Respublica Anglicana OR THE HISTORIE OF THE PARLIAMENT In their late PROCEEDINGS, WHEREIN The Parliament and Army are vindicated from the calumnies cast upon them in that libellous History of Independency, and the falshoods, follies, raylings, impieties, and blasphemies, in that Libell detected. The Necessity and lawfullnesse of secluding the Members, laying aside the King, and House of Lords, is demonstrated. The Lawfullnesse of the present power is proved, and the just and necessary grounds of the Armies march into Scotland are represented. Published for publicke satisfaction. The Author G: W:
LONDON, Printed by F. Leach, for George Thompson, dwelling at the sign of the White horse in Chancery-lane, 1650.
To the Reader,
OUr Ancestors would have rejoyced, might they have had but the libertie under their Kings to have folowed Truth at the heels, without danger of their teeth, and have allowed a little Courtship in an History to the present Prince for such a favour; but now there is a sort of men that nothing can content, unlesse they may tread on truth's heels, and trample upon the present Governours; may and this sort, should another but term such Kings Tyrants, will flie in his face, whilst themselves will reproach the present Governors with Tyranny, and what not, because they may not have licence to abuse them, and Truth too, in their scurrilous Pamphlets: yet such is the wisdome of our times, that such as these are the only vendible and cryed up writers, as if Liberty consisted in crying up Tyranny, and defaming those that resist it
A second sort we have and they forsooth are all for the old way, all truths with these are Puritanical, Brownisticall, Anabaptisticall and Schismatical, which have not been entailed on by them their Grandsires: Religious and civill Government, [Page]must be a Gentleman of 3. descents, like a Knight of Malta, or it must not be admitted into their order, a right worshipfull tenent for such who arrogate solely to themselves the name Protestant. But say they, our fore-Fathers were wiser than we, and we will follow them: we grant they were, for they embraced the Truth, and would not be scared by the bugbear of Novelty; had they cryed out for the old way, how had these Youths ever have had any title to the Protestant Religion? the Masse was as ancient then, as the Common-Prayer Book now, and Priors, Abbots, and Monkes, as Prelates, Deanes, and Prebends, yet at the first dawning of truth they chased away those Bats and Owles, and the new light appearing, was embraced, not scorned; so that the dark shaddowes of Ignorance and Superstition vanished, and the ferall Birds of Night were put to flight. These were the worthy actions of our Protestant Ancestors, whom these old-way-Men will needs imitate forsooth, by acting the quite contrary.
A third sort, are those, who know not what they would have, they would have a King and they would not; they would have the Parliament prevaile, and yet the Scotch and Irish designes must not be defeated; they will have the Privilege of Subjects, yet not perform the duties of Subjects; and receive protection, yet not return subjection: and is it not an hard case that their wishes and wills are not accomplished, which being onely contradictory may so easily be reconciled; and a great persecution, that all men are not compelled to be of their minde?
The last sort are a Rabble which think no man can be religious, who is not of all Religions: with whom it is Antichristanisme not to deny Christ, infidelity to beleeve the Scriptures, and he hath not the Spirit who excludes not the [Page]Holy Ghost, the Holy Trinity; with these it is sin to abstain srō sinne, and he the least, who is the grossest sinner: but I abhor to mention these Champions of Hell, who war against Satan by being of his black Guard.
And now, sith every one will have his humour, though never so ridiculous, and wicked; I hope I may have the favour to enjoy my conscience, though I differ from all or any of these crotchets.
Suppose I conceive I am bound to praise God, and be thankfull to Authority, that I may write truth, without fear of halter, pillory, or whip now, when I can remember, as young as I am, that to call a Spade a Spade, was counted no lesse than Treason; as also that I abhor to play the knave to please fools, or to tickle their ears, by lyes bite, and railings scratch, all that are wiser, honester, and more generous than such dull animalls: must I therefore be thought not worth the reading?
Suppose I conceive I am bound to prefer naked truth before error, though she be brought in with the sound of English Organs, or Scotch Bag-pipes, arrayed in a Surplice, Rochet, Cope and Miter, with tagg, ragge and bob-taile cringing and bowing to her; As also to make the Scriptures rather my Guide, than mens traditions and inventions, and to receive that as the good, and old way, which the ancient of dayes commands me to walke in: must I therefore be no Protestant, but a Novellist?
Suppose I conceive, that all powers that are are of God; that I ought to pray for Magistrates, that I may live a godly and peaceable life under them; that I am bound to give subjection in all lawfull things, where I receive protection: must I therefore be a Traytor and seditious person?
Supose I conceive I cannot keep the Covenant, wherein I vowed to defend Religion and Liberty, by endeavouring to set up the Enemy of both, for my own private Faction or Interest; to endeavour to bring all Delinquents to consligne punishment, without respect of Persons, by respecting the person of any man; to endeavour a Reformation according to the word of God, which is preach and baptize, not perfecute and force; that I cannot see any Justice in hanging up the Sword, and worshipping as Sacred the Murderer; that I cannot attaine to comprehend that mystery of maintaining Parliamentary privilege, by destroying, or suffering to be destroyed, Parliamentary power for ever: of keeping the Lawes; by making them act contrary to their end, the generall good; of crying out of persecution, because I may not force others to be of my opinion, though they equally detest with me all Heresie and Blasphemy: must I therefore be a Covenant Breaker, a Sectary, a favourer of Heresie, and Blasphemy? Sure such Language as this, will never appear true English, though interest may alter the case in Scotch; but though it doe I care not, for I am an English man, and desire to appear so, both in my language and interest: the Liberty I engaged for was that of my own Countrey, and in preserving that, I shall endeavour to dash all Scotch and self interest in peices, not that I abhor, or hate the persons of the Scotch, but because it is my duty to love and serve my Countrey.
And truly so farre am I from hating that Nation, that I wish our Sectaries (as they term them) may be as diligent to instruct them in Liberty, as their Presbyterians will seeme forward in teaching us Religion: I would reward them good for evill, and though they doe strive to pull us in, yet let us endeavour to help them out of slavery; it may [Page]be this also will be called Sectarian doctrine, but I care not: for though it may seem contrary to Scotch Declarations, yet it is consonant to Heavens Ordinances, and I had rather obey God than men, than Scotch men, and shall account them no Christians, who shall not judge it my duty to beleeve Him before a Scotch Committee of Estates or Kirk.
To summe up all, I would have thee Reader know, That Fools and Knaves, whether English or Scotch, shall never fright nor juggle me out of christianity and humanity, but that, by the assistance of God, I shall endeavour, as a Christian, to make the Word; as a Man, Reason; and as an Englishman, the generall good of this Nation, the ground of all my actions: and in thus doing I value not thine, or any mans displeasure.
Farewell,
Respublica Anglicana, OR, The History of the Parliament in their late proceedings, &c.
THe History of Independency, though it may appear to have been stiffled in the Birth, the greatest part of the First Impression being supprest by publike Authority, and together with it's Author prohibited a publike walk; yet much of it in parcels having been before vented (the crafty Enemy skirmishing in small parties before he would bring on his main body, & by getting off without personall loss growing more daring, but one subtiller than He owed Him a shame) and many of the last escaping the seizure, which were secretly disperst, and covertly re-printed by the Book-sellers, of whom too many are more then enough prone to disserve the State, and these being greedily sought, and at high prices bought, by that sort of men who, audax omnium perpeti ruit in vetitum nefas, will hazard a Paradice to partake of forbidden fruit, it came in fine into most hands; thus being divulg'd, and not to be thought altogether inconsiderable, in regard of the politick composure, and crafty couching of it's Calumnies, backt much by the repute of the Author, lately a Member of the House, and before a seeming Zealot in the Parliamentary Cause, as his fiery prosecution of Col. Nathaniel Fiennes, may perswade many; I conceived it would be worth my labour, and not unbecomming my duty to discover the Imposture, and vindicate the present Governours and Government from the false imputations cast upon them by this, and other such invectives belched out by him and others his accomplices, the Simeon and Levies Brethren in the Iniquity of this age. And though I may seem an unequall Match for such a veterane, a Hoary Sophister; yet being assured that Truth will the more gloriously triumph in my weakness, I shall enter the Lists, and in confidence of my cause, not only combate him, but dare the tallest of the Sons of Anak to the encounter, which shall endeavour to [Page 2]hinder our possessing the promised Land, the Canaan of Liberty; and what indeed should I fear, when the deepest wounds I can receive will be but scarres of honour; and the worst come to the worst, I shall appear to have as reall a heart, though not so able a hand, as any, to the service of my Country? But to leave off words and come to deeds, by which the controversie must be decided, for a longer declining it may favour of fear. And now, though it be long ere I could abide to touch him, my Genius abhorring a Scold, I will uncase the Vrchin, that you may handle him without pricking your fingers.
Of all things passion and affection should not be discovered in an Historian, who must appear impartial in the manner, or else the matter of his writing will never gain belief: For Wise men discovering him to be a party, will not accept of his evidence in his own cause; the Author therefore was very indiscreet to shew his Teeth so much, or if he could not bridle his passion, to style his Book an History.
A Politician knows, that by slightly commending he shal more discredit his Adversarie, than by openly reviling him: for seeming a friend, Men are apt to believe he adds when he diminishes, but appearing a foe, they suspect every thing to be detraction, and calumnie; Were I then but a Knave I would bate railing.
Every one can stand on St. Georges guard, and ward a down right blow; and it is the first step to safety to know ones enemy. Ioab speaks peaceably to Abner, and pretends a kisse to Amasa, when he intends to smite them under the fifth rib: Were I a Spider and suck'd poyson where the Bee gathers Honie, were I an Atheist, and beleev'd not the Scriptures, yet could I have made more use of my Bible, than many now a dayes, who would be thought Christians, and have learnt so much craft, that when I intended to Murther, it were the only sure way under the vizor of a friend to mask my design.
I must ingenuously confesse that I have alwayes smil'd at the foolish bitterness of the Malignant party, and wondered that men who pretended to all the wit, to be the only learned and politique Statesmen, could never discover their own folly, and discern how much their lying and railing disadvantag'd themselves, by making them appear rather Bedlams than Politicians, much lesse Christians: for who but wil judge he wants reason and truth, who patches up his discourse with railing and falshood?
It seemes by the help of Iudge Ienkins, a notorious old scold, this [Page 3]quality of railing (heretofore by all Sages judged a fee fimple, nay simplest) is turned into a tayl special, to a Malignant and his Heirs males, and so descends from Aulicus by Pragmaticus, Elencticus, &c. to this Author, Theodorus Verax, in English Clement Walker. The Latine was false, I am therefore forced to mend it by truly construing it. I hope he wil not take it as an injury that I name him, for he that seems so resolute as to despise death, and what not, in his Cause, cannot with any gallantry deny to own it, when indeed he must whither he wil or no.
This might seem strange, nay almost incredible, were he not a Malignant, That Clement Walker, late a Member of the House of Commons, an ancient, and so one might think a grave man, should not only transgress the Rules of History, Modesty, Honesty and Piety, but so affect Levity, and gibing, that rather than want He wil steal thread bare scurrility of those beggarly Buffoons Prag. The Moon calf, &c. to play with a mans Nose, nay such stuffe that he might wel suppose would be very nauseous to any ingenuous stomack, having been so often vomited out before: O there is no Fool to an old one, nor none so bitter an Enemy to you, O Presbyters, as an old Malignant, who so detests you that he abhorres to follow an Author that is Classicall, for the very names sake.
Should I answer him at his own weapon, and fall foul upon his nose, it would be but fair dealing, and he could not complain of hard or unjust usage should I mete the same measure to him that he hath done to others much more his betters; and it may be he will be convinced of his own incivility to others, by seeing how ill it would becom me, should I accost him with such Complements.
Truly were there hopes of this, I could be drawn to deny my selfe to recover him, and would stray to reduce this wanderer; as long as there is life there is hope: I beseech you therefore to pardon if I shal a little digresse in hope that he is not incorrigible; and with your good leave, you shal see that if I would, I can be even with him; as for example.
1. I could tell you how it hath been observed that the Popes names and their natures seldome suited, as Pope Clem. here (who hath with Bel, Book, and Candle anathematiz'd the Parliament, Assembly, and Army, in this which may properly enough be termed his Bull by it's bellowing and goring) may as well be termed Boniface as Clement; [Page 4]yet should you call him so, all that ever saw him may depose you abused him: for his face is as far from good as his Book, and both sufficiently enough proclaim him no true lement, in which are so to the life delineated an invective and spightful nature.
