THe Reigne of King Rich­ard the second, was but a throw of State for so many yeares, a Feaver to whose distempers all pieces of the home Do­minions contributed by fits ( Gui [...].the forrain part onely continuing faithfull) in the fourth yeare of his reigne, and fifteenth of his Age, the dregs and off scum of the Commons unite into bodies in severall parts of the Kingdome, and forme a Re­bellion (called the Rebellion of the Clownes) which lead the rest, and sh [...]wed the way of disobedience first. Of which may truly be said (Though amongst o­ther [Page 2] causes▪ we may attribute it to the in­disposition and unseasonablenesse of the age, that the fruits of it did not take) it was strongly begun, and had not Provi­dence heldback the hand, the blow had fallen, the Government had broke into shivers then. The young King at this time had few besides Thomas of Woodstock his Unkle, Earle of Buckingham, and after Duke of Glocester, but the servants of his house in ordinary about him; the Lord Edmund of Langly Earle of Cambridge, after Duke of Yorke, with the Lords Beauchamp, Botercaux, Sir Matthew Gourny, with others of the Nobility, and Gentry, had set saile for Portugall; the Duke John of Lancaster, another of his Unkles, was in Scotland, treating a peace, when this commotion brake out. Though no cause can be given for Seditions, those, who designe publick troubles, can never want pretences; Polidore (as much out in this story as any) gives this reason for this. The Polle money sayes he (imposed by Parliament) a groat sterling upon every head was intollerable. It was justly im­posed, and so by some to whom Law and Custome of England were intollerable, not to be indured; but we shall find in the ty­ranny breaking in, not onely fifth and [Page 3] twentieth parts and loanes forced out of feare of plunder and death, but subsidies in Troops and Regiments, by fifties, (more than Sequestrations and Compositions) not under foot, low sales; for what had these Rascalls to give, but downright Robbery and violent usurpation of Estates.

Thus would Polidore have it in defence of his Priests, who blew the fire, and thrust the silly rout into the midst of it. He takes it ill that Baal ( valle he calls him) should be supposed by I know not what flaterers of the Nobles to have filled these sailes, to have let these windes out of their Caverns.

In the fourth yeare of this King (sayes the Monk) there was a grievous Tax ex­acted in Parliament, after cause of great trouble, every Religious paid half a Mark, every Secular Priest as much, every Lay­man or Woman 12d. This might discon­tent the people, but who prepared the Mutineers for such dangerous impressions? who fell in with them after and pushed them forward will be soon found. Frois­sart complaines of the servitude of the villanes or Bond-men, (now Names worne out) a miserable sort of drudges frequent­lh knowne here in the Saxon times: exclu­ded from any right of propriety, sold, and [Page 4] passed away with the Mannour or Lands to which they belonged, bound to til the Lords ground, cut downe, and carry in his Corne, cleanse his Ditches, cover his Halle, &c. These Froissart make the first stirrers in the Insurrection, these he makes look back to the beginning of men and things, to talk of the primitve freedome, of the liberties of the Creature, above Ordinances, that only Treason against the Lords could for­feit Liberty, which was the case of Lucifer, and could not be made theirs, who were neither Angels nor spirits, but men of the same shape, extraction, and Soules, with those who proudly would be thought their Lords, which (say they) was an height too much, and deserved levelling, must not be endured hereafter, equality was the way of peace and love. But can clouds fire in thunder and lightning, can earth quakes teare the entrailes of exp­ring Kingdomes, without a Muncer, or a Wiggington, a Garnet, or an Hall in the mine?

If the Church and Government must be blowne up, it is fit a sanctified hand should (cast the Balles) a man (according to the pure dialect) of immediate calling, who has had the Seale of it, of wonderfull zeale, of resolute dealings, the Lords Messenge [...], ex­traordinarily [Page 5] gifted and exercised, is onely fit to advance Gods matters, the Holy cause, and action, and a Renegado from his or­ders an Apostate Church-man will best be­come this person, a man with whom no­thing else is sacred but his owne ambition, his innovation, and the propagation of his Schisme. One Baal the most sottish and most unworthy, but most facti­ous of the Clergy, is stirred up by the Devill (who, if rebellion be as the sinne of Witchcraft, is the Father of both) to be the Antichrist of this Reign, to blaspheme and cry down God and Cesar his anoynted, the Rights of God and Cesar; and who, if he knew any thing, was certainly the very Atheist of that age; Of these imaginations (so Froissert of those before) was a foolish Priest in the County of Kent called John Wall (for Baal) and to make it plain that he was the Father of the uproare, he had been (sayes this Knight) three times in the Archbishops prison ( a persecuted Saint) for these Opinions, but delivered by him; his Conscience was scrupulous of procee­ding farther, which this Historian con­demnes him for: we shall hereafter see the Archbishop in John's hands, who shall come short of this mercy. John had prea­ched (if it be not impious to use the word [Page 6] here) twenty yeares, and more, ever bab­ling those things which he fancied would be gracious to the multitude; He haunted by-places, the Cloysters of the Cathedrall; when the Church was shut against him, the Streetes and Fields were holy ground; There this excommunicated Apostate laid his Nets. His discourses to the people were partly invectives against Tithes (which he allowed not where the Parishioner was of better life and smaller estate than the Parson, whose estate at this rate must be small enough) against Bishops, and the Clergy, Nobility, and Gentry; Then he had his quarrells to the Government, his Doctrine struck at propriety, and order, the World was impaired with Diseases, which must be the more for their age, the crisis would be dangerous, and there could be no health, no soundnesse hoped for, till Names, Estates, and things were common. His advise was to let the King know the resolutions of the new Common-wealths­men, to tell him where the Supreme power lies, whose Trustee he was, that another course must be taken, and if he would not joyne with them, other remedies thought of: Froiss. the third time he was imprisoned, he had his Revelations, his Enlightnings, was full of divine raptures, he foretold his de­liverance [Page 7] by 20000. men, which happened in the following tumults, when his Disci­ples made so many Gaole deliveries. This, knowing what numbers he had seduced and abused, he might presume upon pro­bable conjecture. He was no sooner loose, but he incites and stirs up the unruly Clowns to all the mischiefs possible.

He tells them they were pious and ne­cessary excesses, and that the Law of Na­ture, which allowes all acts for our owne preservation, would justifie them: that a mad Father, who seeks to rob and destroy his off-spring, might be resisted, his thrusts might be put by, the Son might binde his hands, and if there were no other way to escape his furious violence, kill him in his owne defence. The safety of the people is the Supreme law. If the Prince persisting (after faire warning) to make himselfe a shield and defence to wicked instruments of mischiefs, Malignants and enemies of the Commons, securing them from the justice of the Commons, endanger himself and his King­dome, he may thank himselfe; We (sayes he) are willing to hazard our selves (good men) to preserve both; we will never give any impediment or neglect any proper means of curing the distempers of the Kingdome, and of closing the dangerous breaches (made [Page 8] by themselves) according to the trust which lies upon us. At Black heath, where an as­sembly of 200000 men made their Randez­vouze, after some time spent in seeking God, he baits in Rime, Walsingh.

Was his levelling leud Text: hence it was to be consequent, that as nature, and the Creation made no distinction, no more ought Lawes to make or suffer any; that servitude is the daughter of unjust oppres­sion, introduced by wicked men against Gods Will. That if it had pleased him to have created slaves, in the beginning he would have chosen, and marked out who should have been the Lord, who the Vas­sail; he askes where the word allowes these sweet things called Lords, verily Knaves in Purple, Sons of Caine, of Nim­rod, of Esau, of Ishmael, fat by the blood and sweat of the poore innocent Plebei­ans, honourable in nothing but the out­side, und noble onely in riots and adulte­ries, as cruell, as ravenous, as killing (and as barbarously) as the Beares, the Lyons, the Tigers of their escutcheons, the Dragons of their bearing; he askes why the limber [Page 9] Knights, and Franklins, who are onely better combed, can kisse the hand and lowt with more grace, must eat the Ca­pons, which the sturdy brave Commons must starve themselves to cramme: nothing could be good which was great, nothing but Independency was divine.

He bids them consider, now was the time appointed them by God to cast off the yoake, Deposito servitutis jugo, liber­tate, &c. that if they would not be wan­ting to themselves, they should assert their long looked for liberty, and like good Husbandmen, who love their field, Wals more boni patris. famil. exco­lentis agrii suum. pluck up the weedes which over run it (which signified rooting out the wicked, and those who carried the mark of the Beast) He points them out the heads devoted, destined for flaughter. Regni Majores. The House of Lords, the Peers (as yet they speak no higher) whom he would have brought to Repentance. Then the Lawyers, Justices, Judges, Jury-men, Quoscun­que nocivos communita­tis de terra sua tolle­rent. all the enemies of the commonalty were to be swept from the Earth, there could not else (so he concludes) be any peace or security for the future, Si subla­tis Majori­bus aequa li­bertas, &c. lopping off the Heads of those which were too tall, which over-topped too much, equall Nobility, equall Liberty, Dignity and Power (this was his old Doctrine) were the onely an­tidotes, without which the poysoned [Page 10] Common-wealth must perish. Whosoe­ver loved not the Cause was a Reprobate, hatefull to God, and damned Body and Soule. John concludes with an exhortati­on, that in order to the security and preser­vation of Religion and Liberty of the Subject, they will never consent to the laying downe of armes, so long as the evill Councellors and Prelates arming, or in open warre, shall by force of armes be protected against the justice of the Commons. John addes, of long time there hath beene, and now is, a traiterous plot for the subversion of us and the liberty of the Subject.

No wonder, when Peter the Hermits Goose was believed to be the Holy Ghost, In the Croisade for holy land. that John amongst as very Ninnyhammers, could strike up for a Prophet.

The base crew prick up their Eares, and wonder at the new truths, which their Pastor held forth, they applaud him, he is Ut a [...]la­ma [...]ert cum Archiepis­copum. Archbishop elect, and Chancelour, the true Archbishop must be called a Traitour Commu­nium & regni pro­ditorem., a Traitour of the Commons and the Realm, to make him roome, is voted so, to be ap­prehended wheresoever he could be found in England, and his Head to be cut off. Here was a new Treason, and a new way of triall and sentence. But though Baal had more of the Spirit, there were other [Page 11] adventurers not to be robbed of their ho­nours, other Worthies, precious men, called to doe the Worke of the Lord; Who put to their hands, and brought Trowels and Mor­ter toward the raising this Babel. Jack-Straw, another Priest full of life and vigor, the Confessour, and Bosom-chap­lein of Tyler, more inward with him, his speciall Councellour, acquainted with all his plots, in the contrivance of which he had a great part, bestowed his paines upon the Cause, and for action next Tyler the Idoll▪ carryed the name, which may be one cause why Polydore kills him in Tylers stead, with the Mayors Sword; the most eminent sticklers of the Laity, of the pro­phane stie, where Wat the Tyler, a Tyler by Trade, not by N [...]me, his Name was Helier ( an ungracious Patron, as Fro­issart) was Wals. Rex ribal­dorum, Ido­lum rusti­corum. King of the Ribauldes, the Idoll of the Kentish Clownes. John Kirkby Alan Treder, Thomas Scot, and Ralph Rugge, a Magnifico, who gave freely away amongst his fellow Scoundrels the spoiles of his Conquests, were princes of the separation of the Tribes in Kent and Essex. Robert Westbrome ( Wraw his Chaplaine refusing to set Wals. Crowne upon Crowne, and con­tented to be the Arch priest of the Pro­vince) was King of Suffolke, and the parts [Page 12] adjacent. St. Edmunds-bury, once the Pa­lace of the East Angle Kings, and Milden­halle, were the seats of his Soveraignty. John Litster a Tanner usurps the Name and power of a King at Northwalsham in Norfolk; I may say the power and more, never was any English King so absolute, nor can any just and legall Principality be so large, and Arbitrary, Law of the Land with which the old Englishman was free enough, and contented, was here to be thrown out of dores. The Heptarchy of the Saxons seemed to revive againe, but prodigiously, the blaze of these Comets must have been fatall to the Nation; to keep an order in the History of these Ruf­fians, who abhorred it, I will give the Van to the Idoll of the Clowns, it is due to him, he is the first who lifts up his Head in the confusion among the Brethren, and de­serves the first chaire, He was the Dragon, and no question in the Conclusion, had swallowed up or clipped the rest, Litster, Westbrome, and the others merited highly, but they must have been taken down some pins, Tyler must have elbow-roome, he must have been Lord Paramount, and one such Comet would have been more than e­nough for one Horizon. Besides Kent and Essex, were the puddle, the Lerna [Page 13] which bred this Hydra with the many Heads which poysoned most of the Coun­ties, and in the conjunction of these two Provinces, Tyler the Idoll swayed all: and here I must observe this, that however Walsingham hatches the cause in Essex, yet his owne relations of Baal and the Letters and Sermons of this seducing Prophet bring this into question, and by him if Kent be not the Mother, yet are the Trea­sons of her and Essex, Sister twins of the same birth, Essex onely started first.

The fire kindled from a small sparke, The Clownes of two Villages not named in the Chronicles contrive the Conspiracy there; They send Warrants to the smaller Townes about, and rather command than intreat, all men of what age soever, with­out any stay or deliberation to repaire to a Rendezvouze set downe. The conclusion was terrible; It threatned plundering of Goods, Burning, Pucking downe Houses, and cutting off the heads of those who disobey the present Power.

The summoned Villages are frighted into Obedience, which is to rebell; They leave their Ploughs, their Fields, their Wives and Farmes, and in their first rising no lesse than 5000 of the sink of the peo­ple meet ill armed, some with Staves, some [Page 14] with rusty Swords, some with Bowes and Featherlesse Arrowes, few knowing any cause of their assembling, gazing upon one another, Wals. and not finding any enemies of their own peace and good but themselves. Not one of a thousand was provided like a Souldier, but their number supplyed all things, they were highly conceited of themselves, and believed they were in­vincible, not to be resisted. To confirme their steps, Baal (watching to catch, who had long waited for such an opportunity of imbroiling) drives them head-long forward, he writes to them his Letters ex­hortatory (where to consecrate the enter­prise, Gods name is brought in; He is made to owne the Cause, composed of a jargon, a canting gibridge, fit for the de­signe (to abuse and cheat the innocent peasant, who cannot pry into things, can­not look farther than the bait) fuller of Ridles than sense, one of them found in the sleeve of one of these wretched men condemned, and under the Gallowes was this.

John Schep, sometimes St. Mary Priest in Yorkn, and now of Colchester greeteth well John namelesse, and John the Miller, and John Carter, and biddeth them that they beware of guile in Borough (which Stow [Page 15] by a notable mistake calls Gillinborough) and stand together in Gods Name, and bid­deth Pierse Plowman goe to his werk and chastice Hob the robber, and take with you John Trewman, and all his fellowes and no moe, John the Miller hath yground smal, smal, smal. The Kings Sonne of Heaven shall pay for all. Beware or ye be woe, Know your friend from your foe. Have ynough and say hoe. And doe well and better, and flee sinne and seek peace, and hold therein; And so biddeth John Trewm [...]n and all his fellows. A List of Sanctity does well in these Cases, but his seeking of Peace, chastising the Rob­ber [...] and ste [...]ing of Sinne, I must leave as mysticall. This shewes the industry, care­fulnesse, and vigilancy of the Prophet in his preparations, and his willingnesse to hurt. He disperseth other Letters of this kinde, in one, he chargeth all men in the Name of the Trinity, &c. to stand Man­like together, and help Truth (now we have Truth to our peace) and Truth shall help them, in his ragges of Verses (for a Rimer he would be) he is as earnest for Truth. They begin, [Page 16]

Many Remonstrances and Declarations flew abroad from him. The Kentishmen, seasoned by this Priest or Prophet of the Idol, are easily tempted by the Essex­ians to associate in the undertakings, and share in the honour of gaining Liberty, pretious Liberty for the people, and taking away the evill customes of the Kingdom; which is the glorious Title of the tumult. This was no more (sayes the Monke) than the Kentishmen had long wished for. They are quickly ready, and by the Arts used by those of Essex put all the Countrey into a combustion. Wals. That they may not appeare with too much horror at the first sight, they would seem to pretend to an out-side Piety, they account (so they tell the King­dome and the world) the professing of any thing in the sight of God, the strongest obliga­oion that any Christian, and the most solemne publick faith, that any such state, as a Com­mon-wealth [Page 17] can give. In all humility and reverence they contrive a sacred vow and Covenant.

They fasten the knot of their holy League with National Covenants and Oaths, which themselves will first break (than which there can be no stronger tie, Religi­on consists in Faith, he who loses his Faith hath lost himselfe) Oaths contrary to their sworne Allegiance, and former Oathes, which is a most absurd impiety; here God must be called upon to helpe, and witnesse the perfidiousnesse, oathes use to end— so helpe me God—he who per­formes not his oath, directly and plainly, renounces God, and all that is sacred and Divine; to sweare to day against what we were sworne to yesterday, must be strange amongst Christians, these impieties being once allowed, there can be neither peace, society, nor government amongst Men safe and unindangered. The wayes leading to Canterbury are beset, the Pilgrimes swarming thither (according to the su­perstition of those Ages) are seized, and forced to sweare with these extraordinary Workers. To keep faith to King Richard ( whose most faithfull Servants, most humble and loyall Subjects, they professe themselves to be) and the Commons according to their [Page 18] power and vocation. To accept no King called John (a vanity throwne in for Duke John of Lancasters sake the Kings Uncle, and neglected by the Norfolke reformers, who advanced King John Litstere to the Soveraignty) To be ready upon summons to assist the Commons (the great wheele of the New State, for whom this Oath was given, and to be principally respected by it.) To induce their friends and allies to hold with them, and to allow no Tax but the fifteenth (which say they falsly was the onely Tax their forefathers ever heard of, or submitted to.) How sacred in all the parts this Oath will be with them (which never was to be intended more than temporary) will soone be discovered, diversity of words cannot change the na­ture of things. Their first march is to Can­terbury, Froiss. where they visit Thomas of Can­terbury who lived and dyed a Rebell to his Prince, and to use the words of Ro­gerius a Norman, Cesar Dial. l. 8. c. 69. in Caesarius the Monke deserved death, and damnation for this Contumacy against, his King the Minister of God, a fit Saint for such votaries; Their kindnesse was not much, they spoile his Church, break up the Bishops Chamber, and make a prey of all they finde▪ p [...]otest the Bishop shall give them an account of [Page 19] the profits of his Chancery, and here they begin their audit.

Thus we see our New reformers are en­tred, but Sacriledge ushers them in, they break ope the Prisons, and free the Saint in Bonds, Baal; when they had done what they came for, the Citizens, who had en­tertained them, willingly leave their hou­ses to keep them company; a Councell is called to resolve upon what ground the next storme should poure downe, London ever false to the Prince. The Wood, which no doubt would lodge the Wolves, is set by their Orders. Tyler the Idoll who knew his Reigne would last no longer than while these Men continued madde, thought this the onely place likely to keep them so; London too was the fairest mark; and besides, the Clownes were assured of a welcome upon a private invitation from some of the Citizens, whose Ancestors and Predecessours in all ages, in the tumults of the Confessor S. Edwards reigne, in all the Barons Warres since, have gained the re­nowned to be lovers of Reformation, otherwise pure Rebellion, enemies to Courtiers and Malignants, enemies to the enemies of their deare Liberties, which yet sometimes they pursue with too much heat and blinde zeale, sometimes to their [Page 20] cost and repentance, mistaking every where both notions and things; the bridles which they without feare or wit, provide for their Kings being often thrust into their owne mouthes by the new riders, which themselves lift into the saddle, while they growne sober Mules, dare neither kick nor fling. Behold the common people (sayes the Knight) Froiss. when they be up against their Prince, and especially in England, among them there is no remedy, for they are the perillousest people of the World, and most out­rageous if they be up, and specially the Lon­doners; sayes the Monk. Wals. Lond. quib. nun (que) âcest furia, &c. The Londoners never want fury if they be not kept in, if license or insolence be permitted them. The Princess Dowager of the incomparable Edward the black Prince, Mother of the young King, then at Canterbury, hardly escapes these Savages, who rudely assault her Chaire, and put her and her Ladies in no small feare of Villany to be done to their persons.

