and his other excellent Children, that it is like to be con­temporary with the World. For whatsoever hath now failed of the honour I intended, I beseech your Lordship to accept my serviceable and infallible love for all supplement. If your Lordship esteem these among the Scutcheons, Colours, and other day­lasting Ornaments of the Funeral pomp, I shall hold them sufficiently honoured, and in what is within the compass of my power, remain,

Your Lordships ever to Command, W. DRUMMOND.

To the Right Honourable the Earl of Perth.

My Noble Lord,

IN this storm of the State I had resolved to set my affairs in order, exposing all to the hazard of what might fall forth, and fly to the shadow of your Lordship, finding at this time, that not to prove true, Minima Parvitate sua tut a sunt; for the hu­mility of my fortune, and my retired and harmless form of living, could not save me from being im­ployed to serve here the ambition of the great Ma­sters of the State; as if I had no more to do with time, I was appointed to spend it in attending the Committee of the Shire; at my first initiation charged to be at that fatal service, and horrible exe­cution of Dunglass; they directed me to ravage and plunder the more peaceable neighbours about; this Trojan Horse laboured to give me a command over Horses. All which imployments being contrary to my Education and Estate, knowing, that Pareil sier Pareil a nulla Puissance, and that they were not my lawful Masters, I shunned and performed no more than pleased me, which acquired me no small Spight. If the Parliament of England, and mat­ters since fallen forth, had not a little cooled this fervency or frenzy, I knew not where to have found sanctuary, save with your Lordship, nor knew I what thanks to gender your Lordship, for your gracious protection, and many courtesies offered me. If I should sacrifice my Fortunes, Liberty, Life, I would rather lose them for your Lordship, than for any Democracy. Your Lordships favours shall ever be remembred, and sought to be deserved [Page 374] in what is within the compass of performing, and power of

Your Lordships Humble Servant, W. DRUMMOND.
Hawthorn-Den Decem. 1. 1640.

To the Learned and Worthy Gentle-woman.

Worthy M.

I Should be too ambitious, I will not say arro­gant, if I thought that honour, which you give me in your delicate Verses to be due to the honour­ed, and not rather to the honourer. They reflect and turn back unto your self (as to a more renown­ed wonder) that praise by desert, which ye bestow upon me of your meer courtesie. Alas my Muses are of no such value to deserve the blazon of so pregnant and rare a wit. Perhaps ye raised them to show the highness of your spirit, which, ever transcendeth mean measures, or to make known how excellently ye can praise any thing that you please. But howsoever (praise being the reward of virtue, and proceeding from so sound a judgment, and one so praise-worthy) I will think hereafter my Muses worthy praise, because ye held them such, or if they were such before, that they were such because they were ordained to be praised and loved of you. I can but admire your engine and thank your, cour­tesie, and wish that time and fortune may prove so gracious, accomplishing my desires, to make me [Page 375] know how to acquite you, till which occasion as ever you have me.

Your most.

To his Worthy Friend, S. G. K.

SIR,

WHen out of curiosity this last week I had en­tred these large and spatious Galleries, in which the Fair of St. German is kept, and had viewed the diverse Merchandize and Wares of the many nations at that Mart, above the rest I was much taken with the daintiness of the many Pour­traicts there to be seen. The devices, Posies, Ideas Shapes, Draughts, of the Artificers were various, nice, and pleasant. Scarce could the wandring thought light upon any Story, Fable, Gayety, which was not here represented to the view. If Cebes the Theban Philosopher made a Table hung in the Tem­ple of Saturn, the Argument of his rare Moralities, and Jovius and Marini, the Pourtraicts in their Gal­leries and Libraries the subject of some books; I was brought to think I should not commit a great fault, if I sent you for a token, from this Mart a Scantling of this Ware: which affordeth a like contentment to the Beholder and possessour.

The Pictures of the Roman Emperours appeared in one Plate, those of the Bishops with the Triple Crowns in another, with those of all the Kings and great Princes in Europe. Lucretia was shewing her bleeding brest; on this Table Flora her bewitching Twins, on that not far from these, Mars is surprized by the Lemnian, and the Senate of the Gods are all [Page 376] laughing; near by Jupiter is coming down in a Golden Showre in his Danaes lap. One would have wished Argos his eyes to gaze on Hellen in the prime of her beauty, as when the Phrygian Youth stole her away, or Theseus, in one place of the Table, and see her distilling tears for the ruin of Troy in another. The Agamemnon of Timantes at the sacrifice of Her­mione was here to be seen. And what did surpass that in Invention, a Painter had hidden the imper­fection of the work of his Work, who having painted a Lady which had but one eye, he had set her face so cunningly that her one side appearing only to the view, left a desire in the Beholder, to wish for the other, which one could not but imagine beautiful, at which she seemed to smile. The Father of our Factions, Meonides himself, was here represented with closed eyes, and a long beard of the colour of the Night, to whom was the honour af Mantua ad­joined, his head wreathed with Baies, his face was somewhat long, his cheeks scarce with a small down discrying his Sex; that they might be known after so many years, the Crafts-man had set down, They were thus standing in the Roman Capitol. The Cyprian Goddess was in divers shapes represented. The first was naked as she appeared on the Hills of Ida, or when she arose from her foamy Mother, but that she should not blush, the Painter had limmed her entring a Green Arbour, and looking over her shoul­der; so that there were only seen her back and face. Another had drawn her naked, her face, brests, belly to the view exposed, her blind child by her, but to cover that which delighted Mars so much, he made her arm descend to take hold on Cupid, who did im­brace her. The third had drawn her lying on a Bed with stretched out arms, in her hand she presented to a young man (who was adoring her, and at whom [Page 377] little Love was directing a Dart) a fair face, which with much ceremony he was receiving but on the other side, which should have been the hinder part of that head, was the Image of death; by which mortality he sur­passed the others more than they did him by Art. It were to be wished this picture were still before the eyes of dolting lovers. On a Table there was a horse tumbling on his back with his four feet towards the Heaven, which was thought to be Sejanus so fatal to his Masters, being so proportionable and to the life painted, a German offered Gold for him, but he accused the Painter that he had not painted him running: which the Painter easily amended by turning up of the other side of the Table: so small a distance is between the extremities of mortal things. So with little pains a countenance laughing is made to weep, and one weeping to laugh. Whose thoughts are so sad and fixed to the cares of this World, which could not have been sequestred for atime from them, and delighted with the aspect of the countenances of the Ladies of the differing Climates of the Globe of this Earth, represented unto us as the blaz­ing asterisms of Heaven? The Spanish seeming proud and disdainful, but that her eye spoke somewhat else, and her pale colour approaching to ashes, did show she harboured languishing perturbations. The French looking Courteous and toward, but such courtesie and towardness seemed not to entertain base imaginations. The English mild and humble with such eyes as Venus used to smile with in the daies of Homer. The Venetian Lady appeared the Noblest Lover, for she neither thundered despair nor promised hope, yet did she lend her ear to the soul-charming sounds of a Lute. The Roman was almost naked from the wast upwards, discovering the Sistering Apples of her Brest, and what might be, without a [Page 378] blush, seen, which should have rowsed old Nestor. The Grecian resembled Our English, but her face was more Round; She wore on her head a Garland, which made her look more Grave than the Others. The Turkish differed little from the Roman, only She somewhat appeared more Thais like. The Moorish had her eyes black, rolling and wanton, and her face was as black as her eyes. Where (who would think it, save he who did see it?) by the comely propor­tion of her face. Her shining hair enriched with Jewels, and her ears beautified with Gemms, she was near as pleasant (beauty mustering it self in blackness and a comely behaviour) as those others of Europe. I had almost forgotten the Belgick and these neighbour Countries, in whom the pure natural colours of beauty appeared. The first to show the lightness of her sex, was all in Feathers, the others differed not much from her but was further off from Art, and looked more Countrey-like.

Not far from those was Cassandra, her hairs so covering her face that Lycophron might well know her. The Sybels by her sighed out their Prophecies.

To these was joined the Picture of a young Lady, whose hair drew near the colour of Amber, but with such a bright lustre that it was above Gold or Amber, her eyes were somewhat green, her face round, where the Roses strove to surpass the Lillies of her Cheecks, and such an one she was limmed as Apelles would have made choice of for the beauty of Greece. She was said to be the Astrea of the Marquesse D' Urfee.

Many famous battels of the ancients were repre­sented, some of the later times, above all others the Crafts-men had striven to shew to the life the Battel of Le Panto, the flying Turks and following Christi­ans. Some Galliasses made a sport to the winds, o­thers all in flames in the midst of the Seas; the divers [Page 379] postures of fighting and perishing Souldiers with the scattered Oars, Planks and Ensigns, might have made some dream they were amidst these though in quiet­ness, and on the Seas whilst they were safe on ground. Many Towns were here to be travelled thorough at an easie rate, Rome, Naples, Florence, Constanti­nople, Vienne, and without passing the Seas, Lon­don and Venice.

Here were many double Pictures, the first view shew old men and young Misers gathering careful­ly, the second view shew young men and prodigals spending riotously, with stultitiam patiuntur opes. Church-men and grave-Senators consulting and se­riously deliberating the one face of the Picture re­presented, the other Fools dancing, Soldiers dicing and fighting. A Lady weeping over her dead Hus­band, accompanied with many Mourners, the first view; the second represented her second Nuptials, Nymphs and Gallants revelling naked, and going to Bed.

Now when I had considered all (for these Gal­leries were a little All, if ye please) casting mine eyes aside I beheld on a fair Table the Pourtraicts of two which drew my thoughts to more seriousness than all the other. The first clad in a Sky-coloured Mantle bordered with some red, was laughing, and held out his Finger by way of demonstration in scorn to another in a sable Mantle, who held his arms a cross, declined his head pittifully and seem­ed to shed tears. The one shewed that he was De­mocritus, the other that he was Heraclitus. And truely considering all our actions except those which the Service and Adoration of God Almighty, they are either to be lamented or laughed at, and man is [Page 380] always a Fool, except in Misery, which is a Whit-Stone of Judgment.

PARIS, Febr. 12.

To S. W. A.

SIR,

THe promise given by me to a dying friend shall at this time I hope excuse, mine importunity. He requested me to remember his love to you, and that desire he ever had to do you service. And though dying, so lively expressed this affection that who would set in Paper had need of his own Elo­quence. This remembrance he left, made me to be in this, his Executor in delivering this Legacy. Some Papers he left also concerning some of your affairs, which because death prevented his deliver­ing of them to me, I think are losed in the Stuff of his Cabinet. Your absence increased greatly that Melancholy which bereft us of him. If any thing more precious had been left to my Trust, ye might have been assured it had been delivered to you by your,

W. DRUMMOND.

To the truely Noble S. R. K. Gentleman of the Kings Bed-Chamber.

SIR,

HOw ever fortune turn her Wheel I find you still your self, and so ballasted with your own worth, that ye may out-dare any Storm. This is that Jewel which neither change of Court, nor Cli­mates, can rob you of; of what is yours, ye have lost nothing. By this Quadran I have ever measu­red your height; neither here could the vapours of Court make me erre.