2. How he looks like the pourtraicture of Envy, or as the vulgar say, the picture of ill Lucke, Dame Nature having drawn as crooked Lines on his Front, as he hath on his Paper, and in both Volumes you may runne and read an Ishmael, whose hand is against every one, a venemous little Animall, that wasts it's own Bowels to catch flies; for none elfe will be captivated.
3. How you might take him for a Reviver of the Sect of the Cynicks, a Diogenes in a Satten Doublet, but for his barking so against Tubs, and being so wretchedly infected with the itch of Covertousness, as appears by his scratching now he dreams others have got more by sitting in the House than he hath done.
I could also give you a description of this little Chaos, this indigested spot, wherein lay hid — Discordia semina rerum, the seeds of Sedition, which have brought forth a very ful crop this year.
1. How Ingenuity is terraincognita, the unknown Land in the map of his face, which you would think all Sea by it's Billows, and yet no where descry Mare pacificum, the calm Sea, it is so rough with continuall Tempests.
2. How that if he ever had any sign of modesty it is now swallowed up in the Pits of his Cheeks, which like the Curtian Gulfe could never be satisfied, until they had devoured the best thing in this little Babel.
3. How that the Remnant of Bloud taking the Alarm from the gnashing his Teeth, escaped into the tip of his nose, which is turned a Red coat, and holds it lawful in spight of his Teeth or Tongue either, to maintain a Civil War, on the Ground of Selfe-preservation.
4. How the least read in Physiognomie may spell the stormes of his minde out of the Waves in his face, whose furrowed up and Downes make many a vacuum, that his out-side may be as unphilosophical as his in-side, an equal transgressor against God, and Nature.
5. How there is no more harmony without, than within him, and how had the ancient Egyptians been to figure out such a Gipsie, the [Page 5]Bear and ragged staffe had been the Hieroglyphick of his raging soule and rough cast Body.
Thus you and he may see, that I could, if I would play upon him without Prags. helpe; I desire not to meddle with his Person, as knowing natural defects are not within a mans power to amend; yet it is a true saying, that we should beware of those whom God marks, and as true also, that many times a ragged soul wrinkles a smooth face: but it is needless to judge of his qualities by that, which will be best read in his book, and if you will be pleased to make use of my short perspective, it will shew you as plainy the spots in this Man, as ever Galilejes did in the Moon.
And to save your time and money, I shall briefly shew you his open falshoods, his closer couched tales, with his contradictions, juglings, railings, blasphemy and impiety, and then shall come and take off what he would by these cast upon the Parliament cause, especially in relation to their late proceedings.
First, He who hath been pleased to affirm, That the Knaves (meaning some eminent honest Men) lyed like Saints, will neither speake truth as becomes a Saint, or lye, we wil use his own broad phrase, for it's probable he understands his own Language best, like a Knave; for he tels such palpable ones, that almost every one can contradict. I know not what design this Lord of the Manor of Barley Broath could have in thus doing, unlesse he intended to purchase another Hel; but let him take heed the pottage there be not too hot.
Or goes by that rule calumniare fortiter aliquid harebit, throw dirt by shovels full on thy Adversary, and some will stick. It is I confesse, and hath been the practice of all the Malignant Scriblers so to do, and yet we may thank God that we have been little losers by it: for they have engaged against Heaven by it, as well as against us, and have made God their enemy.
First in his Epistle he avers, That there were men on purpose mixed among the Surry Petitioners to raife a whoop, and disorder them, that they might be taken in a toyl, and fallen upon with Horse and Foot; and that Gentlemen of as good quality as the Generall had their Pockets, Cloakes, Hats, Swords, Horses, and Doublets plundered.
Had he named one either in quality a Lord, or Lord Generall, it had not been Gentlemen, and so had been false, yet he can never do [Page 6]that; but this is the truth of the businesse, The Surrey men by the opportunity of so many Taverns, Alehouses, and boon Companions, being gotten drunk, violently rushed into the Hall, Lobby, &c. where they both abused the Members, affronted the Guard, whooped and roar'd (being ecchoed by the Crue without, made up of all the scum of that end the Town) in so hideous a manner, as if they desired rather to deafen the House, than to have been heard by them; a great number of them being gotten into the Court of Request, danced crossing and thwacking their cudgles, the most perfect whoop Barnaby, the most absolute drunken Morisco, that you ever saw, reeling a kind of Hay to the harsh musick of their throats, and ratling noise of their hob-nail'd shooes, as if the Bacchanals came to celebrate the Dyonisian Orgies, or took the High Court for a May-Pole, and so came to play their old May-games about it: but as if it were not enough to have given them this alarm, they boasted to beat up the Houses quarters, swearing, they would have their Petition granted, or they would pluck the Members out by the eares, and thus Pot-valiant began to throng to the dore. The Guard being unwilling to be pinion'd in that drunken Crowd, where if need were, they should not be able to use their armes, charged them to stand off, upon this they crowded higher, and were answered by the Dunghils without, and presuming on their numbers violently rushed on the Guard; but some Horse and Foot being in a readinesse, as having had good warning by their bragging, In vino veritas. and supposing that being in drink, they meant as they said, came in the nick, rescued the Guard, and totally routed them who were more than enough disordered before.
This was done, and who can deny but fit to be done; and for what they lost they may thank themselves for beginning a tumult, and their suburb Companions, who were excellently dexterous to help unburthen them of Cloaks, Hats, &c. I am confident that when they were sober, had they but known their own incivility in affronting the Parliament and their Guard, they would have thanked God, and those they abused, that they sped so wel. Had this vindicative old Bedlam bin Captain of the Guard, I might have related more than all he hath done, and that truly too, but God be thanked the curst Cow hath but short Horns, Lying and Rayling are his Bounds, thither he can goe, and no further.
He affirmes, Part 1. p. 86.87. That when the Boyes made the Tumult, April, 8 & 9. [Page 7]1648. the Lord Generall Cromwel followed the Souldiers in the Reare, animating them to shoot, and spit them, and to spare neither Man, Woman nor Child, and crying out to them to fire the City: That the Souldiers cut and wounded all they met. How false this is will appeare by the small number of hurt or killed, and those that were hurt, being but a little slightly slash'd to terrifie and warn others, rather than out of any desire to mischiefe them; besides I appeal to those thousands who stood at their dores, windowes, and in the street, and saw the busines, yet were never spoken to by the Souldiers, unlesse when they supposed there might be danger, and then too, onely to take heed to themselvs, whether they did not see the Souldiers shoot high on purpose, and where they struck once with the edge strike twenty times with the flat of their Swords: but had the Souldiers been Cabs, and Rupert, Goring, or the Great Chiefe at Leicester Himself in the Rear, then I doubt not but Clem might have been in the Right. Alas poor Clem what il luck thou hadst, that they were not the men.
He averres, Part 1. p. 97. That the Lord Gen. Cromwell sold his Welch Prisoners for 12d. a head to be sent into barbarous Plantation. Had they not bin Cavaleers he would have put in Hornes and all I warrant you: but here he shews a little more wit in his anger, he layes the scene a little farther off; yet though all London cannot give him the Lye, all Wales can, which knowes the Common Souldiers were sent to their owne homes, and the Officers were to quit England for a time, three or four only excepted, of which only Poyer suffered; it may be some poore Scoundrels, who either had no homes, or durst not go to a home if they had one, were willing to go to our English Plantations, Virginia, the Barbadoes &c. barbarous and Barbado begins indeed something alike, yet dare I affirm, that all these Plantations he tearms barbarous, cannot shew so uncivil, so barbarous, so impious a wretch as the Tower of London can.
He saith Mr. Gurdon made a motion to have the Ladies Norwich, Capell, and her Children, Part 1 p 101. sent to the Generall to be set in the Front of the Army in storming Colchester, and that he was seconded by many more. Had he had so little honesty as to tel tales out of the House, yet he might have had so much modesty as not to tel them so, that the whole House must contradict him; but suppose it were true, and that Master Gourdon, and other Gentlemen did motion that those might be sent to be set in the Front of our Army, when Norwich, Capell, Lucas, and [Page 8]those should salley out with the Committee set in their Front, what great business had this been to deterre a barbarous Enemy from causing those Gentlemen to be murder'd, whom they had carried away contrary to all Articles of War, being men in their own Country and not in Arms, and kept too by denying to exchange them? But then He saith That they never intended to use the Committee so, then Mr. Gourdon never desired to have them used so, and to prove this, he saith, Rushworth reported they were well used, thank the General, who sent them in their dyet, and their scarcity within, who would never have granted that, but to save their own provisions; also they were not set in the Front, good reason, because the Common soldiers in Colchester mutined, and would not sally out, which if they would have done, their great Commanders had determined to doe it, and had set the time too, and this hath been affirmed by the Committee themselves in my hearing, who were certainly informed of it by the Cabs themselvs, which was to have been on the Thursday before the Town was yeelded; but the Souldiers being ascertained that their Officers intended to salley out, and if they could by their help break through, to run away being well horst, and leave them to the fury of our Soldier, whom they knew would be much enraged to have been made instrùmentall in the deaths of the Committee so basely murthered by their Officers, and themselvs too, who permitted it, mutined, and that so highly and unanimously, that their Officers had much adoe to pacifie them; and thus you may see the verity and ingenuity of old Clem, who knew all this as wel as I, in telling the story.
He affirms, Part 1: p. 102. That the Lord Generall Fairfax having gotten together the Trained Men of Suffolk and Essex to assist him, put them in the forlorn hope in all his stormings of Colchester, and drove them on with his Horse, using them as the Turk doth his Asaphi to dead the first fury and edge of the Enemy, that his Ianisaries at the last may come on with the more safety, and carry the businesse. A Barbarous falsehood, as the Militia of two Counties, and an Army can witnesse; speak out you injured Gentlemen in both Counties, whom he hath made such tame Slaves and Cowards: but the gallant demeanour of the Lord Generall and Army is so deeply rooted in the memories of those Suffolke and Essex Troopes and Companies, that such a calumnie as this can never pluck it up; it is needlesse to say more therefore to this.
He saith, That M: Gen. Skippon hath secured his personall Estate, P. 1. p. 120. his Wife and Children beyond Sea, and thereby hath withdrawn all pledges of his fidelity, and is here but in the nature of a Souldier of Fortune. This is a lye as visible as the Major Gen: Wife and Children are every day; but the Major Gen: hath spent as much blound in defence of his Country, as this wretch hath wasted Ink to destroy it.
He averrs, That there is not one Assembly-man, P. 1. p. 174. but is illegally thrust into another mans benefice. We need not go farre to disprove this; speak thou O London for the rest, which hast four Assembly men who never had any sequestred Benefice, to wit, Doctor Gouge, Mr. Caryll, Mr. Walker, Mr. Calamie, and contradict him.
He affirmeth, That the fight against the Scots, was little better than a beating up of quarters for 20 miles together, for so far the Scotch Army lay scattered in their Quarters, their Horse so farre distant from their Foot they could bring them no seasonable relief. A very broad Lye; for the very first day they were drawn up into so large a body that 2. Regiments were left to hinder their overwinging, and so inclosing our Army at such distance, that they had little or no employment the first fight; Hamilton still shogging down with Reserves, and bringing fresh hands to maintain the advantages of the Lanes and passe he had against ours, and so not advancing in bredth, as it was supposed he would.
But, suppose it had been so the first day; this was nothing to the second, or third day, on which he confesses the fight continued, nay and rails at Lieut Gen: Baylie, for delivering up the arms of the foot after at the passe at Warrington, by which it appeares he thought the first, second, and third dayes losse, not so considerable, but that Baylie might have maintained that passe, had he not been a Traytor; but this is all any man shall get by engaging for the Cavaliers; with old Clems favour we may well return the Turke (he bestowed before on the L. Gen:) to him and his gang, whose Bashaw's head must go for their ill Fortune. You shall never hear an Aulicus, Pragmaticus, Clem, or any inferiour sucking Cab confesse their side was beaten, but they lay it on the treachery of one or other of their Commanders in chief; thus Rupert's health must not be drunk, for his trechery in delivering up Bristoll, Col. Fielding must be condemned for yielding Reading, and Windebank shot for losing a paltry little House; and thus are the Scots rewarded with the names of Traitors, and Cowards, [Page 10]for their good will to the Cabs, and making such a costly journey to help them: one would think that if they had either sense or reason, they might long ere this have been convinced, that it is no impossible thing for the Cabs to be beaten, as at Marston Moor, the Battle of Namptwich, the fight neer Chester, where Poyntz commanded in chief, and neer Stow of the old, where old Ashly was taken with innumerable other places, where the most obstinate Cabs commanded. But you may see what metal old Clem is made of, he is no Cavalier, not he alas! he abhors them, lyes and slanders, as the Devill doth Holie-water.
