SInce the heart of man is deceitfull above all things, and none can know the issues thereof, we will not search over-curiously into the desires of the late Governour of that unhappy City of BRISTOL, Colonel NATHANIEL FIENNES, whether he affected the Government, or no? Yet seeing it is a point controverted by himselfe, in his Relation, page 3. we will be bold to say,

FIrst, his undermining Col: Thomas Essex, whom he struck in­to the box, and laid himself in his roome: In this manner, Colo­nel Fiennes brought a letter to Bristol, from my Lord Generall, authorizing him to seize on, and send up prisoner Colonel Essex, then Governour of that City, and this was so under-hand carryed, that the Deputy-Lieutenants and Committee of Parliament, then resident in Bristol, to assist Colonel Essex in the Government, were never consulted with to know what cause of suspition they found in him: This was an affront put upon the Deputy-Lieute­nants in point of integrity, or discretion and industry.

Secondly, his putting Creatures of his own (neither souldiers, nor men known in those parts) into Bristol Castle, to make the Government more intirely his owne, contrary to the desires both of the Towne, and Countrey, which were to have a Gentleman of honour and integrity, such as both the Towne and Country could confide in, placed there.

Thirdly, his many artifices, to lessen the Reputation & abridge the power of the Committees and Gentlemen of the Country, (whereof more afterward.)

Fourthly, his underhand indeavours to draw a Territory of [Page 2]twenty miles compasse as annexed to that City, to be within his sole command, and to make it independent upon the rest of the adjacent counties, thereby to exclude Sir W. Waller and all others.

These considerations (we say) make us think he was as jealous of his Government there, as any man is of his wife, and that he would brooke no rivall therein; nor can his Letters sent to his Father oversway our beliefe; Father, and sonne being Testes Do­mestici, in the neerest degree; But to take off this conceit (in his fourth page) he tels us he made certaine Propositions to the Gen­tlemen of the adjacent Counties for the setling and maintaining a Garrison there, to which most of the Gentlemen consented: It is answered, he made a certaine Proposition in generall to that pur­pose, to the Gentlemen of Somerset and Gloucester, and the Letter dated the 20. of March, 1642. (published in the Governours Re­lation, page 13.) was sent to the Lord Say, and the like to his Ex­cellency the Lord Generall, to see how the said generall Propositi­ons would take: But when the said Gentleman expected to be againe advised withall for reducing the said generall into particu­lar Propositions, he having got the start of them, secretly sent up particulars of his owne framing, (the same (it may be) which he hath published in his Relation, Page 17. intituled, A draught of the Ordinance) whereby he endeavoured to weaken the power of the Deputy-Lieutenants and Committees, and to make Bristol, and the Countries adjacent for 20. miles compasse his Territory, himselfe in all matters of moment being of the Quorum: For ex­ample, in his said draught of the Ordinance, he projected, that

First, the Garrison which should have consisted of 3. Foot Re­giments (besides Horse) (whereof one to be raised in the County of Somerset, under the command of Colonel Alexander Popham, another in the County of Gloucester) should be raised by the Go­vernour onely.

Secondly, the money raised in the Easterne-Division of Sommer­set, in Barkely-Division in Gloucester, and in the Cities of Bristoll and Bath, upon the weekly Assessment, Twentieth part and Se­questration; nay and upon Excises and new Imposts, should be assigned only for the use of that Garrison, with further provision in the Ordinance, that if all this be not enough, it should be made up out of the said Counties respectively: and the Committees [Page 3]appointed to pay the charges of the said Garrison and fortificati­ons being valued and made known to them by the said Governour of Bristoll, whose Warrant and Receipt should bee a sufficient discharge.

Thirdly, The Treasurers of the said Divisions not to issue out any monyes without the concurring warrant of Col: Fiennes Governour.

Fourthly, The Trained-Bands and Voluntiers of the said Divi­sions not to be drawn forth upon service, either into the City of Bristol or Country, but by the like warrant.