Long since I learned not to esteem of any golden Butter-flies there, but as of Counters, whose Places give them only worth. Ye are born to act brave parts on this Theatre of the World, as your Prince is wise, so I am assured he is well read in Man, and knows ye are not one to be lost. What know ye to what end that Soveraign Wisdom, who hath hither­to been so strong a Defence unto you, hath remo­ved you from your Countrey? By this means ye may return more welcom, more beloved, and with greater honour than when you left her. How oft hath plaintful means brought men to that happiness, which in their prosperity they never could reach in their thoughts nor expect? Now since your de­parture I verily think all our life to be but a Dream, and that God hath placed our happiness elsewhere. He is only miserable and wretched who holdeth himself such: as that man only blessed who is con­tent with a little. Happiness consisting neither in honour nor riches, but in an equality and modera­tion of Desires. Forgive my free writing, I have [Page 382] not had leisure to vail my thoughts, your Brothers departing being so unexpected.

W. DRUMMOND.

To the Right Honourable the Earl of Perth.

My Noble Lord,

AFter a long inquiry about the Arms of your Lordships ancient House, and the turning of sundry Books of Impresaes and Herauldry, I found your UNDES famous and very honourable.

In our neighbour Countrey of England they are born, but inversed upside down, and diversified. Torquato Tasso in his Rinaldo maketh mention of a Knight who had a Rock placed in the Waves with the Word Rompe ch' il percote. And other hath the Seas waves with a Syren rising out of them, the word Bella Maria, which is the name of some Cour­tezan. Antonio Perenotto, Cardinal Gravella had for an Impresa the Sea, a Ship in it, the word Durate out of the first of the Aeneades, Durate & vosmet rebus servate secundis. Tomaso de Marini Duca di terra nova had for his Impresa the Waves with a Sun over them, the Word Nunquam siccabitur aestu. The Prince of Orange used for his Impresa the Waves with an Halcyon in the midst of them, the word, Mediis tranquillus in undis, which is rather an Emblem than Impresa because the figure is in the word. By reason of your Lordships name and the long continuance in your House to none they appertain more rightly than to your Lordship. Drum is in the old Celtique and Brittish Language an [Page 383] Height, and Onde in all the Countreys almost of Europe a Wave; which word is said to have been given in a Storm by Margaret Queen of Scotland to a Gentleman who accompanied her, the first of your Lordships House. But to make an Inquiry in Sirnames were now too long.

W. DRUMMOND.

To the truly Noble S. R. K.

COntentments are never so really Contentments, as when they come after some calamity.
—Afflictions meet
And mingling with our Joys make them more sweet.

After your late danger and long absence by your kindly returning to your Countrey and Recovery of lossed favours, this hath doubled it self: We erre often by deeming those things hurtful, which are but changes for our greater Good; Crosses serve for ma­ny uses, and more than Magistracies decipher the Man. Brave minds like lamps are discerned when they are canopied with the night of affliction: and like Rubies give the fairest lustre when they are rubbed. The sight of so many stately Towns and differing manners of Men, the conquest of such friends abroad, and trial of these at home, the leaving of your Remembrance so honourable to af­ter times, have made you more happy in your di­stress, than if, like another Endymyon, ye had sleep­ed away that swift course of days in the embrace­ments of your Mistress the Court. Forgive my Comparison, for if Courts be changing Moons; why should not favourites be Endymions? I write [Page 384] often unto you, for that in way of friendship I had rather be charged for super-abundancy than defect: from him who is no more his own than by respect and affection yours.

W. DRUMMOND.

To his much honoured Friend M. A. J. Physician to the KING.

IT is more praise-worthy in Noble and excellent things to know something, though little, than in mean and ignoble matters to have a perfect know­ledge. Amongst all those rare Ornaments of the mind of Man, Poesie hath had a most eminent place, and been in high esteem, not only at one time, and in one Climate, but during all times and through those parts of the World where any ray of huma­nity and civility hath shined. So that she hath not unworthily deserved the name of the Mistress of hu­man life, the height of Eloquence, the quintessence of knowledge, the loud Trumpet of Fame, the Language of the Gods. There is not any thing endureth longer: Homers Troy hath outlived many Republicks, and both the Roman and Grecian Mo­narchies; she subsisteth by her self; and after one demeanour and continuance her beauty appeareth to all ages. In vain have some men of late (Trans­formers of every thing) consulted upon her Refor­mation, and endeavoured to abstract her to Meta­physical Ideas, and Scholastical Quiddities, denuding her of her own habits, and those Ornaments with which she hath amused the World some thousand years. Poesie is not a thing that is yet in the find­ing and search, or which may be otherwise found [Page 385] out, being already condescended upon by all Nati­ons, and as it were established jure Gentium, amongst Greeks, Romans, Italians, French, Spaniards. Nei­ther do I think that a good Piece of Poesie, which Homer, Virgil, Ovid, Petrarch, Bartas, Ronsard, Boscan, Garcilasso (if they were alive) and had that Language, could not understand, and reach the sence of the Writer. Suppose these men could find out some other new Idea like Poesie, it should be held as if Nature should bring forth some new Animal, neither Man, Horse, Lyon, Dog, but which had some Members of all, if they had been proportion­ably and by right Symmetry set together. What is not like the Ancients and conform to those Rules which hath been agreed unto by all times, may (in­deed) be something like unto Poesie, but it is no more Poesie than a Monster is a man. Monsters breed admiration at the first, but have ever some strange loathsomness in them at last. I deny not but a Mulet is more profitable than some Horses, yet is it neither Horse nor Ass, and yet it is but a Mulet. There is a Tale told of a poor miserable Fellow accused of Bestiality; and he at his Arraignment confessed, That it was not out of any evil intention he had done it, but only to procreat a Monster, with which (having nothing to sustain his life) he might win his bread going about the Countrey. For the like cause it may be thought these men found out their new Poesie differing from the Matters, Manners, Rules of former ages; either they did not see the way of Poesie or were afraid to enter it. The Verses of Camillus Quernus as they are imitated by Strada seem very plausible and to admiration to some, but how far they are off right Poesie Children may guess. These mens new conceptions approach nearer his, than to the Majesty and Stateliness of the [Page 386] great Poets. The contempt and undervaluing of Verses hath made men spare their travel in adorning them; but Poesie, as it hath overcome ignorance, at last will overcome envy and contempt. This I have been bold to write unto you, not to give you any instruction, but to manifest mine obedience to your request.

W. DRUMMOND.

To the Right Honourable the Earl of Sterlin.

WHen the pittiful news came of so dear Fu­nerals, though I had an intention to have written to your Lordship, I restrained my self, both because your wound was flagrant, and that I had not an argument of comfort, which was not your own. Nothing is now left me but to manifest, that the sence of this loss could not but perplex him grievously who never made any difference between your fortunes and his own. I hold my self Copart­ner of all your Griefs as I have been of your pro­sperities. I know your Fatherly affection, I know too your constancy, which being seasoned with piety, will not suffer you to repine at that which is the determinate will of God. Your erudition and experience instruct you, that such accidents should be taken in a good part, and chearfully, which are not incident to us alone, and which by our sighs, tears, plaints, we may not evite and put far from us; ye must not attend till time mitigate your lan­guor, for this do the vulgar sort of men, with sola dies poterit tantum lenire dolorem. A wise man should prevent and anticipate time, over-run new­born [Page 387] Grief, which is an ungrateful Guest, thrust­ing out and ransacking the Matters of their Inn. I who am conscious to your patience and wisdom, am assured ye have performed all this already, upon which confidence I will leave off to trouble you farther, or lay a heavier burthen and needless task upon my self.

W. DRUMMOND.

To [...]

SHould ye think to escape this Enemy of Virtue, Fortune, when she never spareth the most Wor­thy? Who hath ever yet in many excellencies been eminent, whom she hath not either after one fashion or other, if not trampled, yet tossed? And make not a long search in the old ages of the World, and through the Mists of Antiquity, but look upon our own Times, and our Fathers. Ye have Sidney cropped in the vigour of his Youth by a muthering Bullet; Rawleigh brought to a fatal Scaffold; la Nove, with the Marquess D' Urfee complaining in miserable Prisons; Tasso famishing in the like Thral­dom; the two Counts of Mirandula Spectacles of Pitty and Cruelty, the one by too soon a Death (if death can be too soon) the other by being assassinat­ed by his nearest Kinsmen. As if Excellencies were the only Object of Disasters, and some secret influence laboured to make the bravest of men and the basest equal. Or that the superior powers thought Glory to belong only to them, and no praise-worthy Acti­ons should befall poor Mortals. Yet should they not envy silly men a dusty honour, which in some small moments of time vanisheth, and reacheth no far­ther [Page 388] than the narrow bounds of some few Climates of this small Globe of the Earth. We may doubt whether Excellencies and Heroical Virtues were to be desired with so many dangers and miseries lacky­ing them, or a homebred, untaught, rude Plebeian life.

W. DRUMMOND.

To S. W. A.

SIR,

MY silence this time past proceeded no waies of any forgetfulness of you, but from my many new cares, and sorrows. The loss of so many friends this season, hath estranged me from my self, and turn­ed my mirth into mourning; what civil arms and discord have performed in other kingdoms of Europe, a still mortality hath done in this. So ma­ny Funerals these many years have not been seen as in this one. There are few bands of kindred, societies, acquaintances, friendship, which by death are not broken here, without respect of Age, vigour, rank, quality; and justly this mortality might claim the name of Pestilence, if the Dead were deprived of customary burial. Well have some Astrological Divines guessed that this year should be the great Judgment. What is recorded of the years 100. and 120. that Church-yards were not ample enough to contain the dead bodies, but that new ground was digged up, is true in this; and what of the year 1348. that the third of mankind was sweeped from the Earth: we may say that though this Country hath not lost the third, yet that the Almighty pro­vidence [Page 389] hath taken away the tenth part of the people. This is (perhaps) a part of that Judgement which the late blazing lights of Heaven did signifie unto us, the defects of the Sun, besides the malignant influences of other Celestial Bodies. This one year is enough to make men hereafter, if not altogether believe, yet fear Astrological Predictions which though they fail in particulars, yet strangely hold true in some gene­rals, Heavens I hope shall preserve you ad mol­liora et meliora tempora; to be a witness and Recor­der of their Just Proceedings on this Globe of the Earth, for the Good of your self, your Friends, and all that love you.

W. DRUMMOND.
1623.

The Oath of a KNIGHT.

I Shall fortifie and defend the true holy Catholique and Christian Religion presently professed at all my Power

I shall be loyal and true to my Soveraign Lord the King his Majesty, and do honour and reverence to all Orders of Chevalrie and to the noble office of Arms.

I shall fortifie and defend Justice to the uttermost of my power, but feed or favour.

I shall never flie from the Kings Majesty my Lord and Master, or his Lieutenant in time of battel or medly with dishonour.

I shall defend my native Country from all aliens and strangers at all my power.

I shall maintain and defend the honest Adoes and Quarrels of all Ladies of Honour, Widows, Orphans, and Maids of good Fame.