These out of many hundreds I have set down to convince you, what a due respect you ought to have to these following stories; for which he can shew neither sense or reason, and which are only mounted on the basis of Clems bare word.
He affirmeth, P. 2. p. 195. That Col. Popham, when he had lost most of his Men at Kingsale, besides divers Ships, was commanded to conceal the evill newes, and to tell the House, that he had left Kingsale blocked up with ten ships, and the Seas secured.
That the Speaker bled in private (how came Clem to know it then? P. 2. p. 212) 15000 l. towards the Irish Expedition, to have the Charge taken off against him. I cannot think Clem was the Surgeon, yet it may be Clem going to bed in a covetous humour, might dreame he held the Bason he bled into.
That the Lord Generall Cromwell writ Letters to Col. Iones, how heartlesse his Souldiers were, P. 2. p. 229 and that unlesse he did by some successefull sallie lessen their terror, he should not be able to get them on shipboard.
This Letter was intercepted by the Major that brought news that Dublin was taken, in one of the Egg-shels which the great Mogul sent to transport the 3000 Lorrain Horse into Ireland, and so Clem saw it.
That the Lord Gen. Cromwell writ Letters to some of the Councel of State by Col. Monk himself, P. 2. p. 230 desiring them for satisfaction of the Souldiers and People, to treat with Col. Monk to take the whole business upon himself, of his Treatie with Owen Roe Oneale, and to justifie this, he tels you, the L. President Bradshaw laugh'd when he reproved Col. Monk for it. You see he was by, and saw all, will you not believe this too?
He doth not tel us where he heard the comand given to Col. Popham, [Page 11]nor how or where he saw these Letters; and it was well he did not, for it would but have made a more circumstantiall tale, and have heaped up the measure of his lies the more, and yet never a whit have advantaged him: For how can any think it possible he could have heard or seen them, when all these men knew him too well to trust him with such secresie, and he himself tels us boastingly, that he was alwayes opposite to both Presbyterians and Independents, and could never be drawn to any of their secret meetings, whilst he was in the House? and yet now he can tel things which he himself relates to be carried with the greatest secresie; if we could but find the hearts to believe him we need never wonder that he refused to go to their secret meetings; for what need he do that, who we see can tell the most clandestine transaction without a being at it? but formal Lyes, and formall Prayers, are no wonders in an old Episcopall Malignant; such an one is so for set forms, that he cannot serve the Devil out of one, or bring out a lie or slander, but it must be in Pontificalibus.
And now you may judge, whether Theodorus Verax, or Clemens tam ficti, pravi (que) tenax, be the truest Latine, for the Author of this History of Independency. For my part, I have thought that man conscious of an ill Title, who will be the judge in his own cause, nay assured that any just and understanding Iudge will give sentence against him; and pray what think you off this here, can you suppose that ever he had had the Title of Theodorus Verax, unlesse he had bestowed it on himself; Honor est externum signum [...], Arist. l. 1. Rhet. c. 5. & l 4. Eth. c. 3. & l. 1. Eth: c. 5. Et est in Honorante potius quam Honorato, but why should we talk of morall Philosophie to him? And if he had desired the Honour to wear Truths livery, he had better have writ himself Verax in his Book, than on the Title page, but I suppose he did it to make the Title Page bear it's part, and that it might be suitable to the rest of the Book for falshood.
And now I come to his contradictions, and shall make his Book confute it self, as I have made it confute his Title, and among many take these.
This Fellow who was chosen into the House, sate there, and professeth to have been on the Parliaments part, who cryes out, Part 1 p 15 they have changed their Principles, and affirmes, that he had served the Parliament faithfully from the beginning; had taken as much pains, and runne as many hazards, as most men in their service, wherein he had lost his [Page 12]health and above 7000 l. of his Estate, that he contented himself to serve his Country gratis. Note here that he accounts the Parliament cause, the Cause of his Countrey, and yet is he not ashamed to maintain, That the King neither ought nor could part with his Negative Voice, and Militia.
And can any man hold this who hath served the Parliament from the beginning, & affirm he stands to his first Principles, when the Militia and Negative Voice were the only two points in open Contest between the King and Parliament, upon which the War was grounded? for the King, whatever he meant, yet promised fair about Religion, and redress of grievances.
Or can Clem shake hands with Pryn, unlesse as Herod and Pilate once before did to Crucifie Christ again in his Members?
Thus he saith a Phoenix arose out of his Majesties Ashes, that excellent issue of his Brain, P. 2. p. 138 intituled, The Portraicture of his Sacred Majesty, &c. a Book full fraught with Wisdom Divine and Humane, yet the very first Page of that Book, and the first Page of his so interfere that one gives the other the Lye. For his affirms, that at last by providence, his Majesty was necessitated to call a Parliament; That avers that he called it of his own choice and inclination, as thinking the right way of Parliaments most safe for his Crown, and best pleasing to his People. And for my part, had old Clem gon on as he here begun, I would never have taxed him for falshood.
Behold then, that unlesse lying be a piece of Wisdom Divine and Humane (which yet by his practice one would be easily perswaded to believe Clem thinks) he hath not only contradicted himself, poor Knave, but his Great Masters young Phoenix forsooth, unmannerly slave.
But if it be such a Phoenix, it arose out of some others ashes, for the King was not burnt, neither as yet is crumbled to dust: and if it be such a Pallas, yet it looks as more likely to have issued from the brain of a Mercury than a love. Palladis Aves, birds dedicated to Pallas. For my part if I should passe my judgment I must give for the latter, as the more proper comparison, because the Idol's triumphant Chariot is drawn by Owles.
And now you may see Clems Logick is as bad as his Ethicks, and that there is no more truth than manners in his Propositions. For unlesse contradictories can at once be both truth, Clem writes miserably false; but more of this will appear in his subsequent jugling, which is [Page 13]notorious in the very first part of his Hisiory, which he stiles a Mystery of the two Iuntoe's Presbyterian and Independent.
Here by the way, I would fain know which was the Parliament Clem served, sith the Presbyterians and Independents were two Iunto's? Prelatical fellowes there could not be then, unlesse perjured; for every Member had taken the Covenant. If then the Presbyterians and Independents were two Iunto's, and there was a Parliament, it must consist of Prelaticall perjur'd persons, or of such as Clem, who were neither for any Religion, any Doctrine, or any discipline, and so forsworn, yea Atheists to boot; and were there enough such in the House to constitute a Parliament, indeed we may all rejoyce that the Army secluded them, and need never wonder at the tricks they play'd there; but we shall have occasion to speak more of this hereafter.
Again, Behold how Clem, who would be thought a great assertor of Parliamentary Privilege, and rayles at the Army for secluding the Members, here hath outed the major part, if not all the Parliament, and junto'd them: for I am certain there was not one then in the House, but professed himself either a Presbyterian, or Independent; though some in a more rigid, others in a more moderate way.
In this Mystery he reckons up what he and his fellow Members did while in the House together, with their good Lordships, Committees, Sequestrators, Treasurers, and whole rabble of Receivers, Deceivers, &c. and all to bring an odium upon the Parliament (for this part was written while Clem was in the House) yea upon his ful and free Parliament, as he is afterwards many times pleased to call it, when it may serve his turn.
But the Mystery of this was to give the alarum to the second War, and exasperate the people to joyn with the Cabs to destroy the Parliment, and re-inthrone his great Master, which was the only businesse Clem got into the House for; yet read what he saith of them, and though you cannot believe all, yet you may finde something true, and then tell me whether they deserved not to be plucked out, whether they had not in the highest manner forfeited their trust, and whether they were not as great Tyrants, as Him they had outed?
They sate taxing and polling, yet paid not their Forces; they sate Voting one another money, yet paid neither the publicke, nor their [Page 14]own private debts, but under the Privilege of Peers, and Parliament men protected themselves, and whom they lifted from all due processe of Law, and that they might be sure to sit long enough, they neither went about to restore the old, or erect a new way of Government; sed tempora mutantur, Clem, and his gang are unroosted, the Army is constantly paid, Free-quarter taken off, the Navy trebled, and well paid too, many publique debts satisfied, a Lord, or a Parliament man must pay his too, or may be sued and made to do it, the Rebels called to a strict account in Ireland, the Parliament cause vindicated in England, Iustice executed on the Grand Delinquents in both, a Common-wealth established, and all honest true-hearted English-men, if they will be secured from comming under the power of an enraged Tyrant.
For that which he objects, That when ihe Parliament had 4 or 5. severall Armies, the Tax was but 52000 l. that now it is 90000 l. per mensem, Be pleased to consider these things.
- 1. That London, and the best affected Counties paid as much then or more, because divers were under contribution to the Enemy.
- 2. That admit all were reduced, yet Freequarter was stil continued, and many other assessments.
- 3. We may affirm, and that truly, That the Parliament hath as many Souldiers now in pay in England and Ireland, as they had then, though not under so many several Commanders, and thrice as many Sea Forces.
- 4. That the greatest part of the Delinquents fines which amounted to a very considerable sum came into their Coffers then.
- 5. That the forces are now paid constantly, and Free-quarter taken off, and the Tax now lessened to 60000 l. per mensem.
As for the Excise, Bishops, Deans and Chapters Lands, and the remaining Fines of Delinquents, they are hardly sufficient to pay off debts charged in course, and the Interest money the other had runne into; as for the Customs, they are not by farre sufficient to defray the charge of the shipping: and thus you may see the validity of this cavil, which may suffice to unfold one Mystery of this Hocus Pocus, this Clem of no side, for he would puzzle a man that eyes him not well to finde out what he is.
He rayles against the Independent party and the Army, because [Page 15]they opposed the disbanding the Army, saying their continuing in arms was a manifest act of Treason and Rebellion; that a Schismaticall Faction in the two Honses complyed with them, betraying and prostituting the very being, honour, and all the fundamentall rights and privileges of this, and future Parliaments, to an Army of Rebells, who refuse to obey their Masters and disband. Note here the Independent Members and the Army are to be rendred odious.
And yet he tels us, That beside the City to aw the adjacent South and east Countries, to suppress the remoter, the Presbyterians kept up some inland Garrisons, had the Scots, and Pointz supernumerary Forces for the, North, and in the West ( under colour of sending men for Ireland) they kept upon Free quarter, and pay of the Countrey many supernumerary Rogiments and Troops, most Cavaliers, at least five times as many as they really intended to transport, these were allwayes going, but never gone, something is and ever shall he wanting, untill Sir Thomas Fairfaix his Army be disbanded, and then it is thought the disguise will fall off, and these supernumeraries appear a new Model'd Army, these lewd supernumeraries, most of which swear they will not go for Ireland, vowing they will cut the throats of the Roundheads, the Country that is amazed fearing they are kept on Free-quarter by a Cavalierish party, for some Cavalierish designe.
Note here the Presbyterians are to be rayl'd at, and those that p. 33. are the Houses, who for the ease of the people, Voted a disbanding of the Army, are here a Presbyterian Iunto, who would disband this Army to modell a new one, whose Consciences shall not befoole their wits where matter of gain appears, but be more pliable to their desires, and be one of the Cords wherewith the Presbyterian Phaethous will drive their triumphant Chariot.
Note also the Lord Fairfax his Army, which even now were Rebels and Traytors, who abominated nothing more than to return to their old trades againe, is here an Army excellently disciplined, having the visible mark of Gods favour upon their actions, and that the Houses are questioned, nay termed a Iunto for endeavouring to disband them.
Lastly, Note how old Clem would seem a great Enemy to Cavaliers, and very fearfull of a Cavalierish designe, only to ingratiate with honest men; when there is not a more desperate Malignant slave in all Europe, as his own Tenets do evidence? as for example.
In his Exhortatory conclusion to the English Nation, he avers, That it is evident King Charls from the beginning took up desersive arms to maintain Religion, Laws, Libertyes, and the ancient fundamentall being of Parliaments; could a Digby or a Nicholas have said more? could an Aulicus or a Prag. have railed at, and belyed the Parliament and Army more, or have writ more false stories than this fellow hath done? and yet, O hee is affraid of the Cavaliers; but this will appeare more plainly in our subsequent discourse.
But I wil first give you an History, that you may more easily discern the mystery of this fellow.