This princess was so willing to be out of their reach, that notwithstanding she was very fat and unwieldie, she got to London in a day. Tyler, who had insinuated him­selfe into the good grace of these Churles by appearing the most stirring and active of the Kennell, who began and ruled the [Page 21] cry, and was by I know not what Cere­mony, perhaps like that Irish election by casting an old shoe over his head, declared Prince of the rabble, leades them to Ro­chester, which will not come behinde Can­terbury in kindenesse. The people of the Towne (sayes the Knight) were of the same sect, it seemes the Castle (once one of the strongest in the Kingdome,) was now neither fortified nor manned, the Governour Sir John Moton yeelds himself into their hands, he was one of the Kings Family, of his House-hold, and must be thought awed, as he was into the ingage­ment. Here the Commons might be thought ashamed of their owne choyce, they offer Sir John the Generalls staffe; which had he accepted, he must have commanded ac­cording to the motions of the Lieutenant Generall Tilers Spirit, and when this turne had been over, at the least stamp of his foot have vanished, sneaked off the stage.

They tell him Sir John, Froiss. you must be our Captaine, and (which shewes the po­wer of his Commission) you shall do what we will have you. The Knight likes not their company, he tries his best wit & lan­guage to be rid of them, but could not pre­vaile, they reply downright, Sir John, if you [Page 22] will not doe what we will have you, you dye for it; we will not be denied, but at your perill. Enough was said, the Knight yeelds, but his charge of Captaine Gene­rall is forgotten, we shall see hereafter what use they make of him, and in what manner he must be imployed. This exam­ple is followed in the other Countries. The Gentry did not onely lose their Estates, and honour, but their courage and gallan­try, their blouds were frozen, feare had stifled their Spirits. The Clownes (as the Knight) had brought them into such o­beysance, that they caused them to go with them, whether they would or not, they fawned on them, humbled themselves to them, like Dogs groveling at their feet. The Lord Molines, Sir Stephen Hales, Sir Thomas Guyfighen, this Sir John Moton, and others were Attendants and vassales to the Idoll. Wals. qui censuram juris time­bant propter malafacta, &c. Every day new heaps of men flock to them, like Catilines Troops, all that were necessitous at home, unthrifts, broken fellowes, such as for their misdeeds feared the Justice of the Lawes; who re­sent the dangerous and distracted state of the Kingdome alike, and will no doubt ham­mer out an excellent reformation, they will mend their owne condition which will be enough, we must expect no more, [Page 23] and now the confidence in their strength made them bold enough to throw off their maske of Hypocrisie, they began to open the inside. They departed from Ro­chester (sayes Froissart) and passed the River (he sayes the Thames at Kingstone) and came to Brentford, (where I thinke he leads them out of their way) beating downe before them, and round about, the places and Houses of advocates, and pro­curers, and striking off the heads of diverse persons. Walsingham tells us, who those advocates, and procurers were; All men (sayes he) were amused, some looked for good from the new Masters others feared this insurrection would prove the destru­ction of the Realme. The last were not deceived. All the Lawyers of the Land (so he goes on) as well the Apprentices, Counsellours, as old Justices, all the Jury­men of the Countrey, (this was Priest Balls charge) they could gripe in their clutches had their heads chopped off.

It was a maxime of the Cabal, That there could be no liberty while any of these men were suffered to breathe. From little to great they fell upon things which they never thought of in their first overflow, which Guicciardine observes (in civill dis­cords, where the Rebellion is fortunate [Page 24] and mens mindes are puft up with suc­cesse) to be ordinary. The statue of Cu­maean Apollo weeps for the destruction of Cumae, we shall here reade of men with­out sense or apprehensions; both the stories will seem as incredible. The stupid Nobi­lity, and Gentry sleep in their Houses, till they are roused by these bloud-hounds, that they might seem to deserve the cala­mity tumbling upon their heads; They were becomming tenants at will, in Villei­nage, to their vassalls, under their distresse, their Taske, and Taxes, more by the Sot­tish basenesse of themselves, than any ver­tue in these Rascals, Scorned and sleighted by every tatter'd Clunch; Their Lands continually upon any Vote or Informati­on to be sold, or given away upon any information of loyalty or faithfulnesse: the antient vertues of the Gentleman, not to be found in that age, and serving onely for a pretence to ruine, no one could form an expectation of more than this, to be the last man borne, (what was Polyphemus his kindnesse to Ʋlisses) to be devoured lest, all which they were contented to ha­zard, and indure to preserve a shred, or jagge of an incertaine ragged Estate (for the health or mistresses sake) subject ever to the violence of the same lawlesse spoiling [Page 25] force which maimed, and rent it before. Next (to returne to this riffraffe) their cruelty reaches to Parchment. Deeds, Charters, Rolles of Courts, Evidences are cast by them into the fire, as if they meant to abolish all remembrance of things; this was to defeat their Lords in the Claims of any antient Rights; and to leave no man more title, than themselves had to their Sword and power.

The Kentish and Essexian rout, were joyned (sayes the Monke, Wals. but he tells us not where) and approached neere London, at Black heath they made an halt, where they were neare 200000 strong.

Thither came two Knights sent by the King to them, Wals. to inquire the cause of the Commotion, and why they had amassed such swarmes of the people. They answer, they met to conferre with the King con­cerning businesse of weight, they tell the Messengers they ought to goe back to the King and shew him, that it behoves him to come to them, they would acquaint him with their desires (we shall quickly discover why his presence was required,) upon return of the Knights, it was debated in Councell by the Lords about the King, whether he should goe or no, some of the Table more willing to venture the King [Page 26] than themselves, willing to throw him in­to the gulph, or perhaps not senting the designe of the Clownes, perswade him to see them, Your Majesty (thus they) must make a tryall of these men, necessity now must be looked on above reason, if any thing can give the check to the up­rores, it must be your presence, there can be no safety but in this venture, it is now as dangerous to seeme not to trust, as to be deceived; fate is too much feared, if it be imagined that this tree of your em­pire, which has flourished so many ages, can fall in an houre.

The Archbishop of Canterbury, Wals. Simon Theobald of Sudbury, Lord Chancellour of England, the most Eloquent, most Wise, and most pious Prelate of the Age, faithfull to his Prince, and therefore odi­ous to those who conspired against his Majesty, and authority, likes not the ad­vise; Di [...]caliga­ [...]os ribaul­dos. The King ought not (sayes he) to venture his person among such hoselesse ribaulds, but rather dispose things so as to curbe their insolence: Sir, (sayes he) your sacred Majesty in this storme ought to shew how much of a King you can play; what you will goe for hereafter; by your pre­sent carriage, you will either be feared for the future, or contemned; If you seriously con­sider [Page 27] the nature of these rough hewne sava­ges, you will finde the gentle wayes perniti­ous, your tamenesse will undoe you, mercy will ever be in your power, but it is not to be named without the sword drawne; God and your right have placed you in your throne, but your courage and resolution must keep you there; your indignation will be justice, good men will thinke it so, and if they love you, you have enough, you cannot Capitulate, not treat with your rebells, without hazarding your honour, and perhaps your royall faith; if you yeild to the force of one sedition, your whole life and reigne will be nothing but a continuation of broyles, and tumults, if you assert your soveraigne authority betimes, not onely these doults, these sots, but all men else will reverence you; remember Sir, God by whom lawfull Princes reigne, whose vice­gerent you are, would not forgive rebellion in Angels, you must not trust the face, Peti­tions delivered you upon Swords points are fatall, if you allow this custome you are rui­ned, as yet Sir, you may be obeyed as much as you please. Of this opinion was Sir Robert Hales, Lord Prior o [...] Saint John of Jerusalem, newly Lord Treasurer of Eng­land, a magnanimous and stout Knight, but not liked by the Commons. When this resolution was known to the Clownes, they [Page 28] grow starke mad, they bluster, they swear to seek out the Kings Traitours, (for such now they must go for; No man was either good or honest, but he who pleased them) the Archbishop, and Lord Prior, & to chop off their Heads, here they might be trusted, they were likely to keep their words.

Hereupon, without more consideration they advance toward London, not forget­ting to burne, and rase the Lawyers and Courtiers houses in the way, to the Kings honour no doubt, which they will be thought to Arme for, Sir John Froissart, and others report this part thus, which probably might follow after this refusall.

The Rebells say they sent their Knight ( Grafton.so they called him, yet was he the Kings Knight, for Tyler came not up to dubbing, we finde no Sir John, nor Sir Thomas of his making,) Sir John Moton to the King, who was then in the Tower with his Mother, his halfe brothers Thomas Hol­land Earle of Kent, after Duke of Surry, and the Lord Holland, the Earles of Sa­lisbury, Warwick, and Oxford, the Arch­bishop Lord Prior and others. The Knight casts himselfe downe at the Kings feet, be­seeches him, not to looke upon him the worse as in this quality and imployment, to consider he is forced to doe what he [Page 29] does; He goes on, Sir the Commons of this Realme (those few in Armes compara­tively to the rest would be taken for the whole) desire you by me to speake with them. Your Person will be safe, they re­pute you still their King (this deserved thanks) but how long the kindnesse will hold we shall soone finde, they professe that all they had done or would doe was for your honour, For your glory, (your ho­nour and security are their great care) they will make you a glorious King, fearfull to your enemies, and beloved of your Subjects, they promise you a plentifull and unparallell'd revenue, They will maintaine your power and authority in relation to the Lawes, with your royal person, according to the duty of their allegeance, their protestation, their vow, their solemne League, and Covenant, without diminishing your just power and greatnesse, and that they will all the dayes of their lives continue in this Covenant against all oppositi­on; They assure you Sir, That they intend faithfully the good of your Majesty, and of the Kingdome, and that they will not be di­verted from this end by any private or selfe-respects whatsoever. But the Kingdome has been a long time ill governed by your Uncles, and the Clergy; especially by the Archbishop of Canterbury, of whom they [Page 30] would have an account. They have found out necessary Counsels for you, they would warne you of many things, which hitherto you have wanted good advise in.

The conclusion was sad on the Knights part, His Children were pledges for his returne, and if he faile in that, their lives were to answer it. Which moved with the the King; He allowes the excuse, sends him back with this answer, that he will speake with the Commons the next Mor­ning; which it should seeme the report of the outrages done by the Clownes upon his refusall, & this Message made him con­sent to. At the time he takes his Barge & is rowed downe to Redriffe, the place nearest the Rebells, ten thousand of them descend from the Hill to see, and treat with him, (with a resolution to yeild to nothing, to overcome by the Treaty; as they must have done, had not the Kings feare pre­served him.) When the Barge drew nigh, the new Councell of state (sayes our Knight) Froiss. howled, and shouted, as though all the Devills of Hell had been amongst them; Sir John Moton was brought to­ward the River guarded, they being de­termined to have cut him in pieces, if the King had broke his promise.

All the desires of these good and faithfull [Page 31] Counsellours contracted suddenly into a narrow roome, they had now but one de­mand. The King askes them what is the matter which made them so earnestly solli­cit his Presence? They have no more to say, but to intreat him to land. Which was to betray himselfe to them, to give his Life and Soveraignty up to those fickle Beasts, to be held of them during their good pleasures; which the Lords will not agree to. The Earle of Salisbury, of the antient Nobility, and illustrious house of Montacute, tells them their equipage and order were not comely, and that the King ought not to adventure amongst their troopes. They are now more unsatisfied, and London, how true soever to the Cause, and faithlesse to the Prince, shall feele the effects of their fury, Southwark a friendly borough, is taken up for their first quarters. Here againe they throw downe the Ma­lignants Houses, and as a grace of their entrance, breake up the Kings prisons, and let out all those they finde under restraint in them; not forgetting to ransack the Archbishops house at Lambeth, and spoyle all things there—plucking downe the Stews standing upon the Thames banke, and allowed in the former ages; It can­not be thought but that the Idol loved A­dultery [Page 32] well enough, but perhaps these publick bawdy-houses were too uncleane, and might stinke in his nostrils; we can­not finde him any where quarelling with the Beares, those were no Malignants.

They knocked not long at the City-gates, Wals. which (some say) were never shut against them, or (as others) quickly opened: The Citizens fancyed themselves privy Counsellours borne, inspired from their shoppes for affaires of State, and would not suppose, the Reformation could be effected without them, they were rich by lyes, and all the most sordid wayes of falshood, and must be sage and knowing, pride the first sinne the Devill taught man tickles them. The Major Sir William Waleworth, whose memory (while truth and loyalty shall be thought virtues) must be honourable, and nine of the Aldermen held for King Richard, in vaine; a prospe­rous wicked chief shall never want wicked instruments, Three Aldermen, and the grearest part of the people for the King of the Commons, the Idol, and his Priests. Those, the confiders▪ and well affected to Tyler, forbid their Major to keep him out, owne his actions, as done for the good of the faithfull people of the Land, and the Common-wealth, & his followers for their [Page 33] Brethren and Companions of the holy Cause. They vow to live and dye with Tylar. Many of those who had no thoughts of doing mischiefe (yet being none of the wisest) were cheated into a good beliefe of them, because of their Protestation (which in their first entrance they made solemnly) that they had no intent, but this onely, to search and hunt out the Traitours of the Kingdome, the subverters of the fundamentall Laws, evill Counsellours, and Malignants, and that this done they would give over, they would disband, and returne home the same men they were, to their Farmes and Cottages, without in­riching themselves, without any other h [...]rvest of their Labours, not doubting but that in the end, it should appeare to all the world, that their endeavours have been most hearty and sincere, for the maintenance of Re­ligion, the Kings just Prerogatives, the Lawes and liberties of the Land; in which endeavours, by the Grace of God, they would persist, though they should perish in the work. Which was believed; what confirmed this Faith was, they made Theft Capitall (which yet was confined, all without the Fold of the godly▪ were Aegyptians, and could not be robbed) and paid justly for what they had, but they paid not [Page 34] often, nor could their reckonings be great.

The Citizens were their purveiours, and made provision for them, every house was open to them, and tables continually fur­nished. Their entry was on the 14 of June, 138 [...]. on Wednesday (a little be­fore Midsummer) the eve of Corpus Christi day; they spend the morning of the next day, being the festivall in ringes, discoursing of the Piety, Honesty, and fairenesse of their cause, of liberty and the courses to gaine it, of seifing Traitours, Of bringing Incendendiaries, Malignants, and evill instruments to condigne punishment, of the Duke John of Lancaster, who was above all men hated by them, but too far off for the scratches of their clawes, be­ing imployed in Scotland to treate a peace there, whence these report him turned a traitour to the King, and become Scottish: about noone, being warmed more by their cups, than with the Sun, for the richest Wines were drawne for them, and swallowed with that greedinesse, that they were got to the height of drunken­nesse and raved like mad men, They are for execution; The Savoy of the Duke of Lancaster a Princely building, the most stately fabrick of the Kingdome was fired [Page 35] by them, his Servants there murthered, his Plate and Jewells broke in pieces, a Coat of his of great value (called in that age a Jack) in contempt and scorne to this Prince, was stuck on the top of a Lance, made a marke for their Arrows, then cut and gashed to jagges with their hatchets, one of them who had hid a piece of Plate, was throwne by the rest into the fire with it, crying out, Knighton. We be zealous of Truth and Justice, and not Theeves and Robbers. The Londoners were here no slow men, they knew themselves guilty of receiving, and that their condition could be no worse, they might thinke too, it would be their shame for ever to be overdone in mis­chiefe, nor were they here exceeded.

The next fiery shower is discharged up­ [...] the Temple an Innes of Court, Wals. or College for Students of the Lawes of the Nobler sort, but belonging to the Knights of Saint John of Jerusalem, to whom the possessions of the Knights Templars were given by this Kings Grandfather. Many men lost there the evidences of their e­states, many their lives. From hence in malice to the Lord Prior, they hasten to Clerkenwell, where they leave nothing of that noble Palace of the Knights of S. John of Jerusalem, but rubbidge, and ashes, [Page 36] their Church too was consumed in the same wicked flames. This house was seaven dayes burning downe. They breake open the Exchequer and r [...]fl [...] Westminster the same day. The Flemmings or Dutch strangers, who since the Jewes were ba­nished, suffer their part in every Sedition, are sought for all the streets through, all of them massacred, no sanctuary could save them, thirteen Flemmings were drawne out of the Church of the Friers Hermits of Saint Augustine, and beheaded in the streets, and seaventeen others pulled out of another parochiall Church dye in the same manner. They had a Shibboleth to discover them, he who pronounced Brot and Cawse, for Bread and Cheese, had his head lopt off; It was their sport if they could catch any man, who had not sworne their Oath, was not of the side, or was hated by any of the Commons, to snatch off his hood or Capuch (which was a part of the Cloak, or out­ward garment worne then, and served to cover the head) with the accustomed cry, or yelling which they used in beheading and overthrowing Houses, then to rush in to the streets, and hack with their fellow Jobernolles, at his neck in Crowds, till the Head dropped down.

Our most famous Chaucer flourishing [Page 37] then, in his description of the terrible fright, and noyse, at the carrying away of Chanticlere the Cock by Reinold the Fox, reflects upon these cries, but in an Hyper­bole of his Poeticall feined ones, and much undervaluing the horrour of the Kentish throats, as he will have it.

The Lombards scaped better, they were onely robbed of what they had, their skins were left them whole, Wat the Idol had long agon in France served Richard Lyon a Merchant, and Lapidarie, formerly She­riffe of London, one of the wealthyest of the City, who had given him blowes, it was not fit this injury should be forgotten, nor was it; It was a score now, or never to be paid, he strikes off his old masters head, which in triumph is carryed before him on a Speare.

This night the King was counselled to fall upon these beasts, for the most part drunk, and cut their throats, easie to be de­stroyed, if any man had had but the courage to overcome. It was the gallant Mayors advise, they lay on heaps without sense or motion, tired with the mischiefes of the [Page 38] day, drunk and asleep without Guards or Watch; the Earle of Salisbury and the No­bility, against whose Lives, Honours and Fortunes these beasts had conspired, desire the King to try all faire and gentle wayes of appeasing them, which counsell he ap­proves. They were not so kind to them­selves; many lost their lives by the hands and swords of their companions; every pettyd scontent, or grudging, being enough to provoke them. Thirty two of them be­ing drunk in a Cellar of the Savoy were immured there, finding in the same place Death and the Grave together. Some of them threw Barrels of Gunpowder (which was little known then) into the fire, and are blown up with part of the Palace.

Proclamations were formerly made in Tylers name, not in Strawes, (as Polydore w [...]uld have it.) Straw was this while bu­sied elsewhere. Th [...] Country about was by these Proclamations summoned to re­paire to London with all speed, to spoyle this Babylon; The close menaces ( le [...]t they provoke Gods Judgments) pluck them down upon their heads, which themselves ex­plain, if ye faile, if ye and your Officers give not obedience freely to the Protector, we will send out 20000 men (20000 of our Lo­custs) who shall burn the Towns of the [Page 39] children of disobedience; Those of S. Al­banes and Barnet (whose famous deeds challenge a place in this story by them­selves) struck with the thunder of this e­dict, haste to London; Wals. in their journey thi­ther, at Heibury, a retiring house of the Lo: Prior of S. John neere Istington they finde 20000. or thereabouts casting downe the firmer parts of the house, which the fire could not consume.