[Page 390]I shall do diligence, wherever I hear tell there is any Traytours, Murtherers, Rovers, and Masterfull Theeves and Outlaws, that suppress the Poor, to bring them to the Law at all my Power.

I shall maintain and defend the Noble and gallant State of Chevalrie with Horses, Harnesses, and other Knightly Apparel to my Power.

I shall be diligent to enquire and seek to have the knowledge of all Articles and points touching or con­cerning my duty contained in the Book of Chevalrie.

All and sundry the Premisses I oblige me to keep and fulfil, so help me God by my own hand, and by God himself.

To his loving Cousin—

IF wishes could have place or prevail, I wish ye could be moved to separate your self from the frequent conversation and company of that envious Gentleman, otherwise keep your self so close and secret in your demeanour, that of your chief and most Soveraign actions he be altogether ignorant. All other evils may be remedied, envy excepted; which, though they have the worst that are affected with it, yet as a plague it doth hurt to all who ap­proach it. Give me an ambitious man, though he were of a more transcendent conceit than Pride her self, If I render him imagined honour, praise him, use him with all due respects, I shall in a little time turn him my friend. Place me with a Damouret, if I cope not with him, if I praise him in the presence of his Mistress, he will be ready to perform like duties to me. If I should converse with an avaritious, a little gain will win him to me: only the envious with no­thing [Page 391] is satisfied nor appeased, no drug can cure that plague, if thou wouldest amend it, it must be with thine own life. There remaineth one way to make him thine, save by turning miserable, that thus he may pitty thee. The envious doth not mark and observe any good in another, but sifteth only imper­fections, and setteth apart conditions and qualities, which are praise-worthy in person, turneth his eyes to those few blemishes which may be reprehended and amended. Each other Vice seemeth humane: Envy the Vice and Sin of Devils. A strange gan­gren of a perverse mind, that others happiness should turn it miserable.

What I have else to advertise you of, expect in my next.

W. DRUMMOND.
December 6. 1623.

To S. M. D.

IT is much argued amongst those men, who will have a reason of every thing, why good men ordinarily are deserted of Fortune, and many evils arise to preferments. The first answer is, that lewd, bold men have strong fantasies, and attempt upon many divers matters, which good men by their bashfulness and towardnesse never essay to reach. The next answer is, That lewd men suffer themselves to be guided by nature, or the starry influences, or rather (being Fools) give themselves over (like Beasts) to be carried by their appetites, and the vir­tuous are led by reason which often contrachecketh it self, and by long meditation and advice what [Page 392] to do, leaveth of all doing: and suffereth others in the interim to carry the Garland; ye have spent now many years at Court, and yet that Clock which hath strock ten to others, is still pointing at one or two to you. Have you not yet taken a distasting and Satiety of that old Mistress of yours the Court? her long delay in preferring you tells you are too honest. Me thinks ye should have a desire to recreate your self at last in your native Country with the remembrances of passed Contentments at Court, as your Kinsmen here have a longing after so long a time to see you, and unanimously now salute you.

W. DRUMMOND.
May 12. 1630.

To his loving Friend A, Cunningham L. of Barnes.

THis is no small Misery of us Islanders that, as exiled, we cannot take a view of Gods fair and spacious Earth without crossing the stormy, brak­ing and deceitful Seas; And it is no less a misery here in this part of our Island, that can hardly re­pair unto you demi-Islanders without dancing and tossing on your arm of Sea; of all pastimes and exer­cises I like sailing worst, and had rather attend the Hunters and Faulkoners many daies, ere I sailed one half day. It is a part of Noahs Judgment: If it shall be my good fortune to arrive in your Island, prepare no games of strength for our recreation, and after a satiety of discourse and reading, let us not trouble our selves with any sedentary pastimes; the Dies are for the end of a Drum amongst Souldiers, the Tables for Goutish and apoplectick persons to [Page 393] make them move their joints; the Cards for women to observe their discretion. But if we shall have a desire of change of thoughts, let us not refuse the Chesse, the only Princely Game (next Government) in the World, yea the true Image and Pourtraict of it, and training of Kings. Here is a King defend­ed, by a Lady, two Bishops, two Knights, at the end of the Lists, with two Rocks, Fortresses, or Castles. Before those to prepare and make plain the passages, march eight Pawns, Enfantes perdues ex­posed to all desperate Services, every one standing for their Monarch. The Deviser of this would represent unto us a game of State. First for the Bishops; that nearest to Kings should be Ecclesiastical grave Men, who by oblique, traverse and mystical ways (such is their passage) should effectuate their Masters designs and safety. Though the Knights be not alwaies nearest to the Kings, it falleth forth that even as the Knights at Game of Chesse by their leap, giving an Escheke to their Kings, the Kings are constrained to change places, from which by covering and overshadowing themselves with some other piece, in any other eschekes they may escape free and exempted. So there is no danger in the State a King should so much fear as the revolt of his Nobles. For the Towers or Castles named Rooks, these are the walled Towns, which serve for a Re­fuge for the conservation of the Kingdom. Here is a King resembled who marcheth but one pace, whilst all the other Pieces of the Chesse boord put themselves now on the offensive, then on the defensive, for his safety. To teach Kings that it is not for them upon whose life the peace and happiness of the whole sub­jects rely, to expose themselves every shock and hazard of battel, as a Captain. Sith for the safety of the King, he may make an extraordinary leap from his [Page 394] own station to the station of the Rock or Tower, as to a Fortress holdable and impregnable against the greatest assaults of his Enemies. The privi­ledge of the Lady is considerable, she may some­times progress on the ways of the Bishops, then on those of the Rooks and Towers, only she is hin­dred and inhibited from the leap skip bound of the Knights, as a thing undecent: Though Plato in his Republick permitteth Women to fight. The Game is concluded with the Mate of the King, that is a Fool or Madman in the Italian. If the other pieces keep not themselves, they may, as dead, be taken and removed off the Chess-boord, but the King by loss of men loseth not the victory, he may by a hazard carry it with the meanest of his pieces, as his Army is wisely and warily conducted. The King receiveth not that disgrace in imagination as that they dream of his taking, but is enough that they bring upon him such confusion and disarray, that blocked up and denuded of all support he can­not march to any Hold or Station. Which brought to pass, we tell he is mated, that is, either mad­man or fool. To signifie what disaster so ever be­fall a King we should not attempt on his person. Moreover, even in the midst and throng of all his best pieces the mating of the King is the conclusion of the Game; which shews us that on the preserva­tion or overthrow of our King the overthrow or pre­servation of our State dependeth. The recompence of the Pawns is not to be forgotten. When they can win and ascend the furthest part of the Chess-bord on the Sunny side, as the first which mount a breach, in this case they are surrogated in those void Rooms of the pieces of honour, which because they suffered themselves to be taken, were removed off the Boord, which in effect is to represent the punishment and [Page 395] guerdon due in a Commonwealth to good or evil actions. The Game ended, Kings, Queens, Bi­shops, Knights, Pawns, peslemelled are confusedly thrown in the box, the conclusion of all earthly a­ctions and greatness. If Hieronymus Vida can be found with Baptista Marini his Adone, we shall not spare some hours of the night and day at their Chess, for I affect that above the other; and here have we plaied without a Chess-boord on paper for a pre­amble to our meeting.

VV. DRUMMOND.

To his worthy Friend Master Benjamin Johnson.

SIR,

THe uncertainty of your abode was a cause of my silence this time past, I have adventured this packet upon hopes that a man so famous cannot be in any place either of the City or Court where he shall not be found out. In my last I sent you a de­scription of Lough-Lomond with a Map of Inch­merinoch, which may by your Book be made most famous with the form of the Government of Eden­burgh, and the Method of the Colleges of Scot­land; for all inscriptions I have been curious to find out for you, the Impressaes and Emblems on a Bed of State wrought and embroidered all with Gold and Silk by the late Queen Mary Mother to our sacred Soveraign, which will embellish greatly some pages of your Book, and is worthy your remembrance; the first is the Loadstone turning towards the pole, the word her Majesties name turned in an Anagram, [Page 396] Maria Stuart, sa vertum' attire, which is not much inferior to Veritas armate. This hath reference to a Crucifix, before which with all her Royal Orna­ments she is humbled on her knees most lively, with the word undique; an Impressa of Mary of Lorrain her Mother, a Phaenix in flames, the word en ma fin git mon commencement. The Impressa of an Apple-Tree growing in a Thorn, the word Per vin­cula crescit. The Impressa of Henry the second the French King, a Cressant, the word, Donec totum im­pleat orbem. The Impressa of King Francis the first, a Salamander crowned in the midst of Flames, the word, Nutrisco & extinguo. The Impressa of Godfrey of Bullogne, an row passing through three Birds, the word, Dederit ne viam Casusve Deusve. That of Mercurius charming Argos with his hun­dred eyes, expressed by his Caduceus, two Flutes, and a Peacock, the word, Eloquium tot lumina clau­sit. Two Women upon the Wheels of Fortune, the one holding a Launce, the other a Cornucopia; which Impressa seemeth to glaunce at Queen Eliza­beth and her self, the word Fortunae Comites. The Impressa of the Cardinal of Lorrain her Uncle, a Pyramide overgrown with Ivy, the vulgar word, Te stante virebo; a Ship with her Mast broken and fallen in the Sea, the word, Nunquam nisi rectum. This is for her self and her Son, a big Lyon and a young Whelp beside her, the word, unum quidem, sed Leonem. An Emblem of a Lyon taken in a Net, and Hares wantonly passing over him, the word, Et lepores devicto insultant Leone. Cammo­mel in a garden, the word, Fructus calcata dat amplos. A Palm-Tree, the word, Ponderibus vir­tus innata resistit. A Bird in a Cage, and a Hawk flying above, with the word, il mal me preme & me spaventa Peggio. A Triangle with a Sun in the [Page 397] middle of a Circle, the word, Trino non convenit orbis. A Porcupine amongst Sea Rocks, the word, ne volutetur. The Impressa of King Henry the Eight a Portculles, the word, altera securitas. The Impressa of the Duke of Savoy, the annunciation of the Virgin Mary, the word, Fortitudo ejus Rho­dum tenuit. He had kept the Isle of Rhodes, Flou­rishes of Arms, as Helms, Launces, Corslets, Pikes, Muskets, Cannons and [...] the Word, Da­bit Deus his quoque finem. A Tree planted in a Church-yard environed with dead mens bones, the word, Pietas revocabit ab orco. Ecclipses of the Sun and the Moon, the word, Ipsa sibi lumen quod invidet aufert; glauncing, as may appear at Queen Elizabeth. Brennos Ballances a Sword cast in to weigh Gold, the word, Quid nisi Victis dolor? A Vine Tree watred with Wine, which instead to make it spring and grow, maketh it fade, the word, Mea sic mihi prosunt. A wheel rolled from a Moun­tain in the Sea, Piena di dolor voda de Sperenza. Which appeareth to be her own, and it should be Precipitio senza speranza. A heap of Wings and Feathers dispersed, the word, Magnatum Vicinitas. A Trophie upon a Tree, with Mytres, Crowns, Hats, Masks, Swords, Books, and a Woman with a Vail about her Eyes or muffled, pointing to some about her, with this word, Ut casus dederit. Three Crowns, two opposite, and another above in the Sea, the word, Aliamque moratur. The Sun in an Ecclipse, the word, Medio occidet Die.