This Clem, when Bristol was delivered up to Rupert by Col. Fienns upon honourable terms (had they been kept by that perfidious plunderer) who so zelous, who so active, at lest in shew for the Parliament, cause, as this old Clem, who accused the Governour of Cowardise and treachery, for not defending that City to the uttermost extremity? then forsooth the King, who now hath the just cause from the beginning, was an Enemy to be fought against to the last man, and what was the mystery of this but to set our party together by the ears? He knew Colonell Fiennes had many great and noble friends, who had a mighty influence on the Earl of Essex his Army; He knew that Sir William Waller, and Sir Arthur Haflerigge were strongly fortified in the good opinion of the multitude, and so hoped there would be some tugging.
But that Noble Gentleman Col. Fiennes, whose innocency the Parliament hath since vindicated, being contented to submit to the disgrace, as chusing rather to fall alone, than indanger his Country, though in that act she might seem a stepmother, frustrated the design in part, though the animosities then created in the parties caused some fatall consequences, as the losse in Cornwall, the exasperated Souldiery being contented to behold their Rivals cudgell'd by the Common enemy.
Behold therefore who were the Incendiaries, and what was the cause that enforced the Parliament to new model their Army, it was Clem and such Blades, though he would lay it on others.
You may see also the Mystery of Clems appearing for the Parliament, and what his aim was in getting into the House: He did first appear an eager opposit to the Cavaliers to get in among them, where he might sit and give aim, by discovering their Counsels to his great [Page 17]Master. This Clem was one of the Setters, who; besides all other mischiefs, were to betray those who faithfully and freely discharged their Trusts to their Country, that when opportunity did serve, CHARLES might call them to account, as he usually did at the end of Parliaments, as the commitment of Members evidently shewes, which was so inseparable an attendant on Parliaments, that a man may conceive CHARLES summoned Parliaments only to find out those who were not willing to be slaves, that he might either cajole them, or if Court-proof ruine them.
Thus were Savill, Wentworth, Culpepper, and Digby, whose publike Spirits seem'd Hobgoblings to tyrannicall interest, conjured down by an Ave Marie, and a little Court-holy-water; and thus were Elliot, Valentine, Pym, and Strode, written in black Characters in CHARLS his Dooms-day Book, and either to be destroyed in Prison or perpetually immur'd, iron fetters being the Chains wherewith the Champions for thy freedom were rewarded O England.
But Clem being frustrated in this design, He hath now published their Speeches to the Son, adding and forging what he lists, to render them obvious to the rage of an Enemy nursed up in slaughter, his Fathers tyrannicall Principles, and no doubt Mothers Religion.
Thus hath this fellow dared to violate that secresie which should be sacred among Members of the House, and to accuse Members for what they did in the House, though he bawl against the Army for impeaching the 11. Members upon actions in the House, and decryes it as the greatest breach of privilege, and violation of the Covenant, and yet he averrs, He hath adventured to vindicate our Religion, Laws, and Liberties with his pen, in pursuance of the Covenant; as if it were lawfull for him to say, and do any thing; it is a breach of Covenant in the Army, it is a pursuance of it in him.
Blush ye Heavens and tremble O Earth, at the dismall impudence of this Wretch, who dares thus openly take that Covenant in his mouth, and professe to have taken it, which he so horribly hath broken, as may thus appear.
1. He every where cries up the most desperate Anti-covenanters, as Montrosse, one whom the whole State and Kick of Scotland have sentenced, as the most bloody Excommunicate Traytor and Rebell.
2. He admires, and praises Hamilton, who by a Malignant Faction and force overswayed the Parliament of Scotland, exercising the [Page 18]highest tyrauny and oppression over those Covenanters, who would not joyn with him in that horrid violation of the Covenant, the Invasion of England, and conjunction with Langdale, and his desperate crue of Anti-covenanters, yea and justifies that action.
3. He averres it was a vain thing to desire the late King to take the Covenant, who could not take it but he should prophane Gods name, and ferswear himself.
4. He professes himself opposite both to the Presbyterians and Independents, as the common disturbers of the Church; railes against the Presbyterian Ministers and the Assembly, calling them wicked Simons, that slander the godly Onias, to out him of his Priests place.
5. He jeeres them and their Government; saying, The popish Clergy draw all civill affairs, publike and private, under their jurisdistion and cognizance, quatenus there is peccatum in all humane actions, the Presbyterians quatenus there is scandalum, what oddes? peccatum is the Mother, scandalum is the Daughter.
Thus he is not ashamed to abuse the most sacred tie a Solemn oath; what regard then is to be given to his counterfeit pretence of making a conscience of Oaths? all those positive and absolute articles which contein the main end of the Covenant, are nothing with him, but that clause for preservation of the Kings Person, though limited with a subordination to Religion and Liberty, is so sacred, because for his turne, that it must be kept, though contrary to the words as well as meaning, even in destruction of Religion and Liberty.
Thus having mocked God, he descends to abuse men, and those not of the ordinary sort, but Members of Parliament, the High and Supreme Court; as in his Century, which he stiles A List of the names of the Members of the House, observing which are Officers of the Army contrary to the self-denying Ordinance, together with such summes of money, Offices, and Lands, as they have given to themselves for service done and to be done against the King and Kingdom.
This is a rare fellow to professe he hath served the Parliament faithfully, and that he hath not changed his Principles: but should we admit it to be as he saith, may not the house dispense with one of their own Ordinances? but behold the jugler.
For first there was not one Member continued in command but the now L. Gen: Cromwell, and that upon the entreaty of the Army, yet he writes, as if they had their commands still: The Ordinance [Page 19]did not say every one that had a Command should leave the House, but that every one of the House should leave their Commands, and so they did. Here is one juggle.
Then he musters a great many, who have been chosen into the House since the Ordinance, and end of the first Warre, and had commands in their severall Counties, whose commands ceased of course, and where are these touched in the Ordinance?
Others there are who being Officers of the Army, were admitted into the House upon the late elections, and never questioned for their commands: but this peremptory wrech who would seem to understand the Ordinance better than the whole House that made it, yet knows wel enough the reason of that Ordinance, as having had a great hand in working the mischief, which that was made to prevent.
The emulations of our severall Commanders had nigh ruin'd all; there was no way better to remove the difference, and quench the flame, than by calling home all from command; thus none could plead an injury, his Rivall being in the same capacity with himself: this was done, and it proved excellent physick, but the cure being done, what need of the medicine? Sure this Fellow himself would think that man mad, that should rail to see another that is recovered leave his physick potions, especially with his Doctors Licence; and yet this this Bedlam doth.
For the Offices they were void, some by death, others by Delinquency; and is it not more just, more beneficiall for the publike, yea, more like a Parliament to bestow, than sell places: but the wretch bought his in the Exchequer, and envies therefore at the good of his Neighbours who did not so.
And if it be fitter to bestow than sell publike Offices, to whom could they better give such, than to honest men; and whom could the Parliament be more confident of, than such whose integrity and love to their Country was seen by them every day, both in their Speeches within dores, and actions without? and truly I am induced to thinke the better of their choice, because I finde not Clem in the Lift: For if we cannot say that no Knaves get Offices, yet we may affirme that all Knaves did not; as for Example, old Clem's mouth is not stopt.
For money and Lands, was it not the highest justice to reward those Gentlemen who had suffered, out of the Estates of such upon [Page 20]whom his great Master had bestowed theirs? besides what thing so barbarous, so greedy, so envious, so like old little tutchy Clem, would accuse a Parliament for rewarding their Members for their valor and fidelity in defending their Conntryes liberty.
His great Master could make Rupert Duke of Cumberland, for murdering and plundering in England, Montrosse a Marquesse, for killing and and robbing in Scotland; and Antrim a Marquesse for joyning with the Rebels in Ireland; besides this beggarly fellow a Lord, that a Baronet, another a Knight, and bestow honest Gentlemens estates on them, yet we hear nothing of this, Clem makes no Centuries of them.
Alas! Digby deserved to be Secretary for penning so many Declarations, wherein God and man were mocked in Print, as much as in Clems book, and Nichols merited as much for lying as fast as Clem for his great Master.
But the Parliament cannot bestow a reward on those, who have ventured their lives and fortunes in their Countryes defence, who have thought nothing too dear to part with for Religion and Liberty, who with the hazard of their private, have sav'd the publike, but they must be branded by him with the Mark of wasters and destroyers of the Publique Treasure; it is reward enough he thinks, for any who have served the Parliament, if they prosper and overcome, to obtein the Title of Stubbornly stout, as he rewards the Lord General Essex, or of Brutish valour, as the Lord Generall Fairfox. If they are overpowred, and will be so prudent as to make a vertue of necessity, and do what they may, if they cannot do what they would, with the Title of Coward and Traytor, as he did Col. Fines.
See the irrationall barbarity of this fellow, who when he pleaseth will have every thing Cowardice and treachery under the degree of Desperatenesse; As in Col. Nathaniell Fiennes Case. and when he lists again, call the most sober valour Brutish and Stubborn stoutnes, but one would think, one so implacable in punishing what he will pretend a breach of trust, should in reason be ready to recompence a gallant discharging of it: yet you see it is trechery & cowardice to deliver up a Town to the late Kings forces, though not tenable, and upon honourable terms, in one, and yet in others to beat them and withstand them is service done against the King and Kingdom.
He tels us in this Century, That he might end as he began, that every [Page 21]Member of the House of Commons, being in all 516. are by their own order allowed 4 l. a week a man, which amounts to 110000 l. a year: This wretch knowes they never received it, unlesse some few, and that in the very heat of the War, whose Estates were under the power of the Enemy, nay not 50. though he amplifies the number to 516. and all this he doth only to make the people believe the common Treasure was wasted on themselves, you may see then the villany of this Impostour.
He sets also this * mark before their names whó he terms, Recruiters illegally elected by the new Great Seal, the power of the Army, and voices of the Souldiery, and are unduly returned, and serve accordingly; yet when the Generall Councel of Officers in their answer say, That by the endeavours of some old Malignants, and by practises used in new elections, there came in a floud of Burgesses, that are either Malignants or Newers, then Clem is of another mind, maintains their Elections, and cryes out of breach of Privilege: Of the truth of which, we may judge by Clem, who was one of that flood, and I bleeve the top, the scumme for Malignancy: but if contradictons were wonders in Clems Book, he had been a greater wonder worker than Simon Magus, Hocus Pocus, or the whole gang of Sorcerers and Iuglers.
But let us grant him what he saith, and he will marre all; for Clem, [...]ryane, and most of the secluded Members, who bawl at their outing, were Recruiters, how durst they they sit in the House, or act as Members of Parliament; and what had he or Pryn to doe, to protest against the Army for secluding them, who were but Milites, soldiers to guard the King and House of Lords, as Pryn excellently of late hath found out.
The Army only hindred Pryn from going to sit among the Commons, whom they thought the Representative of the People, and upon his snarling and ranting words detein'd him a while: If he would but have desired a Pike, and marched to guard the dore of the House of Lords, he might have had it, and leave to have stood as long as he would. But to return to Clem, was it not rather a breach of Privilege in Clem to offer to sit, who knew he ought not, than in the Army to pull him out? thus you see he hath destroyed the strongest Pillar in his whole fabrick, and removed the greatest block of offence, nay proved that here to be the highest act of Iustice, which he every where else rayls at, as the highest breach of Privilege, for the [Page 22]Army, which was raised to defend the Parliament, did onely free it of a multitude of intruders, yea such a multitude, as overpowring the rest, were Iudges in their own cause, and so not to be voted out by a fewer. And thus you may see the Armies innocency, the very bitterest Enemy himself being Iudge.
And now Gentlemen, that this Century might not be unlike the rest of the Book, he adds lying to jugling, and sets his mark on Mr. Blackiston, one who was a Member from the first, nay he gives himself the lie in the following scandall, and confesses as much; saying, He got himself returned by the Scotish Garrison, Which lay there when this Parliament was summoned; thus you see he piles them three stories high, as if he were affraid he should want Room to lye in this damnable aedifice. But now to leave this, and come to his rayling.
And truly Gentlemen you will guess, that he took the opportunity of some fit of the Gout, or Stone, that he might be mad enough to rage in the composure of this Book, which is as very a compendium of snarling, without modesty, sence, or reason, as ever was comprized within the bounds of a Calves-skin: but it hath allwayes beene observed, that those who want truth and reason, are accustomed to bluster, in railing and false accusations. Thus did old Sathan in his dispute with Michael, thus the Heathen did aginst the Christians, the Papists against the Protestants, the Cabs against the Parliament, and thus doth Clem deal with his betters. Gentlemen, read on, and you will never wonder that House is called Hell, which hath such a devilish Landlord.