See now what power was left to the said Committees or Deputy Leivtenents even in their own Counties, and over their own men and monyes, upon which Collonell Fiennes had not incroached in this his draught of an Ordinance; Again page 4. he complaines that Sir William Waller drew forth Collonell Essex Regiment, and all the Troopes of horse: we conceive Sir William Waller drew forth only Col: Essex his Troope of Red Coates, being not above 30 or 40 and his foot Regiment being incompleate, the one halfe whereof never marched out of Towne, and were entertained by the Governour still page 5. when Sir Ralph Hoptons Army drew towards Somers [...]tshire: Collonell Alexander Popham moved by letters from my Lord Generall, would have gone forth with his whole Regiment, to joyne with Wilts and Dorset, and the We­sterne forces of Somers [...]t, but was Countermanded by Collonell Fiennes, who then first produced a letter from my Lord Generall whereby Collonell Popham and his Regiment were reduced un­der his command, which letter untill then hee had concealed, and would not suffer Col: Popham to march with above six Compa­nies: It is true that Col: Popham was routed through the default of Major Langrish and his horse; but the foot Armes were not a­bove halfe lost; In answere to his 1200. men, lent Sir William Waller, It is confessed, we all importuned him to enable Sir William Waller by an addition of 1200 foot, to take the feild for preserva­tion of the Country (which is no more then Col: Fiennes in his propositions to my Lord Generall and Parliament undertook, namely to defend the Country for 20 miles adioyneing) And Col: Fiennes himself when he gave consent to this motion, did declare that if the fortune of the Feild went against Sir William Waller, [Page 4]yet with his forces remaining in the Town; and the men which would be recollected and rallied out of his defeated Companies, he made no doubt, but to make good the said City: And Col: Fiennes after the defeate of Sir William Waller did declare that he hoped to make good the Towne with 2500. men, and that he hoped to to make up that number, by arming those men, that fled from the defeate into the Towne, and by takeing Armes from the Townes­men, and putting them into other hands, page 6. Sir Arthar Haselrigg, Collonell Burghill, and divers gentlemen after Sir William Wallers defeate thought fit to withdraw themselves: these Gentlemen did not leave the Towne upon apprehension it was not Tenable, but out of a desire to raise men elsewhere to supply it, and out of a consideration it was not fit for them in time of war to stay under his command, who in time of peace had plun­dered some of them for not paying such taxes as he put upon the City of Bristoll, not withstanding they paid in the Country, and re­sided in Town only to do publique service, upon their own purses: and for lodging in the Castle it is confidently affirmed, that no lodgings there were over offerred to any of the Gentlemen, nor any former respects shewrd to them, could incourage them to hope for any, and so many meane fellowes of the Town were suffered to shelter themselves and their goods there, that there was no roome left for the Gentlemen, insomuch that when Collonell Stephons with his wife and family retreated into the Castle, they could not endure their bad entertainment, and the Princes Trum­peter (then a prisoner) had better lodging then he and his whole family, whereupon he returned into the Town again.

Page 6 he tells us he had but 700 men left in the Town, and never a penny of money to pay them: Col: Fiennes had left in the Town halfe his own foot Regiment, halfe Col: Pophams Regi­ment, the new begun, though not yet compleat Regiment of his brother Iohn Fiennes, being about 300. or 400. men, besides 300 or 400. foot remaineing of Sir William Wallers, and 1000. or 1200. foot he newly (by his own confession) raised and Armed in the Town, so that he had neere upon 2500. foot, besides his Regiment of horse and his Company of dragoons, which is the number he un­dertook to keep the Town with as aforesaid, and many more men he might have had, if he had not as aforesaid so much lessened the [Page 5]Reputation of the Committees in the Countrey, that they, who by their Warrant had called in neere upon a thousand men in February last, when Prince Rupert was before the Towne, could not now call in a hundred, so much was the Countrey distasted with taking free Quarter, Horses, disorderly plundring even from the best affe­cted, and all these abuses, with many more were imputed by the Countrey people unto the Committee and Deputy Lieutenants re­sident in Bristoll, because being in place they did not redresse them, although it were not in their power so to doe, being over voted at the Councell of Warre, by Captaines purposely chosen and new made by the Governour, that he might have the sole power and countenance of that Councell to serve his ends, and being likewise overborne by the Governours accesse of power gotten from time to time by Commissions and Letters under hand from the Lord Generall, or the Parliament, which he kept sleeping by him, never shewing his additionall authority but upon speciall occasion, and then so cursorily and privately, as did easily declare he meant not to have his authority so well understood, as to draw it in danger to be examined and limited; Hereupon the Gentry forbore to inter­meddle with affaires, and the whole Towne and Countrey were filled with jealousies and indignations; and where he affirmes he had not one penny of money to pay his souldiers: This causeth ad­miration in all men, who have observed what strange and unheard of waies were used, and what number of spunges and horseleeches were continually imployed to suck both from the Towne and Countrey, some devices to raise monies we will set downe, all is impossible.

