CHAP. I. Sheweth who these Rebels were, how much they were obliged to their Governours, and yet how ungratefully they rebelled against them.

I Am here in this Treatise to shew unto you a Monster, more hideous & monstrous then any of those that are described either by the Greek or Latine Poets; and more noysome and de­structive to humane kinde, then any of those that the hottest regions of Africa have ever bred, though this be now most frequently produced in these colder Clymates: The name of it is Rebellion, an ugly beast of [Page 2] many heads, of loathsome aspect, of great antiquity, and as great vivacity; for the whole world could not subdue it to this very day. And this Rebellion (the like whereof was never seen from the creation of the world to this very time, and I hope shal never be seen hereafter to the day of judgement) is fully set down in the 16. The greatnesse of this sin of rebellion, is seene 2 wayes. 1 From the text. 2. From their punishment. 1. Of the text. of Numbers; and it is briefly repea­ted in the words of the Psalmist, Psal. 106.16. how great a sin it is, and how odious unto God, will appear, if we examine

• 1. The particulars of the Text in the 16 verse, and but view
• 2. The greatnesse of their punishment in the next verse.

1. The Text containeth foure speciall parts:

• 1. Qui fuere, who the Rebels were that did this:
• 2. Contra quos, against whom they rebelled:
• 3. Quid fecerunt, what they did:
• 4. Ʋbi fecerunt, where they did it.

And in each of these I will endevour brevity; for as the Poet saith, Horat. Citò dicta percipiunt docilet animi, retinéntque fideles; few words do best hold memory, and a short taste doth breed the mor eager appetite; therefore as all the precepts of Christ were

• 1.
  3. Properties of Christs precepts.
  Brevia,
• 2. Levia,
• 3. Ʋtilia.

so my desire shall be to doe herein.

1. 1. Part, who the Rebels were. Then Aemulati sunt, they angred; and who were they? the Prophet answereth, verse 7. Patres nostri in Aegypto, our Fathers regarded not thy wonders in Aegypt. And there­fore they were,

1. Their own Countrey-men, the Israelites.

2. Described by foure motions Of their own Tribe, as was Corah and his companions; and of the nobility of Israel, as were Dathan and Abiram, and their adherents.

3. Of their own Religion, such as had received the Oracles of God, and did professe to serve the same true and ever­living God, as the others did.

4. Such as had obtained multa & magna, many great fa­vours and benefits; yea, Beneficia nimis copiosa: and I may say, [Page 3]very pretious benesits from them. For when God sent Moses his servant, and Aaron whom he had chosen, these delivered them from bondage and brought them forth with silver and gold, and there was not one feeble person among their Tribes, saith the Prophet: and yet these were the men that rebel­led.

1. They were their owne Country-men, 1. Of the same Countrey. of their owne Tribe, the seed of Abraham, and pertakers of the same for­tunes; And therefore they should love and not hate, they should further and not hinder, rejoyce and not envy at one anothers happinesse; for though wicked men of desperate for­tunes care for none but for themselves, Sibi nati, sibi vivunt, si­bi moriuntur, sibi damnantur; yet not only the heathen Philoso­phy of Natures Schollers, but also the divine verity of Gods elected servants doth teach us, that Partem patria, partem pa­rentes vendicant; the love of our Countrey, and to our Coun­try-men should be such, as rather to spend our selves to relieve them, then by lewd practises to destroy them; when by our dissolute debauchment we have destroyed our selves.

2. These Rebells were of their own Tribe, 2. Of the same tribe. of the Tribe of Levi, and so knit together indissolubili vinculo, with the in­disloluble bond of bloud and fraternity; and therefore they should have remembred the saying of Abraham their father, unto his Nephew Lot, Let there be no dissention betwixt thee and me, for we be brethren: a good Uncle that would never drive his Nephew out of his house at home.

And we read, that affinity among the heathens could not onely keep away the force, and suppresse the malice of deadly foes, but also retaine pignora juncti sanguinis, as Julia did Ce­sar and Pompey; and as the Poet saith, ‘Ʋt generos soceris mediae junxere Sabinae.’ Lucan Pharsa. [...]. [...]. And therefore why should not consanguinity, and the bond of slesh and bloud suppresse the envy of friends, and retaine the love of brethren?

But these prove true the old saying, that Fratrum irae inter se inimicissimae, the wrath of brethren is most deadly; as it ap­peared, not only in Cain against Abel, Romulus against Re­mus, [Page 4]and all his brethren against Joseph; but especially in Ca­racalla, that slew his brother Geta in his mothers armes: and therefore Salomon saith, Prov. 18.19 A brother offended is harder to winne then a strong City, and their contentions are like the barre of a Pallace, not easily broken. Nam ut aqua calefacta, cum ad fri­giditatem reducitur frigidissima est; For as water that hath been hot, being cold again, is colder then ever it was before; and as the Adamant, if it be once broken, is shivered into a thousand pieces; so love, being turned into hatred, and the bond of friendship being once dissolved, there accreweth no­thing but a swift increase of deadly hatred: So it happened now in the Campe of Israel, that the saying of Saint Bernard is found true, Bern in Cant. Serm. 33. Omnes amici, & omnes inimici, all of a house, and yet none at peace; all of a kindred, and yet all in mortall ha­tred.

And as Corah and his companions were so nearly allyed unto Moses, of the tribe of Levi; so Dathan and Abiram were men famous in the Congregation, noble Peers and very popu­lar men, heads of their families of the Tribe of Reuben. A subtle practise of that pestiferous Serpent, to joyn Simeon and Levi, Clergy and Laity in this wicked faction of Rebellion; the one under colour of dissembled sanctity, the other with their pow­er and usurped authority, to seduce the more, to make the grea­ter breach of obedience. And so it hath been alwaies, that we scarce read of any Rebellion, but some base Priests the Chap­laines of the Devill have begot it; and then the Nobles of the people, arripientes ansam, taking hold of this their desired op­portunity do foster that which they would have willingly fa­thered; as besides this Rebellion of Corah, that of Jacke Cade, in the reigne of Henry the sixth; and that of Perkin Warbeck, in the time of Henry the seventh, and many more that you may finde at home in the lives of our owne Kings, may make this point plaine enough. But they should have thought on what our Saviour tells us, that Every Kingdome divided against it selfe is brought to desolatiou; and every Citie or House devided against it selfe, [...] shall not stand. What a mischiefe then was it for these men to make such a division among their [Page 5]owne Tribe, and in their owne Campe? Nondum tibi defuit hostiis: had they not the Egyptians, and the Canaanites, and the Amalckites, and enough besides to fight against, but they must raise a civill discord in their owne house? could not their thoughts be as devout as the heathen Poets, which saith, Lucan. Pharsal. lib. 1.

And therefore this makes the sinne of home-bred Rebells the more intollerable, because they bring such an Ilias malorum, so many sorts of unusuall calamities, and grievous miquities upon their owne brethren.