Clem in his Epistle would fain cheat us into a belief, that he railes not against the Body of the House or the Army, when he averres, That the late King had the just cause from the beginning, calls them Rebells and Traytors, who have overthrown Religion, Laws, Liberties, and the ancient fundamentall being of Parliaments, all which the King he saith, took up defensive arms to maintain. Note here, he not only gives the Parliament, but the late King too the lie, who hath in Print avowed the contrary.
The Parliament in the first war, he stiles, two Juntoes, Presbyterian and Independent, who couzened, pilled, and poled the people, consuming the publike Treasure on themselves, the Members are Iuntomen, Hocus Pocusses, State-Mountebanks, the County Committees are Zanies, and Jack-puddings with him, and all this when they were, [Page 23]as he is forced to confesse, a full and free PARLIAMENT.
The Members chosen in after the first War, he stiles Recruiters, who were illegally elected, unduly returned, and served accordingly, Clem was one of these, and so measures their Corne by his owne Bushell.
The present Parliament he calls Col. Prides Dray horses, Trayters, Tyrants, Thieves, Col Prides Parliament, &c.
The Councel of State he calls, A pack of forty Knaves; this for the generall; besides he hath a bout with every Member almost in particular.
The Lord Gen. Essex, a man as mild as gallant, and whose onely fault was, that he was too easie to believe (as many honest and noble soules are) yet with Clem forsooth, he was a man stubbornly stout; and why pray? because he would not runne away, or let the Cabs beat him; you see how Clem was for the Parliament; can any man imagine that this Wretch did not accuse Colonell Fiennes out of design, and draw his purblinde Brother in, merely to helpe to bark?
The Lord Generall Fairfax, a man whose Fame rings through all Europe, whose matchlesse deeds will hardly be believed by posterity; a man who exceeded his Enemies as farre in fidelity and clemency, as in valour and fortune; whose mercifull granting, and inviolable keeping of Articles, begat admiration in the foes, and repining in some harsher spirited friends; who commonly conquered the Foe double, their bodyes by his magnanimity, and their affections by his clemency, and whose name sounded among the healths of the most inveterate Cavaliers, finally, a man whose humility is as unparrallel'd as all the rest, who is as farre from being elevated by his successe, as he was from being dejected in the greatest distresse; yet with this Fellow he is a man of a Brutish valour, a Brutish Generall, a Brute, a Foole, &c. But to the name of Fairfax shall be erected Trophies on the highest Pinacles of Fame, when this brutish Fellowes memory, shall stinke in the nostrills of all honest men.
The Lord Generall Cromwell, a man whose virgin Fortune never yet was forced, upon whose Conquering Ensignes plumed victory hath alwaies perch'd; a man as prudent as valiant, and as pious as prudent, who in all his high successes ever gives all the glory to God, [Page 24]attributing all to the prayers of Gods people, nothing to the valout of his unconquered Troops, accounting it his highest glory to be esteemed as the meanest instrument in the hand of God; in fine, a man who hath wholly devoted himself to the service of God, and his Country, never refusing any perill or trouble, hazard or travaile, which the defence of Religion, and his Countries freedome calleth him unto: yet is this man so rail'd at by this Fellow, and such heaps of dirt thrown at him, that had I impudence enough to defile my paper with them, yet I could not finde room enough in a narrow discourse to insert them, every page being bespotted with the railings, and cursings of this Shimei, against that Worthy. But the deeds of Cromwell praise him in the Gates; when he sitteth among the Elders of the Land, England ariseth up, and calls him blessed, Ireland also and Scotland praise him, unto whom God hath made him an Instrument of Deliverance.
Sir Henry Vane senior, he stiles, The Old Dogge, judge O Reader, who barks and snarles. Sir Henry Vane junior, A Whelp of the old curre; let him carry the title who is the bawling Puppie. Mr. Gurdon, a fellow that spits venome as natu ally as a Toad; what a venemous Beast is Clem then? Mr. Holland, originally a Link Boy; a new pedigree indeed, a very piece of Non-sence. Sir Hexry Mildmay, a Procuror, Pimpe, and Pander; He had deserved the Name, would he have Pimp't for the lust of a King, or betraid his Mother (his Countrey) to be abused by him, as Clem hath. Mr. Rowse, the illiterate Jew of Eaton College; had this fellow been so much a Christian or Scholar, as that grave Gentleman, he would never have plaid the Knave and Foole so in print. Indeed I believe he is not a man of his reading, for I never found any thing stoln out of a Prag. or Man in the Moon in his writings. Sir Hardresse Waller, the one-eyed Polyphemus of Pastbord; Clem and his Gang, going to adjourn in truth dissolve the Parliament that morning they were outed. he could see to catch this Vlisses, when he was going to rob us of our Palladium, and steal that, upon which depended the Fortune of Englands Liberties. Sir Thomas Wroth, Jackpudd ng to Prideaux the Postmaster; There is never a Iack-pudding to an Aulicus, if Clem be not, who hath out-ly'd, out-rail'd, and outslander'd him, and all the rest to boot, and so over-acted them, that the other Hell can never shew one may match him. Mr. Corbet, Inquisitor Generall, The Prologue to the Hangman who looks more like a Hangman, than the Hangman himselfe; but let those judge, who [Page 25]have seen both, which looks more like a Hangman: sure Clem never saw his own face in a true Glasse. All this Clem hath done, and yet this Brazen face dares to averre, that the witnesse against him, for but saying, The Gentleman was a leane meager man, by the incivility of his words was a man of no breeding, what shall we judge of Clem then?
Of the Iudges he saith, That true men may go to the Gallowes, Theeves must sit upon the Bench; Clem will be afore hand with them, because he fears they will end with him: I say, Gallowes claim thy due.
The City, even that generous City of London, which hath expended so much bloud and treasure in defence of their Freedome, he cals, That Dull Beast: it would not answer to Clems spurre, but suffered the Army to unhorse him, and the rest of his fellow ranke Riders.
Of the Clergy in generall he saith, The Clergy in all times and places, ever held with the mighty (I am sure he holds not with the Almighty) as the Iaccho hunts with the Lyon to partake of his prey. The Clergy nave ever had an itching to be medling with State-affairs, which shewes how contemptible an opinion they have of their own coat, that they can finde no contentment in it, and yet they would have the Laity to have a reverend opinion of it; but universall experience teacheth us, how miserable that Commonwealth is, where the corruption of a Churchman, proves the generation of a States-man; and so it did the Army, how miserable ours was, where the corruption of a Parliament man, proved the generation of a Cavalier, which caused Clems outing. But I will leave these things to our Clergy-men to answer, who I hope will confute him in deed.
The Popish Clergy, he saith, draw all publique affairs under their jurisdiction, quatenus there is peccatum; the Presbyterian, quatenus there is scandalum, in all humane actions; and the Independents are a composition of Christian, Iew, Turke, as Mahomets Alchoran was a Galli naufrey of Iew and Christian: truly Clems is of Jew. Turke, and Heathen, and Clem, believe it, is no Independent, for there is not one dramme of Christian in his Composition.
But the Episcopall good Ontases, they (hold Clem did not our Magpies prey with Eagles, nay and perch above them too, nay and in Norwich not many years agoe, was seen a Wren on the Metropolitan [Page 26]Magpies, and the Magpie on the Eagles back soaring to an abominable lofty pitch) they meddle with nothing. Clem could be drunk over night, rayle, lye, slander, and grind his Neighbour, and yet have the Sacrament next morning (stay, now I think on't, I dare say for love of Clem his brother writ that learned piece with Marginall Notes to it, to prove the Sacrament a converting Ordinance) nay and might dance about the May-pole, or be drunk again in the afternoon; for a baudy Court or so, alas it was but paying a monethly tax to it's Officers, and he could keep a VVench or two for all the Churchwardens; (yet how doth Clem pine at a monethly tax now, why Clem, Liberty and Lechery, begin both with one Letter.) It may be a Bishop was a Lord Keeper or Treasurer, and he being unmarried, would fell justice and places cheaper than Lay-men, which was a great ease to Clems tender Conscience: besides those good Oniases, never disturbed Athiesticall prophane fellowes; Had old Clem lived from Augustine the Monks time, to little Lands, I would have warranted him from their courts (paying his tax abovecited I mean.) It was a Puritan, a man who had some fear of God, delight in his Ordinances, and a little too much Conscience than to become a Protestant at large, id est, a Papist Royall, one who owed no duty to any, but slavery to his King of his outward, to the Patriarck of Canterbury of his inward man, (and what was this to Clem?) who stuck in the Prelats stomacks; yet Clem whilst your mind runs so on your good Oniases, remember a little the Covenant, but what is an Oath to a Cavaleer, especially an old one.
Of the Assembly, he saith, The Houses abolish as superstitious, because legall, the Convocation of Learned Divines (they are learned and Divines who even now in all ages were Iaccho's in practise at least) regularly summoned by the Kings Writ, and duely elected by the Clergy: and the House of Commons nominates an Assembly of Gifted Divines (who would think an old fellow, who hath got so much money by an Office in the Exchequor, would think the worse of gifted men) indeed Wicked Simons who slander the Godly Onias to out him of his Priests place.
This old piece of Apocrypha railes at the Houses, though by his Confession a full and free Parliament, and for whose service he ventured and spent so, yet he neither lyes, nor changes his Principles. Then at all the Assembly men, who were the learnedst of all parties; [Page 27]and lastly knits up with a notorious lye, that the House of Commons nominated, that is, onely, when the Lords he knows nominated proportionably to the Commons.
Again, They daub up all with the untempered Mortar of hypocrisie by their Rabbies of the Assembly; This Iew may live long enough and write too, before he will deserve the Title of Rabbi.
But his fury ceases not here, all Ministers that ever were for the Parliament, must come under old Lashers whip: He calls them 'Pulpit-Devills, who transformed themselves into Angels of Light; Pulpit Inceudiaries, with whom had an Order been taken from the beginning, they had never kindled a War between the King and Parliament, they curst Meroz and neutrality so long, till they brought Gods curse on the Land, and put both Church and Common wealth into a flame. You Gentlemen have a care, you see if the Pretender should get in, upon whom the Cabs will lay the Load, if you should pray or Plot him in, I beleeve you will hardly have any singing daies unlesse at the Gallowes.
Nay his malice passes Tweed. The Kirk or General Assembly of Scotland, he calls, a few ambitious pedanticall Churchmen; The Ministers (whom sometimes he would seem to claw, yet his malice is so great he cannot hold now but he must scratch) he calls Clergy-Impostors, Zealots, imployed by Argyle, to asperse those that did oppose him, as if they were fallen from their first love, turned Enemies to the cause of Christ, had with Demas embraced this present World, with many more jeers and revilings cast upon them, the Mar (que) of Argyle, and all the Presbyterian party, together with prayses conferred on Hamilton, Montrosse, &c. And this is all the Kirk will get, by dandling the Royall Babie on her knees; to wit, to have her eyes scratch'd out by it and it's play-fellows, when they are high enough to reach Her.
And now as if it were beneath him onely to lye, say and un-say, slander and revile, he adds blasphemy, and abusing of Sacred VVrit, to fill up the measure of his iniquity, Thus saith this wretch; God blesse all honest men from the light of Olivers countenance. Again, At last, the Spirit of the Lord called up Oliver Cromwell, who standing a good while, with lifted up eyes, as it were in a Trance, & his neck a little enclining to one fide, as if he expected Mahomets Dove to descend, and whisper in his Ear (foh! this smels of the Character of a London Diurnall, [Page 28]what Clem dost thou make no more conscience of robbing the Cabs of this jests, than honest men of their good names?) and sending forth abundantly the greans of the spirit (who can but groan to heare this) spent an hour in Prayer. and an hour and an halfe in a Sermon; more time than Clems Godly Oniases spent in those Dutyes in a yeare.
From thus abusing the Spirit, he falls upon the Saints, and this wretch who calls the keeping a Guard in the lower part of Pauls (a place never employed in any religious performance, and where the baudy, and such like Courts were kept) a making the House of God, a Den of Theeves; here dares defile the living Temples of the Holy Ghost, the Saints, endeavouring to render that glorious title, wherewith God hath honoured his Elect, abominable in the eyes of the people.
Thus he saith: The Knaves lyed like Saints; it is a particular privilege for the Saints to lie without sin, or at least without imputation of sin; Alchimie Saints, trayterous, tyrannous, theevish Saints, Reprobate Saints (beware Hornes, a Bull a Bull) Bloody cheating Saints, though this br Godly nnd Saint-like dealing, yet this is not plain nor fair dealing. These are the acts of the Godly, to make innocency it self seem nocent, if all should be self-denying men, there would be few Godly men left in the house. The Godly Gang, Godly cut-throats, Canniball Saints, with much more which I omit.