Richard. Jack Straw Captain of this herd, calls these new comers to him, and forces them to sweare to adhere to King Richard, and the Commons. How long this Oath will be sworne to we shall see, and how much the safer the King will be for it.

We shall see too what is lost by this new Union of King and Commons, by the new fellowship, to observe the horrible irreli­gious hypocrisie of these Clownes who onely would be thought the Protectors of his Crown and Person. They alone had decreed his ruine, who sweare thus often to prevent it, to guard him from it; A Treason not to be believed by some then till it had taken. The Commons were then divided into three Bodies, this with Jack Straw, the second at Mile end under the Essexian Princes, Kirkby, Treder, Scot, and Rugge, the third on Tower-hill, [Page 40] where the Idoll, and Priest Baal were in chiefe.

This last crue grew horribly rude, and haughty; the Commons there were not contented to be the Kings Tasters and no more, they snatch the Kings provision vi­olently from the Purveyours, he is to be starved for his own good, and after, Har­pies or Vultures, choose you whether, strike high, like brave birds of prey they will kill no more Flies, this was the way to secure their smaller mischiefs. Polydores conceit that the Archbishop and Lord Prior of S. John, were sent out by the King to allay their heat, is not probable.

Walsingham relates it thus, That they de­manded these two (with full cryes no doubt of Justice, Justice) with some others Traitours by their Law, (a Fundamentall, never to be found or heard of before) to be given up to them by the King with all the earnestnesse, and violence imagi­nable.

They give him his choice, bid him consi­der of it, they will either have the blood of these their Traitours or his; Wals. alias scir [...] semetipsum vita privā ­dum. they ma­king all those Delinquents, who attended on him, or executed his lawfull commands▪ whom say they, The King with an high and forcible hand protects, will not be appeased, [Page 41] unlesse they be delivered up; conjuring him to be wise in time, and dismisse his ex­traordinary guards, his Cavaliers, and others of that quality, who seem to have little inte­rest, or affection to the publike good. Whether the Tower doores flew open at this fright, or the Man-wolfes crowded in, at the Kings going out to appease the party at Mile-end, as Sir John Froissart tells it, Wat the Idol with Priest Baal are now masters of the Tower, into which on Friday the 16 of June they entred, not many more than 400 of their company guarding them, where then were commanded six hundred of the Kings men of Armes, and six hun­dred Archers, a Guard not so extraordina­ry as was necessary then, all so faint-hear­ted, so unmanned at the apparition▪ at the sight of these Goblins, they stood like the stones of Medusa, remembred not them­selves, their honour, nor what they had been. The Clownes, the most abject of them, singly with their Clubs, or Cudgels in their hands, venture into all the rooms, into the Kings Bed-chamber, (which per­haps had been his Scaffold had he been there) sit, lie, and tumble upon his Bed, they presse into his Mothers Chamber, where some of the merry wanton Devills offer to kisse her, others g [...]ve her blowes, [Page 42] break her head: She swownes, and is carryed privately to the Wardrobe by her servants; Some revile and threaten the no­blest Knights of the Houshold, some stroke their beards with their uncleane hands (which beyond the Romane patience in the same rudenesse from the Gauls is in­dured) and this to claw, and sweeten, (they meant it so) they glose with smooth words, and bespeak a lasting friendship for the time to come, they must maintain the injuries done to themselves, must not di­sturbe the usurpers of their Estates and Rights, must not shew any sense of gene­rosity, of faith, of honour, (it concerned Tyler that they should be the veryest fools and cowards breathing) if they stir, make any Claimes, they shall be reputed sediti­ous, turbulent, and breakers of the publick (otherwise and plainly) Tylers peace. It was never heard (sayes the Emperour Charles in Sleidan) that it should be law­full to despoile any man of his estates and rights, and unlawfull to restore him: Our Tyler and his Anabaptists thought other­wise.

As Walsingham, they went in and out like Lords, who were varlets of the lowest rank, and those who were not Cowherds to Knights, but to Bores, value themselves [Page 43] beyond Kights. Here was a hotchpotch of the rabble, a mechanick sordid state composed as those under Kettes Oke of Reformation, after, ‘Of Countrey gnooffes, Hob, Dick, and Hick, with Clubs, and clouted shoon. Nevilli kettus.’ A medley or huddle of Botchers, Coblers, Tinkers, Draymen, of Apron men and Plough-joggers, domineering in the Kings Palace, and rooting up the plants and wholsome flowers of his Kingdome in it; This place was now a vile and nasty sty, no more a Kings Palace, who will value a stately pile of building, of honourable ti­tle, or Ant que memory, since Constantine, when it is infected with the plague, haun­ted by Goblins, or possessed by Theeves. The knights of the Court, were but knights of the Carpet or Hangings. No man seem­ed discontented, all was husht and still. White hall was then a Bishops Palace, the Tower was to be prepared for Tylers highnesse, and his Officers but the Cement of the Stratocratie of the Government by Sword, and Club Law, could not be well tempered with vulgar blood; a servant of the Arch-bishops (who had trusted him­selfe to these Guards and Walls) is forced [Page 44] to betray his Lord. He brings them into the Chappell, where the holy Prelat was at his prayers, where he had celebrated Masse th [...]t morning before the King, Wals. Sa­cram Com­munionem. and taken the sacred Communion, where he had spent the whole night in watching and devotion, as presaging what followed.

He was a valiant man and pious, and expected these Blood hounds with great security, and calmnesse of mind; when their bellowing first struck his ears, He tels his servants that Death came now as a more particular blessing; where the com­forts of life were taken away, that life was irkesome to him, (perhaps his pious feares for the Church and Monarchy, both alike indangered, and fatally tied to the same chain, might make him weary of the World) and that he could now die with more quiet of conscience than ever; a quiet which these Parricides will not finde when they shall pay the score of this and their other crimes. However the flattery of successe may abuse, our death bed re­presents things in their owne shape, and as they are: after this the rout of Wolves enter prophanely roaring, where is the Traitour where is the Robber of the Com­mon people? He answers, not troubled at what he saw, or heard.

Yee are welcome my Sonnes. I am the Archbishop whom you seek, neither Trai­tour nor Robber; Presently these Limbes of the Devill griping him with their wicked clutches, teare him out of the Chappell, neither reverencing the Altar, nor Cruci­fix, figured on the top of his Crosier, nor the Host, (these are the Monkes observati­ons, for which he condemnes them in the highest impiety, and makes them worse than Divells, and as Religion went then, well he might condemne them so.) They dragge him by the Armes and hood to Tower hill without the Gates, there they howle hideously, which was the signe of a mischiefe to follow.

He askes them what it is they purpose, what is his offence, tells them he is their Archbishop (this makes him guilty, all his eloquence, his Wisdome are now of no use) he addes the murder of their Sove­raigne Pastour will be severely punished, Qui pastor, &c. some notorious vengeance will suddenly follow it. These destroyers will not trou­ble themselves with the idle formality of a mock-trial or Court of their own erecting, an abominable Ceremony, which had made their impiety more ugly, they proceed down right, and plainly, which must be in­stead of all things, He is commanded to [Page 46] lay his neck upon the block, as a false trai­tour to the Commonalty and Realm: To deale roundly, his life was forfeited, and any particular charge, or defence would not be necessary, his enemies were his Ac­cusers, and Judges, (his enemies who had combined and sworne to abolish his order, the Church, and spoile the sacred patrimo­ny) and what innocency, what defence could save? Without any reply farther, he forgives the Heads man, and bowes his Body to the Axe.

After the first hit, he touches the wound with his hand, and speakes thus, Ah [...] manus Domini. It is the Hand of the Lord. The next stroke falls up­on his hand, ere he could remove it, and cuts off the tops of his fingers, after which he fell, but died not till the eight blow, his body lay all that day unburied, and no wonder, all men were throughly scared, under the tyranny of these Monsters, all Humanity, all Piety, were most unsafe.

The Archbishop dyed a Martyr of loy­alty to his King, and has his Wals. miracles Re­corded, an honour often bestowed by Monkes (friends of Regicide, and Regi­cides,) on Traitours, seldome given to honest men. In his Epitaph (his riming Epitaph, where is showne the pitti­full ignorant rudenesse of those times) [Page 47] he goes for no lesse, he speakes thus:

It is fit (sayes Plato) that he who would appeare a just man, become naked, that his virtue be despoiled of all ornament, that he be taken for a wicked man by others (wicked indeed) that he be mocked, and hanged. The wisest of men tell us, Eccles. 7. 15. There is a just man that perisheth in his righteous­nesse, and there is a wicked man that pro­longeth his life in his wickednesse. The Seas are often calme to Pirates, and the scourges of God, the executioners of his fury, the Gothes, Hunnes, and Vandalls here­tofore, Tartars and Turkes now, how hap­py are their Robberies, how doe all things succeed with them beyond their wishes! Our Saviours Passion, the great mysterie of his Incarnation lost him to the Jewes his Murtherers. Whereupon Grotius notes, Grot. Sape à deo per­mitti, ut pii ab imp [...]s non vexen­tur [...] sed in e [...]fician­tur. It is often permitted by God, that pious men be not onely vexed by wicked men, but murdered too—He gives examples in Abel, Isaiah, and others, the MESSIAH [Page 48] dyed for the sins of the world, Ethelbert and Saint Edmund the East-Angles, Saint Oswald the Northumbrian, Saint Edward the Monarch, &c. Saxon Kings, are exam­ples at home.

Thucydides in his narration of the defeat and death of Nician the Athenian in Syeily, speaks thus: Being the man who of all the Grecians of my time had least deserved to be brought to so great a degree of misery. It is too frequent to proclaim Gods Judg­ments in the misfortunes of others, as if we were of the Celestiall Councell, had seen all the Wheels, or Orbs, upon which Providence turns, and knew all the reasons and ends which direct and govern its mo­tions: men love by a strange abstraction to separate Facts from their Crimes; where the fact is beneficiall, the advantage must canonize it, it must be of heavenly off­spring, a way to justifie Cain, Abimelech, Phocas, our third Richard, Ravilliac, every lucky parricide whatsoever.

Alexander Severus that most excellent Emperour assassinated by the Militia or Souldiery, by an ill fate of the Common­wealth (for Maximinus a Thracian or Goth, Lieutenant Generall of the Army, a cruell Savage tyrant, by force usurped the Empire after him) Replyed, to one who [Page 49] pretended to foretell his end; That it troubled him not, the most renowned per­sons in all ages die violently. This gallant Prince condemned no death but a disho­nest fearfull one. Heaven it selfe declared on the Archbishops side, and cleared his innocency. Starling of Essex, who chal­lenged to himselfe the glory of being Heads man, fell mad suddenly after, ran through the Villages with his Sword han­ging naked upon his brest, and his Dagger naked behinde him, came up to London, confest freely the fact, and lost his [...]nd there; As most of those did▪ who had said their hands upon this Archbishop com­ming up severally out of their Countries to that City, and constantly accusing them­selves for the Parricide of their spirituall Father. Nothing was now unlawfull, there could be no wickednesse after this; They make more examples of barbarous cruelty under the name of Justice.

Robert Lord Prior of St. John, and Lord Treasurer of England, John Leg, or Laige one of the Kings serjeants at Armes, a Franciscan, a Physitian belonging to the Duke of Lancaster (whom perhaps they hated because they had wronged his Ma­ster) a Frier Carmelite, the Kings Confes­sour were murdered there in this fury. [Page 50] Whose heads with the Archbishops, were borne before them through London streets, and advanced over the Bridge.

This while the King was softning the Rebells of Essex at Mile-end, with the Earles of Salisbury, Warwick, and Oxford, and other Lords. Thither by Proclamati­on he had summoned them, as presuming the Essexians to be the more civilized, and by much the fairer enemies, as indeed they were. There he promises to grant them their desires, Liberty, pretious Liberty is the thing they aske, this is given them by the King, but on condition of good beha­viour. They are to cease their burning, and destruction of Houses, to returne quiet­ly to their homes, and offend no man in their way. Two of every Village were to stay as Agents behinde for the Kings Charters, which could not be got ready in time. Farther the King offers them his Banners.

Some of thē were simple, honest people, of no ill meaning, Froiss. who knew not why the Garboils were begun; nor why they came thither. These were won, and win others; without more stir those of Essex returne whence they came. Tyler and Baal are of another spirit, they would not part so ea­sily, Tyler the future Monarch, who had [Page 51] designed an Empire for himselfe, and was now, sceleribus suis ferox atque praeclarus famous for his villeinies and haughty, would not put up so, he and his Kentish rabble tarry. The next day being Saturday the 17 of June, was spent as the other dayes of their tyranny, in Burning, Rui­ning houses, Murthers, and Depopulati­ons.

The night of this day the Idol and his Priest upon a new resolution; intended to have struck at the neck of the Nation, to have Murthered the King ( the Achan of the Tribes) probably by beheading, the death these parricides had used hitherto, the Lords, G [...]ntlemen, the wealthiest and ho­nestest part of the Citiz [...]ns, then to have pillaged their Houses, and fi [...]ed the City in foure parts, they [...]ended this hast to avoid odi [...]us partne [...]sh [...]p in the exploit, and that those of Norfolke. Suffolke, and other parts might not share in the spoile. This Counsell of destruction was against all policy, more profit might have beene made of this City by Excise. Assessment, and Taxes upon the Trade, Tyler might soo­ner have inriched himselfe, and have been as secure. Estate makes men losty, f [...]are and poverty, if we may trust Machiavel, bend and supple, every man had been in [Page 52] danger, and obnoxious to him, one Clowne had awed a street. Near the Abby-Church at Westminster, was a Chappell with an image of the Virgin Mary, this Chappell was called the Chappell of our Lady, in the Piew, it stood near the Chappell of S. Steph. since turned from a Chappell to the Parliament house, here our Lady then (who would not believe it) did great miracles. Richards preservation at this time was no small one, being in the hands of the multi­tude, let loose, and inraged. There he makes his vowes of safety, after which he rides towards these Sonnes of perdition under the Idol Tyler.

Tyler, who meant to consume the day in Cavills, protests to those who were sent by the King to offer those of Kent the same peace, which the Essex Clownes had accepted, That he would willingly embrace a good and honest Peace, but the Proposi­tions or Articles of it were only to be dic­tated by himselfe. He is not satisfied with the Kings Charters, Three draughts are presented to him, no substance, no forme would please, he desires an accommodation, but he will have Peace, and truth together. He exclaims that the liberty there is deceit­full, but an empty name, that while the King talkes of liberty, he is actually levying [Page 53] Warre, setting up his Standard against his Commons, that the good Commons are abu­sed to their owne ruine, and to the mis­carriage of the great undertaking, that they have with infinite paines and labour acquainted the King with their humble de­sires, who refuses to joyn with them, mis­led, and carried away by a few evill and rotten-hearted Lords and Delinquents, con­trary to his Coronation Oath; by which he is obliged to passe all Lawes offered him by the Commons (whose the Legislative power is) which deniall of his if it be not a forfeiture of his trust and office (both which are now uselesse) it comes neare it, and he is fairely dealt with, if he be not deposed, which too might be done without any want of modesty or duty, and with the good of the Com­mon-wealth, The happinesse of the Nation not depending on him, or any of the Regall Branches. I will deliver the Nation from the Norman slavery, and the world (sayes he) of an old silly superstition, That Kings are onely the Tenants of Heaven, obnoxious to God a­lone, cannot be condemned and punished by any power else, I will make (here he lied not) an wholsome President to the world for­midable to all tyrannes, I declare, That Ri­chard Plantagenet, or Richard of Bourde­aux, at this time is not in a condition to [Page 54] governe, I will make no addresses, no applica­tions to him, nor receive any from him; though I am but a dry bone, too unworthy for this great calling, yet I will finish the work▪ I will settle the Government without the King and against him, and against all that take part with him, which [...]ufficiently justifies our Armes, God with Ʋs, sayes he, owns them, successe manifests the righteousnesse of our cause, this is (sayes he) the voyce of the people, by us their Representative, and our Counsell. After the Vote of no more Addres­ses, which with all their other Votes of trea­sons were to be styled the resolution of the whole Realm; and while he swells in this ruffle, Sir John Newton a Knight of the Court, is sent to intreat rather than invite him to come to the King then in Smith­field; where the Idols Regiments were drawn up, and treat with him, concerning the additionall Provisions he desired to be inserted into the Charter.

No observance was omitted which might be thought pleasing to his Pride (which pride was infinitely puffing.) Flat­tery was sweet to him, and he had enough of it, that made him bow a little, when no­thing else could doe it. We may judge a [...] the unreasonablenesse of all his demands, and supplyes of new Articles out of his in­strument, [Page 55] by one. He required of the King a Commission to impower himselfe and a Committee teame of his owne choosing, to cut off the heads of Lawyers and Es­cheators, and of all those, who by reason of their knowledge, and place were any way imployed in the Law. He fancied if those who were learned in the Law, were knocked ith'head, all things would be ordered by the common people, either there would be no law, or that which was should be declared by him and his, subject to their will, with which his expression the day before did well agree; Then, attri­buting all things to God (the God of Warre) and his conquering Armes, and striking his Sword (which shewed the pre­sent power) on London-stone.

The Cyclops, or Centaur of Kent spake these words: Walsingh. From this day (or within four dayes) all Law (or all the Lawes of Engl. as others) shall fall from Wat Tylers mouth. The Kings indeed had bound them­selves, and were bound by the Lawes. They were named in them. Tyler was more than a King, he was an Emperour, he was above the Lawes; nor was it fit the old overworn Magna Charta should hold him. The supreme Authority and legislative power (no one knowes how derived) [Page 56] were to be, and reside in him, according to the new establishment, Tyler like Homers Mars, [...], was a whirlewinde, he was Potius gladiator quam sena­tor. Egnatius in Paterculus, rather a Fen­cer, a Swash buckler than a Senatour; his right Arme, his brut [...]sh force, not Justice, not reason must sway all things; Tyler will not rule in fetters, his will, his violence shall be c [...]d Law, and grievous slavery under that will, falsly peace. Had those, whom no government never so sweet, and gracious will please, unlesse the Supreame power be given the people, seen the confusi­ons and dangers, the c [...]uelty and tyranny of these few dayes, they would quickly have changed this opinion.

The Knight performes his Embassy, he urges the Idol with great earnestness to see the King and speedily. He answers if thou be [...]t so much for hast, get thee back to the King thy Master▪ I will come when I list, yet he followes the Knight on Horse back, but slowly. In the way, he is met by a Cit [...]zen who had brought sixty doublets for the Commons, upon the Publique Faith. This Citizen askes him for his mony, he promises payment before night, & presses on so near the King that his horse touched the croupe of the Kings horse.

Froissart reports his discourse to the [Page 57] King, Sir King (sayes the Idol) seest thou yonder people? The King answers yes, and askes him what he meanes by the question. He replyes, they are all at my command, have sworne to m [...] Faith, and Truth, to doe what I will have them. He and they had broke their Faith and truth to their Prince, and he thinkes these men will be true to him. Here though it be a digression too much, I cannot omit a passage of the late Civill Warres of France, D'Avila. begun and continued by th [...] Jesuited party to ex [...]ir­pate the royall Family there.

Villers Governour of Roüen for the ho­ly League, tells the Duke of Mayen Cap­taine Generall of the Rebellion, That he would not obey him; they were both com­panions and spoilers of the State together: The King being levelled, all men else ought to be equall.