3. These Rebels were of their owne Religion, 3. Of the same Religion. professing the same faith that the others did: Et religio dicitur à religan­do (saith Lactantius;) and therefore this bond should have tyed them together firmer then the former; for if equall manners do most of all binde affections; Es similitudo morum parit amici­ciam, as the Orator teacheth: then hoc magnum est, hoc mirum, that men should not love those of the same Religion. And if the profession of the same trades and actions is so forcible, not onely to maintaine peace, but also to increase love, and amity, JACOB REX, in Ep. to all Christian Monarchs. as we see in all Societies and corporations of any mechanick craft or handy-work, they do inviolably observe that maxime of the Civill Law, to give an interest unto those qui fovent con­similem causam: so that as birds of the same feather, they will cluster all in one, and be zealous for the preservation of them that are of the same craft or society: why then should not the profession of the same Religion, if not increase affection, yet at least detaine men from dissention?

For, though diversities of Religion, non bene conveniunt, can seldome containe themselves for any while in the same King­dome without civill distractions, especially if each party be of a neer equall power, which should move all Governours to doe herein, as Haniball did with his army, that was a mixture of all Nations, to keepe the most suspected under, and ranke them so, that they durst not kicke against his Carthaginians: or is Henry the fourth did with the Brittaines to make such laws [Page 6]that they were never able to rebell so should the discreet Ma­gistrate, not root out a people, that they be no more a Nation, but so subordinate the furthest from truth to the best professors that they shall never be able any wayes to endanger the true Religion; yet where the same Religion is universally profes­sed, excepting small differences in adiaphorall things; Quae non diversificant species, as the Schooles speake; it is more then un­naturall for any one to make a Schisme, and much more tran­scendently heynous to rebell against his Governours. But in­deed no sinne is so unnaturall, no offence so heynous, but that swelling pride, and discontented natures will soon perpetrate; no bonds nor bounds can keep them in. And therefore Corah must rebell; and ever since in all Societies, even among the Le­vites, and among the Priests, the disordered spirits have rebel­led against their Governours, & fecerunt unitatem contra uni­tatem; & erecting Altars against Altars (as the Fathers speak) they have made confederacies and conspiracies against the truth, and thereby they have at all times drawne after them many multitudes of ignorant soules unto perdition: This is no new thing, but a true saying; and therefore our Saviour biddeth us to Take heed of false Prophets, and of rebellious spirits; that as Saint John saith, went from us, but were not of us, but are indeed the poyson and incendiaries both of Church and Common­wealth.

4 These Rebells had received many favours and great be­nefits from their Governours: 4 Much obli­ged for many favours that Gover­nour. for they were delivered è lutu­lentis manuum operibus, as St. Augustine speaketh; and as the Prophet saith, They had eased their shoulders from their bur­thens, and their hands from making of pots: they had broken the Rod of their oppressors, and as Moses tells them, they had separated them from the rest of the multitude of Israel, Numb. 16.9 and set them neer to God himselfe, to doe the service of the Tabernacle of the Lord: and therefore the light of nature tells us, that they were most ungratefull, and as inhumane as the brood of Ser­pents that would sting him to death, which to preserve his life, would bring him home in his bosome.

And it seems this was the transcendencie of Judas his sinne, [Page 7]and that which grieved our Saviour most of al, that he whom he had called to be one of the 12. Apostles, whom he had made his Steward and Treasurer of all his wealth, & for whom he had done more then for thousands of others should betray him into the hands of sinners; for if it had been another (saith the Psalmist) that had done me this dishonour, I could well have bornc it, but seeing it was thou my familiar friend, which didst eat and drinke at my table, it must needes trouble me: for though in others it might be pardonable, yet in thee it is intole­rable; and therefore of all others he saith of Judas, vae illi ho­mini, woe be unto that man by whom the Sonne of man is betrayed, it had beene better for him he had never been borne, as if his sin were greater then the sinnes of Ananias, Caiphas, of Pilate.

But the old saying is most true, Improbus à nullo flectitur obsequio, no service can satisfie a froward soule, no favour, no benefit, no preferment can appease the rebellious thoughts of discontented spirits. And therefore notwithstanding Moses had done all this for Corah, yet Corah must rebell against Mo­ses: So many times, though Kings have given great honours unto their subjects, made them their Peeres, their Chamber­laines, their Treasurers, and their servants of nearest place, and greatest trust. And though Aaron the High Priest, or Bi­shop doth impose his hands on others, and admit them into sacred Orders above their brethren, to be neare the Lord, and bestow all the preferment they can upon them: yet with Co­rah these unquiet and ungratefull spirits must rebell against their governours: For, I think I may well demand, which of all of them, that now rebell against their King have not had, either their Grand-fathers, Fathers, or themselves promoted to all or most of their fortunes and honours, from that crown which now they would trample under their feet? Who more against their King, then those that received most from their King? Just like Judas, or here, like Corah, Dathan, and Abi­ram, I could instance the particulars, but I passe.

So you see who were the Rebells, most ungratefull, most un­worthy men.

CHAP. II. Sheweth against whom these men rebelled, that God is the giver of our Covernours; the severall Offices of Kings and Priests; how they should assist each other, and how the people labour to destroy them both.

SEcondly, 2. Part, against whom they rebelled. we are to consider, against whom they rebelled; and the Text saith, Against Moses and Aaron: and therefore. we must discusse

• 1.
  2. Points dis­cussed.
  Qui fuere, who they were in regard of their places.
• 2. Quales fuere, what they were in regard of their qualities.

1. In regard of their places, we finde that these men were

• 1. The chiefe Governours of Gods people.
• 2. Governours both in temporall and in spirituall things.
• 3. Agreeing and consenting together in all their Go­vernment.

1. They were the prime Governours of the people: Moses the King or Prince to rule the people: and Aaron the High-Priest to instruct and offer sacrifice to make attonement unto God for the sinnes of the people; and these have their au­thority from God: for though it sometimes happeneth, that potens, Hos. 8.4. the ruler is not of God, as the Prophet saith, They have reigned, and not by me; and likewise modus assumendi, the ma­ner of getting authority is not alwaies of God, but sometimes by usurpation, cruelty, subtilty, or some other sinfull meanes: yet potestas, the power it self, whosoever hath it, is ever from God: Aristot. Polit. lib 1. c. 1. Ambros. Ser. 7. for the Philosopher saith, Magistratûs originem esse à natura ipsa. And Saint Ambrose saith, Datus à Deo Magistra­tus, non modo malorum coercendorum causà, sedetiam bonorum fovendorum in vera animi pietate & honestate, gratiâ. And o­thers say, the Sunne is not more necessary in heaven, then the Magistrate is on earth; for alas, how is it possible for any So­ciety [Page 9]to live on earth, cum vivitur exrapto, when men live by rapine, and shall say, Let our strength be to us the law of justice; therefore God is the giver of our Governours, and he profes­seth, Per me regnant Reges: And Daniel told Nebuchadnezzar, That the most high ruleth in the Kingdome of men, and he giveth it to whomsoever he will. Dan. 4.25. Vide etiam c. 2. v. 37.

2. These two men were Governours, both in all temporall and in all spirituall things; as Moses in the things that pertai­ned to the Common-wealth, and Aaron in things pertaining unto God.