Now it can be no excuse for this wretch, to say he means such as only stile themselves Saints; For, suppose a crafty man should desire to cloath his black deeds with that white rayment, therefore must he defile it? his Bible teaches him not to rayl at, and abuse Angels of light, because the Devill sometimes assumes their shape; or to worry sheep, because ravening woolves creep in their cloathing: But behold this wretch dares defie the very name of Saint, as if holiness were a crime. Take heed, O Belzebub, lest he get the Lordship of thy Hell too, and be preferred to command in chief, as being the more daring Fiend.
In fine, he summs himself up, and gives an epitome of his vilanous tenents in this insuing piece, viz. I do hereby declare, and protest before that God that made me a man, and not a beast (and therefore you will make your self one) a freeman, and not a slave; That if any man whatsoever, that taketh upon him the reverend name & title of a Judg or Iustice, shall give sentence upon this, or any other act of this piece of a House [Page 29]of Commons, I will, & lawfully may, the inslaving scar-crow doctrine of all time-serving, State-flattering Priests, & Ministers notwithstanding follow the examples of Sampson, Iudith, Iaell, and Ehud, and by ponyard, pistol, poison, or any other means whatsoever, secret or open, prosecute to the death the said Iudge, and ustice, and all their principall abbettors: and I do hereby exvite, and exhort all generous freeborn Englishmen to the like resolutions, and to enter into leagues defensive, and offensive, and Sacramentall associations, seven or eight, or as many as can confide in one another, to defend and revenge mutually one anothers persons, lives, lambs, and liberties as aforesaid, against this, and all other illegall, and tyrannous usurpations.
Is this the voice of a man, a Christian, a Protestant? what spirit called up Clem to preach this stuffe? yet give me leave to repeat it.
1. His text is the late Act declaring what shall be Treason, which he wrests horribly, and falsly glosses upon; endeavouring to make the world beleeve, That there was never such a prodigious act, which makes our words and thoughts Treason, which were free alwaies under Monarchy. But Clem, where is there any word in that Act, which layes hold on thought, for words, was there no speaking Treason, nay and thinking too under Monarchy? what think you of this case in Law, That a man for telling another, He dream't he had killed the King, shall be accounted a Traytor: nay, the reason of this Law confirmes it more, for beside that, it will be adjudged, that he might pretend a Dream, to feel the other, and so draw him in; it is plainly affirmed, that the Law must suppose he would not have dreamed so, unlesse his thoughts had run upon it awake. To omit all other, take but two stories recorded in our Chronicles, which will shew how free words and thoughts were, under Monarchy. One Walker, which was Landlord of the Crown in Cheap-side, as you are of Hell at Westminster, for but merrily saying, when his Child was commended, That if he would be a good Boy, he should be Heire to the crown one day, was condemned and suffered as a Traytor. And Esquire Burdet of Arrow in Warwickshire, for saying, would the head were in his belly, that perswaded the King to kill that White-Buck, was condemned, drawn from the Tower to Tyborn, and beheaded; behold and blush then, if thou canst Clem, how free our words were under Monarchy.
His doctrine drawn from this, is That a man may, and he will, stab, [Page 30]&c. any illegall tyrannous usurper, or his abbettors, that is, any man that he pleases to stile so. Is not this more devillish than the doctrines of the Assassinates, or their followers, the Iesuitical Papists. By his, a private Rogue, that can pretend nothing whereby any power is derived to him, may murder any man: by theirs, the party to be murdered, must first have sentence past against him by the Pope, or the superiour, and then some one is appointed by them, who hath a dispensation, and an holy instrument consecrated to boot, to perform it.
3. He answers all objections, by reviling the objectors; calling all those learned men, Protestants or Papists, who have opposed such murderous tenents, and confuted them out of the word of God, law of nature and reason, Time-serving, State-flattering Priests, &c.
4. His Scriptures to prove it, are the examples of Ehud, Jael, and Sampson, all which have been so largely and learnedly answered by Learned men, both Protestants and Papists, that it is neediesse to mention it here, had we room for so large a controversie: yet observe, that Clem holds, That he or his Gang, when they list to murder any man, have an immediate call from Heaven to do it; who hath the spirit of Iack of Leiden doubled upon him now?
For Iudith, I could not find her act in my Bible, and so, I conceive she and Clems Onias, were appochryphal Cozens, but searching, I found, Vengeance is mine, I will repay saith the Lord: and I humbly conceive, neither the Prophet who writ it, nor the Apostle who quotes it, were time-serving, State flattering Priests and Ministers.
5. His Application is to exhort and invite all English men to follow this his Doctrine; and truly some Vilains, both English and Scots, have put it in practice, as the murders of Doctor Dorislaus, and M. Ascham testifie, which though Clem may approve, yet I am consident no honest or gallant man but abhors.
6. And that they might do it effectually, he prescribes them means to do it, to wit, by entring into leagues and sacramentall associations: yet Clem forgot to teach them where they might get a Father Garnet, a Priest to administer it, for sure none but one in holy Order can be fit for a Cabb.
And now truly, seeing Clem hath been so ready to help forward murders, by my consent the Parliament should make him a means to prevent or deterre his Disciples, by hanging up according to their [Page 31]Act this great Doctor of the Assassinates, the next assassination that is perpetrated; and so fare well to him. —
For I shall now come to his designe, having shewn the manner of his carrying it on, which is to render the parliament cause unjust, and them odious to the world, and to performe this he
1. First enumerates many errors and miscarriages in them, in their carrying on their Cause: but should we grant all he saith, though more than is true abundantly enough, yet cannot the miscarriage in the instrument, render the Cause unjust, unlesse it be so in it selfe; which that it was not, he himselfe confesses in this book, where he affirms The cavaliers fought for Regall Tyranny, stiles their opposers, the well-affected, tels us, The contest was between the Kings Prerogative, and the Peoples Laws and Liberties; professes he had served his Country faithfully in serving them, and accounts it his honour so to have done: Now therefore all his stuffe makes against himself, and for the Army, justifying what the Army charged them with, to wit, Breach of Trust.
2. Another thing is, by urging the Oaths of Allegiance, Supremacy, and Covenant; but for this read a short discourse, entituled A disengaged survey of the Engagement, where this is so excellently handled, that nothing need be added to covince him.
3. The other is The secluding the Members, and concerning this, because upon this hinge the whole controversie turns, I shal endeavor your satisfaction.
This PARLIAMENT being sensible of the tyranny, oppression, and stubborn resolutions to continue them in the late King, together with the encroachment of Him, and some of His Predecessors, upon their Privileges and our Liberties, were resolved to vindicate and revive both their owne Authority and our Freedoms. In order hereunto, they claim their right of the disposal of the MILITIA, and disclaime the wrong usurpation of a NEGATIVE VOICE in him; and this to render him unable to raise commotions, or hinder just and necessary Lawes; for they knew by often tryal, of his breach of Trust, Promise and Oath, that it would be impossible to have Him good, unlesse they made it impossible for him to do mischief.
He on the other side was as busie, endeavouring by all the Clandestine Plots and conspiracies He could to ruine them, and in them the Power of PARLIAMENTS, and Freedome of the English Nation: [Page 32]but when He saw this would not doe; but that they grew daily deeper rooted in the peoples affection, He resolved to cast the utmost chance, and by fine force to oppresse them.
Hereupon fears and Tumults are pretended that He might withdraw, and being got out of Town, with His eldest son, He hies to York, where nothing was left undone, either by Declarations and Protestations in publique, promises and flatteries in private, to draw away the People, the Queen, and Crown Iewels being packt into Holland, to provide money, arms, and ammunition.
Vpon this, growing confident of His power, He proclaims the Parliament and their adhaerents, Traytors and Rebels, sets up His Standard against them, and then that He might seem to desire peace, sends a Message for a Treaty.
The PARLIAMENT Answer, That He had done that which never any evill Councell produced in former times, or any age seen; that he had declared a Parliaments actions treasonable, and their persons Traitors, and thereupon had set up His Standard against them, whereby He had put the Parliament, and in them the whole Nation out of His protection; and that untill His Standard was taken down, and those Declarations and Proclamations were recalled, He had put them in such a condition, that whilst they so remain'd, they could not, by the fundamentall Privileges of Parliament, the publike trust reposed in them, or with the generall good, or safety of this Nation, give Him any other answer.
Thus to fighting they fall, & He, after he had murderd many thousands, and rob'd and plunder'd most parts, is beaten and taken Captive. The Parliament upon a charitable conceit that He might be better, His evil Counsellors being removed, send Him Propositions again and again, which are still refused: The Army also, whilst in their custody, dealt with Him by all perswasive means, giving Him more liberty of converse, yet all to no purpose. Whereupon, The PARLIAMENT finding Him the evill Counsellor, a setled and obstinate Tyrant, Vote No more addresses to Him, and Declare, They will settle the Nation without Him.
But He having taken advantage of the Liberty allowed Him, had so sown His tares, and scattered His Commissions, that there sprung up a second War on all parts, in England and Wales, Scotland also by the consent of their Parliament, under the conduct of Hamilton breaking in upon us, contrary to the large Treaty, and their so pretendedly [Page 33]esteemed Covenant; hereupon many of the most resolute Lords and Gentlemen, being abroad upon imployment, the Parliament being laid at by Petitions, which his favorers every where promoted, some for feare, others for favour, and a third sort for envy, recalled their Vote, and appoint another Treaty; their good Lordships all this while refusing to delare Hamilton a Traytor, and his Army Enemies, whom the Kirk of Scotland had sentenced as the violaters of the large Treaty and Covenant, the breach being so apparent, and their party beside having not the managing of it in chief.
At length God having subdued the Enemy, by his blessing the endeavours of the Army, which he owned every where in an especiall manner, and the King refusing this last time to grant the Propositions; The Army being sensible, as being eye-witnesses of the miseries and slaughters brought upon their Country daily for the Interest of one man, who had out-lawed himself, and forfeited his Crown, Petition the Parliament to stand to their former Vote, and settle the Nation without Him; but finding that there was a great part, most, if not all the Lords, and many Commons, who had not only betrayed their Trust, but would also betray their Countrey, and deliver up all the honest party into the hands of an enraged Enemy, they resolve to bring their assistance to them which stood faithfull to that cause, for which they were raised, and sworn to defend, and so secluded some who were most active for Him.
And now I desire to know what breach of Privilege this could be to exclude the House, such who (by the judgment of the parliament, As in the Answer August 1642 forecited, appears. and that passed in the sight of God and men) had contrary to the fundamentall Privileges of Parliament, the publike trust reposed in them, and the generall good and safety of the Nation, not only treated with, but voted his denyall of their Propositions a ground for Peace, who had his Standard up then in the Revolted ships, and in Ireland against them, whereby they were Traytors and Rebels in his thoughts & actions too, & in an incapacity to treat by their own confession, could not oblige him to keep any thing had he granted it, especially he being in duress under restraint, as he did imply in one of his last messages?
But should you ask by what lawfull authority the Army could call them to account, who were their superiours, and how without breach of privilege, exclude them?
I shall thus answer. In all actions the end is the chief, and most desirable, but the means only as they tend to the attaining it are to be esteemed and exercised: the end is the generall good, which consists in the Liberties and Freedome of the people; to attain this end Parliaments were instituted as the most apt means by our wise Ancestors; and to preserve these meanes, and by these the end, endued with many and high privileges, that so those high Courts being inviolable, they might without fear discharge their high Trust. Now in this cause we were (and all good men also ought in all times to be) engaged to preserve this Parliament and it's Privileges, in order to the common good, and when this could not be done but by our swords, we engaged to draw them: among us were many rotten Members, which endeavoured to destroy the publike weal of the body politick, to cut off these which were uncurable by any other remedy, this Army was raised, according to that golden rule
and they lopt off many of the first and palpable infected ones, yet some remaining they did infect others, and that so dangerously, that unlesse they were cut off, the whole body was in apparent danger; now none could do this but the Army, which were the Surgeons, and appointed for such actions; they did it as they ought to do, it being their proper work: for the excluded Members relying upon their number, did act contrary to their trust, our Liberties, and the fundamental privileges of Parliament; how then can any superstructory Privilege be pleaded by or for them, who had not only ruin'd the fundamentall ones, but were fully bent to destroy this Parliament, upon whose good or bad success the very being of Parliaments did depend, as upon them the Liberties and freedome of the people? for that morning they were excluded, they went with a resolution to adjourn the Parliament for a long time, which act, in that unsetled time, must have proved an utter dissolution, and of this the Army were certainly and fully informed, and by Gods goodnesse had three dayes time to consult what to doe, which had the others not given them, they might in all probability have brought that wicked design to passe before they could have been informed or resolved. Let glory be given therefore to that God, who, and who alone was able to turne the Councell of those Achitophels into folly, yea to their own destruction; and let wretches [Page 35]jeer at providence which hath so oft confounded them.