I omit the Arms of Scotland, England and France severally by themselves, and all quartered in many places of this Bed. The workmanship is curiously done, and above all value, and truely it may be of this Piece said Materiam super abat opus.

[Page 398]I have sent you (as you desired) the Oath which the old valiant Knights of Scotland gave, when they received the Order of Knighthood, which was done with greater solemnity and magnificence.

W. DRUMMOND
July 1. 1619.

To his Worthy Friend M. A. G.

I Never found any greater folly in the actions of Men than to see some busie themselves to under­stand the accidents to come of their lives; this knowledge of things to come not revealed to us, is no ways needful for us. Wheresoever this super­stition is once received, Men are driven, and, as it were haunted with Furies, and are deprived of all calmness, quietness and rest. I never knew any who had recourse to those unlawful curiosities who liv'd the ordinary age of man. God omnipotent re­moving his Grace from them giveth them over to fall under the Fate of their own fears. By the cre­dulity and violent desire of him who inquireth to know these things, Astrological Predictions come to pass, not by the nature of the things themselves, which are fortuital events, and have no natural causes, being voluntary. The mistakings and un­certainties or these Predictions, should make us con­temn them, Astrologi fingunt non docent. The truth of Astrological Predictions is not to be refer'd to the constellations of Heaven, the Genethliaticks have other observations than the Stars; they conjecture by the disposition, temper, complexion of the per­son, by the physiognomy, age, parents, education, acquaintance, familiarity, conversation, out of all which they collect many apparences, possibilities, likelihoods: and their prophecies are refer'd ad Sor­tem, [Page 399] ad Pacta, ad Prudentiam consultorum, & stul­titiam Consulentium; the sagacity of the Astrologer, the blockishness of the Consulter. Of Contingencies, no certain knowledge can be obtained by Art.

But all those events which Astrologers aver to come are fortuital and casual contingents, then they cannot be learned or known by any precepts of Art. How can a Caldean by that short minute, instant, moment of time in which a man is born, set down the di­verse changes, mutations, accidents of his life? If we were to consider of those things, it would appear we should not be solicitous so much, and take no­tice how the air is affected at the infants coming in this World, as we should observe and respect the matter and disposition of the whole body, in which a greater virtue is infused, or of the time of the con­ception. Then how unlikely is it, and without any semblance of truth, that the many almost num­berless conjunction of Stars, which occur and pre­sent themselves in the progress of a mans life, should match and countervail that one Horoscope or Con­junction which is found at his birth? Moreover to find out and know the actions of the free will of a man, of what importance should we hold nourish­ment, education, age, the place, his conversation, every one of which after their own manner contri­buting to the constitution and complexion of the person, how great effects must all these together produce? If that moment of the time of birth be of such moment, whence proceedeth the great diffe­rences of the constitutions of Twins, which though together born, have strange, divers and contrary Fortunes in the progress of their lives? all that knowledge (if there be any such?) of things con­tingent to which we attain by the aspects of Stars, is uncertain, frivolous and changable. This the De­vils [Page 400] themselves confessed, when upon consultations of things to come for the most part they gave doubt­ful and ambiguous answers. The Stars are not ma­lignant, mischievous, spiteful, nor by their Aspects malicious, if they were such, that should be either by election or nature. They are not by Election, for then they should have senses and souls, and as Animals be troubled with perturbations, and tossed like unto us, which followeth election. They are not malicious by nature, sith God created them, and God is not a Creator of what is evil: nor is the framer of what's not good; the Heavens are all good, and in every degree and figure the Divine bounty shineth. Why do not Astrologers at their pleasure procreate Kings, for they have no great labour but to choose out opportunam horam, and ask counsel of the fatal Stars? Had Giges, who of a Servant became a King, a kingly Aspect, or Ser­vius Tullus or that Tartar Tamerlane Royal Images and Figures? Vain should all Laws be, all sentences and doom of Judges, vain the Rewards of virtue and good men; vain the punishments of vices and evils, if the great beginnings and Originals of them were compelled, driven and forced, and if what is just or wrong were not in a man himself. The Thief should not be a Thief, the Murtherer a Mur­therer, wicked and unjust they should not be, the one being necessitated to steal, the other to shed blood by the Stars. Trust in the first cause God Almigh­ty, and scorn vain Predictions. That infinit eter­nal essence, though the Stars should incline, yea ne­cessitate, and be averse, can countermand and turn them propitious: All things turn unto the best unto such as rely on his Eternal goodness:

W. DRUMMOND.

A CYPRESSE GROVE.

THough it hath been doubted if there be in the soul such impe­rious and super-excellent pow­er, as that it can by the vehe­ment and earnest working of it, deliver knowledge to ano­ther without bodily Organs and by the only conceptions and Ideas of it produce real Effects; yet it hath been ever, and of all held as infallible and most certain, that it often (either by outward inspiration, or some secret motion in it self) is augur of its own misfortunes, and hath shadows of approaching dangers presented unto it before they fall forth. Hence so many strange ap­paritions and signs, true visions, uncouth heaviness, and causeless uncomfortable languishings, of which to seek a reason, unless from the sparkling of God in the Soul, or from the Godlike sparkles of the Soul, were to make unreasonable by reasoning of things transcending her reach.

Having often and diverse times, when I had gi­ven my self to rest in the quiet solitariness of the Night, found my imagination troubled with a con­fused [Page 402] fear, no, sorrow or horrour, which interrupt­ing sleep, did astonish my senses, and rowse me all appalled, and transported in a sudden agony and amazedness; of such an unaccustomed perturbation, not knowing, nor being able to dive into any appa­rent cause, carried away with the stream of my then doubting thoughts, I began to ascribe it to that secret fore-knowledge and presaging power of the prophetick mind, and to interpret such an Agony to be to the Spirit as a faintness and universal weariness useth to be to the body, a sign of following sickness, or as winter Lightnings or Earth-quakes are to Com­monwealths and great Cities, Harbingers of more wretched events.

Hereupon not thinking it strange if whatsoever is human should befall me, knowing how providence overcomes grief, and discountenances Crosses; and that as we should not despair of evils which may happen us, we should not be too confident, nor lean much to those Goods we enjoy; I began to turn over in my remembrance all that could afflict miserable Mortality, and to fore-cast every thing that with a Mask of horror should shew it self to human eyes: till in the end, as by unities and points, Mathematicians are brought to great numbers, and huge greatness; after many fantastical glaunces of the woes of mankind, and those incumbrances which follow upon life, I was brought to think, and with amazement, on the last of human terrours, or (as one termed it) the last of all dreadful and terrible Evils, Death.

For to easie censure it would appear, that the Soul, if it fore-see that divorcement which it is to have from the body, should not without great rea­son be thus over-grieved, and plunged in inconso­lable and unaccustom'd sorrow: considering their [Page 403] near union, long familiarity and love, with the great change, pain, ugliness, which are apprehended to be the inseparable attendants of Death.

They had their being together, parts they are of one reasonable Creature, the harming of the one, is the weakning of the working of the other; what sweet contentments doth the soul enjoy by the sen­ses? They are the Gates and Windows of its know­ledge, the Organs of its delight. If it be tedious to an excellent player on the Lute, to abide but a few months the want of one, how much more the being without such noble Tools and Engines be plaintful to the Soul? And if two Pilgrims which have wan­dred some few miles together, have a hearts-grief when they are near to part, what must the sorrow be at the parting of two so loving Friends and ne­ver-loathing Lovers, as are the Body and Soul?

Death is the violent estranger of acquaintance, the eternal Divorcer of Marriage, the Ravisher of the Children from the Parents, the Stealer of Pa­rents from their Children, the interrer of Fame, the sole cause of forgetfulness, by which the living talk of those gone away as of so many Shadows or age­worn Stories: all strength by it is enfeebled, Beauty turned into deformity and rottenness, honour in con­tempt, Glory into baseness. It is the reasonless breaker off of all Actions, by which we enjoy no more the sweet pleasures of Earth, nor gaze upon the stately revolutions of the Heavens, Sun perpetually setteth, Stars never rise unto us, It in one moment robbeth us of what with so great toil and care in many years we have heaped together: By this are Successions of Linages cut short, Kingdoms left Heirless, and greatest States orphaned: it is not overcome by Pride, smothered by Flattery, diverted by time, Wisdom save this, can prevent and help every thing. [Page 404] By death we are exiled from this fair City of the World, it is no more a World unto us, nor we no more a People unto it. The ruines of Phanes, Pa­laces, and other magnificent Frames, yield a sad prospect to the soul, and how should it without hor­rour view the wrack of such a wonderful Master­piece, as is the body?

That death naturally is terrible and to be abhor­red, it can not well and altogether be denied, it be­ing a privation of life, and a not-being, and every privation being abhorred of nature, and evil in it self, the fear of it too being ingenerate universally in all Creatures; yet I have often thought that even naturally to a mind by only nature resolved and prepared, it is more terrible in conceit than in verity, and at the first Glance, than when well pried into, and that rather by the weakness of our fan­tasie, than by what is in it, and that the marble colours, of Obsequies, Weeping, and funeral pomp (which we our selves cast over) did add much more ghastliness unto it than otherways it hath. To aver which conclusion, when I had gathered my wan­dring thoughts, I began thus with my self.

If on the great Theatre of this Earth amongst the numberless number of men, To dye were only proper to thee and thine, then undoubtedly thou hadst reason to repine at so severe and partial a Law? But since it is necessity, from the which never an age by­past hath been exempted, and unto which they which be, and so many as are to come, are thralled (no consequent of life being more common and fa­miliar) why shouldst thou with unprofitable and nought availing stubbornness, oppose to so unevi­table and necessary a Condition? This is the high­way of Mortality, our general home, behold what millions have trod it before thee, what multitudes [Page 405] shall after thee, with them which at that same instant run. In so universal a calamity (if death be one) private complaints cannot be heard, with so many Royal Palaces, it is no loss to see thy poor Cabin burn. Shall the heavens stay their ever-rolling wheels (for what is the motion of them but the mo­tion of a swift and ever whirling wheel, which twineth forth, and again uprolleth our life?) and hold still time, to prolong thy miserable days, as if the highest of their working were to do homage un­to thee? Thy death is a piece of the Order of this All, a part of the Life of this World, for while the World is the World, some Creatures must dye, and others take life. Eternal things are raised far above this Sphere of a Generation and Corruption, where the first Matter, like an ever-flowing and ebbing Sea, with divers Waves, but the same Water, keep­eth a restless and never tyring Current; what is be­low, in the universality of the kind, not in it self doth abide, Man a long line of years hath continu­ed, This Man every hundred is swept away. This Globe environed with air, is the sole Region of death, the Grave where every thing that taketh life must rot, the Stage of Fortune and Change, only glorious in the unconstancy and varying alte­rations of it, which though many, seem yet to abide one, and being a certain entire one, are ever ma­ny. The never agreeing bodies of the Elemental Brethren turn one in another, the Earth changeth her countenance with the seasons, sometimes looking cold, and naked, other times hot and flowry: Nay, I cannot tell how, but even the lowest of those Ce­lestial bodies, that mother of months, and Empress of Seas and moisture, as if she were a Mirrour of of our constant mutability appeareth (by her too great nearness unto us) to participate of our changes, [Page 406] never seeing us twice with that same face, now look­ing black, then pale and wan, sometimes again in the perfection and fulness of her beauty shining over us. Death no less than life doth here act a part, the taking away of what is old, being the making a way for what is young. They which forewent us did leave a Room for us, and should we grieve to do the same to those which should come after us? Who being suffered to see the exquisite rarities of an An­tiquaries Cabinet is grieved that the curtain be drawn, and to give place to new pilgrims? And when the Lord of this Universe hath shewed us the amazing wonders of his various frame, should we take it to heart, when he thinketh time, to dislodge? This is his unalterable and unevitable Decree, as we had no part of our will in our entrance into this life, we should not presume of any in our leaving it, but so­berly learn to will that which he wills, whose very will giveth being to all that it wills, and reveren­cing the Orderer, not repine at the Order and Laws, which all-where and always are so perfectly establish­ed, that who would essay to correct and amend any of them, should either make them worse, or desire things beyond the level of possibility.