The Idoll, as he that demanded (so the Knight) nothing bu [...] Riot, continues his discourse (thus) Believe [...]t thou King, that these people will depart without thy Let­ters? The King tells him, He means fairly, that he will make good his word, his Letters are neare finished, and they shall have them. But the glory of the Idoll (which was merely the benefit of fortune) beg [...]n to fade, his principali [...]y was to [...] [Page 58] cruell, too violent to be lasting. Vengeance here hovered over his head, and he who had been the destruction of multitudes hastens, nay precipitates his own fate, and ruins himself by his own fury, he puts him­self into the Kings power, who should in his first towring, had he been wisely wicked, like a Vulture of the Game, have flown at his throat. In magnis principium▪ injuriis non incipitur ut desistatur. The judicious polit [...]que will not begin to give over; However, will never venture himself in the Princes hands whom he has justly offended by treasons against his government.

Grand fo [...]e Com. Charles of Burgundy confesses this to be a great folly; his Grandfather Philip lost his life at Montereau upon the Yonne by it, and our Idoll shall not escape bet­ter.

Sir John Newton the Knight imployed to fetch him, delivered his message on horseback which is now remembred, and taken for an high neglect; besides, it see­meth the carriage and words of the Knight were not very pleasing. Every trifle in omission was treason to the Idols person, and new state. He railes foulely, drawes his Dagger, and bellowing out, Traitor, mena­ces to strike the Knight, who returnes him in exchange the lie; and not to be behinde in blowes, drawes his: This the Idol takes [Page 59] for an intolerable affront, but the King fearfull of his servant, coole, and asswages the heat; he commands the Knight to dis­mount, and offer up his Dagger to the Idol, which (though unwillingly) was done.

This would not take off his edge: The Prince who yeilds once to a Rebell, shall finde heaps of requests, and must deny no­thing. The King had given away his Knights Dagger: now nothing will content Tyler but the Kings Sword, with which the Militia o [...] power of Armes impliedly was sought. This he askes, then againe rushes upon the Knight, vowing never to eat till he have his Head.

When the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdome, whom neither necessity nor misery could animate, lie downe trampled on by these Villaines without Soule, or motion; In comes the Major of London, Sir William Walworth, the everlasting ho­nour of the Nation, a man who over did ages of the Roman Scaevolae, or Curtii in an hours action, & snatches the King & King­dome out of these flames. He tells the King it would be a shame to all posterity to suf­fer more insolencies from this Hangman, this lump of bloud. This the rest of the Courtiers now wakened by their owne [Page 60] danger, (For he who destroyes one man contrary to Law or Justice, gives all men else reason to feare themselves and take heed) are echoes to. This puts daring into the young King; he resolves to hazard all upon this chance: This way he could not but die kingly, at least, like a Gentleman, with the Sword, which God (of whose great Majesty he was a beam) gave him in his hand. The onely way left to avoid a shamefull d [...]ath, was to run the danger of a brave one, and a wise coward (I will not say an honourable one) considering the in­certainty of things under that Iron socage Tenure would think so.

The King commands the Major to arrest the Butcher: This was charge enough, and rightly understood, indeed there was then no time for forme nor tryall, the suspen­sion of the Courts was Tylers act, his crime, and he oug [...]t not to look for any advan­tage from it: Grot Jur. B [...] v [...]l 1. c. 4. an Historian sayes the Duke of Guyse's power was so much, that the ordinary formes of Justice could not be observed; faire Law is handsome, but it is not to be given to Wolves and Tygers. Tyler was a traytour, a common ene­my; and against such (sayes a Father long agone) ev [...]ry man is a Souldier; whosoe­v [...] struck too, struch as much in his owne [Page 61] defence, in his owne preservation, as the Kings: and the safety of the King and People made this course necessary; besides, Tylers crimes were publick and notori­ous.

The generous Lord Major obeyes the sentence, which was given by the same power, by which the Judges of Courts sate and acted when Justice flowed down from the fountaine in the ordinary channell, and which the damme head being thus trou­bled by this Wolfe, could slow no other­wise, which was authority sufficient; by this power Richards Captaines must fight when he has them, and kill those whom the Courts of Justice cannot deal with: Tyler faints, and shrinkes to what he had beene, he was as cowardly as cruell, and could not seem a man in any thing but that he was a theef, and a rebell: he askes the brave Major in what he was offended by him; This was a strange question to an honest man, he finds it so. The Major (sayes Fro­issart) calls him false stinking knave, and tells him he shall not speake such words in the presence of his naturall Lord the King. The Major answers in full upon the accursed Sacrilegious Head of the Idol with his Sword. He struck heartily, and like a faith­full zealous subject. Dagon of the Clownes [Page 62] sinkes at his feete. The Kings followers in­viron him round, John Standish an Esquire of the Court, alights, and runs him into the belly, which thrust sent him into another World, to accompany him who taught Rebellion, and murder first. Event was then no signe of a good cause.

All History now brands him for a Trai­tour, which by some will be attributed to his miscarriage: without doubt had he prospered in the Worke, he had had all the honours which goe along with prosperity. Ut reus fit vincendus est. The King had beene the wrong doer, and his afflictions, if nothing in so much youth could have beene found out, had beene crimes; we must overpower those whom we would make guilty. Henry the great of France under the Popes interdict, is told by a Gentleman, Sir, if we be overcome, we shall dye condemned hereticks, if your Majesty conquer, the censures shall be revoked, they will fall of themselves. He who reads the mischiefes of his usurpa­tion will thinke he perished too late.

Now I come to an Act of Richards, the most glorious of his History, which the Annals past can no where parallel, here his infancy excells his after man-hood. Here, and in the gallantry of his death he appeares a full Prince, and perhaps vies [Page 63] with all the bayes of his usurpers tri­umphs.

Alexander the Monarch of the world, (Not more wondered at for his victories, then for that suppressing the Sedition of his Macedons in Asia, tired, and unable to march, whither his ambition carried him on wings) leaps from his Throne of State, into the Battels of his Phalanges enraged, Seises thirteene of the chiefe malecontents, and delivers them to the custody of his Guards. Curtius knowes not what he should impute this amazement of the Se­ditious to, every man returning upon it to his old duty, and obedience, and ready to yeild himselfe up into the same hands: it might be (sayes he) Lib. The veneration of the Majesty of Kings, which the Nations sub­mitted under, worship equally with the Gods, or of himselfe which laid the tem­pest. That confidence too of the Duke Alessandro of Parma, in a mutiny of the German Reiters at Namures is memorable, who made his way with his Sword alone through the points of all their Lances, into the middest of their Troops, and brought thence by the coller one of the Muti­neers whom he commanded to be hang'd to the terrour of the rest. The youth of Richard begat rather contempt, than reve­rence, [Page 64] of which too these Clownes breasts were never very full: When the fall of the Idol was known to the rout, they put themselves into a posture of defence, thun­der out nothing but vengeance to the King and his, whom they now arraign of Murder and Tyranny: He is guilty of Innocent bloud; a Tyrant, a Traitour, an Homicide, the publique Enemy of the Common wealth. Richard Plantaginet is indicted in the name of the people of England of treason, and other heynous crimes. He is now become lesse than Tylers Ghost, a Traitour to the Free­borne people.

His treason was, he would not destroy himselfe, he would not open his body to Tylars full blow. Walsingh. Capitaneus noster. They roare out, our Captaine Generall is slaine treacherously, let us stand to it, and revenge his p [...]ecious bloud, or die with him: I cannot passe this place without some little wonder; had these Ruffians (with whom Kings hedged about by holy Scripture, and Lawes hu­mane, are neither divine nor sacred) beene asked whether Tyler the Idol, of their own clay and hands, might have been tryed, touched or struck, according to their re­senting this blow here: let his tyrannies, his exorbitances have beene what they would, they would have answer'd no doubt [Page 65] in the negative: Though Richard might have been struck thorough and thorough, Tyler who had usurped his power, must have been sacred, it must have been treason to touch him: Phocas must not be hurt: in Tylers case Straw would allow the old texts againe: The powers were to be obey­ed. Their bowes were drawne, when the King gallops up to them alone, and riding round the throng, asks them, What mad­nesse it was that armed them thus against their own peace, and his life, whether they would have no end of things or demands.

He tells them if L [...]berty be their onely aim, as hitherto they have pretended, they may assure themselves of it, and that it is an extreme folly to seek to make that our owne with the breach of Faith, of Lawes, with impieties, violating God and Man, which we may come by fairely. But they trod not the path to Liberty, That where every man commands, no man can be free; the Liberty too they fancy cannot be had, the world cannot subsist without Order and Subjection, men cannot be freed from Lawes: If they were, there could be no society, no civility any where, Men must be shunned as much as Wolves or Beares, ra­pine and bloud-shed would over-run the world, the spoyler must feare the next [Page 66] comer, like savage beasts, who hurt others, and know not it is ill to hurt them; men would devour men, the stronger Thiefe would swallow up the rest; no Relations would be sacred, where every man has the power of the Sword, the aged fire (could there be any such) must defend his silver haires from the unnaturall violence of his own Sons.

He addes, if there can be any just cause of Sedition, yet is the Sedition unjust which outlasts it, which continues, when the cause is yeilded to, and taken away; that if his Prerogative has beene sometimes grie­vous, his taxes heavy, and any of those they call evill Counsellours faulty, they ought to remember, in their first risings, and all along in all their Oathes, and Co­venants, they swore continually not to in­vade the Monarchy, nor touch the Rights of his free Crowne. You ought to remember your own Remonstrances; you once de­clared, that you acknowledged the Maxime of the Law, The King can doe no wrong; If any ill be committed in matters of State, the Councellors; if in matters of Law, the Judges must answer for it—My person was not to be violated. He expect they should deale with him, as the honest Husbandman does in overflowes of Waters, who cleares [Page 67] and draines his ground, repaires the bankes, but does not usurp upon the streame, does not inhance within the Channell; And farther that quarrels to his Government and Lawes are unreasonable from those, who out of ambition arme to overthrow both, that reformation is not the worke of Sedition, which ever disorders what is well setled. He conjures them to forsake these suries, who, sayes he, abuse their lightness meerely for their owne ends, whose com­panions or masters they were lately, now are they but their Gaurds, and that if they refuse a su [...]j [...]ction according to all Lawes Divine and humane to his Sc [...]pter, they must become slaves and tributanes to their Iron, to the Flailes and Pitchforkes of some Mushrome of their owne dirt, and that advancing their Mushrome, thus upon his power by the wayes of force. gives an example to the next tumults against them­selves.

There can be no safety for any new Non est diuturn [...] possessio in quam gla­dio induci­mur. Curt. power raised upon this force, the obedi­ence to that upon these Rules being limit­ted, and annexed to the force, and success, and to yeild, and give way to the next power visible which shall overbeare it. A way to thrust a Nation into a state of War, continuall perjury and impiety to the [Page 68] Worlds end. This Realm (as he goes on) is my inheritance, which I tooke possession of after the death of my Grand-father, be­ing a child, and did I claime onely by your gift (which I shall never grant) yet are not you free, to make a new choice, you are bound to me by Oathes and Compacts, and no right of new compliance [...] [...]ubmission can be left you to transferre. He concludes, That despair was a dangerous sinne, which would drive them head-long to destructi­on: That whatsoever their offences had been, they were not above his mer­cy.

He bids them not trouble themselves for Tyler, a base fellow who thrust them into dangers, and blew them into a storme to raise himselfe upon the billowes, upon the ruines of his Country. He promises to lead them, he will be their Captaine, if they will follow him he will please them in all their desires. This he spake, to draw them off farther into Smithfield, fearing they would againe fall to burning of [...]ous [...]s. They now wanted their Devill, who possessed them, and being in doubt whether they should kill the King, or returne home with his Charters, there being no incendiary to command, follow the King in suspence; Baal and Straw about this time amazed at [Page 69] the Idols fall, lose courage and slip away. In the meane time the stout Major spurres to the City with one servant, where in a few words he acquaints the Citizens with the Kings perill and his owne, and requests their sudden assistance, if not for himselfe, for the King, who (sayes he) is in danger now to be murthered. Wals. Froiss. Some loyall hearts, some good men of the Kings party arme, and joyn, to the number of one thousand, and range themselves in the street, expe­cting some of the Cavaliers, of the Kings Knights to conduct them, resolved either to overcome, or not to feare the Conque­rours.

Sir Robert Knowles, a renowned Com­mander in the French Warres of the Kings Grandfather (called falsly Canol by Poly­dor, and others) undertakes this charge. Sir Perducas D'Albret (called D'Albreth) a noble Gascoigne and a Commander too in those Warres, Nicholas Brembre the Kings Draper, and other Aldermen, come in with their Levies, and march to the King in sight of the Rebels. There the King Knights the brave Wil: Walworth, John Standish, one of his Esquires, Nicho­las Brembre, John Philpot, (a most gene­rous Citizen, famous for his faithfull ser­vice to his Prince in the times succeeding) [Page 70] and others. The Nobility about the King desire him to strike off an hundred or two of the Clowns heads, in revenge of the in­juries and infamy they had received from them. Sir Robert Knowles would have him fa [...]l on, and cut them all to pieces. The King dislikes both these counsels; He sayes many of these unhappy men were awed to side, without either malice to his Person or Power; and that if the first advise were taken, the most innocent might be punish­ed, and the guilty scape; If the second, the very Rebel and the Counterfeit (the for­ced one) must be swallowed up together, which was high injustice. Yet were there many of these R [...]b [...]ls called to account, and their acts of bloud, rapine and bu [...]ning cost them deare; but these acts of theirs done against Law, were punished legally, upon the finding of Juries, when the Tu­mults were composed: Which was faire and handsome, and sh [...]wes the honoura­ble justice of our King. All that was done against them that night, was, to forbid the Citizens by Proclamation to entertain any of these men in the City, or communicate with them; and to command all men who had not dwelt there for one yeare before, to depart:

So farre was the young King from ap­proving [Page 71] the cruelty of the l [...] counsels, that in the next place, he causes the Char­ters, which he had promised them to be delivered; yet some may suppose this but a pardon of shew, and the pardon-piece of the Charters, as well as the other part, ra­ther a piece of policy than any thing else, the Countries being yet tumultuous, the Clownes were upon their good behaviour, that was a condition of their pardon, which they would not observe, they com­mit new outrages, break the Kings Laws, & pluck down the vengeance of Justice upon their heads afresh, they did not give over their mischiefs after their return sayes, Wals. By the King and his Counsell, the Charters, as extorted out of force, and necessity, were recalled; and though the Meynie generally were pardoned, the King (againe provoked) staid but for a fit time to take vengeance on the Ring-leaders, and punish particular offendors who could not be forgiven: It being necessary in so des­perate a Revolt▪ for the terrour of others, to make examples of some such malicious disturbers of the peace, as would never have been reclaimed. The Kings Charters contained a Manumission of the Villains, and abolition of the memory of what was past for the rest. The tenor, sayes Walsing­ham, [Page 72] of the Charters extorted from the King by force, was this, (he gives us onely that of Hartfordshire the Province of his Monastery.)

This Charter was granted about the time the Clownes of Essex disbanded, a [...]d received theirs, it was brought into Hart­fordshire to Saint Albanes by Wallingford one of the Towne; Illucescen­te die Veneris. Friday sayes Wal­singham the day of tribulation, &c. (which was the 16 of June) the Towns­men of Saint Albanes being at the time of Matines acquainted by those of Barnet with the command of the Ordinance or Act for repairing to London presently with the Esquires of the Abbot set forth; So that I conceive the day of this Charter is mistaken in it by the Monke.

The Clownes throw down their Armes at the Kings feet, sue for mercy, and deli­ver up their chiefs; the principall of which▪ Priest Straw was after drawne from his hi­ding holes, and laid hold of by the Kings Officers. What became of them we shall see below, in the visitation made by the King, and his Ministers, through the Pro­vinces in uproare.

The Commons of Kent now scatter and dissolve, the heads of the Archbishop, Lord Prior, and the rest, are taken down from the bridge, and the Idols advanced there; That Baal should now be taken in an old house is an errour of the Knights; Baal Froiss. [...]. must take his turn, but he shall have a long­ger [Page 74] runne for it. That the dagger should now be given in honour of Sir William Walworth as an addition to the City armes is Fabulous, this dagger is the Sword of St. Paul, and was borne by the City when Ty­ler was living.

The King now rides to Westminster where he gives God thankes for his de­liverance, and presents his offering to the Virgin Mary, in her Chappell of the Piew, next he visits the Princesse mother in the Tower Royall, called the Queenes War­drobe, and bids her rejoyce, for (sayes he) this day I have recovered mine heritage, the Realme of England near lost, the Lords returne to their owne houses. Froiss. The other Countries now in combustion, and upon their march to London, make halt, they were thunder-strucken at the disaster of the Idol, they hated the fortune not the wic­kednesse of that monster, And tarry to poure out those plagues at home, if they be not checked, which before they intended to carry farther off. The example and suc­cesse of the Idol had moved with many, but his invitation, and sollicitation by the Emissaries of this confederacy and spirit more. The Sectaries, or ringleaders of the hurden rustick raggamuffins in the severall Provinces of the association (while Tyler [Page 75] was thus busied in the chiefe seat of his new Dominions) promote the cause, and pursue the instructions of the Prince of Di­vells, they were all to tread his steps, as we shall finde in what followes.

The lewd prankes of the Clowns at Saint Albanes. I have before spoken of the Summons of the I [...]ol to fetch the bordering rogues in­to the Line of Communication, who were to serve as Auxiliaries onely, to strengthen Tyler, rather than to inrich themselves, and likely to be casheered, and cast off when he had perfected his Worke: amongst these rake hells were the Towns-men of Saint Albane with the Abbots servants shuffled in the throng of purpose to oversee and awe the Clownes from the new fangles of our fanaticks; These, as is related, were sworne to the Ingagement at Heibury; whence they come to London, whither they are no sooner got, but the Towns men se­parate from the servants of the Monastery, and in St. Mary-bow Church does their profane Conventicle consult how to make advantage of the tumult▪

And what pretences of revolt from their Lord Abbot would seem most faire, and taking. Here they make not the causes of their disobedience, they were hatched secretly amongst themselves, they delibe­rate how to perfect things, how to come [Page 76] to effects. The inlarging the bounds of their common. free fishing, hunting in cer­taine places, when they pleased, and Hand-mills, that the Baily of the Liberty shall no more meddle within the Precincts of the Towne, the revocation of Charters preju­diciall to the Free-borne Burgesses, cancel­ling the Bonds of their Fore-fathers made to Abbot Richard, are the Propositions first voted.

One, who would be wiser than the rest, perswades them not to attempt things rashly, and giddily, without authority, he tells them that Wat Tyler, Protectour and Captaine Generall of the Clownes was near, that the Protectour, was a righter of wrongs raised, and inspired by providence to redeeme the faithfull Commons from the thraldome of the wicked, Wals. Ducem ri­baldorum, ut accepta ab co pote­state, &c. At the suite of the godly party, sayes he, Tyler has accep­ted the Government, he is to govern the two Nations; The Supreame executive Power resides in him, from him (sayes he) and from the keepers of the liberties let us seek for remedy.