1 A tax of 500 .l. or 600 .l. a week upon the Towne, which was afterwards drawne downe to a farre lesse summe, we know not upon what consideration, since it is apparent the Towne was able to beare a far heavier burthen.

2 A taxe upon Somerset and Glocester shires towards the forti­fying of so much of Bristol as stood in these Counties, yet this Re­lator concealeth, and in his Letter the 17. of June, seemes to deny that he had any speciall levy for his worke, both from the Towne and Countrey.

3 The weekely assessement, and the 20. parts within his verge of 20. miles, which though they were not duely raised, amounted to [Page 6]a considerable summe, if an accompt had beene kept thereof.

The plundring of S. Thomas Bridges, S. Maurice B [...]r [...]kl [...]y, 4 and many other mens estates in the Countrey, without any warrant from the Councell of Warre, or the Deputy Lieutenants, contrary to an expresse Order made by the said Councell, all which were carried into the Castle without account; And when complaints were made for undue plundring, they were never heard by a Coun­cell of Warre, but privately referred to Langrish or his equals, and the Complainants just request choaked with delaies, as in Mistris Millers case, and others.

The letting and setting, or the stocking with plundred Cattle, 5 the said Delinquents and other mens estates, and sequestring their Rents with account, and without the concurrence or privity of the Deputy Lieutenants.

The confiscated estates of the Conspirators in Bristol, 6 and the secret compositions made with many of them, are thought to be very considerable, the rather, because when it was moved, that all compositions might be made openly at a full Councell, and entred into the Councell cooke, it would not be hearkened unto. Yet Colonell Fiennes in his Letter to his Father, dated June 17. 1643. (see Relation, pag. 25.) saith he, shall never make 3000 .l. of the Conspirators estates: It may be he meant upon compositions be­sides their plunder, which he could set no probable value upon.

Divers loanes upon the publique faith to a great value, 7 estimated at 7000 .l.

Divers supplies from Parliament, 8 which were alwaies concea­led from the Committee; he had received 4000 .l. before the 12. of May 1643. by his owne confession, (Relation pag. 23.) and wee heare he hath received to the least 3000 .l. or 4000 .l. since, quaere whether he hath received any money from Sir Gilbert Gerrard?

Licences to Trade with the Enemy (even contrary to his Ex­cellencies Ordinances of Warre) not granted for nothing. 9

Custome money 1700 .l. 10

If wee may beleeve common fame, 11 many Tradesmen (with whom wee formerly told you the Castle was cumbred) were drawne to give 10 .l. a man, to have themselves and their goods secured there, and yet no sufficient caution is made in the Articles of Surrender, to restore the said goods to them againe, many of [Page 7]them not being to be found, and the poore men are put to compound with the enemy for getting them out, as formerly they did with their friends to get them in; Besides, whereas his horse were to have 2 .s. 6 .d. a day pay, Colonell Fiennes, gave them free quar­ter in the Countrey, and but 1 .s. the day pay; quaere what became of the rest?