If thou doest complain that there shall be a time in the which thou shalt not be, why doest thou not too grieve that there was a time in the which thou wast not? And so that thou art not as old as that enlifening Planet of time? For not to have been a thousand years before this moment, is as much to be deplored as not to live a thousand after it, the effect of them both being one: that will be after us which long, long before we were, was. Our Childrens Children have that same reason to murmur that they were not young men in our days, which we have to complain that we shall not be old in theirs. [Page 407] The Violets have their time, though they impurple not the winter, and the Roses keep their season though they disclose not their beauty in the Spring.

Empires, States, Kingdoms, have by the doom of the Supreme Providence, their fatal Periods, great Cities lye sadly buried in their dust, Arts and Sciences have not only their Ecclipses, but their warnings and deaths, the ghastly wonders of the world, raised by the ambition of ages are overthrown and trampled, some Lights above, not idly intitled Stars, are loosed and never more seen of us: The excellent Fabrick of this Universe it self shall one day suffer ruin, or a change like a ruin, and poor Earthlings thus to be handled complain.

But is this Life so great a good, that the loss of it should be so dear unto Man? If it be; the meanest Creatures of Nature thus be happy, for they live no lesse than he: If it be so great a felicity, how is it esteemed of Man himself at so small a rate, that for so poor gains, nay, one disgraceful word, he will not stand to lose it? What excellency is there in it, for the which he should desire it perpetual, and re­pine to be at rest, and return to his old Grand-mother Dust? Of what moment are the labours and actions of it, that the interruption and leaving off of them should be to him distastful, and with such grudging lamentations received?

Is not the entering into Life weaknesse? The con­tinuing sorrow? In the one here is exposed to all the injuries of the Elements, and like a condemned trespasser (as if it were a fault to come to the light) no sooner born than mancled and bound; in the other he is restlesly like a Ball tossed in the Tenis-Court of this World, when he is in the brightest Meridian of his glory, there mistereth nothing to destroy him, but to let him fall his own height, a [Page 408] reflex of the Sun, a blast of wind, nay, the glance of an eye, is sufficient to undo him: How can that be any great matter, which so small instruments and slender actions are Masters of?

His body is but a mass of discording humors boiled together by the conspiring influences of Superior lights, which though agreeing for a trace of time, yet can never be made uniform, and kept in a just proportion. To what sickness is it subject unto, beyond those of the other creatures; no part of it being which is not particularly infected and afflicted by some one, nay, every part with many; so that the life of divers of the meanest creatures of nature hath with great reason, by the most wise, been pre­ferred to the natural life of man: And we shall ra­ther wonder how so fragil a matter should so long endure, than how so soon decay.

Are the actions of the most part of men, much differing from the exercise of the Spider; that pitch­eth toyls and is tapist, to prey on the smaller Crea­tures, and for the weaving of a scornful web evis­createth it self many daies, which when with much industry finished, a tempestuous puffe of wind carri­eth away both the work and the worker? Or are they not like the plaies of Children? Or (to hold them at their highest rate) as is a May-Game, or what is more earnest, some study at Chesse, every day we rise and lie down, apparel and disapparrel our selves, weary our bodies and refresh them, which is a circle of idle Travels, and labours (like Penelopes task) unprofitably renewed. Some time we are in a chase after a fading Beauty, now we seek to enlarge our bounds, increase our treasure, feeding poorly, to purchase what we must leave to those we never saw, or (happily) to a Fool, or a Prodigal heir: rais­ed with the wind of Ambition, we Court that idle [Page 409] name of Honour, not considering how they mount­ed aloft in the highest ascendant of Earthly Glory, are but like tortured Ghosts wandring with golden fetters in glistering Prisons having fear and danger their unseparable executioners, in the midst of multi­tudes rather garded than regarded; they whom opake imaginations and inward melancholy, have made weary of the world, though they have withdrawn themselves from the course of vulgar affairs, by vain contemplations, curious searches, are more disquieted, and live a life worse than others their wit being too sharp to give them a taste of their present infelicity, and to increase their woes; while they of a more shallow and simple conceit, have want of knowledge and ignorance of themselves, far a remedy and an­tidote against all the calamities of life.

What Camelion, what Euripe, what Moon, doth change so often as man? he seemeth not the same person, in one and the same day, what pleaseth him in the morning is in the evening unto him distastful. Young he scorns his childish conceits, and wading deeper in years (for years are a Sea, into which he wadeth until he drown) he esteemeth his Youth Unconstancy, Rashnesse, Folly; Old he begins to pitty himself, plaining, because he is changed that the world is changed, like those in a Ship, which when they launch from the shore, are brought to think the shore doth flye from them. When he is freed of evil in his own estate, he grudges and vexes himself at the happiness and fortunes of others, he s pressed with care for what is present, with sorrow for what is past, with fear for what is to come, nay, for what will never come, as in the eye one tear for­ceth out another, so makes he one sorrow follow upon a former, and every day lay up stuff of grief for the next.

The Air, the Sea, the Fire, the Beasts, be cruel [Page 410] executioners of man, yet Beasts, Fire, Sea and Air, are pittyful to man in comparison of man, for more men are destroyed by men, than by them all. What scorns, wrongs, contumelies, imprisonments, tor­ments, poysons, receiveth man of man? What engines and new works of death are found forth by man against man? What Laws to thrall his liberty? Fan­tasies and scarbugs, to inveigle his reason? Amongst the Beasts is there any that hath so servile a lot in anothers behalf as Man? Yet neither is content, nor he who reigneth nor he who serveth.

The half of our life is spent in Sleep, which hath such a resemblance to death, and often it separates as it were the Soul from the body, and teacheth it a sort of being above it, making it soar beyond the Sphear of sensual delights, and attain Knowledge unto which while the body did awake it could scarce aspire. And who would not, rather than abide chained in his loathsom galey of the world sleep ever, (that is dye) having all things to one Stay be free from those vexations, misadventers, contempts, indignities, and many anguishes, unto which, this life is invasseled and subdued? and when looking unto our greatest contentment and happiness here, seemeth rather to consist in the being released from misery, than in enjoying of any great good.

What have the most eminent of mortals to glory in? Is it Greatness? Who can be great on so small a round as is this Earth, and bounded with so short a course of time? How like is that to Castles or imagi­nary Cities raised in the Sky by Chance-meeting Clouds? Or to Gyants modelled (for a sport) of Snow, which at the hoter looks of the Sun melt away, and ly drowned in their own moisture? Such an impe­tuous vicissitude towseth the estates of this World. [Page 411] Is it knowledge? But we have not yet attained to a perfect understanding of the smallest Flower, and why the Grass should rather be green than red. The Element of Fire is quite put out, the Air is but water rarified, the Earth moveth, and is no more the Center of the Universe, is turned into a Magnes; Stars are not fixed, but swim in the Ethe­real spaces, Comets are mounted above the Planets, some affirm there is another World of Men and Creatures, with Cities and Towers in the Moon, the Sun is lost, for it is but a cleft in the lower Heavens, through which the light, of the highest shines. Thus Sciences by the diverse motions of this Globe of the brain of man are become Opini­ons. What is all we know, compared with what we know not? We have not yet agreed about the chief good and felicity. It is (perhaps) Artifi­cial Cunning, how many curiosities be framed by the least Creatures of Nature, unto which the in­dustry of the most curious Artizans doth not attain? Is it Riches? What are they but the casting out of Friends, the Snares of Liberty, Bands to such as have them, possessing rather, than possest, metals which nature hath hid (fore-seeing the great harm they should occasion) and the only opinion of man hath brought in estimation? Like Thorns which laid on an open hand, may be blown away, and on a closing and hard gripping, wound it, Prodigals mispend them, wretches miskeep them: when we have gathered the greatest abundance, we our selves can enjoy no more thereof, than so much as belongs to one man: what great and rich men do by others, the meaner sort do themselves. Will some talk of our pleasures? It is not (though in the fables) told out of purpose, that pleasure in hast being called up to Heaven, did here forget her apparel, which Sor­row [Page 412] thereafter finding (to deceive the World) at­tired her self with: And if we should say the truth of most of our Joys, we must confess they are but disguised sorrows; the drams of their Honey are sowred in pounds of Gall, remorse ever ensueth them, nay in some they have no effect at all if some weakning grief hath not preceded and forewent them. Will some Ladies vaunt of their beauty? That is but skin-deep, of two senses only known, short even of Marble Statues and Pictures, not the same to all eyes, dangerous to the Beholder, and hurtful to the Possessor, an enemy to Chastity, a thing made to delight others, more than those which have it, a superficial lustre hiding bones and the brains, things fearful to be looked upon, growth in years doth blast it, or sickness, or sorrow pre­venting them. Our strength matched with that of the unreasonable Creatures, is but weakness: all we can set our eyes on, in these intricate mazes of life, is but vain perspective and deceiving shadows, appearing far otherwise afar off, than when enjoyed and gazed upon in a near distance.

If death be good, why should it be feared? And if it be the work of nature, how should it not be good? For nature is an Ordinance and Rule, which God hath established in the creating this Universe (as is the Law of a King) which cannot err. Sith in him there is no impotency and weakness, by the which he might bring forth what is unperfect, no perverseness of will, of which might proceed any vicious action, no ignorance by the which he might go wrong in working, being most powerful, most good, most wise, nay, all-wise, all-good, all-power­ful; He is the first Orderer, and marshalleth every other Order, the highest Essence, giving essence to all other things, of all causes the cause, he work­eth [Page 413] powerfully, bounteously, wisely, and maketh (his Artificial Organ) nature do the same. How is not death of Nature? Sith what is naturally ge­nerate, is subject to corruption, and such an har­mony (which is life) rising from the mixture of the four Elements, which are the Ingredients of our Body, cannot ever endure; the contrariety of their qualities (as a consuming Rust in the baser Metals) being an inward cause of a necessary dissolution. Again, how is not death good? Sith it is the thaw of all those vanities which the frost of Life bindeth together. If there be a satiety in Life, then must there be a sweetness in Death? The Earth were not ample enough to contain her off-spring if none died: in two or three Ages (without death) what an unpleasant and lamentable Spectacle, were the most flourishing Cities? For what should there be to be seen in them, save bodies languishing and courbing again into the Earth? pale disfigured faces, Skele­tons instead of men? And what to be heard, but the exclamations of the young, complaints of the old, with the pittiful cries of sick and pining Persons? There is almost no infirmity worse than age.