Let us make our addresses to him, let us seeke to his Highnesse for power, and Commission; This he said (as Walsingham writes) supposing a greater than Tyler should not be seene in the Kingdome, that [Page 77] Tylers greatnesse for the time to come would onely be eminent; Wals. That the Lawes of the Land (the most antient English, Saxon Lawes) would be of no force, of no validity, because the most of the Lawyers were already murthered, and the rest in their account not long lived, the Axes edge was turned towards them. He concludes, let us returne home, and in the puissance of Wat, and our selves, force the Abbot to reason; If he deny our requests, we will awe [...]m with burning and demolishing the Monastery, with killing the Monkes, we will threaten not to leave one stone up­on another; Others conceive it more safe to petition the King (who might be spoken with by every man, and durst refuse no­thing) for his Letters under the Privy Seale, commanding the Abbot, to restore to the Towns-men the rights, and Liberties which their ancestours injoyed in the time of King Henry the first; as if the English Church had beene lately indowed, the Mo­nasteries founded, their Royalties, Liber­ties, Priviledges granted by the Norman Princes, than which nothing could be more false. The most Christian Saxon Kings of blessed memory, twelve of which died Martyrs of the Faith, ten shine glorious Starres in the Calender of Saints, were all [Page 78] nursing Fathers of the Church, scareely was there one in the illustrious rolle, who gave not Lands and Possessions with Ex­emptions, and Immunities to the Church, who erected not Bishopricks, or Monaste­ries into which thirty of our crowned, heads, Kings, or Queenes entred, the su­perstition of the [...]g [...] then ought not to blemish their Piety: The Mercian King Offa, his Son Ecgfryd. King Ethelred, King Edward, are the founders and donours of St. Albanes, what King Henry the first did for the Towne I cannot say, nor how am­ple its Liberties were then, this is true, he confirmes the grants of the Saxon Princes, to the Monastery, All these grants end with horri­ble curses against Sa­criledge. and addes the Norman seale to strengthen the Saxon Crosses, this is all, but truth is not necessary in such up­roares, the credulity of a light headed mul­titude is quickly abused, their duty and obedience easily corrupted without it.

To keepe our way; Both these Coun­sels are approved. Walsingh. William Greyndcob an H [...]de, who had eaten the breade of the Monastery for the most part of his life, is el [...]cted with others, and sent on this er­rand to the King, before whom he kneeles six times out of zeale to prevaile. This Lob too was made principall Prolocutor (sayes our Monk) Walsingh. or Speaker to the Idol: before [Page 79] whose sordid Excellency and his uncleane Councell he complaines of the grievous ty­ranny of the Abbot and Prior, (some few Monks are thrust in to make up the num­ber) of the oppressures of the Commons, of withholding the wages of poor Labou­rers, the design was to rowze the Wolfe.

Tyler meant not to leave London, yet he promises, if need be, to send twenty thousand of the Saints, who shall not fail to shave the beards of the Abbot and the rest, which signified (in plain English) cut­ting off their heads.

The gracious Captaine Generall was yet more kind; he vowes, if it be convenient, to assist them in his owne person, He gives them directions and orders to governe themselves by, and makes their obedience here, a condition of his love. These Or­ders were generally injoyned by our En­glish Mahomet, through all the Provinces of his Conquest, and were framed accor­ding to the Law of his bloody Alchoran. He sweares them to omit nothing either in his Commands or Doctrine. A servant of the Abbot, one of the spies upon the Towns­men, rides in full career to S. Albanes and gives intelligence to the Abbie of the ex­ploits of the New Masters at London. He tells them in what manner that [...]t of a [Page 82] Captaine ( Tyler) sullyed and polluted with the bloud of the Noblesse, had butchered the English Patriarch, and the Lord Trea­surer. That London, the den of these rave­nous beasts, falsly called The Chamber of her Kings, was likely now to become the Charnelhouse of Richard, and his Loyall vassals; That these Fiends, who would goe for Saints, and the onely good Patriots▪ commit the acts of Theeves, and Murthe­rers, neither reverencing Religion nor Lawes: And that the Conquering French, who makes faire war, nay the barbarous Scot, broke out of the fastnesse of his owne Desart, mortall enemies of the Nation, could not spoile nor ruine with more cru­elty and villanie. No Mercy, sayes he, (yeild who will upon mercy) no favour, no good­nesse can be expected from this rout of Wolves. He bids those pointed at, and na­med by Greyndcob to Tyler, shift for them­selves, which they are not long in resolving of. The Prior, four Monks, and some of their servants, one part horsed, another on foot, fly for their lives, not assuring themselves till they got to Tynmouth, a Priory of this Monastery of Saint Albane in Northumber­land, William Greyndcob, and William Ca­dindon a Baker, on Friday had hastened to S. Albanes, that they might make the ho­nour [Page 81] of the atchievement theirs by first ap­pearing in the action; these brag aloud of the prosperity of affaires, that they were no more drudges and slaves, but Lords for the time to come; that they had brought about great and wonderfull feats against the Abbie; Wals. ad diffiducian­dum. they propose, first to defie the Abbot, to renounce all amity and peace with him, then to breake downe his folds and gates in Fauconwood, Eywood, and his other words▪ and to pull down the Under­bowsers house, Subceller [...] ­rii. standing over against the Fish-market, and hindering the prospect of the Burgesses and Nobility of the Town, this is their owne style, a Nobility scarce to be parallel'd in the world disco­vered, unlesse we fetch in the Man-eaters of Brasil, who have neither Letters nor Lawes, acknowledge neither God nor Prince.

This night the first Seene of the Trage­die is acted; the next day, being Saturday, fatall to the Hangman Tyler; the upstart Nobility of Churls assemble and make, Pro­clamation, That no man able to serve his Country, presume to sleight the Lieutenants of the Idol, but that every man furnish himself with such Arms as he can provide, to attend them the Lieutenants in his own defence. The Crew summoned are com­manded [Page 82] to presse the Gentry for the ser­vice, and to cut off the heads of those who would not joyn with them, and sweare to be faithfull to them; beheading, burning houses, forfeiture of goods were menaced to all that would not assist the Forces rai­sed by Tyler, and fight the Lords Battels, that is, for the Cause. This, sayes our Monke, was the charge of their Lord and Master Wat, this was his Rubric of blood.

Next, Cum magna pompa. with great pomp they march to Fauconwood; to levell the slips of their haste and night-worke, something they feared might be left whole, upon review when Root and Branch were pared and torne up, they retire.

The other Growtnolls of the Neigh­bourhood, subject to the distresse, or Sieg­niory of Saint Albane, wait for them; these were cited upon the same threats to meet, and promised belly: fulls, cart loads of Li­berties. Now or never for the Liberty of the Subject, and the power of godlinesse. This supply swells them into huge hopes, it puffs them up. Greyndcob and Cadindon more haughty now than ever; Lead their Bat­ta [...]s, blustering with surly pride and dis­ [...]ine, to the Gates of the Monastery, which with the same loftinesse they com­mand the Porter to set open. Some of the [Page 83] company, friends of the house, had given private intelligence to the Abbots of the contrivances against him, who had instru­cted his servants how to carry themselves towards this tag and rag of Swaines, they observe them punctually.

That they may seeme pious in their en­trance, they free the publique Malefactors out of the Abbots prison; but so that they should owe faith hereafter, and grace of the benefit to the Commons (a name the most honourable, and which must swallow up all things else) and inseparably stick to them. One of the offenders, whom they suppose unworthy of Liberty or life, (growne Judges and Executioners by the same inspiration and spirit) they behead on the ground before the Gates, then fix his head upon the Pillory, roaring with that divelish cry they had learnt at London. This was plaine murther by the Law what­soever this mans crime was, these Rogues were guilty in a most high nature, so that b [...]sides the basenesse of their condition, they were incapable of any jurisd [...]ction by the antient foundamentall Lawes of En­gland, as being Traitours, and out of the Kings faith; Mir. 114. but to wave all this, by these ancient Lawes, every prisoner might de­mand Oyer, hearing of the Judges Com­mission, [Page 84] these villains had neither authority nor Commission, but from Tylers Sword, which was but a derivative of his usurpati­on. No act of which can be just, the foun­dation of his tyranny this way, in being just, and illegall at the first.

From the Idols first entrance no act of confirmation or grant was done (could any such act be done and valid) to establish or make a right, by the power which had that right to bestow, he asked for a Commission of life, and death, but was refused, and his arbitrary acts were onely a continuance of his intrusion, and of the violence upon which he began.

to fill up their tattered Regiments, their fellow Leaguers or Covenanters of Barnet, Luton, Watford, and the Townes round enter St. Albanes, of the same Sacrilegious affection to the Abby, in all these Conspi­racies the Church was the maine marke ai­med at, about the carcasses of the Cathe­dralls and Abbies (they were now nothing else) did these vultures gather; in the same conjuncture of time enters Richard Wal­lingford, head borough or Constable of the place, who tarried at London for the Kings Letters of Manumission and Pardon, (which Greyndcob had been so earnest for) bearing the Kings Banner or Pennon of [Page 85] the Arms of S. George, being the red Cross before him, according to the fashion of the Clownes of London. The Commons hea­ring of his coming, poure themselves out in heaps to meet him. He alights, strikes the Penon into the Earth, and bids them keep close and incircle it like a Standard. He intreats them to continue about it, and expect his return, and the Lieutenants who were resolved with all speed to treat with the Abbot, and would suddenly bring them an answer to their propositions. Which said, he and they enter the Church, and send for the Abbot to appeare before them, and answer the Commons (onely sa­cred then, and to whom all knees were to bow.) The Abbot was at first resolute to die for the liberty of his Church, (a pious gallantry which will be admirable) but overcome with the prayers of his Monkes, who told him, as things stood▪ his death could advantage nothing, that these stink­ing Knaves, these Hell-hounds were deter­mined to murder the Monkes, and burne the Monastery, if they had the repulse, and that there was no way of safety but to fall downe before these Baals, he yeilds. After he was come to the Church, and a short salutation past; Wallingford reaches out to him the Kings Letter or Writ (as Walsingham [Page 86] calls it) in these words, as I have rendred them out of the barbarous French of that age.

Here certainly againe is a mistake of the day, for till Friday the 16. of June, the Clownes of Saint Albanes (as is observed) stirred not. Thus is the King forced to be the Author of other mens injustice, to con­sent to those insolencies (and wrongs) which must undoe all those, those who are faithfull to him, to please a base rable, [Page 87] ingaged to turn in the end their destroying hands upon himselfe and his royall Family, The Abbot receives the Letter with due reverence, and reads it: then thinking to worke upon the consciences of these Hel­hounds, he begins a discourse of Law Rea­son, Equity, and Justice; Law and Reason were the princely bounds betwixt which the Kings commands ran. He tells them whatsoever was demanded by them, had beene long agoe determined in the Courts of Justice, by the publick Judges, persons knowing, and honourable, sworn to doe equall right.

That the Records were kept amongst the Kings Rolls at Westminster, whence he inferred, That according to the Lawes antiently in use, they had neither right nor claime left: he addes, the usurpation upon anothers propriety is tyranny in the ab­stract; it is the greatest injustice: the very heathens will have it unnaturall to inrich our selves, to make our advantage from Spoyle and robbery, but force is odious to God and man, that aggravates the sinne; violence is a more heynous crime than theft. This was ridiculous wisdome, con­sidering who they were the good Abbot spake to, he had forgot perhaps how An­tigonus armed to invade and seize the Ci­ties, [Page 88] and Countries of other Princes, laughed at the serious grave folly of one, who presented him with a tractate of Justice. Wallingford with his hand upon his Sword takes him off pertinently, as reflecting upon the manners of men, whose treasons prosper, and practise of the times; In which new men did not advance them­selves by Vertue, by Learning, by Justice, or Valour, but by Murder and Robbery.

My Lord (sayes he) every story is not true, because it is eloquently told, you in­deavour here to inveigle and deceive us in a long discourse of equity, of Law, and Justice, we come not hither for words but things, we pretend not to refute your rea­sons, (which are but injust defences of your oppression, but cunning subtilities, but colours to paint ore the wrongs you doe us,) nor can we; the rudenesse of our education must disable us for this part, we have beene borne and bred under your Dominion, slaves, and Villens to you, un­der a Dominion so unmanly cruell, you have alwayes kept us deprived, not onely of all meanes of learning or knowledge, but would willingly have taken away our very reason and common understanding; that we might grone under our miseries, with the feeling of beasts, but be Masters [Page 89] neither of sence nor language for a com­plaint.

It is time now that we of the Commo­nalty as you call and range us, should take our turne of command, however of Li­berty. Nor is this to be wondered at if you consider our strength, and the happi­nesse of the new Modell, the eminency of the Commons is visible to every eye, theirs is the present, theirs is the Supreame Power, we are armed, and we will not thinke of the Lawes, not regard them, they onely submit to Lawes, who want power to helpe themselves. Besides these Lawes you tell us of, are but the will of our enemies in forme and rule, they were made by them, they favour them; Per (que) ute­rum sonipes hic matris agendus. And our Cap­taine Generall Tyler, who has conquered (a sad unhappy word, where it is used of one part of a Nation against another, and of Benjamin against Israel, by the worst and least against the better and greater) the makers of them, the Law-givers, was so become above the Lawes themselves; your reasons, when these Lawes were bac­ked with force, when your King could protect you, before our successe, might have served well enough; Now we ex­pected them not, nor will we accept them.

He concludes in perswasion, not to ex­asperate the godly party, the righteous Com­mons, who sayes he will not be appeased, will not give over, not lay downe Armes till they be Masters of their desires.

The Abbot, entring into a new speech, is againe stopped, and told, the thousand before the doores of his Monastery sent for him not to parly, but consent, which they looke he should be sudden in, if not we (sayes Wallingford) the Lieutenants, chosen by the Captaine representatives of the people will deliver up and resigne the pow­ers to him, which we received of him. We have voted, if you comply not, to send for the Captaine Generall Tyler, and twenty thousand of his Militia to the danger of this place, and of the Monkes heads.

The Abbot here recites his good deeds, how often in their necessities he had relie­ved them, he had beene (he sayes) their spirituall Father thirty two yeares, in all which time, no man had beene grieved, or oppressed by him, this giving implyedly the lie to Wallingford, they grant, but will not be denied. The Obligations and Char­ters which they require, are delivered them, which they burne in the Market-place, neare the Crosse; This did not con­tent them, they aske for an antient Char­ter [Page 91] concerning the Towne Liberties, the capitall Letters of which (say they) were one of Gold, another of Azure; De azorio The Abbot prayes them to be satisfied for the time, he protests, they have all he has to give them, he knew of no more, yet he would make a search, and if any such deed could be found, it should faithfully be de­livered to them; This too was the answer of the Covent; it was agreed that the Abbot should after dinner disclaime under his hand and seale in all things prejudiciall to their Liberty. In memory of an old suit betwixt Abbot Richard the first, and the Townsmen in the reignes of William the second, and Henry the first, wherein the Townsmen were overthrown, were laid Milstones before the doore of the Locutorii. Parler. These John the Barber with others tooke away, as a token of victory over the Law; these they break into small pieces, and di­stribute amongst the worthies, as the sacred Bread is given in the Eucharist.

Who could forbeare teares (sayes Wal­singham) Wals. heavi [...]y bewailing these changes, to see servants command their Lords, who know not how to rule, nor how to pity. To see London (once the noble head of our Cities) become a stie for uncleane Swine. Who would not tremble to heare [Page 92] that the Archbishop and the Lord Treasu­rer should be offered victimes to wicked spirits, to the Kentish Idol, the Kentish Saturne or Moloch, and his Hob-goblings in the midst of the Kingdome. Nay (sayes he) whose heart would it not have woun­ded through to have seene the King of En­gland, who of right for Majesty and dig­nity ought to precede all Kings in the World, out of feare of his head, observe the nods, and becks of these varlets, and the Nobility and Gentry, mortified beasts, trampled on by these scullions, inslaved at their owne charge, lick up their dust.

After dinner, a sad dinner to the Monks, this merdaille, these stinkards, throng be­fore the gates, and demand the Charter of Liberties, which the Abbot had promi­sed them to seale, which was sent, and read to them in the thickest of the rout: If they please to accept it, (this was the Abbots Complement) he is ready to seale. They (resolved never to be pleased) with much scorne and pride answer by an Es­quire of the Abbot, That the Abbot must appoint some Clerk of his to attend them with Ink and Parchment, Themselves would dictate, and after the Abbot and Covent should confirme what was done; when this humour was satisfied, The safety [Page 93] and peace of the Monastery and Monkes were as desperate as ever. The old Char­ter, which they will everlastingly believe concealed, must be produced, else they will bury the Covent in the ruines of the Cloysters.

This Charter did certainly (as they will have it) conteine all their antient Liberties and priviledges, and if this was true, there was no great reason it should be in the Ab­bots keeping.

Here the Abbot imployes the most ho­nourable Esquires of the Countrey, as Me­diatours to loften them, and offers (if they desire it) to say Masse before them next morning, Super Sa­cramentum. and to sweare upon the Sacra­ment he should be about to take, with what Monkes they would name, that he kept from them no such Charter with his knowledge.

Make choice (sayes he) of what Liber­ties you can, you shall have my Charters drawne, they shall be granted you by it; I will seale you a reall Charter instead of a fantasticall one, never seene by you, no where to be had. The Abbot struggles in vaine against these waves, this Charter of their fancies they will have: Nor shall any other price redeeme the Monastery, they intended the subversion of the house, and [Page 94] wrangle thus crossely, that they might seeme to have some pretences to doe it, but because they had much businesse to goe a­bout, and could not be here and there too, a truce was taken for that day, and many of these pure brethren betake themselves to other parts; some of them would not be prevailed with, the Bread and Ale of the Monastery brought forth to them in huge Fats, would not worke upon them to lay their fury, they stayed onely for a leading hand. Here an honest Burgesse interposes, Ribaldi. Ribaulds (sayes he) what is it you purpose? most of you here are forrainers of the Vil­lages about, this is the most famous mis­chiefe which can be acted in this Countrey, this Beacon must set all on fire, and it is fit we, who are Burgesses and Free-men of this Towne should give the on-set: by this finenesse they are gained to quit the gates, and joyne to the assistance of their fellow­labourers. The rest of the day is spent by their united forces, in overthrowing of houses, clashing of vessells, and spoiling of goods according to the rule of Walter Quod di­dicerant [...] à Waltero. the false founder of the order. At night the Lieutenants make Proclamation under the Kings Banner, commanding strong Guards to be set about the Towne, that they may be assured against surprizes, and [Page 95] about the river Werlam, and Saint Ger­manes; making it losse of the head to any Monke, who should be found issuing from, or entring the Monastery that way, This was done to set a trap for the Prior; and those who fled with him. They proclaimed also that whosoever could challenge any debts due to him from the Monastery, might put in his claime (and little proofe should be needed) the next day, and the Burgesses of the Towne, would discharge as far as the goods of the Monastery would reach; Much more was Magisteri­ally throwne in, to shew a cast of the pre­sent power: which was no sooner done, but there appeares a Farmour of the Man­nor of Kingsbury belonging to this Abbey, armed with his Sword and Buckler, this man was much in arreares for his Farme, and durst not peepe abroade from his lur­king holes before these broyles, which hiding of himselfe he imputes now to the injustice, and cruelty of the Prior, this chuffe demands one hundred Marks dama­ges for the losses he had sustained in his absence, and threatens to burne the grange of Saint Peter, and Mannor-house of Kingsbury neare the Abby, if he be not re­paired; twenty pounds he receives upon this demand, and goes away, swearing, he [Page 96] would freely give it back againe for the Priors head.

Saturday night passed with much per­plexity to the Monkes, who were at their wits ends, and lifes too (they could not hope better things) about the Charter, which was no where extant but in the [...]dodles of these cluster-fists. But day, and comfort broke out together upon them; Suddenly this overflow of pride, and arro­gancy abated, their loftinesse fell, and their bristles were somewhat laid, very unplea­sing rumours concerning the Army were spread, Wals. foedae memoriae. and the death of the Idol Tyrant Wat, of stinking memory, was certainely knowne and divulged, and what was as stabbing, that the Citizens of London growne wise, and resolute, either out of loyalty (or which is the rather to be sup­posed experience of their new master) be­gan now to owne their Prince, their na­turall Lord unanimously, and to side with him against all seditious opposers of his Majesty, and the just rights and liberties of his people, which they saw like to perish together. Walsingh. Farther a Knight of the Court, seconds the report, and by proclamation in the Kings Name (now legall againe) commands this herd to keepe the Kings peace under forfeiture of life, and members from that houre.