This we set downe to shew how good an Oecononist our Go­vernour was, and how able to raise money, having so rich a shop as the Towne of Bristoll to worke in; certainly, it was very possible for such a thriving Governour to maintaine the Garrison out of so rich a Towne, without the assistance of the adjacent Counties, (contrary to his tenet, pag. 4.) and this we demonstrate by the pre­sent practise of the Kings Forces, who make that Towne, not on­ly maintaine their whole Garrison, but man forth and maintaine a good fleete of Ships, finde Gunpowder, and pay a great sine besides; And for the better understanding of this money businesse, know that Colonell Pophams Regiment of foote, and Colonell Coles Regiment of horse and Dragoones, resident in Towne, were not paid by the Governour, but by the Country; and the Governors whole charge estimated by himselfe, (in a Letter to his Father da­ted June 17. 1643. and printed with his Relation, pag. 23.) was betweene 21000 .l. 1200 .l. and 1300 .l. a weeke, reckoning as wee conceive his weekely disbursment for fortifying, which was none of his charge) And for the 15. Regiments of foote, and 12. Regi­ments of horse, wherewith the Relator ( pag. 6.) saith the enemy besieged the Towne; it is confidently affirmed they were not halfe Regiments, and that many of their Colours were no other then such as the enemy had taken from Sir William Waller, and were now set up like scar-Crowes, or penall statutes against Recusants in terrorem only: But he relateth ( pag. 7.) that there was one place where the works were not perfect, the ditch not made on the out­side, nor the foote-banck on the inside, where was but a weake guard: this seemeth strange to those that knew-how much money was raised to perfect the workes, how long time was spent in per­fecting, and how suddainly so small a defect would have beene re­medied, unlesse it had beene purposely left as a posterne for the ene­my; and that there should be but a weake guard left in the weakest place, and Major Langrish with his Troops of horse left there to [Page 8]second the Foot, soundeth not well; Had the severall complaints formerly made to the Governour against Langrish for his cowar­dise at Wells, Muncton Forly, Landsdowne, and the Devises, or the present advice of Col: Stephens, Lieutenant Col: Clifton, and many others beene heard, he had not beene set there to betray the trust re­posed in him now: wherefore we must set Langrishes faults up­on Col: Fiennes score. But it stood not with the Governours con­veniency to heare any complaints against so profitable an instru­ment, he knew much, and could discover much, Delicta fuere ne­xus amicite, (page 8.) the Relator continues his History of the ene­mies entering the Line of communication which proved the losse of the Towne. To avoid interruption we will set downe the counter-relation, according to the information received from di­vers Gentlemen of quality, commanding in that service. When the enemies first viewed the Towne, a great Officer of that Army declared his opinion, that he thought it not fit to be attempted, alledging it was no where assaltable, but in the hollow way, be­tweene Brandon hill Fort, and Windmill hill Fort, (the onely place where the enemy afterwards found entrance upon an as­sault given) the works being imperfect, and a weak guard kept there, as abovesaid, by the Relators owne confession, (page 7.) It was much the place most obnoxious should be least regarded, yet so it happened, and upon the first entrance for an houre toge­ther, there were not above 100. of the enemies within the Line, the foe was so wary in seconding those that entred, that he gave them for lost; and those that entred afterwards as seconds, were but such scattered soldiers as had been beaten off elsewhere, from the Works, between Windmill hill Fort and Pegor hill Fort: How easily might any man but Langrish have done good service there? as appears by the good service done by Captain Lieutenant Nevill (whom for honours sake I name) see the Relation, page 8.) who had but 40. Horse, and yet if he had been seconded by some Mus­quetiers, he had cut off all that were then entred, and for about 2. houres more, there were not above 300. of the enemies entred, (so unapt they were to beleeve so unexpected a good fortune) But the Governour presently upon the first entrance of the assaylants, sent his Lieutenant Col: to call his souldiers off from the Line, who af­firmed that if our soldiers did not speedily retreat, they would be [Page 9]all cut off; Lieutenant Col: Davison with other Officers earnest­ly advising that a fally might be made out of the Town upon them and that the Souldiers yet remaining at the line, might keep it, and fall upon the reare of them, which he could not obtaine untill 3. houres after the assaylants had entred the line, when it was too late, and the enemy had possessed himself of Essex fort, the Red lodge Sir Fardinando Gorges house, and the Colledge Tower, places of advantage in the Suburbes, Major Lewes (an old Souldier) was of the same minde with Davison, and being at the Line, would not quit it in an houre and half, although he received many commands to that purpose: At last his soldiers taking notice they were com­manded a way, and Lewes receiving a command in writing under the Governours owne hand to retire into the Towne under paine of hanging, he obeyed: After the fally unseasonably made, and beaten back againe, spoken of, (page 8.) the assaylants possessed the Suburbs as far as Froome gate, yet was there no danger of the enemies wading over at the Key, the depth of the mud and disad­vantagious landing places, would have made them lyable to great execution, even by stones and clubs, wherein the Townsmen would not have been backwards.