If there be any evil in death; it would appear to be that pain and torment, which we apprehend to arise from the breaking of those strait bands which keep the Soul and Body together; which, sith not without great stuggling and motion, seems to prove it self vehement and most extream. The senses are the only cause of pain, but before the last Trances of Death, they are so brought under that they have no (or very little) strength, and their strength lessening, the strength of pain too must be lessened. How should we doubt, but the weakness of sense lesseneth pain, sith we know that weakned and maimed parts that receive not nourishment, are [Page 414] a great deal less sensible, than the other parts of the body; And see that old decrepit persons leave this World almost without pain, as in a sleep? If bo­dies of the most sound and wholsom constitution be these which most vehemently feel pain? It must then follow, that they of a distemperate and crasie constitution, have least feeling of pain, and by this reason all weak and sick bodies should not much feel pain, for if they were not distempered and evil complexioned, they would not be sick. That the Sight, Hearing, Taste, Smelling leave us without pain, and unawares, we are undoubtedly assured, and why should we not think the same of the Feel­ing? That which is capable of feeling, are the vital Spirits, which in a man in a perfect health are spread and extended through the whole body, and hence is it that the whole Body is capable of pain; but in dy­ing bodies we see that by pauses and degrees the parts which are furthest removed from the heart, become cold, and being deprived of natural heat, all the pain which they feel, is that they do feel no pain. Now, even as before the sick are aware, the vital spirits have withdrawn themselves from the whole extention of the body, to succour the heart (like distressed Citizens which finding their walls battered down, fly to the defence of their Cittadel) so do they abandon the heart without any sensible touch: As the flame, the oyl failing, leaveth the wick, or as light the Air, which it doth invest. As to the shrinking motions, and convulsions of sinews and members, which appear to witness great pain, let one represent to himself the strings of an high tuned Lute, which breaking, retire to their natural wind­ings, or a piece of Ice that without any outward violence cracketh at a Thaw: No otherwise do the finews of the body; finding themselves slack and [Page 415] unbended from the brain, and their wonted labours and motions cease, struggle, and seem to stir them­selves, but without either pain or sense. Swooning is a true Pourtrait of Death, or rather it is the same, being a cessation from all action, and function of sense and life: but in Swooning there is no pain, but a silent rest, and so deep and sound a sleep, that the natural is nothing in comparison of it; what great pain then can there be in death, which is but a con­tinual Swooning, and a never again returning to the works and dolorous felicity of life?

Now although death were an extream pain, sith it is in an instant, what can it be? Why should we fear it? For while we are, it cometh not, and it being come we are no more. Nay, though it were most painful, long continuing, and terrible, ugly why should we fear it? Sith fear is a foolish passion but where it may preserve; but it cannot preserve us from Death, yea, rather the fear of it, banishing the comforts of present contentments, makes death to advance and approach the more near unto us. That is ever terrible which is unknown, so do little Children fear to go in the dark, and their fear is increased with tales.

But that perhaps which anguisheth thee most, is to have this glorious pageant of the World, remo­ved from thee, in the Spring and most delicious sea­son of thy life, for though to dye be usual, to dye young may appear extraordinary. If the present fruition of these things be unprofitable and vain, what can a long continuance or them be? Stranger and new Halcyon, why wouldst thou longer nestle amidst these unconstant and stormy Waves? Hast thou not already suffered enough of this World, but thou must yet endure more? To live long, is it not to be long troubled? But number thy years [Page 416] which are now [...] and thou shalt find, that whereas ten have overlived thee, thousands have not attained this age. One year is sufficient to behold all the magnificence of Nature, nay, even one day and night for more is but the same brought again. This Sun, that Moon, these Stars, the varying dance of the Spring, Summer, Autumn, Winter, is that very same which the golden age did see. They which have the longest time lent them to live in, have almost no part of it at all, measuring it either by the space of time which is past, when they were not, or by that which is to come: why shouldst thou then care, whether thy days be many of few, which when prolonged to the uttermost, prove, pa­rallel'd with Eternity, as a Tear is to the Ocean? To dye young, is to do that soon, and in some fewer days, which once thou must do; it is the giving over of a Game that after never so many hazards, must be lost. When thou hast lived to that age thou desirest, or one of Plato's years, so soon as the last of thy days riseth above thy Horizon, thou wilt then as now, demand longer respit, and expect more to come. It is Hope of long life, that maketh life seem short. Who will behold, and with the eye of advice behold the many changes attending on human affairs, with the after-claps of Fortune, shall never lament to dye young. Who knows what alterations and sudden disasters, in outward estate or inward contentments, in this wilderness of the World, might have befallen him who dieth young, if he had lived to be old? Heaven fore-knowing imminent harms, taketh those which it loves to it self before they fall forth. Pure and (if we may so say) Vir­gin Souls, carry their bodies with no small agonies, and delight not to remain long in the dregs of human corruption, still burning with a desire to turn back [Page 417] to the place of their rest, for this World is their Inn, and not their Home. That which may fall forth every hour, cannot fall out of time. Life is a Journey in a dusty way, the furthest Rest is Death, in this some go more heavily burdened than others: swift and active Pilgrims come to the end of it in the Morning or at Noon, which Tortoise-paced Wret­ches, clogged with the fragmentary rubbidge of this World, scarce with great travel crawl unto at Mid­night. Days are not to be esteemed after the num­ber of them, but after the goodness: more compass maketh not a Sphear move compleat, but as round is a little as a large Ring; nor is that Musitian most praise-worthy who hath longest played, but he in measured accents who hath made sweetest melody, to live long hath often been a let to live well. Muse not how many years thou mightest have enjoyed life, but how sooner thou mightest have lossed it, neither grudge so much that it is no better, as comfort thy self that it hath been no worse: let it suffice that thou hast lived till this day, and (after the course of this World) not for nought, thou hast had some smiles of fortune, favours of the worthiest, some friends and thou hast never been disfavoured of the Heaven.

Though not for life it self, yet that to after-worlds thou mightest leave some monument that once thou wast, happily in the clear light of Reason, it would appear that life were earnestly to be desired: for sith it is denied us to live ever (said one) let us leave some worthy Remembrance of our once here being, and draw out this Span of life to the greatest length, and so far as is possible. O poor ambition! To what I pray thee mayest thou concreded it? Arches and stately Temples, which one age doth raise, doth not another raze, Tombs and adopted Pillars, lye buried with those which were in them bu­ried: [Page 418] Hath not Avarice defaced, what Religion did make glorious? All that the hand of man can up­rear, is either overturned by the hand of man, or at length by standing and continuing consumed, as if there were a secret opposition in fate, the unevi­table decree of the Eternal, to controul our industry, and conter-check all our devices and proposing. Possessions are not enduring, Children lose their names, Families glorying (like Marigolds in the Sun) on the highest top of Wealth and Honour (no better than they which are not yet born) leaving off to be; So doth Heaven confound what we en­deavour by labour and art to distinguish. That renown by Papers, which is thought to make men immortal, and which nearest doth approach the life of these eternal bodies above, how slender it is, the very word of Paper doth import, and what is it when obtained, but a multitude of words, which coming Times may scorn. How many millions never hear the names of the most famous Writers, and amongst them to whom they are known, how few turn over their pages, and of such as do, how many sport at their conceits, taking the verity for a fable, and oft a fable for verity, or (as we do pleasants) use all for recreation? Then the arising or more famous, doth darken, and turn ignoble the glory of the for­mer, being held as garments worn out of fashion. Now, when thou hast attained what praise thou couldst desire, and thy fame is emblazon'd in many Stories, it is but an Eccho, a meer Sound, a Glow-worm, which seen afar, casteth some cold beams, but approached is found nothing, an imaginary hap­piness, whose good depends on the opinion of o­thers: Desert and Virtue for the most part want Monuments and Memory, seldom are recorded in the Volumes of admiration, while Statues and Tro­phies, [Page 419] are erected to those, whose names should have been buried in their dust, and folded up in the dark­est clouds of oblivion: So do the rank Weeds in this Garden of the World choak and over-run the sweet­est Flowers. Applause whilst thou livest, serveth but to make thee that fair mark against which Envy and Malice direct their Arrows, at best is like that Sy­racusians Sphear of Chrystal, as frail as fair: and born after thy death, it may as well be ascribed, to some of those were in the Trojan Horse, or to such as are yet to be born an hundred years here­after, as to thee, who nothing knows, and is of all unknown. What can it avail thee to be talked of, whilst thou art not? Consider in what bounds our fame is confined, how narrow the lists are of hu­man Glory, and the furthest she can stretch her wings. This Globe of the Earth which seemeth huge to us, in respect of the Universe, and com­pared with that wide pavilion of Heaven, is less than little, of no sensible quantity, and but as a point: for the Horizon which boundeth our sight, divideth the Heaven as in two halfs, having always six of the Zodiack signs above, and as many under it, which if the Earth had any quantity compared to it, it could not do. More, if the Earth were not as a point, the Stars could not still in all parts of it appear to us of a like greatness; for where the [...] raised it self in Mountains, we being more [...] to Heaven, they would appear to us of a greater quan­tity; and where it is humbled in Vallies, we being further distant they would seem unto us less; But the Stars in all parts of the Earth appearing of a like greatness, and to every part of it the Heaven im­parting to our sight the half of its inside, we must avouch it to be but as a point. Well did one com­pare it to an Ant-hill, and men (the Inhabitants) [Page 420] to so many Pismires and Grashoppers, in the toil and variety of their diversifyed studies. Now of this small indivisible thing, thus compared, how much is covered with Waters? How much not at all dis­covered? How much unhabited and desart? And how many millions of millions are they, which share the Remnant amongst them, in Languages, Cu­stoms, Divine Rites differing, and all almost to others unknown? But let it be granted that glory and Fame are some great matter, and can reach Heaven it self, sith they are oft buried with the ho­noured, and pass away in so fleet a revolution of time, what great good can they have in them? How is not glory Temporal, if it increase with years and depend on time? Then imagine me (for what cannot imagination reach unto?) One could be famous in all times to come, and over the whole World present, yet shall he ever be obscure and ig­noble to those mighty Ones, which were only here­tofore esteemed famous amongst the Assyrians, Per­sians, Romans. Again the vain affectation of man is so suppressed, that though his Works abide some space, the Worker is unknown: the huge Egyptian Pyramides, and that Grot in Pausilipo, though they have wrestled with time, and worn upon the waste of Days, yet are their Authors no more known, than it is known by what strange Earth-quakes, and Deluges, Isles were divided from the Continent; or Hills bursted forth of the Valleys. Days, Months, and Years are swallowed up in the great gulf of time (which puts out the eyes of all their glory) and only a fatal oblivion remains; of so many ages past, we may well figure to our selves likely appa­rences, but can affirm little certainty.