And these two sorts of Government are in some sort sub­ordinate each to other, and yet each one intire in it selfe, so that the one may not usurpe the office of the other; for

1. The spirituall Priest is to instruct the Magistrates, 2. Governours both in tempo­rall and spiri­tuall things. and to reprove them too, if they do amisse, as they are members of their charge, and the sheepe of their sheepfold: And so we have the examples of David, reproved by Nathan, Achab by Elias, Herod by John Baptist; and in the Primitive Church, Euseb. l. 6. c. 34. Sozomen lib. 7. of Philip the Emperour, repenting at the perswasion of Fabian; and Theodosius senior, by the writings of S ^t Ambrose.

2. The temporall Magistrate is to commend, and if they offend, to correct & condemne the Priests, as they are members of their Common-wealth; for Saint Paul saith; Rom. 13. Bernard. ad Archiepis. Sene­vensem. Let every soule be sub­ject to the higher powers: and if every soule, then the soule of the Priest, as well as the soules of the People; or otherwise, Quis eum excepit ab universitate? as Saint Bernard; and so Theodoret, Theophylact, and Oecumenius, are of the same minde: and the examples of Abiathar, deposed by Solomon; and a grea­ter then Solomon, Christ himselfe, not refusing the censure of Pilate, though for no fault; Saint Paul appealing unto Caesar, Caecilian judged by the Delegates of Constantine; Flavianus by Theodosius, and all the Martyrs and godly Bishops never pl [...] [...] from their persecuters, doe make this point [...]

[...] Governours were not onely consanguinei, 3. Governours well agreeing in their go­vernment. two [...] so were Cain and Abel, to whom totus non suffi­ [...] [...] were also consentanei, like the soule and bo­dy [Page 10]of man, of the same sympathie and affection for the perfor­mance of every action; for the Church and Common-wealth are like Hippocrates twyns, so linked together, as the Ivie intwist­eth it selfe about the Oake, that the one cannot happily subsist without the other; but as the Secretary of nature well obser­veth, That the Marygold opens with the Sunne, and shuts with the shade; even so, when the Sunne-beames of peace and pros­perity shine upon the Common-wealth, then by the reflection of those beames, the Church dilates and spreads if selfe the bet­ter; as you may see in Act. 9.31. and on the other side, when any Kingdome groaneth under civill dissention, the Church of Christ must nee is suffer persecution. And therefore to the end, that the Prince and Priest might, as the two feet of a man, helpe each other to support the weight of the whole body, and to beare the burthen of so great a charge; God at the first se­vering of these offices, (which before were united in one per­son, as the Poet saith of Anius, ‘—Rex idem hominum, Phoebique Sacerdos.’ And the Apostle saith of Melchisedech, that hee was both a King and the Priest of the most high God,) did chuse two na­turall brethren to be the Governours of his people; and that, quod non caret mysterio: Aanon was the eldest, and yet Moses was the chiefest; to signifie, as I take it, that they should rather helpe and further each other, then any wayes rule and domi­neere one over the other; because that although Aaron was the eldest brother and chiefe Priest, yet Moses was the chiefe Magistrate, and his brothers God, as God himselfe doth stile him; and therefore this should terrorem incutere, and teach him how to behave himselfe towards his brother; and though Moses was the chiefe Magistrate, yet Aaron was the chiefe Priest, and his eldest brother, which had not lost (like Reuben) the prerogative of his birth-right; and this should reverentiam inducere, worke in Moses a respect unto his brothers age and place.

And truly there is great reason why these two should doe their best, to support and protect each other; for the govern­ment of the people, is, as we may now see, a very difficult and a [Page 11]miraculous thing, no lesse then the appeasing of the Surges of the raging Seas; as the Prophet sheweth, when he saith, That God ruleth the rage of the Sea, and the noyse of his waves, and the madnesse of his people: And the Rod of government is a mira­colous Rod, as well that of Aaron as that of Moses; for as Moses rod turned into a Serpent, and the Serpent into a rod a­gaine; so the rod of Aaron, of a dry stick, did blossome and beare ripe Almonds: to shew how strange and wonderfull a thing it is, either for Prince or Priest, to rule an unruly multi­rude, too much for any one of them to doe; and therefore God doth alwayes joyne both of them together, as the Psalmist sheweth, Thou leadest thy people like sheep, by the hand of Mo­ses and Aaron.

And besides, if these two doe not assist and protect each o­ther, they shall be soon suppressed one after another, of their owne people; for if the Prince, which is to be our nursing ra­ther, be once subdued, then presently the Priest shall be destroy­ed; and when he hath lost his power, our power shall never be able to doe any good: and if the Priest which prayeth, and preacheth to direct the King, be trampled under foot, As soone as men have o­verthrowne their Priests, they will pre­sently labour to destroy their King. it hath been found most certaine, that after they have thrown away the Miter, they have not long retained the Scepter: And there­fore King James of ever blessed memory, of a sharp concepti­on and sound judgement, was wont to say, No Bishop, no King, unlesse you meane such a King as Christ was, when the Iewes crowned him with Thornes, and bowing their knees, said, Hayle King of the Iewes; that is, Rex sine Regno, a King with­out power; like a man of straw, that is onely made to fright away the birds: For the people are alwayes prone to pull out their neeks from the yoke of their obedience, and would soone rebell, if the Priest did not continually preach, that Every soule should be subject to the higher powers; as wee see now by expe­rience, how apt they are to rebell when factious Preachers give them the least encouragement. And therefore as this rebellion of Corah, so every other, though they begin with one, yet they ayme at both, and strive to overthrow aswell the one as the other: for my Text saith, They angred Moses in their [Page 12]Tents, and Aaron the Saint of the Lord. And therefore these two should be as Hippocrates twyns, or indeed like man and wife, indissolubly coupled and coherent together, without distracti­on; and cursed be they that strive to make the division: for whom God hath thus united together, no man should put asun­der.

And here you may observe the method of their Rebellion, The methode of their rebel­lion. the Text saith, Moses and Aaron; yet Moses sheweth, they began with Aaron: for when their Rebellion was first discovered, Moses doth not say, What have I done against you? but What is Aaron that you should murmure against him? to shew unto us, that although Moses was the first they aymed at in their in­tention, yet he was the last they purposed to overthrow in the execution: Quia progrediendum à facilioribus, as the Devil began with the woman the weaker vessell, that he might the easier overthrow the strougen; so the enemies of God and his Church doe alwayes seeke, first to overthrow the Priest, and then presently they will set upon the Prince.