And now what rationall man but wil smile to hear men plead Parliamentary privilege, to protect them in destroying a Parliament? as if fences which were made to keep Hogs out of Corn, ought to be used only in defending them from the Mastives when gotten in, that so they might root up and destroy all? The Army therefore (in my judgment) are so farre from breach of Covenant, and duty in this act, that I shall conclude, They had broke both had they not done it: for they were bound by duty, and covenanted to maintaine the Liberties and freedom of the people, and the privileges of Parliament, and this they could never have performed by suffering an apostate Faction in Parliament to destroy the Parliament, upon which depended both Parliament privilege, and English freedom. Let then all who are faithfull to their Countrey and Covenant, eccho out an Enge to this act, though blind and purblind wretches have decryed it with an Apage.
This for breach of Privilege, for the other, By what Law they did it? I answer, by the same Law by which they were raised, and before continually acted, even by Authority of Parliament, to defend our liberties, and in order to them this Parliament, against all that should go about to overthrow them and destroy this; for it being apparent that the Enemies had appealed to the Sword, force was ordered to represse and subdue them: unlesse then the power of Parliament be denyed lawfull, or it be proved that the Army had no such power derived to them, which can never be done, the Generals Commission, and Parliaments Ordinance evincing the contrary, it must be yeelded That they had a particular Law for what they did, besides the general of Common-safety.
But had they had none, yet you may consider Necessity hath no Law, and that there was no other gentler remedie left them, appeares before, by which they might hinder the dissolution of the Parliament, and destruction of that cause they were bound to preserve, even with the death of all opposers.
Lastly, had all particular written Lawes been against them, yet were these to give place and bow, when common safety doth enter and ascend the Throne, under penalty of breaking natures and reasons high and just Oath of Supremacy, confirmed also to Englishmen by many maxims of their written Lawes; as
1. The Generall inconvenience is more to be regarded in Law, than a particular mischief; if then any particular Law must give place with a mischiefe, to prevent a generall inconvenience, it will much more follow, that the same must be done to prevent a generall mischief, and what mischief could be greater or more generall than universall slavery, and remedilesse bondage? and it is the greatest reason that particular Lawes should be dispensed with on this ground; for they subsist but in order to the generall good, and are made by Men to that end, which yet being but men can only provide for the present, but cannot foreknow ensuing inconveniences.
2. Whatsoever written Law contradicteth the Law of God, nature and reason, it is ipso facto void. Now as all men are commanded to defend their Countryes, and their own freedom by all these, for unlesse they should they would sinne against their very Creation; so especially we Englishmen, who besides these generall ties, have the Oath of God (as some term it, who I fear make use of it only for the God of this world their own gaine) the Covenant, and other engagements obliging us to this duty, but most of al the Army, who had a particular cal to this work out of the many thousands of our Israel.
And now I hope, I have given some satisfaction concerning this point, I shall endeavour the same in answering other objections.
Obj. 1: It may be objected, that we argue ex falso supposito, and falsely suppose that they had forfeited their trust; and that the late King intended to destroy our Liberties.
Answer I shall begin with the latter clause; That this was the Kings intention may be proved by an undenyable argument, drawn from experience of his former and latter doings; nay he was so far from not intending it, that he scorn'd to promise or grant them to us. He I say who neither regarded his Grants, Promises, or Oathes in former Parliaments, who when he seemed most to comply, and past the best Bills openly this Parliament, then had the most dangerous privat plots to ruine the Parliament, as the design of the English, French, Scotch, and Irish Armies discovered, and confest by his owne Instruments, and printed at large will shew; yet now at last though he had the pretence of duresse, restraint, and lying under a force to evade all, refused all, he was so assured of his good vassals in both Houses: can any think that he who (to omit his former tyrannies which require a volumne) dared to proclaime a Parliament Traytors, set up a standard [Page 37]against them, spoyle, rob, and murder three Nations, and when beaten and captiv'd deny their just Propositions, had he had power durst not have done any thing?
For their forfeiture of trust their own words prove it, for they tteated with him, though he had not taken down his Standard, nor recalled the Declarations, wherein they, and in them the whole Nation were declared Traytors.
Obj. 2 But then says one; had all the Parliament, yea the Army it self, forfeited theirs, who did the same.
Answer For this I have said something before, as that a charitable conceit that he might change, his evill Counsell being removed, caused them to trye, as also to shew the world how unwilling they were to take the forfeiture, if he would give any reasonable satisfaction; but there is a vast difference between the others proceedings, these as if a Parliament and Nation had been but things for a Tyrant to trample on, as if Oaths bound them, but not Him, as if they might be Traytors, He could not, when He would not yeeld, yet Voted we must be content with what he would be pleased to grant; & as if all the bloud and treasure had been spent only to terrifie the people, for daring to stand by a Parliament for the future, yet he must have that at last yeelded to him when beaten, which we could but have lost had he been an absolute Conqueror, and all to shew the slavery of his good Vassals the Lords and Commons.
Thus you may see one partie departed not from their right but only in Courtesie made him a tender again of his Crowne, considering He was but a man, and that wilfull and stubborn, and had been educated in such principles, that he even sucked in Tyranny with his milke, and hoping that the judgement of God, to whom he had appealed, by warre given against him, and good Counsellers, about him, might have softened his Heart.
The other did, and would have the supreme Court and whole nation as strictly bound, as if he had never cut the tye in sunder, making good what the Cavaliers did but aim at, That a King was above Law, and accountable to none but God, both which they before at least seem'd to deny, and then pray what were they, and all that took part with them lesse than Rebels and Traytors? and so we had not onely bin delivered into the hands of an exasperated enemy fleshd in blood, but the power of Parliaments for ever destroyed, and William Pryns [Page 38]Book too for ought I can see to the contrary might have been burnt under his nose, intituled The Soveraign power of Parliaments.
Obj. 3 Again, They will object, That if these men, being the greatest number of the House, had forfeited their trust, how comes it to passe we have a Parliament? for the major part stands for the whole, and so the whole hath forfeited.
Answer. To this thus, not to runne farre and stop a margent with quotations as Pryn hath done, who maintains, That the minor part standing firm to their trust are the Parliament, and the major doing the contrary a faction, and brings the judgment of a Parliament, to confirme this, in the time of Richard 2. passed upon such a party, cajoled by that King and Bushie the Speaker, nor to passe Tweed, and shew you that it is the same case now in Scotland, concerning the Hamiltonian faction in the late Invasion; I shall only instance in this Parliament. The King, and Major part of Lords, besides the Bishops themselves, were against the outing the Bishops: here were two Estates, then having not forfeited their Trust, against the Commons, some of which too were Episcoparians: yet the generall good requiring their outing the nice puntilio's of Privilege was laid aside, and that Bill prest the fifth time by the Commons, backt by the People, and had been the fiftieth time, had it not been passed: for all they cryed out that it was un-Parliamentarie, and a breach of Privilege to offer the same Bill twice the same Session. In our case there was but a part of the Commons acting against the generall good, a part for it, and so great a part as are declared enough to make a Parliament, being farre above forty; and for what reason could such a Law be made, but to provide in such a case, that if all the rest should neglect or desert their duty, yet forty standing fast, might save their Countrey?
Quest. But it may be asked, by what Law the House of Lords could be laid aside by the Commons?
Answer. By the same Law, which is the Supreme Law, the generall good. For consider of what use that House could be, unlesse to retard and hinder all good Laws; especially considering of what metall most of your Lords now are: how long doe you think it would have been before an Act against Adultery, and Fornication; an Act against Swearing, and an Act to make Lords pay their debts, or their Lands to be sold, should have passed them? that upper House was so high that [Page 39]most good motions were spent and out of breath, before they could get up to them, and then if perchance they had the good hap to meet with a thinne House (most of your Lords having other businesse to mind than the publike) and so passe; yet then they must packe to a King, whose Prerogative two to one, would whip them down again, and thus, O you English men, Bils of publike right and interest were sent like Beggars from Constable to Constable, and at last stript, and whipt in a Bridewell for begging, that you might be eased and set free; you and your Representatives being so hampered, that they were forced to beat Hemp many times, whereby cords have been made to strangle your Liberties, and bind your Armes.
Those Brave Earles and Barons, the quondam Protectors of your Liberties, purchased their Honors by spending their Bloud for their Countryes good, not by money gotten by oppressing their Country: they were engaged therefore to stand for their Countries good, even to maintaine their own honour, for no way better to maintain it, than the same by which they gained it.
Those generous soules were a Terror and Curb to Tyrants, not their Creatures and slavish instruments, as depending upon their own worth, and their Countryes Love, not Kings mere creations: their principles of education led them to endeavour to be Lords over, not Apes unto the French, and he was counted the bravest Lord, who conquered most of their Men, not the finest, that followed most of their fashions; scarres were the Ornaments of a noble face, not blacke patches; and hair powdered with dust, and dewed with sweat, and bloud, not with perfum'd powders and Gesmin butter, was the dress wherein Englands Nobles courted their Mistresse, Heroick fame; they designed their Hawking and Hunting to enable them in knowledge of passages and riding, not themselvs to be Faulconers and Huntsmen, whereby to learn to swear more readily, their Lands were let at easie rates, with some services reserved, whereby their Tenants being able men might not be broken spirited, and also might be obliged to attend them, when their Countryes service called them forth, hence came Englands valiant Yeomanrie, and her bold Barons, who by frequent Parliaments knew how to manage great Counsels, perform worthy actions, restrain and curbe Tyrannicall Monarchs. These men were rather a Spurre, than bridle to the Commons in all good actions; proh dolor ni fuerunt at nunc spolia ampla Tyranni, for a dissolute [Page 40]Court, neglect if not discountenancing of daring and knowing men with preferring Muck-worms, and low soules captivated with gilded follies, hath choaked those Seeds of vertue, and overspread the Garden with weeds and thistles, and when a King will be a Tyrant, his Lords and Courtiers must be slaves, or the design will never cotten, and it was easie to guess what a brood of Snakes was like to be by the Suns shining on Dunghils.
But to omit others, there need be no argument brought to confirm this Act, but that which 'Pryn hath brought against it. For let us take for granted, what he hath lately in Print affirmed, That the King and Lords were the Parliament heretofore, and so I hope by consequence had the power of the Sword and Purse too, and it wil make much for us. For if our Ancestors upon feeling the inconvenience and mischief thereof, could take that power of taxing from them, and bestow it on their own Representatives (for without doubt the major part of them parted not with it of their own accord) then sure it will follow, that We upon the sense of the like mischief may take away the rest, unlesse it can be shewed, that we onely of all Englishmen, must not have that power which our Ancestors had, and which is allowed to all Nations and People, by the Law of Nature and Reason, both which are the Lawes of God; and which never commanded that a whole Nation should be oppressed, to maintain the lust and riot of a few Drones. Solomon bids the sluggard go learn of the Ant, and why may not we of the Bee, which will not suffer a Drone in the Hive, that perfect Hieroglyphick, natures own model of a Commonwealth?
Quest. Is it not a great scandall and stain to Religion, to cut off the King, it being contrary to the doctrine of all Protestant Churches?
Answer Should a Cavalier put this question, I would answer by another; asking whether murder, and assassination be not contrary to all Christianity or Morallity either? what hast thou to do then with Religion, so long as the murders of thy party and their assassinations are so many?
But if one who is not of that party, or at least hath not been heretofore, propound it, I shall thus reply. For a private person or persons to destroy and murder their Kiing, or lawfull Magistrate, on pretence of Religion, he being a Papist, &c. is disclaimed by Protestants, and this to shew their dissent from the Iesuited Papists, who [Page 41]maintaine it lawfull, nay meritorious to kill a Magistrate, who is an Heretick, that is no slave to Rome, but for a Parliament and State to call a Tyrant to account, is not: This Doctor Willet, and Paraeus upon that place in the Epistle to the Romans, be subject to the higher powérs, &c. hold lawfull; and it is confirmed by a multitude of Protestant Divines, and reasons, as you may see at large in a late treatise, entituled, The tenor of Kings and Magistrates. This King James asserts, Buchanan maintains lawfull, and the Protestants in Scotland practised against the late Kings Grand-mother, whom they not only deposed, but would have beheaded had she not fled, for crimes which bore no proportion with her Grand-sons, who had not only broke his Oath, and forfeited his Crown, but out-lawed himselfe by appealing from the Law, and the Iudges of Law, the Supreme Court, to the Sword; For the most perverse cannot deny it a full and free Parliament, when he first plotted, and after raised Arms against it: What a ridiculous thing then is it in Pryn to bring in his old mustie Records, and cases in Law, for defence of Him and his title, nay what a deridiculous thing is it in Him, to go about to overthrow all his former works, with that poor shift, that they were Popish Parliaments, but what if they were? they had not that power as they were Popish, but as they were Parliaments, yea English Parliaments, not as Papists, but as men, yea English men; and sure our Parliament and we are so, for undoubtedly the Protestant Religion, hath not destroyed Gods image in us, and made us Brutes or Slaves.