But (my soul) what ailes the to be thus back­ward and astonished at the remembrance of Death [Page 421] sith it doth not reach thee, more than darknesse doth those far-shining Lamps above? Rowse thy self for shame; why shouldst thou fear to be with­out a body, sith thy maker and the spiritual and super-celestial Inhabitants have no bodies? Hast thou ever seen any Prisoner, who when the Jail Gates were broken up, and he enfranchised and set loose, would rather plain and sit still on his Fetters, than seek his freedom? Or any Mariner, who in the midst of Storms arriving near the Shore, would launch fourth again into the Main, rather than strike Sail and joyfully enter the leas of a safe Harbour? If thou rightly know thy self, thou hast but small cause of anguish; for if there be any resemblance, of by that which is infinite, in what is finite (which yet by an infinit imperfection is from it distant) if thou be not an Image, thou art a shadow of that unsearchable Trinity, in thy three essential Powers, Understand­ing, Will, Memory; which though three, are in thee but one, and abiding one, are distinctly three: But in nothing more comest thou near that Soveraign Good, than by thy perpetuity, which who strive to improve, by that same do it prove: Like those that by arguing themselves to be without reason, by the very arguing, shew how they have some. For, who can what is wholly mortal, more known what is im­mortal, than the eye can know sounds, or the ear question about colours; if one had eyes, who would ever descant of light or Sorrow? To thee nothing in this visible World is comparable; thou art so woun­derful a beauty and so beautiful a wonder, that if but once thou couldst be gazed upon by bodily eyes, every heart would be inflamed with thy love, and ravished from all servile basenesse and earthly desires. Thy being depends not on matter, hence by thine understanding, doest thou dive into the being of [Page 422] every other thing; and therein art so pregnant, that nothing by place, similitude, subject, time, is so conjoined, which thou canst not seperate; as what neither is, nor any ways can exist, thou canst fain, and give an abstract being unto. Thou seemest a World in thy self, containing Heaven, Starres, Seas, Earth, Floods, Mountains, Forests, and all that liveth: yet rest thou not satiate with what is in thy self, nor with all in the wide Universe, until thou raise thy self, to the contemplation of that first illuminat­ing Intelligence, far above time, and even reaching Eternity it self, into which thou art transformed, for by receiving, thou (beyond all other things) art made that which thou receivest. The more thou knowest, the more apt thou art to know, not being amated with any object that excelleth in predominance, as sense by objects sensible Thy Will is uncompellable, resist­ing force, daunting Necessity, despising Danger, triumphing over affliction, unmoved by pitty, and not constrained by all the toyls and disasters of life. What the Arts-master of this Universe is in govern­ing this Universe, thou art in the body; and as he is wholly in every part of it, so art thou wholly in every part of the body. By thee man is that Hymen of eternal and mortal things, that chain together binding unbodied and bodily substances, without which the goodly Fabrick of this World were unper­fect. Thou hast not thy beginning from the fecun­dity, power, nor action of the elemental qualities, being an immediate master piece of that great Maker. Hence hast thou the forms and figures of all things imprinted in thee from thy first Original. Thou onley at once art capable of contraries, of the three parts of time, thou makest but one. Thou knowest thy self so separate, absolute and diverse an essence from thy body, that thou dispossessed of it as it pleas­eth [Page 423] thee, for in the there is no passion so weak which mastereth not the fear of leaving it. Thou shouldst be so far from repining at this separation, that it should be the chief of thy desires, sith it is the passage and means to attain thy perfection and happiness. Thou art here but as an infected and leprous Inn, plunged in a floud of humours, oppressed with cares, suppressed with ignorance, defiled and distained with vice, retrograde in the course of virtue; small things seem here great unto thee, and great things small, folly appeareth wisedom, and wisedom folly, Freed of thy fleshly care, thou shalt rightly discern the beauty of thy self, and have perfect fruition of that all-sufficient and all-sufficing Happiness, which is GOD himself; to whom thou owest thy being, to him thou owest thy well being, he and happiness are the same. For, if GOD had not happiness, he were not GOD, because Happiness is the high­est and greatest good: If then GOD have happi­ness, it cannot be a thing differing from him; for if there were any thing in Him, deffering from him, he should be an essence composed and not simple, more, what is differing in any thing, is either an ac­cident or a part of it self: In GOD Happiness can not be an accident, because he is not subject to any accidents, if it were a part of Him (since the part is before the whole) we should be forced to grant, that some thing was before God. Bedded and bathed in these earthly, ordures thou canst not come near this Soveraign Good, nor have any glimpse of the afar-off dawning of his uncessable brightness, no, not so much as the eyes of the Birds of the Night hath of the Sun. Think then by death, that thy shell is broken, and thou then but even hatched, that thou art a Pearl, raised from thy Mother to be en­chaced in Gold, and that the death day of thy body, is thy birth day to Eternity.

[Page 424]Why shouldst thou be fear-stroken, and discomforted, for thy parting from this mortal Bride thy body, sith it is but for a time, and such a time, as she shall not care for, nor feel any thing in, nor thou have much need of her? Nay sith thou shalt receive her again, more goodly and beautiful, than when in her fullest perfection thou enjoyed her; being by her absence made like unto that Indian Chrystal, which after some rovolutions of ages is turned into purest Dia­mond. If the Soul be the Form of the Body, and the form separated from the Matter of it, cannot ever so continue, but is inclined and disposed to be reunited thereinto: What can let and hinder this de­sire, but that some time it be accomplished, and ob­taining the expected end, rejoin it self again unto the Body? The Soul separate hath a desire, because it hath a will, and knows it shall by this re-union re­ceive perfection: too as the matter is disposed, and inclineth to its form when it is without it, so would it seem that the Form should be towards its matter in the absence of it. How, is not the Soul the form of the body, sith by it, it is, and is the beginning and cause of all the actions and functions of it: For, though in excellency it pass every other form, yet doth not that excellency take from it the nature of a form? If the abiding of the Soul from the body be violent, then can it not be everlasting, but have a regress: How is not such an estate of being and abid­ing not violent to the Soul, if it be natural to it, to be in matter, and (separate) after a strange manner, many of the powers and faculties, of it (which ne­ver leave it) are not duly exercised? This Union seem­eth not above the Horizon of natural Reason, far less impossible to be done by God, and though Rea­son cannot evidently here demonstrate, yet hath she a misty and groping notice. If the body shall not [Page 425] arise, how can the onely and Soveraign Good, be perfectly and infinitely good? For, how shall he be just, nay, have so much justice as Man, if he suffer the evil and vicious, to have a more prospe­rous and happy life, than the followers of Religion and Virtue; which ordinarily useth to fall forth in this life? For, the most wicked are Lords and Gods of this Earth, sleeping in the lee port of honour, as if the spacious habitation of the World had been made onely for them; and the virtuous and good, are but forlorn cast-awaies: floting in the surges of distress, seeming here either of the eye of providence not pittied, or not regarded: being subject to all dishonors, wrongs, wracks, in their best estate, passing away their daies (like the Dazies in the field) in silence and contempt. Sith then he is most good, most just, of necessity there must be appointed by him another time and place of retribution, in the which there shall be a reward for living well, and a punishment for doing evil, with a life whereinto both shall receive their due, and not onely in their Soules divested, for, sith both the parts or man did act a part in the right or wrong, it carrieth great reason with it, that they both be arraigned before that high Justice, to receive their own: Man is not a Soul only, but a Soul and body, to which either guerdon or punishment is due. This seemeth to be the voice of Nature in almost all the Religions of the world; this is that general testimony, charactered in the minds of the most barbarous and savage people, all have had some roving guesses at ages to come, and a dim duskish light of another life, all appealing to one general Judgment Throne. To what else could serve so many expiations, sacrifices, prayers, solemnities, and mystical Ceremonies? To what such sumptuous Temples, and care of the Death? [Page 426] To what all Religion? If not to shew that they ex­pected a more excellent manner of being, after the navigation of this life did take an end. And who doth deny it, must deny that there is a Providence, a God, confess that his Worship, and all study and reason of virtue are vain; and not believe that there is a World, are Creatures, and that He himself is not what He is.

As those Images were Pourtraicted in my mind (the morning Star now almost arising in the East) I found my thoughts mild and quiet calm; and not long after, my senses one by one forgetting their uses, began to give themselves over to rest, leaving me in a still and peaceable sleep; if sleep it may be called, where the mind awaking is carried with free wings from out fleshly bondage? For heavy lids had not long covered their lights, when I thought, nay, sure I was where I might discern all in this great All, the large compass of the rolling Circles, the brightness and continual motion of those Rubies of the Night, (which by their distance) here below cannot be perceived; the silver countenance of the wandring Moon, shining by anothers light, the hanging of the Earth as (environed with a girdle of Chrystal) the Sun enthronized in the midst of the Planets, eye of the Heavens, Gem of this precious Ring the World. But whilst with wonder and amazement I gazed on those Celestial splendors, and the beaming Lamps of that glorious Temple, there was presented to my sight a Man, as in the Spring of his years, with that self-same grace, comely fea­ture, Majestick look which the late ( [...] ) was wont to have; on whom I had no sooner set mine eyes, when (like one Planet-stroken) I became amazed: But he with a mild demeanour, and voice surpassing all human sweetness, appeared (me thought) to say;