And therefore as Moses here, so all Magistrates every where should remember, Virgil. Aeneid. lib. 2. that, Jam tua res agitur, through our sides they may smart, and our wounds may prove dangerous unto them: because you shall never reade they began to shake us, but they fully intended to root out them; for if the feare of God, and the honour of the King must goe together, as S ^t Peter sheweth, it must needs follow that they will but dishonour and disobey their King, that have cast away the feare of God; and it is most certaine, that when they drive God out of their hearts, as the Gergezites drove Christ out of their coasts, Little feare of God in them that expell their Priests out of their societies. when they expell Aaron the chiefe Priest or Bishop out of their Assem­blies, there is but little feare of God before their eyes: for if Seneca, that was but Natures Scholler, could tell us, that when we goe about any wicked act, a grave Cato or severe Aristides standing by us, would make us blush and stop the doing there­of, then certainly the Christian that hath any grace, will be a­shamed of his evill intent, and be afraid to offend God, when he seeth a man of God so neare him; who doth often times ponere obicem, make a stop to stay the proceedings of the wicked, that [Page 13]would not seldome be farre worse, and doe more unjustice, if it were not for the company and perswasions of the Priest and Preacher.

And therefore the former ages that feared God more then we, and were wiser to use this meanes, The wisedome of the former age. that they might feare him, desired, that in their greatest Assemblies of greatest affaires, as Sessions, Councels, Parliaments, and the like, the Bishops and Preachers might be as the chiefe members of their consul­tations, as well to witnesse the uprightnesse of their actions, and to direct them in cases of conscience, what is most agreeable to the divine constitution.

And wheresoever you see the expulsion of these men, The expulsion of Bishops, the cause of many subsequent mischiefes. and the rejection of these helpes and furtherances unto godlinesse, you shall finde no good successe, nor better fruit of their greatest Councels, then Sedition, Oppression, Confusion, and Rebellion: For it is not the least part of the Bishops office, and the duty of all Preachers, not onely in the Pulpit, where what they say is of many men soone forgotten, but also in all other meotings and assemblies, and in the very instances when occasions shall be of­fered; to doe as Christ and his Apostles did, perswade peace, righteousnesse, and obedience unto the people; and the want of their association hath beene the opening of many gaps to let in much injustice and impiety in many places, because their pre­sent perswasion may doe as much, if not more good with men, when they are in action, then their preaching can doe when they come to contemplation.

And therefore if any assembly hath (like Corah) rebelled a­gainst Aaron, and cast their Bishops and Preachers out of doores, I would advise them to follow the Councell of S. Am­brose in the like case, Quod inconsultò fecerunt consultiùs revo­cetur, what they have inconsiderately done, to throw them out, let them more advisedly revoke and call them in againe; and they whose breeding hath beene in knowledge, and their calling is to doe justice and to teach truth, will helpe and not hinder them to understand the truth, and to proceed in righteousnesse.

And so you see, who these men were in regard of their places.

CHAP. III. Sheweth the assured testimonies of a good and lawfull Go­vernour, their qualifications, or duties to them; and wherein our obedience to them consisteth.

SEcondly, 2. How these Governours were qualified for their pla­ces. we are to consider, Quales fuere, how these men were qualified for their places; touching which, these two points are to be handled:

• 1. Modus assumendi, the manner of obtaining it.
• 2.
  2. Points dis­cussed.
  Facultas exequendi, the ability and fidelity of dis­charging it.

1. 1. How they obtained their places. I told you before, that many doe obtaine their places by sinfull meanes, as many of the Popes and Romane Emperours, by poysoning and murthering their Predecessors, have unlaw­fully stept into the Thrones of Majestie; and so did Henry the fourth by the unjust deposition of Richard the second, Many usurp then places. and Richard the third by the cruell and secret murthering of his poore innocent Nephewes, attaine unto the Crowne of Eng­land. And in such manner of assuming government there is just cause of resisting, and a faire colour of rebelling against them, if you call it a Rebellion, when men discharge their duties in de­fence of justice, to oppose usurpation: But neither Moses nor Aaron came so to the places of their government. For

1. 1. Moses had a twofold testi­mony to justi­fie his calling. Moses had a double testimony to approve his calling to be from God.

The first was Internum, to assure himselfe: And the second was Externum, to confirme the same unto the people. For

1. 1. Inward. When Moses said unto God, Who am I that I should goe unto Pharaoh; the Lord answered, I will be with thee, [ad protegendum & dirigendum] saith the glosse: and this shall be a token unto thee that I have sent thee, After that you have brought the people out of Egypt, you shall serve God upon this Mountaine; and that may assure thee that I have sent thee, and will bring thy people unto Canaan, as I have brought them into this wil­dernesse.

2. 2. Outward, which was a threefold sign. 1. Of his Rod. That the people might be assured he was lawfully called, God gave unto him a threefold signe.

1. Of his Rod, that being cast to the ground was turned to a Serpent; but taken by the tayle, it turned to a Rod againe: to shew, that when the rod of goverument is throwne out of the Magistrates hand, the people are like the brood of Serpents, People with­out govern­ment like Serpents. a malitious and a viperous generation; but being taken into the hand of government, they prove a royall and a glorious Na­tion.

2. The hand thrust into his bosome and taken out, 2. Of his Hand. was lea­prous; but thrust againe and taken out, was made whold: to signifie, that a good Magistrate out of the bosome of the Law, must put out the hand of justice, both to wound and to heale, to kill and to make alive, as the Poet saith; ‘Parcere subjectis, & debellare superbos.’ To defend the innocent, and to punish the wrong doer.

3. 3. Of the Wa­ter. The water taken out of the river and cast upon the drie ground should be turned into blood, to imitate unto them, that the blood which was spilt by Pharaoh, when their children were murthered and drowned in the rivers, should be required and revenged upon the Egyptians; when by the government of Moses, the carkasses of those outragious oppressours, should be cast out of the Red Sea, and laid upon the drie ground. Thus Moses shewed that he was lawfully called.

2. For Aaron, 2. Aarons cal­ling Iustified. Heb. 5. the Apostle makes him the pattern of all lawfull entrance into this calling, when he saith, that No man taketh this honour upon him, but he that is called as Aaron was, and Moses manifested the lawfulnesse of his calling unto all Israel; when according to the number of their 12. Tribes, he caused 12. Rods to be put in the Tabernacle of witnesse; and of all them the Rod of Aaron onely, which was for the Tribe of Levy, Numb. 17.8. was budded and brought forth buds and bloomed blos­somes, and yeelded Almondes. And so it was apparant to all Is­rael, that these men came lawfully to their government.

2. For their ability and fidelity to discharge their places, 2. Their qua­lifications for their places. the malice of their adversaries could not charge them with any omission; they doe not say they have governed amisse, but they [Page 16]would faine governe with them. And to make this more ap­parent,

1. 1. Of the abi­lities of Moses. The Spirit of God testifieth of Moses, that He was faith­full in all Gods house; and in that respect called the man of God, the servant of God, whose whole care was for his Master: and for the sweetnesse of his disposition he is said to be a very meeke man, above all the men that were upon the earth: for his love to his people, Tertul. de fuga in Pe secut. Tertullian makes him the figure of Christ, Cùm ad­huc Christo non revelato, in se figurato, ait, si perdis hunc popu­lum & me pariter cum eo disperde; for his zeale of Gods ho­nour he was most fervent, and therefore severe in punishing the worshippers of the golden Calfe: and for his justice and up­rightnesse, he wronged no man; for his intellectuals he was ex­ceeding wise, and learned in all the learning of the Egyptians.