The King now growne a Protectour a­gaine of his Subjects, sends his Letters pro­tectory to the Abbot in these words.

Though now these Carles were well coo­led, yet ere the zeale was quite slakened, and the Clouds dispelled, which hovered weakely, and were likely to scatter with the next breath of winde, they conclude to perfect their building, which to the great nusance of this Monastery they had [Page 98] raised; Besides, the Lieutenants, or Ma­jor Generalls of Tyler, thought it a much unworthinesse to droope too soon, before those whom they had summoned in to piece up their deformed insurrection with so much bravery, and insolence. They con­tinue and pursue their requests to the Ab­bot, but with lesse noise than formerly, the Abbot was advised by Letters from Sir Hugh Segrave, Lord Steward of the Hous­hold, and Sir Thomas Percy created after Earle of Worcester, to grant all things, assu­ring him these grants being thus forced from him would be voide in Law, and could not hurt his Monastery. The Abbots Chamber, the Chappell, all places are full of them, they give directions to the Ab­bots Clerke for their Charter of Liberties, which now they were contented to accept, but will have a Bond of one thousand pounds sterling for the delivering up the Charter unknowne, Wals. ster­lingorum. before the annuncia­tion of the blessed Virgin next, if it can be found, if not, that the Abbot with his twelfth hand (an antient Saxon manner of purging or clearing the offender, where the offence was secret) with twelve of his chiefe Monkes should sweare, that he nei­ther has nor detains any such Charter with his knowledge.

The Abbot agrees, he and the Covent Seale; But oh the miracle (not to be be­lieved, nor understood without another upon our faith, and understanding) the Seale, Wals. in which the glorious Protomartyr was figured, three times together could not be pulled from the Wax, no sleight, no strength could doe it; To passe by the pi­ous frauds, and dreames of Monkes; from thence the black-bands depart to the Mar­ket place, there at the Crosse they publish their new Acquisitions, the Charters of the King, and Abbot, with the Kings protecti­on of the Monastery, which was but a counterfeit of their love. On Munday and Tuesday following the villeins of the Pa­trimony of our Protomartyr (as the others did in all places else imbroiled) exact of the Abbot deeds of manumission, and Li­berty, according to the effect of the Royall Charter before, which Charter the Abbot recites, and confirmes.

From villeins these now conceive them­selves Gentlemen of Welsh pedegree, des­cended of Princes, nay as our Monk, noble beyond the line and race of Kings, they are meere free-holders, hold onely of God and the Sunne, rather of the Sun, and club, and will neither performe their customes, and services, nor pay Rent. The common [Page 100] people, Wals. who are neither swayed by Reli­gion or Honesty, stop and check them­selves, not that they were contented, but because they could not, nay they durst not goe on to more.

The plague of this distemper was not onely epidemicall, but kept its dayes; on the fatall Saturday, fifty thousand Clownes, out of Suffolke, Essex, Cambridgeshire, the Isle of Elie (places miserably harrassed ac­cording to the former presidents) were incorporated by the jugling tricks of the Essexian impostors, sent out by the Fathers of disobedience, in the first conception of the ruffle to inveigle proselites to the Holy League. This was but an indigested Masse without shape or forme, Wraw not Straw (as sometimes he is called) a most leud Presbyter as Walsingham, Sceleratiss. Presbyt. or Priest, who came from London, the day before with Orders from Tyler (who according to his owne establishment had the executive power) was imployed into those parts to lick and fashion the Monster. He with Robert West­brome King of this Congregation, lead the tatter'd reformers from Mildenhall to St. Edmunds bury, where then stood a most glorious Monastery, and where their fel­low scoundrells expected them, Wraw findes these choperloches good disciples, [Page 101] willing to learne, and quick of apprehen­sion so capable they understood his least signes. The same fr [...]si [...]s are againe acted by other Lunaticks, the Lawyers or Ap­prentices of the Law (as the Monke) and their houses are the first obj [...]ct [...] of their spight, they doe not onely cut off them, but fire their nests. L [...] John Cavendish chiefe Justice of the Kings B [...]nch, who had beene one of the most able Serjeants of this Kings Grand-fathers Reigne, and was made chiefe Justice by him, they intercept, and behead. Orpheus Tra [...]ie, Nero the Romane, B [...]lgabred the Brittaine, excel­lent in the sweetnesse of a voyce and skill of Song, with John of Cambridge Prior of Saint Edmunds lose their lives in the same manner, as they unluckily fell in to their hands.

The cause of the Priors death is made this; He was discreet, and managed the affaires of his Monastery faithfully, and diligently, he was taken neare Mildenhall, a Towne then belonging to Saint Edmund of the demaine of the Abby, the Vassalls, Hindes, Villeins, and bond-men of the house, sentenced him, murthered him by Vote; His body lay five dayes naked in the field unburied. In Saint Edmunds-bury, these cut-throats compasse the Priors head [Page 102] round as in a procession, after they carry it upon a Lance to the pillory, where that and the chiefe Justices head, are advanced. Their next worke was the levelling a new house of the Priours. After they enter the Monastery, which they threaten to fire, unlesse John Lakinhethe Gardian of the temporalities of the Barony in the vacan­cy then were delivered to them, which the Towns-men mingled in the throng, put them upon: the Gardian stood amidst the croud unknown. This man out of piety to preserve the Monastery (it was piety then though it may be thought impiety now) discovers himselfe, he tells them he is the man they seeke, and askes what it is the Commons would have with him. They call him traitor (it was capitall to be called so, not to be so) drag him to the Market-place, and cut off his head, which is set upon the Pillory to keepe company with the Priors, and chiefe Justices.

Walter of Todington a Monke was sought for, they wanted his head, but he hid himselfe, and escaped. Our hacksters errant, of the round Table, Knights of in­dustry, would be thought Generall redee­mers, to take care of all menin distresse; For the Burgesses sake, they command the Monkes, (threatning them and their walls [Page 103] if they obey not) to deliver up all the ob­ligations of the Towns-men for their good behaviour, all the antient Charters from the time of King Cnut the Founder any way concerning the liberties of the Town, besides they must grant and confirme by Charter the Liberties of the Towne which could not be done in the vacancy (for so it was) Edmund of Brumfield Abbot in name, by provision of the Pope was a pri­soner at Notingham, nor had any election beene since the death of Abbot John Bri­vole, and therefore the Jewels of the house are pawned to the Townsmen as a gage that Edmund of Brumfield (whom they would suppose Abbot, and whom they in­tended to set free) should Seale, which Jewels were a Crosse and Calice of Gold, with other things, exceeding in value one thousand pounds, these were restored a­gaine in time of peace, but with much unwillingnesse. Upon the brute of the I­dols mishap, and the suppression of his Legions at London, these Caterpillers dis­solve of themselves, Wraw the Priest, West­brome, & the rest of the capitall villeins in the generall audit, or doomesday for these hurliburlies, shall be called to a reckoning for their outrages. Cambridge suffered not a little in these uproars, the Towns-men [Page 104] with the Country peasants about confede­rated together, breake up the treasury of the University, tear and burn its Charters, they compell the Chancelour and Schollars under their common Seals to release to the Major and townsmen all rights and Liber­ties, all actions, and to be bound in 3000l, not to molest the Burgesses by suits of Law concerning these things for the time to come. The Mayor and Bailiffs were fetched up by writ to the next Parl. where the deeds were delivered up and Cancelled, the Liberties of the towne seiz [...]d into the Kings hand, as forfeited; new ones granted by him to the University, all which they owe yet to the piety of this King, and his Parliament, a Court which the Idol never names: had he set up one of his owne be­getting, it must have had nothing else but the name; it would have beene as destroy­ing as the field.

Norfolk [...] the Mother of the Kets would not loyter this while, nor sit lazily, and sluggishly looking on. John Litster a Dyer of Norwich King of the Commons there, infuses zeale and daring into his Country­men; he had composed out of his owne Empire, and the borders, an Army of fifty thousand Men. This upstart Kingling would not wholly move by example, he [Page 105] makes presidents of his owne, and tram­ples not like a dull beast the road beaten by others. He had heard what was done by the London Congregations, he had a stock of traditions from the Elders there, which he was able to improve; and al­though I know not how he could exceed the Idol with his councell, yet (so the Monk) exceede them he did, he presumed greater things.

Tyler lost his life before things were ripe, was watched and undermined by the King and Nobility, he could not spread his full sailes, else for his presumption he far out-goes Litster. Litster the Norfolke Devil begins with plunder and rapine (the onely way to flesh a young Rebellion.) The Malignants of the Kings party (the rich and peaceable goe under that notion) are made a prey, no place was safe, or privi­ledged. Plots were laid to get the Lord William of Ʋfford Earle of Suffolke, at his Mannor o [...] Ʋfford neer Debenham in Suf­folke, into the company, out of policy; That if the cause succeeded not, then the Rebels might cover themselves under the shadow of that P [...]ere. The Earle warned of their intention, rises from Supper, and disguised as a Groom Garcion. of Sir Roger of Bois, with a Port-mantue behind him, riding by-waies, [Page 106] and about, ever avoiding the routs, comes to St. Albanes, and from thence to the King.

The Commons failing here, possesse them­selves of the places, and houses of the Knights neare, and compell the owners to sweare what they list, and for greater wa­riness to ride the Country over with them, which they durst not deny: among those inthralled by this compulsion were the Lords Scales, and Morley, Sir John Brews, Sir Stephane of Hales, and Sir Robert of Salle, which last was no Gentleman borne, but as full of honour and loyalty as any man, Knighted by the Kings Grand-fa­ther for his valour; he was (layes Froissart) one of the biggest Knights in England, a man not supple enough, who could not bend before the new Lords; He had not the solidity of judgement (as some more subtle than honest call it) to accommodate himselfe to the times. Like Messala he would be of the Justest side, let the fortune b [...] what it would, he would not forsake Justice under colour of following pru­dence, he thought it not in vaine to prop up the falling Government, perhaps his judgement may be blamed, he stayed not for a fit time, had he not failed here, he had not fought against heaven, against provi­dence, [Page 107] whose counsells and decrees are hid from us, are in the clouds, not to be pier­ced, our understanding is as weake, as foo­lish, as providence is certein and wise. Our hopes and feares deceive us alike, we can­not resolve our selves upon any assurance, to forsake our duty for the time to come, Gods designes are knowne onely to him­selfe, It is despaire, not piety (despair too farre from that) to leave our Country in her dangerous diseases, in her publick ca­lamities; the insolency of injust men is a prodigie of their ruine, and the incerteinty of things humane may teach us, that those we esteeme most established, most assured, are not seldome soonest overthrowne, Plato would not have men refer all things to fate, there is somewhat in our selves (sayes he) not a little in fortune, Ours are but cockfights, the least remainder of force and life may strike a necking blow, and by an unlooked for victory raise what is falne, if death cannot be kept off, if our Country cannot be saved by our attempts, there is a comlinesse in dying handsomly, not can any man be unhappy but he who out-lives it. We have heard of Women who cast themselves into the fiery pits where their dead husbands are consumed; of Vassals who stab themselves to follow [Page 108] their Prince into the next world; of Otho's Praetorians, of the S [...]gunt [...]nes burning in their Cities flam [...]s. What can be so honou­rable as to dye for or with our Countrey, o [...] Faith, our Religion, or Honesty, to die with that which gave us life, and liberty, and sense of these?

Lusters Hog-herds vow to burne Nor­wich, unless this Knight will come out to them, which he does well mounted, and forsakes his Horse to please them. They seem to honour him highly, and offer him a faire Canton of the new Common-wealth, if he will command their Forces.

The faithfull Cavalier abhorred the pro­position, and could not dissemble his dis­like; He tells them he will not to his eter­nall dishonour renounce his Soveraigne, whom all good men obeyed, to [...]ngage with the veryest perfidious Traitors living, in their villanies. He attempts to Horse himselfe againe, but failes; It was Treaton to speak against the Government.

The Commons grow furious, they cry out Treason, against Treason and Rebellion: Thousands of hands are lifted up against him, as if they all moved by the same Nerves and Sinews; They hew him down, but he crushes some of them with his ruine; Whosoever stood within his reach, lost ei­ther [Page 109] Head Legs or Armes; He kils twelve of them, at length avillein of his owne beats out his brains; Then doe the infernal Curs rush in with full mouthes, and man­gle him to bits, who (sayes Walsingham) would have driven a thousand of them be­fore him, had he had faire play. This amazes the rest of the Gentry, they strive for Vas­salage, with the same emulation others doe for Liberty, they observe Litster, they re­ceive his Commands upon their knees, who in all things imitates the state and pomp of Kings; Sir Stephen of Hales a Knight of honour carves before him, and tastes his Meates, and Drinkes, the rest of the mise­rable Courtiers are imployed in their seve­rall offices. But when the fame of the Kings good fortune began to grow strong, and of his preparations to assert his Right and Authority, Litster sends on Embassie (from NorthWalsham, the thorne of his tyranny) to London, the Lord Morley, and Sir John Brewes, with three of the confi­ding Commons, to obtaine Charters of ma­numission, and pardon, with great summes of monies, (squeezed out of the Citizens or Norwich, under pretence of preserving the City from slaughter, fire and spoile, or as others raised by an ordinary tribute to Litster.) Which monies were sent for pre­sents [Page 110] to the King, to win him to grant them Charters more ample and beneficial, than had been given to any others.

Thes [...] Mess [...]gers are met at Ichlingham neere New market by Henry le Spenser, Lord Bishop of Norwich, of a noble Fami­ly, stout and well armed; He had been at his Mannor of Burleigh neere Okeham, and there heard of the tumults in Norfolke, and was now hasting thither to see how things were carryed, with eight Lances onely in his company, and a few Archers. He char­ges the Lord Morley, and Sir John upon their Allegeance to tell him, whether any of the Commons (the Kings Traitors) were with them. They look upon the Bishop as a young rash man, and the awe of their Masters was so prevalent, he could hardly wrest the secret from them. After many words they discover it; and the Bishop causes the heads of the Clowns to be struck off, and fixed on a publick place at New-market. Then taking with him that Lord and Knight, he posts for Northwalsham; The Gentry hearing of the Bishops arri­vall in his Coat of Male, with his Helmet upon his head, his Sword by his side, and his Lance upon his thigh, croud in to him, the Bishop quickly found himselfe in a galiant equipage, and as quickly reaches [Page 111] Northwalsham, the sinke of the Rebel­lion.

Litster was intrenched, he had fortified his ditch with Pales, Stakes, and Dores, and shut himselfe in behinde with his Carts, and Carriages. The heroick Bishop like another Maccabeus, charges bravely through the ditch, into the midst of the Rebells (when all the Barons of England hid themselves,) so suddenly, that the Ar­chers could not let an arrow flie at him, and came to handy blowes. As the French Historian de Serres observes, Raro simul bonam for­tunam cum bona mente. Liv. in affaires of the World oftentimes he that is most strong carries it, a good fortune, and a good minde seldome goe together.

Otho tells his Souldiers oftentimes where the causes of things are good, yet if judge­ment be wanting (I may put in) where the Counsels are unsound, the Agents faith­lesse, where Money, Armes, and Men are wanting, the issue must be pernicious; The goods and honours of this world which follow the Triumphers Chariots are com­mon to the good and bad; Grace, Charity and Love, are the marks of a pious man, not Successe, to brag of which becomes ra­ther a Spartacus or Mahomet, (who carry Faith and Law upon the Swords point) than a Christian: The God of the Christi­ans [Page 112] is not the God of robbery, and bloud, but things here fell out as could be wished, the innocency of the side prevailed, and the righteous weake side overcame the strong injust; Litster touched with the conscience of his mischiefes, strugles to the utmost to avert his danger, at length gives ground, and attempts to shift for himselfe by leaping over his Carriages in the Rere. The Bishop pressed forward so fiercely, this course proved in vaine, most of the unhappy Clownes are laid along upon the place. Litster and the Captains of the Con­spiracy are taken and condemned to be drawn, hanged and beheaded, which was done. Others of the chiefe Conspirators dispersed over the Country, are searched out and executed.

The Monke here tells us, Nisi enim daemoniis pleni fuis­sent, nequa­quam in de­struct. sacr. Eccles. Chr. fidei & re­gni exter­miniū con­spirass. It was appa­rent by the workes of these Demoniacks, by their fruits, that they had conspired (he speakes of the whole) not onely the de­struction of the Church and Monarchy, but of the Christian faith too. Schoole­masters were sworne by them never to teach Grammer more, and whosoever was taken with an Inkhorne about him, never saved his head.

Our Monke attributes these calamities to the remisnesse of the B [...]shops, to the [Page 113] conceits and fangles of Presbyter Wycliffe, which if they be truly registred by the Monkes, his mortall enemies, were pesti­lentiall and damnable. Indeed Presbyter Wycliffe was then living, but is not named in these commotions, as one busie in them, by the Monke, (though busie he might be, we shall finde Sir John Old-castle, Lord Cobham, and others of Wycliffes disciples, rebells, and traitours, too too busie in Henry the fifts beginning) Baal, and Straw, and Wraw were Priests of the Idol, and his Lieutenants, and might serve the turne to imbroyle without fetching more aide in: He attributes too these mischiefes to the licentious invectives of the Clownes against their Lords, generally to the sins of the Nation, inclusively taking in the Orders of Mendicants, or Begging Fryars, (like factious Lecturers) who had nothing of their owne, and were obliged to flatter the people, and make themselves popular) who sayes he forgetfull of their profession and vowes, greedy and covetous of mony, foster the people in their errors, call good evill, and evill good, seducing the great men with fawning, and the rabble with lyes. So that in those dayes (thus he pro­ceeds) the Argument held in every mans mouth, This is a Fryar▪ therefore a Lyar as strong as this, This is white, therfore coloured.

Here againe is Walsingham at a stand, he complaines, That it is impossible to relate the villanies of the Rustick Devils, done in all parts.

We will now return to see what the King does next, who was not asleep this while. After he had cleared the City (late­ly Tylers good Town) of the Kentish frie, he commands the Nobility and Gentry (who durst now peep abroad) all the Kingdome over to repair to him at London well armed, and well horsed, as they loved him, and his royall honour. Their owne danger, and late feares, adde wings to their haste. Within a few dayes, forty thousand Horse meet at a Rendezvouz upon Black­heath, whither the young King, who had taken his Sequestration off, and restored himselfe to his Blood and Majesty, rides daily upon a Royall Courser, to view their Order, with his Imperiall Banner born be­fore him. He delighted to be seen and ac­knowledged for what he was amongst his own Homagers. Here he is informed, that the Kentishmen (a stirring people, but with what generous resolution will soone be found) are again in mutinie, (a mutinie however else contemptible) not to be sleighted at that time. The King commands his Cavalrie (on fire, as much as himselfe) [Page 115] to march, and root out this perfidious race of miscreants. Here the Nobility and Gen­try of the Country interpose, and become pledges for the Commons, which appeases the King; who now disbands his Army, and resolves to take no other course of Ju­stice, but such as was ordinary and usuall, by Judgements upon the known Lawes of the Land, and by Juries of twelve men, the ancient Birth-right of the Englishmen. Lawes which could not have fitted Tylers Courts, nor Tryals, but which have beene ever the rule in all just and legall Tryalls, in all calme, and pious Ages. The Law Mar­tiall being proper to an Army marching, to be exercised in it. If otherwise, all Senten­ces by colour of it, Earle of Straf. case; are against the Magna Charta, &c. and to the manifest subversion of the priviledges of Subjects.

Upon this faire, and K [...]gly conclusion of Richard, Commissions were given, and Justices of Oyer and Terminer to heare and determine the Treasons and Felonies com­mitted in the late Insurrections, and prin­cipally to inquire, who were the chief au­thors, fomenters, and incendiaries of the broyles, are sent into Kent, Essex, and the rest of the Provinces in Rebellion.