[Page 427]What is it doth thus anguish and trouble thee? Is it the remembrance of Death, the last Period of Wret­chedness, and entry to these happy places; the Lan­tern which lightneth men to see the mystery of the blessedness of Spirits, and that glory which trans­cendeth the Courtain of things visible? Is thy For­tune below on that dark Globe (which scarce by the smalness of it appeareth here) so great, that thou art heart-broken and dejected to leave it? What if thou wert to leave behind thee a ( [...] ) so glorious in the eye of the World (yet but a Mote of Dust encircled with a Pond) as that of mine, so loving ( [...] ) such great hopes, these had been apparent occasions of lamenting, and but apparent? Dost thou think thou leavest Life too soon? Death is best young; things fair and excellent, are not of long endurance upon Earth. Who liveth well li­veth long. Souls most beloved of their Maker, are soonest relieved from the bleeding cares of Life, and and most swiftly wasted through the Surges of Hu­man miseries. Opinion that Great Enchantress and poiser of things, not as they are but as they seem, hath not in any thing more, than in the con­ceit of Death abused man: Who must not measure himself, and esteem his estate, after his earthly be­ing, which is but as a dream: For, though he be born on the Earth, he is not born for the Earth, more than the Embryon for the Mothers Womb. It plaineth to be delivered of its bands, and to come to the light of this World; and Man waileth to be loosed from the Chains with which he is fettered in that vale of vanities. It nothing knoweth whither it is to go, nor ought of the beauty of the visible works of God, neither doth man of the magnifi­cence of the Intellectual World above, unto which (as by a Mid-wife) he is directed by Death. Fools, [Page 428] which think that this fair and admirable Frame, so variously disposed, so rightly marshalled, so strong­ly maintained, enriched with so many excellencies, not only for necessity, but for ornament and delight, was by that Supream wisdom brought forth, that all things in a circulary course, should be and not be, arise and dissolve, and thus continue: as if they were so many Shadows cast out and caused by the encountring of these Superior Celestial bodies, changing only their fashion and shape, or Fantasti­cal Imageries, or prints of faces into Chrystal. No, no, the Eternal Wisdom hath made man an excel­lent creature, though he fain would unmake him­self, and return to nothing: And though he seek his felicity among the reasonless Wights, he hath fixed it above. Look how some Prince or great King on the Earth, when he hath raised any Stately City, the work being atchieved, is wont to set his Image in the midst of it, to be admired and gazed upon: No otherwise did the Soveraign of this All, the Fabrick of it perfected, place man (a great Mi­racle) formed to his own pattern, in the midst of this spacious and admirable City. God containeth all in him as the beginning of all; man containeth all in him as the midst of all; inferior things be in man more noble than they exist; superior things more meanly; Celestial things favour him, earthly things are vassalled unto him, he is the band of both; neither is it possible but that both of them have peace with him, who made the Covenant between them and him. He was made that he might in the Glass of the World behold the infinite Goodness, Power and glory of his Maker, and beholding know and knowing Love, and loving enjoy, and to hold the Earth of him as of his Lord Parmount; never ceasing to remember and praise Him. It ex­ceedeth [Page 429] the compass of conceit, to think that that wisdom which made every thing so orderly in the parts, should make a confusion in the whole, and the chief Master-piece; how bringing forth so ma­ny excellencies for man, it should bring forth man for baseness and misery. And no less strange were it, that so long life should be given to Trees, Beasts, and the Birds of the Air, Creatures inferior to Man, which have less use of it, and which cannot judge of this goodly Fabrick, and that it should not be denied to Man: unless there were another manner of living prepared for him, in a place more noble and excellent.

But alas! (said I) had it not been better that for the good of his native Countrey a ( [...] ) endued with so many peerless gifts, had yet lived? How long will ye (replyed he) like the Ants, think there are no fairer Palaces, than their Hills; or like to purblind Moles, no greater light, than that little which they shun? As if the Master of a Camp, knew when to remove a Sentinel, and he who plac­eth Man on the Earth, knew not how long he had need of him? Every one cometh there to act his part of this Tragi-Comedy, called life, which done, the Courtain is drawn, and he removing is said to dye. That Providence which prescribeth Causes to every event hath not only determined a definite and certain number of days, but of actions to all men, which they cannot go beyond.

Most ( [...] ) then answered I, Death is not such an evil and pain, as it is of the Vulgar esteemed? Death (said he) nor painful is, nor evil (except in contemplation of the cause) being of it self as in­different as birth: yet can it not be denied, and amidst those dreams of earthly pleasures, the un­couthness of it, with the wrong apprehension of [Page 430] what is unknown in it, are noysom. But the Soul sustained by its Maker, resolved, and calmly re­tired in it self, doth find that death (sith it is in a moment of Time) is but a short, nay, sweet sigh; and is not worthy the remembrance compared with the smallest dram of the infinite Felicity of this Place. Here is the Palace Royal of the Almighty King, in which the uncomprehensible comprehen­sibly manifesteth Himself; in place highest, in sub­stance not subject to any corruption or change, for it is above all motion, and solid turneth not; in quantity greatest, for, if one Star, one Sphere be so vast, how large, how huge in exceeding demen­sions, must those bounds be, which do them all con­tain? In quality most pure and orient, Heaven here is all but a Sun, or the Sun all but a Heaven. If to Earthlings the Foot-stool of God, and that Stage which he raised for a small course of Time, seemeth so glorious and magnificent; What estimation would they make, if they could see, of his eternal Habi­tation and Throne? And if these be so wonderful, what is the sight of him, for whom and by whom all was created; of whose Glory to behold the thou­sand thousand part, the most pure Intelligences are fully satiate, and with wonder and delight rest amazed, for the beauty of his light, and the light of his beauty are uncomprehensible? Here doth that earnest appetite of the understanding content it self, not seeking to know any more; For it seeth before it, in the vision of the Divine essence (a Mirrour in the which not Images or Shadows, but the true and perfect essence of every thing created, is more clea [...] and conspicuous, than in it self) all that may be known or understood. Here doth the Will pause it self, as in the center of its eternal rest, glowing with with a fiery affection of that infinite and al-sufficient [Page 431] good; which being fully known, cannot (for the infinite motives and causes of love which are in him) but be fully and perfectly loved: As he is only the true and essential Bounty, so is he the only essential and true beauty, deserving alone all Love and Admira­tion, by which the Creatures are only in so much fair and excellent, as they participate of his Beauty and excelling Excellencies. Here is a blessed Com­pany, every one joying as much in anothers Feli­city, as in that which is proper, because each seeth another equally loved of God; thus their distinct joyes are no fewer, than the copartners of the Joy. And as the Assembly is in number answerable to the large capacity of the place, so are the joyes answer­able to the numberless number of the Assembly. No poor and pittiful mortal, confined on the Globe of Earth, who have never seen but sorrow, or in­terchangeably some painted superficial pleasures, can rightly think on, or be sufficient to conceive the termless delights of this place. So many Fea­thers move not on Birds, so many Birds dint not the Air, so many leaves tremble not on Trees, so many Trees grow not in the solitary Forests, so many waves turn not in the Ocean, and so many grains of Sand limit not those Waves: as this triumphant Court hath variety of delights, and Joyes exempted from all comparison. Happiness at once here is fully known and fully enjoyed, and as infinite in continuance as extent. Here is flourishing and ne­ver fading youth without Age, Strength without Weakness, Beauty never blasting, Knowledge [...]thout Learning, Abundance without Loathing, Peace without Disturbance, Participation without Envy, Rest without Labour, Light without rising or seeting Sun, Perpetuity without moments, for Time (which is the measure of Endurance) did never [Page 342] enter in this shining Eternity. Ambition, Disdain, Malice, Difference of Opinions, cannot approach this place, and resembling those foggy Mists, which cover those Lists of Sublunary things. All pleasure paragon'd with what is here is pain, all Mirth mourn­ing, all Beauty deformity. Here one daies abiding, is above the continuing in the most fortunate estate on the Earth many years, and sufficient to countervail the extreamest torments of Life. But, although this Bliss of Souls be great, and their joyes many, yet shal they admit Addition, and be more full and perfect, at that long wished and general meeting with their bodies

Amongst all the wonders of the great Creator, not one appeareth to be more wounderful (replied I) than that our Bodies should arise, having suffered so many changes, and nature denying a return from privation to a Habit.

Such power (said he) being above all that the Understanding of Man can conceive, may well work such wonders; For if Mans Understanding could comprehend all the secrets and councels of than Eter­nal Majesty, it must of necessity be equal unto it. The Author of Nature is not thralled to the Laws of Nature, but worketh with them or contrary to them, as it pleaseth him: What he hath a will to do, he hath a power to perform. To that, power which brought all this All from nought, to bring again in one instant any substance which ever was into it, un­to what it was once, should not be thought impossi­ble; for who can do more can do less, and his power is no less after that which was by him brought forth is decayed and vanished, than it was before it was produced; being neither restrained to certain limits, or instruments, or to any determinate and definite manner of working; where the power is without re­straint, the work admitteth no other limits, than the [Page 433] Workers will. This world is as a Cabinet to God, in which the small things (however to us hid and secret) are nothing less kept than the great. For, as he was wise and powerful to create, so doth his knowledge comprehend his own Creation; yea every change and variety in it, of which it is the very Source. Not any Atom of the scatter'd Dust of mankind, though daily flowing under new forms, is to him unknown: and his knowledge doth dis­tinguish and discern, what once his power shall waken and rise up. Why may not the Arts-Master of the world, like a Molder, what he hath framed in di­vers shapes, confound in one mass, and then seve­rally fashion them out of the same? Can the Spargirick by his Art restore for a space to the dry and withered Rose, the natural purple and blush; and cannot the Almighty raise and refine the body of man, after never so many alterations on the Earth? Reason her self finds it more possible for infinit power to cast out ftom it self a finit world, and restore any thing in it; though decaied and dissolved, to what it was first; than for man, a finit piece of reasonable misery, to change the form of matter made to his hand; the power of God never brought forth all that it can, for then were it bounded, and no more infinite. That time doth approach (O hast ye times away) in which the dead shall live, and the living be chan­ged, and of all actions the Guerdon is at hand; then shall there be an end without an end, time shall finish, and place shall be altered, motion yielding unto rest, [...]nd another world of an age eternal and unchange­able shall arise; which when he had said (me thought) he vanished, and I all astonished did awake.

To the Memory of the most Ex­cellent Lady, JANE Countess of Perth.

THis Beauty which Pale death in dust did turn,
And clos'd so soon within a Coffin sad,
Did, pass like lightning, like to thunder burn;
So little Life, so much of Worth it had.
Heavens but to shew their Might here made it shine,
And when admir'd, then in the Worlds disdain
(O Tears, O Grief!) did call it back again,
Lest Earth should vaunt she kept what was Divine.
What can we hope for more? What more enjoy?
Sith fairest Things thus soonest have their End,
And, as on Bodies Shadows do attend,
Sith all our bliss is follow'd with Annoy?
Yet She's not dead, She lives where She did love,
Her Memory on Earth, Her soul above.

To S. W. A.

THough I have twice been at the doors of Death,
And twice found shut those gates which ever mourn,
This but a lightning is, Truce tane to Breath,
For late-born Sorrows augurre fleet return.
Amidst thy sacred Cares, and Courtly Toils,
Alexis, when thou shalt hear wandring Fame
Tell, Death hath triumph'd o're my mortal spoils,
And that on Earth I am but a sad Name;
If thou e're held me dear, by all our Love,
By all that Bliss, those Joys Heaven here us gave,
I conjure thee, and by the Maids of Jove,
To grave this short Remembrance on my Grave.
Here Damon lies, whose Songs did sometime grace
The murmuring Esk, may Roses shade the place.

On the Report of the Death of the Author.

IF that were true which whispered is by Fame,
That Damons light no more on Earth doth burn,
His Patron Phoebus Physick would disclaim
And cloth'd in clouds as erst for Phaeton mourn.
Yea, Fame by this had got so deep a wound,
That scarce She could have Power to tell his death,
Her Wings cut short; who could her Trumpet sound,
Whose blaze of late was nurs'd but by his Breath.
That Spirit of his which most with mine was free,
By mutual traffick enterchanging store,
If chac'd from him it would have come to me,
Where it so oft familiar was before.
Some secret Grief distempring first my Mind,
Had (though not knowing) made me feel this loss,
A Sympathy had so our Souls combind,
That such a parting both at once would toss.
Though such Reports to others terrour give,
Thy Heavenly Virtues who did never spy,
I know thou, that canst make the dead to live,
Immortal art, and needs not fear to dye.
Sir WILL. ALEXANDER.
FINIS.

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. Searching, reading, printing, or downloading EEBO-TCP texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. Permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this EEBO-TCP Phase II text, in whole or in part.