2. 2. Of the abi­lities of Aarun. For Aaron, how fit he was to be a Priest, will appeare, if you consider those two vertues that are the most requisite for the Priesthood, as Moses sheweth when he prayeth, Let thine Ʋrim and thy Tummin be upon the man of thy mercy, that is, omitting all other interpretatious.

• 1.
  1. His ability to teach.
  Abilitie to teach. For,
• 2. Sanctitie of life. For,

1. Malach. 5 Tim. 3.2. The Priests lips must preserve knowledge; he must be apt to teach, & si Sacerdos est, sciat legem Dei; si ignorat legem, ipse se arguit non esse Sacerdotem Domini: Hieron in Hag­gai 2. & Aug. de doctr. Christ. l. 4. c. 16. But God himselfe saith, that hee knew Aaron was an eloquent man, and could speake well, and he promised unto Moses that He would be with his mouth, to teach him what he would say: and therefore I know not who can say any thing against him herein, when God saith he can doe it so well, and ingageth himselfe that he will helpe him.

2, 2. His up­rightnesse of life. For the Integrity of his life, I need not goe further then my Text, when as the Prophet calleth him, The Saint of the Lord; that is, not onely Sanctificatum ad Sacerdotium; but also a holy, just, and godly man, in respect of the innocency of his life.

And so you have seene the persons described, against whom [Page 17]these Rebels have rebelled: They were the prime Governours of Gods people, and such Governours as the like, for all kinde of goodnesse and excellencies, could not be found on earth.

Therefore these Rebels ought to have obeyed them, though for nothing else, but because they were their Governours; for the Apostle tells us plainly, that necesse est subjici, wee must needs be subject; not onely for wrath, but also for conscience sake: wherein you see a double necessity of obeying.

• 1. Externall, Propter iram, for feare of wrath:
• 2. Internall, Propter conscientiam, for conscience sake:
  A double ne­cessity of obe­dience.

therefore we must needs obey. And our obedience consisteth chiefly in these two things: Our obedience consisteth in two things.

• 1. To doe nothing against them.
• 2. To doe all that we can for them.

For,

1. 1. In doing nothing a­gainst our Go­vernours. 1. In Thought Eccles. 10.20. 2. In Word. Exod. 28.28. 3. In Deed. Rom. 13.2. We are forbidden to thinke an ill thought of them with our hearts; Speake not evill of the King (saith Solomon) no not in thy thought; for a bird of the aire shall carry the voyce, and that which hath wings shall tell the matter.

2. We are charged not to revile them with our tongues, for Thou shalt not revile the Gods, nor curse the Ruler of the people.

3. We are restrained from resisting them with our hands; for, Whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist receive unto themselves damnation.

And therefore the Lord saith unto all, Nolite tangere Chri­stos meos; where he doth not say non occides, or ne perdas, the worst that can be, but ne tangas, the least that may be, touch not tactu noxio, with any hurtfull touch.

And many times we are touched secretly, we know not how, Many kinds of touches. nor when, nor by whom, but cursed be he that smiteth his neigh­bour secretly, and all the people shall say Amen: and therefore much more cursed be he that smiteth his Prince, his Priest, his Governour.

And sometimes we are touched with violent hands, when with hostile force and open armes our power and authority are withstood: but

Most frequently we are touched with virulent tongues, as they say in Ieremie, Venite, percutiamus eum linguá; Ierem. 18.18. and this [Page 18] touch, though it breakes no bones, yet doth it wound and kill the very heart.

But the Lord saith in generall, touch not at all; therefore no kinde is limited, 2. In doing all that we can do for our Go­vernours. 1. To honour them. no way permitted to touch them.

2. As we are forbidden to doe any thing against them, so we are commanded to doe all we can for them: for,

Saint Peter saith, Feare God, and honour the King; therefore he cannot be said to feare God that doth not honour his King: And Solomon saith, Feare God, my sonne, and the King; there­fore he cannot be the sonne of Wisedome, the sonne of Solomon, that doth not feare the King; that is, feare to wrong him, feare to offend him, Rom. 13. Vide Josh. 1.16. Wherein wee ought to obey, and disobey. feare to anger him. And when the Magistrates command us any thing, Saint Paul bids us to obey them; but if they command any thing against God, then indeed their au­thority comes too short, Quia melius est obedire Deo, quàm ho­minibus. Yet in these things wherein we may not obey, we must not resist; but as Julians Souldiers would not sacrifice at his command, Sed timendo potestatem, contemnebant potestatem, in fearing the power of God, regarded not the power of man; yet when he led them against his enemies, Subditi erant pro­pter Dominum aeternum, Aug. in Psal. 124. etiam domino temporali; so should we truly distinguish of the things they do command, and take heed we be not blinde Judges herein, and too partiall to satisfie our owne passionate affections. 2. To impart our goods to them.

And besides, we are to impart our goods to supply their ne­cessities, and for the supportance of their dignities; for our Sa­viour bids us, Give unto Caesar what belongeth unto Caesar: and Saint Paul expresseth the same to be Tribute, that is, Imposts, Subsidies, Gifts, or the like, call it by what name you will; we are commanded by God, to the uttermost of our abilities, to supply their occasions and necessities, even as the children are bound to relieve their parents in their extremities.

And if we see our Moses, 3. To hazard our lives for them. our King or chiefe Governour, any wayes impugned, or like to be oppressed, either by forraign Egyp­tians, or domestick Israelites, though they should with Dathan and Abiram, the most prime and popular men in the Con­gregation, that could draw thousands after them, yet we are [Page 19]bound to the hazard of our lives, to preserve the Life, Crowne, and Dignity of our Prince; as the Subjects of King David ha­zarded themselves to save him harmlesse: 2 Sam. 18.3. And if we will not doe this, then as Mordecai in the like case said to Hester, Hester 4.14. If thou altogether holdest thy peace at this time, then shall there in­largement and deliverance arise to the Iewes from another place, but thou and thy fathers house shall be destroyed. So I say with King David, the Lord will helpe his Annointed, and deliver him from the striving of his people: and it we still be silent and doe nothing, yet, the Starres in their order shall fight against Si­sera, Et coniurati venient ad classica venti: and as the Angell of the Lord said of the Merozites, curse yee Meroz, The punish­ment of them that will not not assist their Governours. curse yee bitterly the Inhabitants thereof, because they came not to helpe Barack against the Canaanites: so let them feare the bitter curse, and a curse from God, that will not helpe their Prince against his enemies, especially such enemies as have least reason to be enemies unto him.

So you see what obedience wee owe unto our Governours, and therefore their rebellion was the more intolerable, that thus spurned against their Magistrates.

CHAP. IV. Sheweth the objection of the Rebels to justifie their Rebelli­on: the first part of it answered, that neither our compul­sion to Idolatry, nor any other injury or tyranny should move us to Rebell.