The Defendants both Townsmen and Souldiers were disheart­ned and displeased at their retreat from the Line, into the Towne, and to adde more discouragement to them, the Governour instead of making his last retreat into the Castle, according to his first re­solution, neglected to make so much as a shew of further defence, but presently resolved upon a Treaty with the enemy; whether he called his owne creatures, his officers to joyne with him in this resolution, is uncertaine; But the Committee and Gentlemen of the Countrey, (who had most to lose there) viz. Sir Iohn Hornor, Master Stephens, his sonne the Colonel, and divers other Officers doe deny he ever put the question to them, whether they would treat or no? But after he had sent a Drum to the enemy for a Trea­ty, and gave Langrish and Captaine Thomas Hippesly for Hostages, he then called the Gentlemen to Counsel, to know what Articles he should propound in their behalfe. This Treaty slackned all mens courages, and made them lay by all thought of saving them­selves, by fight, but by Treaty only Now, and not till now, (what­soever the Relater saith, page 8.) the Soldiers began to drop from [Page 10]their Colours and Guards, and many of them ran to the Enemy, and discovered the amazednesse and disorders of the Defendants: Had the Governour retreated to the Castle, and set a good face up­on the matter, it would have bettered his conditions, both for the good of his Souldiers and Townsmen, who were so far from a de­signe to fall upon the Garrison, that they had shewed great love in victualling the souldiers, and great courage in fighting for them. We will not argue how tenable the Towne and Castle, or the Ca­stle, after the Towne lost, was, but certainly the Governour and all his Councel (untill that very moment) thought it tenable: otherwise to what purpose served First his great cost in fortify­ing, continued to that day? Secondly his victualling the Castle? Thirdly his desire to Sir William Waller to withdraw with hi [...] Horse, for feare of consuming his provisions, proved by the testi­mony of Col: Cooke, whom Col: Fiennes imployed to carry a Message to that purpose, and by a writing under Col: Fiennes hand herewith printed; And how could Sir Will: Waller make such hast to Exeter or to Gloucester, as to raise Forces to rescue Col: Fiennes that was so hasty as to deliver up the Towne and Castle in three or foure dayes to the enemie? Fourthly his former resolution at a councel of War was, if they were beaten from the Line, to fire the Suburbs and retreat into the Town, and at last to fire the Town and retreat into the castle, to which purpose Orders were given out; and yet when we consider how he had pestered the castle with unnecessary people, and thereby disabled himselfe to draw in his Souldiers to keep it, wee cannot but conclude his resolution to loose that and save himself was of an antienter date then his deeds and words formerly made shew of, but we are sorry to heare this Relator (page 9.) make it so cleer a point that if the place had been Tenable he could not have hoped for any releife in 6. or 8. weeks: what a discouragement will this be to that stout and faithfull Commander Col: Massy, and other Governours of Townes, who have not such a powerfull solicitor with the Parliament as Col: Fiennes Father. We have seen 3. of the Governours reasons why he could not keep the Castle.

The first was, he had too many men to keep the Castle, though too few to make good the Town.

The second was, a doubt least the City should fall upon him in his retreate thither.