And now Gentlemen, I hope you will discern, that the Army hath not only acted according to those Principles, upon which they and we first engaged, to wit, That the King was not above Law, That the Parliament was the supreme power, and not onely maker, but judge of Law, all declared by this Parliament, and asserted by Pryn; but according to the principles of Reason, and that universall, eternall, and unalterable Law of common-safety. That the present, Parliament and Army have discharged their trust, vindicated the power of Parliaments, the Nations liberty, and that cause wherein all the wel-affected, and religious were engaged; which had they not done, what a cry of innocent bloud had ascended up against them, how miserable had we been, and in what a slavish condition?
Consider whether we had not been, had they don as the rest of the, secluded Members, in the same condition our Ancestors were in the the time of Richard 2. when in a Parliament 19th year of him, adjourned [Page 4]to Shrewsbury, the Major part of Lords, wrought upon by the King, and of the Commons, by Bushie the Speaker, looking onely upon the Kings Interest, deserted the Common-weale, then followed the blank Charters, and those other horrid extortions, which you may read and weep over in the Chronicles, and then suffered those Lords and Gentlemen, who had stood faithfull to their Countrey.
Thus might we have seen those, and worse cruelties, not only acted against our Civill Liberties, but our Religion also, and have lamented and wrung our hands over the Graves of those Worthies, whom he had seen betrayed to the unmerciful Sword of an enraged Tyrant, yea and cried out of and curst both Parliament and Armies treachery whose faithfullnesse now we so exclaime against.
And now having briefly runne through these, give me leave to speake a word or two to some scruples, cast into the ballance to make this Common-wealth seeme wanting in its just weight.
Object. And first it is objected; That this is rather a Military Tyrannie set up, and maintained by the Sword, than a just and lawfull power, and therefore in Conscience it cannot be obeyed, though in things indifferent, nay lawfull and necessary.
Answer 1. To this first I shall thus reply, That if this may be pleaded, all Governments in their beginnings might be denyed, which have allwayes been thus established, and the Sword committed to the publike Ministers, or Ministers of State, to cut off all who shall goe about to overthrow the Government; if this Plea therefore be admitted, no Government could lawfully have been obeyed.
2. That in our case, it was impossible for any man to have expected any other, for if either part prevail'd, it must be by the Sword, that being once appealed unto; especially if we consider the malice and trechery of the Enemy, which would suffer no safety, longer than they could be kept at the Swords point: how unhandsomely then can such an exception come from those, who with might and maine called upon the people to come in to aide the Parliament; yea, and engaged them by Covenant, to endeavour with their lives and fortunes, a Reformation. Suppose the King had agreed to the Propositions, and been set up to hawk, hunt, bowle, and play at Tennis, whilst the Parliament managed the great and publike affairs, had not this been by the Sword, which not only captivated his Body, but forced his minde to yeeld to part with those things, which he esteemed above [Page 43]the bloud of so many thousands, yea his very owne? what would the power of the Militia have been in the Parliaments disposing, other than a maintaining the Government by the Sword? surely then because that interest is not set up, which these men would have, only causes this objection, whose basis is founded upon impossibility, whereupon none can build, but such as erect Castles in the air.
3. Again that it is the highest imprudency for any to surmise that the Parliament, when they had beaten the Enemy in the field, should presently cashiere their Forces, for besides the restlessenesse of the Enemy with their parties in Ireland and Scotland, they were Natives, not driven out, but only disarmed, who not only lived among us, and so at hand, but were so false, that no tie could hold them from endeavouring our, and our causes ruine; how many after compositions made, and oathes taken never to bear armes against the Parliament, have broken both? unlesse therefore they would have an Enemy, first be exasperated, and then us to lay our throats bare to their revengefull rage, they must be ashamed of this objection, which the second war is enough to confute, where the Parliament cause had been utterly destroyed, had it not been for the Army.
Lastly, let one of these Objectors tell me, why a Reformation gained, and maintained by the Sword in England, is so unlawfull, which in other places is so just and pious? These Objectors themselves would account that man a Papist, or Popishly affected, who should thus reproach the Protestants in Bohemia, Germany, Switzerland, France, the Vnited Prrvinces, and Scotland, yet did these maintaine their Religion, and gain their Liberties by the Sword, by this the Switzers cantoniz'd themselves, and the Dutch became a Free-state; by this the Protestant Religion was defended, and the Presbyterian Government first setled in Scotland, their Queen being deposed, and forced to sue to save her Head, for opposing it: and by this the Kirk now again repaired, when Episcopacy and Popery had well neare levell'd Her: Lastly by this the Hamiltonian Parliament was expell'd, and the present Rulers set up in Scotland; For it was the Sword of our Army set them in the Saddle, and the Sword of their Army that kept them in it, which for this purpose hath been so often purged and re-purged by the Kirks importunity, to maintein her against all her Maligners; sure then though the Sea may alter the case in the rest, yet methinkes a small River cannot make such a difference, [Page 44]but that the same actions may be warranted by the same reason.
And now having been bold to passe Tweed; I meet with another Objection.
Object. That the sending the Army of England into Scotland, is a breach of the large Treaty and Covenant; and against the rules of Christianity, to Invade our Neighbours thus by an offensive War.
Answer Though the Scots invading us, taketh off the first Charge, untill it be proved, That Scotland had liberty to break, and England still to remain bound; and the Parliaments and Armies Declarations, have not only shewed the equity, but necessity of thus doing, for this Common-wealths mere defence; yet for to stop foul mouths, I shall adde something.
1. The Parliament could not discharge their Trust to their Countrey, should they sit still and look on untill the Scots, strengthened with forein aids, and home-bred conspiracies and insurrections, might break again in upon us, robbing, spoyling, ravishing, and murdering according to their old wont. Our Merchants in the mean while being robbed, our Agents assassinated, and the Trade of England ruin'd by the Scots Kings instruments, which are boulstered out by the Scots complying with him, and promising his restauration, many foreiners winking at them, because doubtfull of our successe.
2. What thoughts could forein Princes and States have of the Parliament, should they see them maintaining a standing Army at a vast charge in England, onely to wait untill the Scots please to come and invade us, which besides the charge, to the undoing the so late Scot-plunderd Northern Counties, must weaken their repute abroad, as not daring to look upon the Scots, untill they shall please to force them to it?
Nay would not they be accounted men of little courage, and lesse understanding, to suffer the Scots to increase their strength, reputation, and provisions from abroad, and not now endeavour to prevent them, when their friends in France are not in a capacity to ayde them, nor their Kings Pyraticall Cozen, with his revolted robbers in a possibility to prey for them, and when indeed the nipping this Scotch designe in the bud, will be the only means to perswade Portugall, and other Neighbours, to use us more civilly.
Object. But it may be replyed, That the Scots intended us no hurt, and [Page 45]would be quiet, if so be we would let them alone.
Answer. That the Scots intended to Invade us, is as clear as that the Sunne shineth at Noon-day, they having not only proudly engaged to seat their King in the Thrones of the other two Nations, but already saucily proclaimed Him King of Great Britain, and Ireland; as if the Committee of Estates, and Kirk of Scotland, had a power of making Kings over, and giving Laws to other Nations.
May not those they term Sectaries justly suspect them guilty of an Antichristian spirit now, when they arrogate that power to themselvs which none but the Pope (by all Protestants agreed to be the Antichrist, the Man of Sinne) usurped, except the Devill, whose carriage to our Saviour was not much unlike theirs to their King, both shewing the Kingdoms of the Earth, and the glory of them, and saying, all these will we give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship us? yet let them take heed lest they be found lyars, like him (Crownes and Scepters being onely in Gods disposing, who telleth us, that it is he gives Nations Kings in his wrath) though their King be not able to withstand the Temptation, Montrosse and the Irish Rebels being defeated, and no apparent hope of any supplies, from his most Blessed Father the Pope, whom he hath by his Agent, so dutifully asked blessing, as yet appearing.
But though these Reasons should be thought insufficient, yet now God hath made their intent manifest by Londonns Letters, by which it appears that they had not only a designe to invade us, but expectations, if not assurances of a party here which would second them.
And now the Scots have thus done, and the premises considered, what shadow of reason appears to the contrary, but that we for our own defence, may serve them as they did us, and enter Scotland with our Army, as they did England with theirs, a little before this Parliament begun? that they were invited in by any in Authority, is false; it may be they had private well-wishers, and so no doubt have we now of the Godly party among them, which when the cloud is past, which now hangs over them, will appear.
But now before I conclude, I shall crave leave to speak a word or two, and that:
1. First to the Scots, whose Committee of Estates and Kirk, I would intreat to be so farre Christians, as to pull the beam out of their own eyes before they meddle with the mote in ours, and so much men as [Page 46]to act and speak rationally, and not to call the same action in us an offensive War, which in them was a defensive one. Lastly, to unriddle this Aenigma, How Montrosse could be a Traytor for but acting according to their Kings Commission, and Command, and yet their King none? it is a rule in reason quod efficit tale illud est magis tale, that which makes a thing to be such, that is more such it selfe: and it is affirmed in Scripture, That God is no respecter of persons, but that the soule that sinnes shall dye; and should not the Gods on earth to whom the Sword of Iustice is committed, be so too? That maxime, That the Crown takes off all Attainder, made by time-serving Lawyers, cannot be pleaded in this case: For the Commission Montrosse acted by, was given him since their King was Proclaimed at Edinburgh, and yet Montrosse was by them adjudged as a Traytor and Enemy of his Countrey, which according to this he could not be, he doing only as his and their King commanded, whose deeds are free from Attainter by having the Crowne: but if it should passe for Law here, yet I am sure it will be no good plea at the high Tribunall of that just God, who respected not the Crowns of the Canaanitish Kings, Agag, or of Israel, whom he commanded to be cut off, and not a male of their Seed to live. There could be no peace to Ioram, so long as the whoredomes of his Mother Jezabel and her witchcrafts were so mady, and this command the Elders of Jezrell who durst stone Naboth, durst not resist, when they perceived that evill from the Lord was gon out against Ahabs House: and it is not so cleer, but that it may be doubted, whether God have not a controversie with their Kings family, against which, to omit the Idolatries, and other grosse sinnes, the innocent bloud of so many Martyrs, both for Religion and Liberty, cryes for vengeance.
2. To the Presbyterian party in England, whom I desire to consider, That though the present ruling power and Kirk in Scotland, should have no by-defignes, yet how they may not be able to help to deliver them from the fury of the Malignant party of Lords, and others, who have twice allready overreached them, in the late Invasion of England, and later in Ireland, where after they had made use of the Presbyters to gain the Scots in Vlster to their party, they abufed them, forced some to flye for their lives, and openly proclaimed it death to any, who should but speak of having their King come in upon termes. Let them beware of Insurrections at home, when it may be [Page 47]they may at first be made use on to begin, as lately in Essex, but when the designe came to the height, be turned off, as those Gentlemen in Essex were by the Malignant party, insomuch that Sir William Hixe a prime stickler and others, because they had been for the Parliament were threatned to be stabb'd, and forced to flye.
Thirdly and lastly, to you all who are Englishmen whom it much concerns; If you will but consider what misery a Scotch Invasion, what slavery a Scotch Conquest must beget. Inquire of the Scots demeanor in their late Invasion, nay and when they came in with their brotherly assistance for your satisfaction in the first; and call but to minde the insolency of the Scots, and Tyranny of their Kings which came in by Consent: and it will be evident what must be expected, should they come in by Conquest; their Iamie and they, shared then onely the Crowne Lands and Treasure, with the richest publike offices; but their Babie Charles and they, will divide your private estates, and cast Lots for your Inheritances: to conclude, call to minde your brave Ancestors, the least drop of whose generous bloud, remaining in your veins, will make you not only abhorre, but scorn a vassalage to that Nation, whose beggary, (to omit its insolency, nastinesse, and lechery) all Englands so much already exhausted Treasure, will not be able to releeve.