But we must not condemne them before their cause be heard; and therfore Corah shall have his Counsell to object what he can for himselfe: And I finde but one objection of any moment, though the same consisteth of many branches. As,

What if Moses, the King, or chiefe Governour, The objection of the Rebels, being so much affected and addicted unto Aaron the chiefe Priest or Bi­shop, and to others his prime Councell, should be led by evill [Page 20]advice to set up Idolatry, and to play the Tyrant; to take a way the goods, destroy the lives, and bring most of his people to most miserable conditions: may neither private men, nor the subordinate Magistrates, nor the prime Nobility of the people, nor any other Court or Assembly of men restraine his fury, or remove this mischiefe from Gods inheritance, from the Church and Common-wealth? this is that Gordian knot which is so hard to be untied.

But if I might in the Schoole of Divinity have leave to re­solve this question, Solutie. and not to be confuted, as Saint Steven was, with stony arguments, 2 Parts of their obiecti­on. I would soone answer, that 1. In neither of these cases: 2. Neither of these men may doe it: and I could make this good by very good authority; for, Si Magistratus est bonus, nutritor est tuus; If our Governour be good, he is our nursing father, and wee should receive our nourishment with thankes; and no thankes to us for our obedience to such a one. And if our Governour be evill, hee is so for our transgression, and we should receive our punishment with patience; and there­fore no resistance: but either obey the good willingly, or en­dure the evill patiently.

But to proceed to breake this Gordian knot in pieces, and to answer each part of this objection:

1. 1 Part of their obiection an­swered. No to rebell for any cause. 1. Not for our compulsion to Idolatry. I say, that many wicked Kings, and cruell Emperours have set up Idolatry and blasphemy against God, and yet I doe not find that any of Gods servants did ever rebell against them; for you know Jeroboam the sonne of Nebat that made Israel to sinne, did set up golden Calves to be worshipped. Nebuchad­nezzar King of Babylon made an Image of gold, and comman­ded all his people to fall downe to worship it. And what shall I say of those Idolatrous Kings, Achab, Manasses, Julian, and abundance more, that most impiously compelled their subjects unto Idolatry? and yet you shall not finde that either the faith­full Iewes under Ieroboam, nor the Prophet Daniel in Babylon, nor Elias the man of God in the time of Achab, nor any of all the good Christians that were under Iulian, did either them­selves, or perswade others of the servants of God, at any time to rebell against those Idolatrous Kings: for they considered [Page 21]how farre the Law of God that prohibiteth Idolatry, and insti­gateth us against the allurers and perswaders of us to Idolatry and blasphemy, extendeth; and that is, If thy brother, Deut. 13.6. How far the Law of God extendeth to resist Idola­ters. the son of thy mother, or thy son, or thy daughter, or the wife of thy bosome, or thy friend which is as thine owne soule, shall intice thee to Ido­latry, and to serve strange gods, thine eye shall not spare him, nei­ther shalt thou have any pity upon him; but for the sonne to rise up against the father, the wife against her husband, the servant against his Lord, the subject against his King, here is not a word; and therefore by this Law they are not obliged, but ra­ther forbidden to doe it, for though the sonne is not expresly prohibited to accuse his father, nor the wife her husband, nor the servant his Lord, nor the subject his King: Yet, because Gods Law is absolute and perfect, to which wee must neither adde nor detract, nor construe it as we please; the Divines con­ceive those things forbidden which are not expressed, especially in penall precepts, which are to be restrained, and not extended any further then they are set downe, Tostatus in Deut. 13. q. 3. as Tostatus doth most true­ly conclude: And what the sonne may not doe against his fa­ther, nor the wife against her husband, nor the servant against his Lord; that certainly no man may do against his King, which is the father of his Countrey, the husband of the Common­wealth, and the supreme Lord over all his subjects.

And therefore Christ himselfe that came to fulfill the Law, and knew best how farre it reached, living under the Empire of Tiberius, the Principality of Herod, and the Government of Pilate, that were all wicked and idolatrous, did notwithstand­ing submit himselfe in all things (which the Law of God for­bad him not) unto them; and though for strength, policie, and power, he might easily have resisted them, The obedi­ence of all his Apostles and prime Chri­stians to ido­latrous Go­vernours. yet did hee not one­ly performe all the offices of subjection unto these wicked Ma­gistrates, and idolatrous Governours, but also commanded all his followers to doe the like; and so wee see they did. for the Christians which were at Hierusalem when James was marty­red, were more in number, and greater in power, then were the persecuters of that Apostle; and yet for the reverence they bare to the Law of God, and the example of their Master [Page 22]Christ, interimi se à paucioribus, quàm interimere patiebantur; they rather suffered themselves to bee killed, then they would kill their Persecuters, Clement. re­cognit. l. 1. f. 9. saith S. Clement. And so the other Apostles, under Caligula, Claudius, Nero, Domitian, that were bloudy Ty­rants, cruell Persecuters, and most wicked Idolaters: and those holy Fathers of the Church, Liberius, Hosius, Athanasius, Na­zianzen, Hilary, Ambrose, Augustine, Hierome, Chrysostome, and the rest, Cyprian. ad De­metrian. Tertull. in A­polog. He that would see more plen­ty of proofe, let him reade the Treatise, A perswasion to loyalty. Where the Author bringeth the Fathers of all ages to con­firme this point. for a thousand yeares together followed the exam­ple of Patience, without resistance; yea, Quamvis nimius & copiosus noster sit numerous; though their power was great, and their number greater then their adversaries, yet none of them strugled when he was apprehended, saith S. Cyprian; and the reason is rendered by Tertullian, because among the Christians, Occidi licet, occidere non licet, It was lawfull for them to suffer themselves to be killed, but not to kill; for our Saviour had pro­nounced them blessed that would suffer for righteousnesse sake: and what more righteous, then to suffer death for not being an Idolater, to die rather then to deny their God? therefore they are not to be blessed which refuse to suffer, because that in not suffering, but in rising up and rebelling against their Persecuters, they are (as the Apostle saith) convinced of sinne, and in sin­ning they acquire unto themselves damnation, Rom. 13.

Besides, if it were lawfull to maintaine this Doctrine, then the Papists that beleeve our Religion to be false, and that we perswading men unto it, doe seduce them from the true ser­vice of God, may lawfully rebell against their Prince, and justifie all their most trayterous plots: and every hereticall Sect that be­leeveth we are Idolaters, (as they doe all which oppose the crosse in Baptisme) may, without offence, fall into rebellion a­gainst all those Magistrates that maintaine that Idoll, as they terme it. And this false pretext might be a dissembled cloake for all Rebels, to say, they doe it in defence of their Religion, because they are affraid to be compelled unto Idolatry: And therefore the truth is, if any Tyrant like Julian should endea­vour to compell men unto the Idols Temple, or to worship my true God with false service, I will rather die then doe it; but I may not resist when I am compelled by any meanes: for so I [Page 23]sinde, that Shadrac, Meshac and Abednego, Elias, the Pro­phets, and the Apostles, and all the Christians of the Primitive Church, did use to doe in the like case.

And I had rather imitate the obedience of those good Saints to those wicked Kings, that would have compelled them to I­dolatry; then the insolencie of those proud Rebels, that under these false pretences will rebell against their lawfull Princes.