The most honourable Mayor of London with others in Commission with him, sate [Page 116] upon those of Kent, Essex, Norfolke, and Suffolke, &c. who were apprehended in London. Straw taken in an old rotten house about London, Kirkby, Treder, Sterling are condemned, and beheaded, Strawes head being set upon London bridge with Tylers; but Jack Straw, who was privy to all the contrivances, and plots of the confederacy could give light into the mid-night dark­nesse of Tylers steps, through all the close windings of his labyrinths of Treasons, is urged (the Major promising with some honest Citizens to be at the charge of Masses for his soule, the good of which they desire him to consider) to declare his full knowledge of the Counsells, and votes passed, and to what end they had conjured up the wicked spirits of those Garboyles, John was obstinate at the fi [...]st, and would confesse nothing, but gained by these pro­mises, and a little penitent (which was much to be believed of one possessed with Legions) he tells them, because I have hopes of help from your suffrages after my death, and because this discovery may be advantageous to the Common-wealth, I will confesse truly to you what we intended; when we met at Black-heath, and sent for the King by our Captaine Generalls Order, we purposed to have massacred all the Nobility and Gentry with [Page 117] him, then to have lead the King with us respected, and treated Kingly from place to place, to baite the vulgar by the authority of his presence into our League, whom they might so have taken for the head of our Com­motion, he being by these meanes likely to have beene supposed by his owne party too to have trusted us, when by the confluence of all the Counties our companies had been full, and the supreame Executive power wholy ours, we meant to have purged the Nation, to have destroyed the Gentry, and first the Knights of Saint Johns of Jerusalem, with all the ragges of royalty, which by this time had been but a ragge it selfe. Afterwards to have kil­led the King, whose Name could then have been of no use to us.

Their Oath to preserve him could not last longer then their conveniency and opi­nions, which had then changed. We meant so once, but we meane otherwise now, had beene a satisfactory excuse. They had often sworne and Covenanted that they neither meant nor had power to hurt the Kings Prerogative, that they intended to maintaine the Kings authority in his royall dignity, the free course of Justice, and the Lawes of the Land, with infinite expressi­ons and protestations of this kind. They might answer, The time was when all this [Page 118] was reall, when they would not have sub­verted the government, not have destroyed the antient family; to which sayes a Statute (which we hope it can be no treason to Tylers Ghost to recite) the dominions, and rights of the realme of England, &c. See Mag. Chart &c. See 25 H. 8. 1 Eliz. 1 Jac. Ought by inhaerent birth-right and lawfull and un­doubted succession descend and come. This we being bounden (thus speake the members heretofore) thereunto by the Lawes of God and man doe recognise, &c. The answer we say might have beene easy, they would not have done it some time agon, they swore and Covenanted, and Covenanted againe they would not, now they will; Tyler is still Tyler, but his Liberty (false cheating liber­ty) is every where free, both to will and dis­like, as the safety of the Common-wealth shall require and carry him on. This was the faith and honesty of that age, by which we may guesse at the cause and men who acted for it, who were the undertakers; what trust is to be given to such perfidious knaves, whose protestations, and Covenants of one day are wiped out by an inspiration of the next; We may say by an inspiration, It was wondrous fit for these changes, Our Proteus should bring inspiration in. All those of Estates, and Possessions, Bishops, Ca­nons, Parsons of Churches, Monkes, we [Page 119] would have rooted out of the earth: onely the begging Fryers should have been preserved, who would have served (such sheep such She­pheards) well enough for Church-duties, which we may wonder after all these pranks that they should thinke of; here would have beene a very plaine church; Questionlesse after all these actions the de­votion of these Reformers could not have beene much; By that time our publick Theeves had cast lots for the Kings, Chur­ches, Nobilities, and Gentries Revenues, what Boores of others Countries [...]ould have compared with the riches of [...] Pea­sants and their Captaine Tyler▪ Quib. sub­jecti regula­ti, &c. When there should have beene (so Straw goes on,) none left more great, more strong or more wise then our selves, then we had set up a Law of our owne forging, at our pleasure, by which our Subjects should have beene regulated. Necessary it was the old Law should be voted downe; It condemned them in eve­ry line. Then had we created us Kings, Tyler for Kent (a part too small for the Arch-tyrant) and others for other Shires; Here was to be Monarchy still, not evill in it selfe, but where it ought to be of right, onely the Family was to be changed, the antient Saxon Norman stemme, for an up­start dunghill brood of Vipers, Tyler to be [Page 120] advanced upon the ruines of Richard, the Cedar to be torne up, to make the Bram­ble roome enough, while any of the roy­all off spring had beene in being to claime the right, to have involved the miserable, perjured, foolish people, in an everlasting civil [...] Warre; never to have ceased while there had beene a veine of blood to run. The mainteinance of Tylers wrong, his usurpation (not to looke farther than the present World) would have beene more fatall then ten plagues. John addes, no man thwarted these ends of ours more than the Archbishop, therefore we hated him to death, and made all the hast possible to bring him to it.

In the evening of that Saturday in which Wat perished, because the poorer sort of the Londoners favoured us, we intended to have fired the City in foure places, and to have divided the spoyles▪ (So the faithfull Citi­zens, as forward as they were, had at last paid for their love) he calls God to wit­nesse these truths. The confessions of many others of the ingagement agreed with this of Straw.

The Lawyers, and those (as one) who fled from the tyranny of the time, durst now show their faces. Stow. Here is tyranny of the rout, tyranny of a savage Clown their [Page 121] boutefeu; whose few dayes of cruell usur­pation, were more bloody, more destroy­ing then the yeares of any Caligula, any Nero, any Domitian whatsoever. A Civill Warre (sayes a noble Frenchman) Sieur de la Nové. makes more breaches, as to a Country, as to Man­ners, Lawes, and Men in six Moneths, then can be repaired in six yeares.

What then can be thought or said of those Monsters, who, against all ties of na­ture and piety, shall raise a desperate civill Warre meerely with the intent to over­throw Religion, the Church, the Govern­ment, Lawes, and Humanity, out of a cursed divelish ambition to advance themselves ( Tylers and Sons of the Earth before) to an height which God (as some love to speake) never called them to. For though power is of God, it is onely so when the comming to it is by lawfull meanes. He that ordaines the power, allowes, not the usurpation of it, Tyler had the power to doe mischiefe, the power of rebellion, the power which must have ruined the church & common wealth, but whether this be the power which Christians are to submit to, let the next Casuists judge.

The Septuagint translation of the Bible sayes of Abimelech, who slew his seaventy Brethren, (murder ushers usurpation in) [Page 122] He made himselfe King, by Tyranny. The Monk, who writes the lives of the Offa's, speaking of Beormred the Mercian Usurper, has these words: In the same region of the Mercians, a certaine Tyranne rather destroy­ing and d [...]ssipating the Nobility of the Realm, than ruling, &c. persecuting, banishing, &c. Lest any one, especially of the Royall Blood, should be advanced in his place, he vehemently feared. The thirty Ʋsurpers in the time of Gallienus are every where called Tyrannes, Paulus Diaconus writing of Vale [...]tine in the time of Valentinian, sayes, He was crushed in Britannie, before he could invade the Tyran­nie; and of Maximus, that he was stout and valiant, and worthy of the Empire, had he not against the faith of his [...]ath, raised himselfe per tyrannidem, by tyrannie. In other places, Eugenius, Gratian, Constance, Sebastian, created Tyrannes▪ The words Tyranne, and Tyrannie, and tyrannous par­tie, being used often by him, are ever op­posed to ju [...] and Regall power, never used in any other sense. Widdrington, to the ex­ample of Athalia urged by Bellarmine a­gainst Kings, Apolog, 234. sayes she was no lawfull Queen, she had seized the Kingdome as an Usurpresse by Tyrannie, the Kingdome belonged to Joash, in whose right, and by whose power she was justly slaine—Our [Page 123] most learned Prelate Bishop Abbot of Sa­lisbury tells the Cubs of Loyola, Antilog. c 3. Athalia had snatched had grasped, and held the king­dome with no right, no title, but by butchery, robbery, rapine, and forcible entry—and that she was thrown down and killed by the com­mon bounden duty and faith of Subjects to their Prince. Baronius a Cardinal, that the Maccabees of Levi or house of the Assa­moneans, may not be made Usurpers, mat­ches them with the royall line of David, else sayes he, Apparat. absque labe tyrannidis, without the stain of Tyrannie, they could not meddle with the Kingdome. Rodolph Duke of Sue­via or Suabenland set up for a false Empe­rour by that devilish Pope Hildebrand a­gainst the Emperour Hen. the IIII. is called by the Germanes a Tyranne upon this score. A full Tyrannie (sayes one of our Chiefe Justices, speaking of the Papall power in Church causes here) has two parts, without right to usurp, and inordi­nately to rule, and the Statute 28 of King Henry the 8. against the Papall Authority, calls it an usurped Tyranny, and the exer­cise of it a Robbery, and spoyling of the King, and his people.

The Statute 31 Henry 6. adjudging John Cade another Impe of Hell, and successour of Wat▪ to be a traitour, which are the words [Page 124] of the title, and all his Indictments, and Acts to be voide, speakes thus; The most abominable Tyrannie, horrible, odious, and arrant false Traytour, John Cade, naming himselfe sometime Mortimer (he and Ty­ler had two Names) taking upon him Roy­all power, &c. by false, subtile, and imagi­ned language, &c. Robbing, Stealing, and spoyling, &c. And that all his Tyranny, Acts, Feats, and false opinions, shall be voyded, and that all things depending thereof &c. under the power of Tyran­ny, shall be likewise voide, &c. and that all Indictments in times comming in like case under power of Tyranny, Rebellion, &c. shall be voide in Law; and that all Petitions delivered to the King in his last Parliament, &c. against his minde, by him not agreed, shall be put in oblivion &c. as against God, and conscience, &c.

To proceed, The King, because all th [...]se risings were by the Ring leaders protested to be made for him and his Rights, and that the forces then raised, were raised by his Authority, and all their actions owned by him, issues out a Proclamation from London, to this effect.

These Clowns charge not the King to be transported Furiously, and Hostilely, to the destruction of the whole people, which can never happen, where the King is in his wits; But what is fully as mad, they will suppose him to Arme against his own life and power, against his own peace, and the peace of all that love him. This Proclama­tion put life into the Royalists, into all ho­nest hearts, and dismayes as much the Re­bels, yet after this the Essex Traitors, ga­ther again at Byllericay near Hatfield Peve­rell, and send to the King, now at Wal­tham, to know whether he intends to make good his Grants of Liberties, and require to be made equal with their Lords, with­out being bound to any Suits of Court, view of Frank pledge, only excepted twice the year.

The King and his Counsell are startled at this impudence: The King answers the Agents, Wals. That if he did not look upon them as Messengers, he would hang them up: Re­turn (sayes he) to your fellow Rebels, and tell them, Clowns they were, and are, and shall continue in their Bondage, not as hitherto, but far more basely trampled on. While we live, and rule this Kingdom, by Gods Will we will imploy all our Means and Power to keep you under: So that your misery shall frighten all [Page 127] villeins hereafter: And your posterity shall curse your memory. At the heels of the Messengers, the King sends his Unkle Tho­mas of Woodstock Earl of Buckingham, and Sir Thomas Piercy with a body of Horse to quell them. The Rebels we [...] intrenched according to the manner of Litsters Camp, in the midst of Woods; T [...]n Lances of the Avant Currours rout them; the Lords, when they were come up, inclose the Woods round, five hundred are killed, eight hundred Horses for carriage taken, the broken remainders of the defeat e­scape to Colchester, Wals: a Town ever honest, and faithfull to the Prince, where the loyal Townsmen would not be gotten to stir; they sollicite the Townsmen (saies the Monk) with much intreaty, great threats, and many arguments; neither intreaties, nor threats, nor arguments would move them: From thence they get to Sudbury, making every where such Proclamations as of old they had used; where the Lord Fitz­walser (whose seat was at Woodham Wal­ters in Essex) and Sir John Harlestone rush suddenly upon them, kill and take them: The King meaning to visite Essex in his own person, comes to Havering at the boure, a Mannour of his own demain, of the sacred Patrimony, and from thence to [Page 128] Chelmsford, where he appoints Sir Robert Tresilian chief Justice of his Bench of Pleas of the Crown, to sit and inquire of the Malefactours, and Troublers of the Coun­try, and to punish the offendours accor­ding to the customs of the Realm, known, and visible.

Five hundred of these wretched pea­sants, Wals. who had no mercy for others here­tofore, cast themselves down before the King bare footed, and with heads uncove­red, implore his pardon, which he grants them, on condition, They discover the great Conspiratours, the Captain Rogues. The Jurors are charged by the chief Ju­stices to carry themselves indifferently, and justly in their Verdicts, neither swayed by love, or hatred, to favour, or prosecute any man: Many upon the Evidence given in, and the finding of the Jury, were condem­ned to be drawn and hanged; nineteen of them were trussed upon one Gallowes. Heading had formerly been the execution of others in Essex, Kent, and London, be­cause of the numbers of the guilty, which was now thought a death short of the de­merits of the most foul and heynous offen­ders; Wherefore according to the custom of the Realm, It was decreed (sayes the Monk) that the Captains should be hang­ed.

The like was done in other Countries by the Justices in Commission, where the King was in person. Here the King with the advice of his Counsell, revokes his Letters Patents, the Charters granted to the Clowns: Although (so he speaks) we have have in the late detestable troubles, &c. ma­numised all the Commons, our Liege Subjects of our Shires, and them, &c. have freed from all bondage and service, &c. And also have pardoned the same, our Liege men and Sub­jects all Insurrections by Riding, Going, &c. And also all manner of Treasons, Felonies, Trespasses, and Extortions, &c. Notwith­standing for that the said Charters, were without mature deliberation, and unduly pro­cured, &c. To the prejudice of us, and our Crown, of the Prelates, and great men of our Realm; as also to the disherison of holy En­glish Church, and to the hurt and damage of the Common wealth, the said Letters we re­voke, make void, and annull, &c. Yet our intention is such Grace upon every of our said Subjects to confer, though enormiously their Allegeance they have forfeited, &c. As shall be usefull to us, and our Realm.

The close commands to bring in to the King and his Councell all Charters of ma­numission, and pardon to be cancelled up­on their faith and allegeance, and under [Page 130] forfeiture of all things forfeitable, &c. Witnesse our selfe at Chelmsford the 2. of July, and 5. year of our reign. False for the 4.

In the case of a Subject (and no reason Kings shall be more bound) every Act ex­torted by violence, and awe upon the A­gent is voyd. In the time of Edward the third, two Thieves (which was the case here) force a Traveller to swear that hee will at a day appoi [...]d bring them a thou­sand pound; and threaten to kill him if he refuse their oath; He swears, and performs what he had sworn; 44 E. 3. 14. by advice of all the Justices these two were Indicted of Rob­bery, and the Court maintaines that the party was not bound by this Oath. Yet if this be denyed as unsafe, Violence, or Force, which strikes a just fear into any man, makes any Contract voyd, say the Casuists.

Bishop Andrewes, Resp. ad Apolog. that most learned Prelate, answers to the pretended resig­nation of King John, urged by Bellarmine, that what this King did, (if any such act was done) was done by force, and out of feare.

Widdrington, Admonit. disp. de jur. fid. l. 1. the most loyall of all Ro­man-Catholick Priests, who writ much a­gainst the Gun-powder Jesuits, in defence [Page 131] of the right of Kings, against those Jesuits who would have cut off the King, the Roy­all Family, the Bishops of the English Ca­tholick Church, the Nobility and Gentry, as their Letter speaks, with one blow, sayes of this Resignation, or Donation, if we may (so he) call it so, That it was not freely given. The Jesuites challenge the perpetuall dictature, or regency of the University of Pontamousson by Bull of Six­tus the fift, contrary to the Statutes of the foundation by Gregory the thirteenth. Were the Bull true (sayes Barclaie) yet it ougt not to be of force, because it was obtain'd presently after his Creation, when things are presumed to be rather extorted than obtained. Bodin denyes that a King deceived or forced can be bound by his grants. The justice of Contracts is that a­lone which binds. The distinction of Roy­all and Private acts is of more sound then strength, and answers not the injustice of the impulsive violence, which must be na­turally vicious every where, and corrupt, and weaken the effects, and cannot be good and bad by changes, or as to this, or that. Grotius, who loves this distinction, in another place is positive, There must be Equality in all Contracts. He condemns all fear, or awe upon the person purposely [Page 132] moved for the contracts sake, and tels us out of Xenophon of those of Lacaedemon who annulled a sale of lands which the E­lians had forced the owners to passe out of fear.

A Charter of King Henry the third im­prisoned and forced, is said by Aldenham to be voyd upon thls reason, and I judge the justice of this revocation by the Law of England, by which, as our old Parlia­ments, such force is Treason. Exil. Hug­le de Spen­cer pat. & fil. The fruits of w ^ch were here more justly plucked up than they were planted. He who gives up his money to Thieves, according to his oath, may lawfully take it away from them: however they are bound to make restitu­tion. Nor can any prescription of time e­stablish a right of possession in him, Rei furtiva [...]terna au­thoritas esto. who makes his seizure upon no other title but Plunder and Robbery. The 5 ^th of this King, the Parliament declares these Grants to be forced and voyd. Enough to clear the honour of King Richard, as to this part.

At Chelmsford the King is informed of the whole History of mischiefs done at St. Albanes, and resolved in person with all his Guards and Cavalry to ride thither, and sentence the Malefactors with his own mouth; but Sir Walter Leye of Hartford­shire, [Page 133] fearing the much impoverishing the Country, if the King should make any long stay there with such numbers as then at­tended him beseeches him to make a tryal wehther things might not be composed without him, and offers to reconcile the Abbot and Townsmen, if the King would, which was c [...]nsented to: The King grants him a Commission, and joyns with him Ed­ward Benstude, Geofrey Stukelye, and others of the Gentry of that County.

The coming of these Commissioners was noysed at St. Albanes: The fiercest of the Clowns knowing what they had done was condemned by the Law, and not to be de­fended, but by force, which now they had not, began to shake and take fright, are plotting to get out of the way. Grindecob, Lieutenant of the late Idol, comforts them, he perswades to goe to Horse; Let us meet the Knight (sayes he) and see whether his looks promise Peace or not; if not, the Towns about us have engaged, they have associated, and are of our League, we are rich, and cannot want good fellows, who will assist us while our monies last: On St. Peters day this ill advised crue meets the Knight upon the Rode, who was igno­rant of their resolutions, and conduct him [Page 134] honourably, according to their fashion to the Town: Sir Walter had with him fiftie Lances, and some Companies of Archers, listed at random, many of them being of the Churles, and confederates with them: The Knight cites the Towns-men and their Neighbours to appear before him in Der­fold, to hear the pleasure and commands of the King; They fail not, There he tells them what Forces the King had assembled, how rigorously those of Essex were sentenced: That the King was highly incensed at the troubles and seditions of this place of which he was the Patron and Defender: That with great difficulty he had procured of the King a Commission, by which himself, and others, not Strangers, or Enemies, but their Friends and Neighbours were authorised to do Justice in the Kings stead; he concludes, if they will appease the King, they must find out, and de­liver up the beginners of these broyls, and make satisfaction to the Lord Abbot, an holy and a just man, for the wrong they had done him.

This many of the hearers approve, and promise to obey. The Knight charges a Jury to be made ready the next morning, and make what discovery they can, and gives the people leave to depart. Towards [Page 135] night he sends for the Jury to his Cham­ber, intending to have apprehended the Lieutenants, by the assistance of the Jury, with out any noyse. These good men and true know nothing, it was the case of their fellows in mischiefe, and might be their own. They answer in a plain Ignoramus, they can indict no man, accuse no man. A­mongst all the sounder of these swine, there was not one who had been faithless and disloyal to his natural Liege Lord, not one breaker of his peace, not one who could appear so to them.