Third was, the weakenes of the Castle not fully fortified: And [Page 11]now newly discovered by the enemies manner of storming, and the execution his peeces of battery had lately done upon our Para­petts of earth; Together with the provision he had made of close decked boates, and galleries; which provision is gainsaid by all men: Let us now weigh the rest of his arguments (page 9 and 10) upon that subject; first he wanted powder and match, he confes­seth he found 45. barrells, when he first undertook the charge of the Town, that he received 30. barrells from London, and 126. barrells from France, in all 201 barrells; besides what powder was made in the Town, being about 6. or 7. barrells weekly for 20. weekes together, and what was and might have been gotten out of ships, shops and Merchants sellars, a large quantity surely, had they been well searched; but to finde Gunpowder had been to loose a good excuse; Quaere, how many of these were double barrells, and what became of the overplus (graunting that Sir William Waller had 60. barrells out of this said summe) besides when Captain Birth heard that the Castle would be rendred, hee came to the cheife Gunner, desiring the Keyes of him, for that he would defend the Castle himselfe; the Gunner answered him, it was impossible, for that he had but 10. barrels of powder left, and afterwards in further talk the said Gunner confessed he had about 60. barrels, but alledged that Colonel Fiennes bid him say, that he had but 10. barrels left; And for Match, Colonel Fiennes might have made enough there. Secondly, he saith he should have lost all his Horse, being 300. and all the Foot which would not be contained in the Castle; wherefore it was concluded by the Councel of Warre to treate and accept of conditions which might preserve 300. horse and 1500 foot to the Parliament: what Councel of War this was appeares not, The Committee and Gentlemen of the Country and most Officers deny, they were called to any such Councell of War, or any such conclusion agreed on to their knowledge (as I have above said) And he might have sent his horse away by night to Glocester, and drawn all his foot into the Castle, had he not so stuffed it with unserviceable people; But it should seeme by his actions subsequent to the conclusion of the Treaty, he took little care to preserve the said body of men for service of the Parliament: for presently upon the Articles agreed on; First he suffered his men to fall off from their Colours, Guards and Watches, whereby the Common souldiers of the Enemy entering the Town, before the time appointed came for the defendants to march out, and [Page 12]mingling with our Souldiers, gave the enemy advantage in the mixture, to plunder houses, strip and rifle our Souldiers, dismount our horse, to allure, intice and inforce from the Parli: service many of them; and so to breake and dissolve almost all that body foot and horse; who thereupon scattered and dispersed themselves about the Country into Harvest work for their present releife; Nor could the Commanders on the Enemies part remedy this evill which the Governours own folly had drawn upon him; and this is a bet­ter justification of the two Armies, then that wherewith the Go­vernour by way of complyance tickleth them, (in his 11. page) Nor did the Governour beate his Drum, or call his foot Souldiers again to the Colours when he went out of Town, whereby they might march away with him in one intire body; and bee kept to­gether for the service of their country; Secondly, presently upon the Articles agreed upon, the Governour set all the prisoners in the Town and Castle, at liberty, these forth with grew insolent and fell to plunder both Town and Castle, before the enemy entered to take orderly possession of them; these prisoners were many in num­ber, and divers of them men of good quality taken by Sir William Waller; the Governour often complaining he was made Sir Wil­liam Wallers Gaole keeper, and repining at the charge of keepeing them, he was often advised to remove them to a place of more safety, where they might be kept as pledges for our friends in cap­tivity: London and the Lord Sayes Isle of Lundy were propound­ed, but for the first, the voyage was too chargeable, and for the last (it is since conceived) the Governour was unwilling to send any company to that place, whereby the misteries of that Island, might be discovered; and observation made what was carried in and out there: and when Sir William Waller moved Col: Fiennes to send a way the said prisoners by sea before the enemy came before the Town, he answered he would not, for that he would keep them to make his own conditions the better; his own Councells were al­wayes the best, I meane for his own ends; to make good which, the Councell of War was well furnished with suffragan Captains, purposely made to vote for him. Much more might be said upon this Subject, especially for abuses done in Churches &c. where­by the love of the Town and Country was much alienated. But enough hath been said of a bad matter, let us resort to God for mer­cy, and to man for justice to be done in a fitting way, (that is openly and by man uninteressed,) lest for want of due rewards and due pu­nishments [Page 13](the two Poles upon which the frame of Government turnes) the reformeing part of the Common-Wealth, become [...] corrupt as the part to be reformed, which God of his mercy for [...].