2. 2. Not for any injury that is done unto us. If we may not rebell when we are compelled to Idola­try, much lesse may we do it for any other injury: for what in­jury can be greater then to be inforced to Idolatry, when as to be robbed of my faith and religion, is more intolerable then to be spoyled of all my goods and possessions? And therefore, No injury greater then compulsion to Idolatry. when Christ suffered as great an injury as could bee offered unto his person, when the Souldiers came with Swords and Staves to take him, as if he had been a thiefe and a murderer; and Saint Peter then like a hot-headed Puritane, was very desirous to re­venge this indignity, our Saviour reprehended his rashnesse, be­cause he knew what the other as yet knew not: that he ought not to resist when the Magistrate doth send to apprehend; and so the Christians of the Primitive Church were extreamely in­jured by their Persecuters: And the Catholique faith it selfe suffered no small oppression under Constantius the Arian Em­perour, and yet that purer age, wherein the better Christians lived, did not so much as once thinke of any revenge or resi­stance, saith Baronius: When and who did first resist, and what moved them. Baron. ad an­num Christi 350. But about the yeare of Christ 350. then first (saith he) alas the Christian Souldiers being swell'd with pride, and taken up with a cruell desire of bearing rule, have conspired against the Christian Emperours; when as before, Ne gregarius quidem miles inveniri quidem posset, qui adversus Imperatores, licet Ethnicos, & Christianorum quoque persecuto­res, à partibus aliquando steterit insurgentium tyrannicorum; not a Christian could be found that stood up against the Heathen Emperours, that were the persecuters of the Christians.

But to make it yet more plaine, that no grievance should move good Christians to make resistance, no injury should cause them to rebell against their Magistrates, our Saviour saith, & authoritativè, with authority enough, I say unto you, that ye [Page 24]resist not evill; Matth. 5.39. but whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheeke, turne to him the other also: and if by our Saviours rule we may not resist any one, what thinke you that we may resist our King, our Priest, or any other Magistrate that correcteth or repro­veth us? 2 Pet. 2.19. And Saint Peter saith, This is thanke-worthy, if a man for conscience toward God endure griefe, suffering wrongfully; for what glory is it if when yee suffer for your faults, yee take it pati­ently? but if when ye do well, and suffer for it, ye take it patiently, this is acceptable with God; where you see still the rule of piety is none other but suffering, though it be never so unjustly.

And therefore the Fathers are most plentifull in the explana­tion and confirmation of this point; How patheri­cally the Fa­thers perswade us to suffer, and not to re­sist. for Tertullian, that was no babe in the Schoole of Divinity, nor any coward in the Army of Christ, speaking of those faithfull Christians, that suffered no small measure of miseries in his time, saith, that one short night with a few little torches might have wrought their deliverance, and revenged all their wrongs, if it had beene lawfull for them to blot out or expell evill with evill; but God forbid (saith he) Vr aut igne humano vindicetur divina secta, Tertull, in A­pologet. aut doleat pati in quo probatur; that either the divine sect, that is, the Christian Re­gion, should be revenged with humane fire; or that it should grieve us to suffer, wherein we are commended for suffering.

Nazianzen, that for his soundnesse of judgment, and pro­foundnesse of knowledge, was [...], termed Theologus, the Divine; Nazian. Orat. 1. saith, that the tury of Julian that great Apostata, was repressed onely with the teares of the Christians, which many of them did most plentifully powre forth to God, when they had no other remedy against their Persecuter, Marke that they say, it is unlawfull to resist. because they knew it unlawfull for them to use any other meanes th [...]n sufferance; or else they might (having so much strength as they had) have repelled their wrongs with violence.

Saint Ambrose saith as much; Ambros. op. 33. and Prosper in like manner saith, the present evils should be suffered untill the promised happinesse doth come; the Infidels should be permitted among the faithfull, and the plucking of the tares should be deferred, and let the wicked rage against the godly as much as they will, yet the case of the righteous is farre better; because that Quan­tò [Page 25]acriùs impetuntur, tantò gloriosiùs coronantur; Prosper in sen 99. by how much the more sharply they are tormented, by so much the more glo­riously they shall be crowned.

And Saint Bernard saith, if all the world should conspire a­gainst me, and coniure me, Bernard. Ep. 170. that I should plot any thing against the royall majestie, yet I would fear God, and would not dare to offend the King that is appointed of him over me, because I am not ignorant of the place where I read, Whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God.

And yet he speaketh this of King Lodovicus, that offered a monstrous wrong to all the Clergy, when he robbed them, and took away all their goods without cause; and which is worse, would hear of no perswasions to make restitution, or to give them any satisfaction: as Gaguinus testifieth. Gaguin. li. 6.

Thus the Fathers (whereof I could heap many more) do te­stifie of this truth; The School­men of the same judge­ment. and the Schoolmen tread in the same steps, and differ not a nails bredth from them herein: For,

Alexander Hales saith, wicked and evill men ought to suffer for the fault of their irrationability, and good men ought to suf­fer, Propter debitum divinae ordinationis, for the duty that they owe to the divine ordinance, Ambrosius in Rom. 13. and the benefit of their own pur­gation: Whereupon Saint Ambrose saith, if the Prince be good, he doth not punish the well-doer, but loveth him because he doth well; but if the Prince be evill, Alex. Hales. p. 3. q 48. memb. 2. art. 1. de of­fic. subd. erga Prine. and punisheth the well­doer, he hurteth him not, but purgeth him; and therefore he is not a terrour to him that doth well: but the wicked ought to seare, because Princes are appointed that they should punish evill.

Aquinas saith, the faith of Christ is the beginning and the eause of righteousnesse, and therefore by the faith of Christ, the order of Justice is not taken away, but rather setled and strengthened; because (as our Saviour saith) It became him to fulfill all righteousnesse. But the order of justice doth require, that all inferiours should obey their superiours; otherwise the estate of humane affaires could no wayes be preserved: Thom. secunda secundae, q. 104. art. 6. and therefore by the faith of Christ, the godly and the faithfull Christians are neither exempted nor excused; but that they are [Page 26] tyed, and bound by the Law of Christ, to obey their secular Princes. Where you see the Christian faith doth not submit the superiour to the inferiour, contrary to the rule of justice; neither doth it any wayes for any cause permit the power of the sword to any subiect to be used against his Prince, because this inordinate power would turne to the ruine of mankinde, and the destruction of all humane affairs; which can no otherwise be preserved, but through the preservation of the order of justice.

Indeed many times there may happen some just causes, Wherein we may disobey, and how. for which we are not bound to obey the commands of our Magi­strates, as when they command any thing contrary to the com­mandements of God; and yet then there can be no cause why we should withstand him that executeth the uniust sentence of our condemnation, or requireth the punishment that an uniust malitious Magistrate, under the colour of his power and autho­rity, hath most unjustly laid upon us; because he hath (as our Saviour saith unto Pilate) this ordinary power from God, which if he doth abuse, he is to be refrained, not by the preparation of armes, and the insurrection of his subjects to make impressions upon their Soveraigne, but by those lawfull meanes which are appointed for them; that is Petitions unto him, and prayers and tears unto God for him, because nothing else remaineth to him that is guilty, or condemned as guilty for any fault, but to com­mit his cause to the knowledge of the omnipotent God, and to expect the iudgement of him which is the King of Kings, and the Judge of all Judges; and will undoubtedly chastise and cor­rect the iniquity of any unjust sentence, with the severitie of eternall justice, Barcl. l. 3. c. 10. as Barclay saith.