The Knight seems not to understand the falsnesse and cunning of these Hob-naile perjured Juglers: He takes another way, and next requires them within a peremp­tory time to bring him the Charters which they had forced from the Monastery, they return after a short consultation, and in the Abbots chamber, where the Knight then was, tell him, They dare not obey out of fear of the Commons, what was more, they knew not in whose custody the Charters were. The Knight grows angry, [...] swears, they shall not goe out of the Chamber till he have them, which they call imprisoning their persons. Here the Abbot intercedes, and though he knew them as very knaves and [Page 136] lyars as any Tyler had set on work, yet he will not (he sayes) distrust their honesty, he will leave things to their consciences, upon which they are freed.

Another Assembly is appointed at Bar­net Wood, whither the V [...]llagers about throng in multitudes. Three hundred Bow­men of Barnet, and Berkhamsted, make here so terrible a show nothing is done.

The Commissioners privately charge the Gentry, Constables, and Baylifs to seize in the night Greyncob, Cadindon, John the Bar­ber, with some others, and to bring them to Hartford, whither themselves went in all haste, which was performed: The Es­quires and servants of the Abby were sent with them to strengthen the company. This inrages the Townsmen afresh, they gather into Conventicles in the Woods, and Fields, so much frightful to the Mona­stery, that the Abbot recalls his Esquires, lets the prosecution fall, and fearfully sum­mons in his friends to guard him, Greynd­cobs friends take advantage of this change, and bayl him for three dayes, within which time they were either tyed to agree with the Abby, or render up Greyndcob to the Justices again. The Townsmen fierce enough still, yet earnest to preserve their [Page 137] Worthy, are content to part with the Charters; But this Greyndcob (more fool­hardy than wise) would not consent to, Nor does he, as knowing the stifnesse of his Clowns, whine in a Religious tone, never used by him.

He prayes them to consider how beauti­full Liberty is, how sweet, how honoura­ble; Dangerou [...] Liberty (say [...]s he) is more valuable than sate and quiet slavery, let us live, or die with Liberty in so generous, so honest a contention, it will be glorious to be overcom [...]; whatsoever our feares are, worse we cannot be, than now we are about to make our selves; Successe too does not so often faile men as their owne industry and boldnesse; Feare not for me, nor trouble your selves at my dangers. I shall thinke my selfe more happy than our Lords, if they prosper, or their King, to die a Martyr of the Cause, Per tale Martyrium v [...]ā finire. with the repu­tation of such a gallantry. Let such cou­rage as would have hurryed you forward to all brave and signall mischiefs, had I lost my head at Hartford, Si Hertfor­d [...]ae, He­sterno decol­latus, &c. inflame your hes vy sprights; Methinks I see the Heroe Ty­lers Ghost chiding our sluggish cowardice, and by the blazes of his fire-brands kin­dled in Hel, and waved by Fiends about [Page 138] his head, leade on to noble villanies.

Let dreaming Monks and Priests trem­ble at the aery founds of God, and Saints; he who feares Thunder-bolts is a religious heartlesse Coxcombe, and shall never climb a Molehill. Thus our buskin'd Martyr swag­gers, after the raptures put upon him by Walsingham; Greyndcobs stubbornnesse hardens on the Clownes, they now accuse themselves of basenesse, that they did not cut off the Knights Head, and naile it on the Pillory, to the terrour (say they) of all judges, and false Justices. Greyndcob had raised spirits which he could not lay when he would.

Three dayes being expired, he is againe sent to Hartford Gaol, where hee hearts news from his Brother, who mediated for him in the Court, not very pleasing, which he communicates to his Townsmen. His intelligence was to this effect; That Rich: of Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, and Sir Thomas Percie with a thousand armed men were appointed to visit S. Albanes.

At this report the Rebels star [...]e, they fall to new Treaties, offer the Charters and Book, in which the old Pleas betwixt the Abby and the Town were recorded, with 200 l. for amends. The Booke is received, [Page 139] the rest put off till the next day. The Earl of Warwick sends onely excuses, he heard his own house was on fire, that the C [...]owns of his own Lordship [...] were up, and hee leaves all things else to quel them. This raises the fallen courages of those of St. Albanes, they now laugh at their [...]ate fears, If the Commons, say they must quit their right of Conquest, and surrender their Char­ters, yet will not we (the renowned Mecha­nicks) of St. Albanes be their president. And as in all tumults (which can never be ob­served too often) lying is necessary, and must not bee uselesse, whatsoever else is; They lay the blame of their obstinacy upon the Inhabitants of Barnet and Watford, who threaten (so they would have it belie­ved) to burn their Town if they deliver up their Liberties.

Which Inhabitants of Barnet, and Wat­ford had humbly surrendred theirs before, and submitted to the Kings mercy: Thus we find these Rebels of St. Albanes again swaggering in their old Rhodomontadoes. An Esquire of the Abbots acquaints the King with these turnings, who vows to sit personally in judgement upon these ever­lasting male-contents.

The Abbot full of pitty and charity, who [Page 140] had saved some of these enemies of his House from the Axe by intercession at London: continues his goodness still, he sol­licites Sir Hugh Segrave, Steward of the Houshold, and others of his friends to mi­tigate the Kings displeasure, and hinder his journey thither, which was not in their power. Now again are the Townsmen de­jected, and seek by all means to keep off the tempest which threatned them: They fee Sir William Croyser a Lawyer to make their defence, and mediate with the Ab­bot, where there was no danger: an agree­ment is concluded the day of the King's entry, by which they would bind the Ab­bot not to disclose them, or inform against them.

He promises (if they fail not in perfor­mance on their part) not to make any complaints to the King of them, that he would be a suiter for their peace if his prayers may be heard, but that here he cannot assure them, Parcons were Acts flowing meerly from the Kings Grace. See 27 H. 3. c. 24. No man had any power or authoritie to pardon or remit treasons, &c but the King; and whe­ther he could prevail for them he knew not. This doubtfulness troubles them, it seems to call their innocency too much in­to [Page 141] question: They tell him, his good will was [...]uffi [...]t [...]d that as to what belong­ed to the Royal D [...]gnity they should satis­fie th [...] King.

After Vespers the King made his entry into the Town, being met by the Abbot and Covert, the B [...]s rang aloud, and the Monks sang merrily his welcome: He was followed by some thousands of Bowmen, and Cavaliers. In this train was Sir Robert Tresilian Chief Justice of the Kings Bench, who the next day being Saturday the 13. of July, and first of the Dog-dayes sate in judgement at th [...] Moo [...]-hall (saies Wal­singham) at the Town-house.

Greyndcob, Cadindon, and John the Bar­ber are fetched from Hartford, and laid fast till Munday, against which time new Jury­men are chosen, and charged to be ready with their Verdicts: Prophet Baal, the Ser­gius of the new Alcaran, the Priest of the Idol, and his Calves, the Martin of the yoak, o [...] pure discipline of the Eldership, was taken by the Townsmen of Coventry, brought to St. Albanes the day before, and this Saturday condemned by the Chief Ju­stice to be Drawn Hanged, Beheaded, Im­bowelled, and Quartered, which was done on the Munday following.

He confessed to the Bishop of London (to whose Christian Piety he ought the two last dayes of his life, which were beg­ged for his repentance) that certaine hot, and powerfull Pastours of the Separation, Brethren of simple hearts, called by the Spi­rit (he named six or seven) had covenanted, and engaged to compass England and Wales round, as Itinerant Apostles to propagate the Gospel beat down all abomination of the out­ward Man, Antichristian Hierarthy, and Ty­ranny of the Nimrods of the Earth, to cry up the great and holy Cause, and to spread the Law, Principles, and Heresies of Baal, which Disciples (saies this Rabbi) unlesse they be prevented, and taken off wil destroy the Realm in two years: Hee might have said, two moneths, and been believed, as to the Civi­lity, Humanity, Order, and Honour (never intermitted but in the confusion of a bar­barous, impious age) which made England glorious, they had been destroyed, and torn up in a less time. A few licentious ill Acts easily beget a custom, and an hundred ill customes quicklier grow and prevaile than one single good one, there is a proneness in unruly man to run into deboshments, and no wonder that the arrogant, misled, silly multitude capable of any ill impressions [Page 143] should deprave and disorder things, where all ties of restraint are loosened, nay, where disorders are not onely defended by the corrupt wits of hirelings, but bidden, streng­thened by a Law, and Villainies made legal Acts.

Had the Idol King Tyler, with his Council not gone on too far in the way of extermi­nation, but endeavoured to repair the brea­ches of his entrance; it would have been no small labour to have restored things to any mean and tolerable condition. If Presby­ter VVicklief, and his Classes by their per­nitious Doctrines (as they are charged to this day) did first pervert and corrupt the people and broach that vessell with which Father Baal and Straw poysoned them, they must have ruined themselves by the change, sure enough they had been no more comprehended in any of Tylers Toleration than the Prelatical or Papistical party.

In the turmoiles and outrages of this Tyrannie, had it taken, Innocence, Vir­tue, Ingenuity Honesty, Faith, Learning, and Goodnesse had been odious, and dan­gerous. The profit, and advantage of the new Usurpers had been the measure of Justice and right: The noble and ignoble [Page 144] had dyed Streets and Scaffolds with their blood, not by Laws and Judgement, but out of malice to their height and worth, out of fury and covetousness to inrich publicke Theeves and Murtherers. The jealousies too and feares of Tyler had made all men unsafe. Yet the repute, the renowne of the Founders could not have been much: The glory of successe cannot be greater then the honesty of the enter­prise; there must be Justice in the quar­rell, else there can be no true honour in the prosperity. Cato will love the con­quered Common-wealth: Jugurtha's fame, who is sayd to bee Illustrious for his Parricides and Rapines, will not make all men fall down and worship.

On Munday the fi [...]teenth of July (not of October, as VValsingham is mis-printed) The Chiefe Justice Tresilian calls before him the Jury for Inquiry, who faulter, and shamelesly protest they cannot make any such discovery as is desired. The Chiefe Justice puts them in minde of the Kings Words to them upon the way, promising pardon if they will finde out the offendors, else threatning them with the punishment they should have suffered, who through such silence cannot be appre­hended.

Out they goe againe, and the Chiefe Justice follows them; He shewes them a Roll of the princlpall Offendors names, tells them they must not thinke to delude and blinde the Court with this impudence, and advises them out of a care to preserve wicked mens lives not to hazard their own.

Hereupon they Indict many of the Towne and Country, which Indictments are allowed by a second Inquest appointed to bring in the Verdict, and againe affir­med by a third Jury of twelve, charged onely for the fairenesse of the Tryall: So no man was pronounced guilty, but up­on the finding, of thirty sixe Jurors. Then were the Lieutenants Greyndcob, Ca­dingdon, and Barber, and twelve more Condemned, Drawne, and Hanged. VVallingford, John Garleck, VVilliam Be­rewill, Thomas Putor, and many more; with eightie of the Countrey, were In­dicted by their Neighbours, and Impri­prisoned, but forgiven by the Kings Mer­cie, and discharged. They were forgi­ven most by the Kings Mercie; for hee had forbidden by Proclamation, all men to sue or begge for them, a command which the good Abbot sometimes disobey­ed, [Page 146] and hee shall bee well thanked for it.

No benefits can oblige some men: A true rugged churle can never be made fast, never bee tyed by any merit whatsoever: Nothing can soften him: See an unheard of shamelesness till then; These lazie, tender-hearted Clowns, who could hard­ly be got to discover the guilty, now runne with full speed to betray the innocent: They indict the Abbot as the principall Raiser, and contriver of these Tumults, which struck at his own life, and the be­ing and safetie of his Monastery. The Ab­bot, as it is said, sent to Tyler, upon his or­dinances some of the Town and Monastery, but to temporiz, and secure himself. This is now supposed by the very Traytors in­deed, Treason by Common Law and Sta­tute against the King his naturall leige Lord. This having not the feare of God in his heart, &c. but being seduced by the instigati­on of the Devill, is compassing the death, &c. the deprivation and deposing of his So­veraign Lord from his Royal State, &c. (as such Indictments use to run) this must goe for levying VVar against our Lord the King, adhering to, comforting, and aiding his enemies by open fact; 25 Edw. 3. which are the words of the Statute of Treason, declarative of the Common Law.

The Chief Justice, abominating and cur­sing the treacherous malice, and perfidious­ness of th [...]se Bruits, makes them tear the Indictment, which themselves, though ur­ged, are not wicked enough to swear to; nay, which publiquely they confess to bee false in the face of the Court.

Villeinage was not now abolished, though so methink otherwise, but by degrees ex­tinguished since this reigne. Besides, the Letters of Revocation before, restoring all things to their old course, A Commission, which the Abbot procured from the King out of the Chancery, then kept in the Chapter-house of this Monastery, makes this manifest, which speaks to this effect:

The disobedient are commanded to be taken, and imprisoned as Rebels.

In the time of King Henry the seventh there were villains. 11 H 7. 13 This I observe to make it appeare how [...] it is which the misera­ble common people, without whom no famous mischiefe can be attained, are gai­ners by any of their riots, or seditions; whatsoever the charges are, their conditi­on is still the same or worse; if some few of them advance themselves by the spoiles of the publique sh [...]pwrack, the rest are no happier for it; the insolent sight offends their eyes, they see the dirt of their owne ditches Lord it over them, and the body of them (perhaps) more despised than ever. Tyler (who could not but have known that nothing can be so destructive to Govern­ment, as the licentiousnesse of the base Commons) would doubtlesse (when his [Page 149] owne work had been done) quickly have chained up the Monster; he would have perched in the Kings sacred Oake; all the Forrest should have beene his, Bishopricks, Earledomes, nay the Kingdomes had been swallowed by him; instead of a just legall power by which the Kings acted, an arbi­trary, boundlesse, unlimited power must have beene set up; instead of a fatherly royall Monarchy, a Tyrannie after the Turkish mode, a Monarchy seignioral; and had he brought in upon the fall of the Christian Faith and Worship, which must have fol­lowed his establishment, Circumcision, and the Creed of Mahomet: as the spirits of men were then debased, he must have been obeyed. All the Kings right (and more) must have been his; Sultan Tyler's Prero­gative would have been found more grie­vous, more heavy, more killing than all the yokes and scorpions of our Kings; no man, when he went to sleep, could assure himself that one Law would be left next morning; the Ordinances of Tyler and his Council flew about in swarms, killing and rooting up the Laws: one Proclamation of this Tyrants was of force to blow up the anci­ent Foundation; enough to have made men mad, if ever they could wake, and under­stand: [Page 150] when the French had conquered Naples, the people looked for a Golden World, they thought their new Master would (as the King of Mexico's Oath used to say) do Justice to all men, make the Sun to shine, the Clouds to rain, the Earth to be fruitfull: They promise themselves Li­berty, and that the accustomed Imposts of their former Kings of the House of Arra­gon should not onely be taken off, but the very word Gabelle driven out of the King­dom, ther should be no such thing in nature left; but foolish dolts as they were, they found an alteration quickly, instead of a Court Cavalrie before (the new Masters ill established and assured, not daring to trust any thing) standing Armies were continu­ally to be kept on foot, instead of one Tax, intolerable of late, they are oppressed with ten, their backs and shoulders crack under the load.

Upon this fancy of these abused Italians, sayes the Historian, This is the custome, for the most part of all people weary ever of the present condition, and inconsiderately gaping after a change, but they receive such wages of their fond and disorderly lightness.

The War undertaken against Lewis the 11 of France by the House of Burgundy, [Page 151] Dukes of Berry, Brittaine [...], and Burbon, called the Weale publick, was not made a­gainst the King (say the Al [...]ies) but against evill order, injustice in the Government, and for the publick good of the Realm. In the Treaty for Peace these fine things are forgotten, the wretched Peasants torn, and ground with Taxes, left to shift for them­selves.

The Prince of the Burgaundies demands the Townes upon the Some for himselfe: Normandy for the Duke of Berry, and o­ther places, Offices, and Pensions for the rest, some overtures were made for the Weal publick (sayes the History) [...]ommen. that is all, the Weal publick was the least of the que­stion, the Weal publick was turned to Weal particular, self-seeking was the sum of the business. This has been the fashion of all Rebels hitherto, and will bee to the worlds end. After these proceedings the Hartfordshire men betwixt the ages of 15 and 60 present themselves according to command, and take the Oath of Allegi­ance; they are sworn too to unkennel and apprehend the late Incendiaries.

The King having now quieted the com­motions removes to Berkhamsted eight miles from St. Albanes, a royal Castle then, [Page 152] and at Easthamsted where he hunts, is in­formed, That the bodies of the Traytors executed were taken down from the Gal­lows, hereupon he directs his Writ or Let­ter to the Bailies of St. Albanes, comman­ding them under penalty of forfeiting all things forfeitable to hang up again the said bodies now rotten, and stinking in Iron chains, which the Townsmen are forced to do with their own hands.

A Parliament sitting in May the fift year of this Kings Reign, John Wraw Priest of the Reformation at Mildenhall, and St. Edmundsbury was taken, and upon the Pe­tition of the house of Commons to the King, judged to be drawn, and hanged. In the same Parliament too it was enacted, That wheresoever any Clowns by six or se­ven in a company kept suspicious Con­venticles the Kings good and faithfull Sub­jects should lay hold of them and commit them to the next Gaol without staying for the Kings VVrit. Wals. Hypod. In the same Parliament of the King it was made Treason to begin a Riot, Rout, or Rumour; by this Parliament, and that of the 6. Provisions are made for those whose Deeds were burnt or destroyed in the late insurrection, and in the 6. of Rich­ard, the King pardons the multitudes for [Page 153] their misdemeanours in the tumults. The Clowns now every where return'd to their old Obedience, and the winds wcre laid in all t [...]i quarter. Richard, a Prince born for troubles, shall be turmoiled with the Re­bellions of his Peers and Parliaments, de­posed and murthered by them, yet his me­mory shall be sacred, his Peers and Clowns shall dig for him in his grave▪ Posterity too shall owe all things to his person. After the death of Maximinus a wicked bloody thief, a cruel tyrant, Jul. Capitol. nefarii im­probi latro­nis. who invad [...]d the Roman Empire, Capitolinus recites a gratula­tory Letter wr [...]tten by Claudius Julianus a Consul to the Emp [...]rours Maximus and Balbinus, whom he calls Preservers and Re­deemers of the Common wealth, there the Consul tels them they had restored to the Senate (the house of Lords) their ancient dignity to the Romans their Laws, Equity, and Clemency abolished, their lives, their manners, their liberty, the hopes of succes­sion to their heirs. He adds, they had freed the Provinces from the insatiable coverous­ness of tyrannes, no voice, language, nor wit can express (saies he) the publick happi­nesse.

King Richard restored to the Church and Universities their rights and possessions, to [Page 154] the Nobilitie their honour, to the Gentry their respect, to the Cities their free Trade, the plenty of his harvest to the industrious Countryman, Security, Peace, and Liberty to all Orders, what Prince could bestow greater benefits upon a people? he was the Stator, the Saviour of the Nation, a Nati­on not worthy of him, whose ingratefulness to his sacred head, whose perfidiousness and impiety in advancing an usurper upon his ruins; were punished with a fatall Civill War, which lasted ages, with an issue of blood which could not be stopped till the true and lawful heir of this Prince was seat­ed in the Imperial Throne, according to the Faith and Oathes of this people (which whatsoever may be pretended no power on earth can dispence with) and accord­ing to the Fundamental Laws of England.