These testimonies are cleare enough: and yet to all these I will adde this one memorable example, Berthetus in explicat. contro ver. Gallicanae, cap. 7. which you may read in Berchetus, and Joh. Servinus, which tell us, that in France, after the great Massacre at Paris, when the reformed Religion did seeme as it were forsaken, and almost extinguished, a cer­tain King, powerfull in strength, rich in wealth, and terrible for his Ships and navall Force, which was at enmitie and hatred with the King of France, dispatched a solemne Embassie and [Page 27]Message unto Henry King of Navarre, and other Protestant Lords, and commanded his Embassadours to do their best to set the Protestants against the Papists, and to arme Henry the Prince of Navarre, which then lived at Bearne, under the Do­minion of the most Christian King, against his Soveraigne, the French King, which thing the Embassadours endeavoured to do with all their art and skill, but all in vaine; An er ample o a faithfull, and excellent Sub­ject. for Henry be­ing a good subject, as it were another David, to become a most excellent King, would not prevent the day of his Lord; yet the Embassadours offered him many ample, fair, and magnifi­cent conditions, among the rest abundance of money, the sum of three hundred thousand, Aureorum scutatorum, French Crownes, which were readie to be told for the preparation of the warre; and for the continuation of the same, there should be paid every moneth so much as was necessarie; but Henry be­ing a faithfull Christian, a good Prince, a widower; and though he was displaced from the publique government of the Com­mon-wealth; and for his sake, for the dislike the King bare to­wards him, the King had banished many Protestants from his Countrey, and had killed many faithfull Pastours; yet would not he for all this lift up his hand against the Lords anointed; Joh. Servinus pro libertat. Ecclesiae, & statu Regni, tom. 3. Monar­chiae. Rom. p. 202. but refused their gold, rejected their conditions, and dismissed the Embassadours, as witnesses of his faith to God, his fidelitie and allegeance to his King, and peaceable minde towards his Countrey.

Where you see this prudent and good Prince had rather pa­tiently suffer these intolerable injuries that were offered, both to himself, to the inferiour Magistrates, and to many other good Christians for his sake, then any wayes undutifully resist the or­dinance of God. And surely this example is most acceptable unto God, most wholsome for any Common-wealth, and most honourable for any subordinate Prince, for I am certain this is the faith of Christ, and the religion of the true Protestants, not to offer, but to suffer all kinde of injuries, and to render good for evill; and rather with patience, love, and obedience, to studie to gaine the favour of their Persecuters, then any wayes with force and armes to withstand those that God hath placed in [Page 28]authority, which must needs be not onely offensive unto God, whose ordinance they do resist; but also destructive to the Common-wealth, which can never receive any benefit by any insurrection against the Prince.

3. 3. Not for any tyranny that shall be offered unto us. Though the King should prove to be Nerone Neronior, worse then Phalaris, and degenerating from all humanitie, should prove a Tyrant to all his people; yet his subjects may not rebell against him upon this pretence; for if any cause should be admitted for which subjects might rebell, that cause would be alwayes alledged by the Rebels, whensoever they did rebell; and whom I and many others should deeme a good Prince and most pious, the Rebels would proclaim him tyrannicall and ido­latrous.

And therefore in such a case, The difference betwixt King and people, to be determined onely by God. when some men think their King most gratious, and others think him vitious; some beleeve him to be good, others beleeve him to be evill; shall we think it fit that the disaffected party shall presently with armes decide the controversie, and not rather have the accused, the accuser, and the witnesses before a competent Judge, to determine the truth of this question? Surely this seems more reasonable, and more agreeable unto the rules of justice, when as The Law condemneth no man (much lesse the King) before his cause be heard.

And seeing such a competent Judge, as can justly determine this controversie betwixt the King and his People, or rather be­twixt one part of his people and the other, cannot be found un­der Heaven; therefore, to avoid civill warres, and the effusion of humane and Christian blood, and the prevention of abun­dance of other mischiefs; That we ought not by any means to re­sist our Kings. Proved. both the Scripture teacheth, and the Church beleeveth, and Reason it self sheweth, and the publique safetie requireth, that we should transmit this question to be de­cided onely by him, which is the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords; and will, when he seeth good, bind evill Kings in fetters, and their Nobles with links of iron,

CHAP. V. Sheweth by Scripture, the Doctrine of the Church, humane reason, and the welfare of the weale publique, that we ought by no means to rebell. A threefold power of every Tyrant. Three kinds of tyraunies. The doubtfull and dan­gerous events of Warre. Why many men rebell. Jehu's ex­ample not to be followed.

1. THe Scripture saith, 1. By the Scri­ptures. I counsell thee to keep the Kings com­mandement, and that in regard of the oath of God; that is, the oath whereby thou hast sworne before God, and by God to obey him; Be not hastie to go out of his sight, that is, not out of his presence, but out of his rule and government, and stand not in an evill thing; that is, in opposition or rebellion against thy King, which must needs be evill, and the worst of all evils to thy King, for He doth whatsoever pleaseth him; that is, Ecclesiast. 8.2, 3, 4. he hath power and authority to do what he pleaseth. Where the Word of a King is, there is power; and who may say unto him, What doest thou? or, Why doest thou so? And Solomon saith, A Greyhound, an Hee-Goat, and a King, Prov. 30.31. against whom there is no rising up; there ought not to be indeed. I will not set down what Samuel saith, but desire you to read the place, 1. Sam. 8.11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18. where you shall see what the King will do, and what remedy the Prophet prescri­beth against him, not to rebell and take up armes, but to cry un­to the Lord that he would help them. And Saint Paul saith, Whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God, Rom. 13.2. and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation. And Saint Peter saith, that they which despise government, 2. Pet. 2.10.12. and are not afraid to spoake evill of dignities, are presumptuous, and doe walke after the flesh in the lusts of uncleannesse, and as naturall bruit beasts, that are made to be taken and destroyed, they speake evill of the things they understand not, and therefore they shall utterly perish in their own corruption. And Saint Jude [Page 30]in like manner calleth those that despise Dominion, and speak evill of Dignities, (the very phrase of Saint Peter) filthy drea­mers, Iude 8.10, 11. that defile the flesh; and therefore shall perish in the gainsaying of Corah. This is the doctrine of God, therefore Saint Paul exhorteth us not to rebell, nor to speak evill of our Kings, 1 Tim 2.2. be they what they will; but first of all, or before all things, to make prayers and supplications for our Kings, and for all that are in authoritie. And I wonder what spirit, except it were the spirit of hell it selfe, durst ever presume to answer and evade such plain and pregnant places of Scripture, to coun­tenance disobedience, and to justifie their rebellion: And therefore,

2. 2. By the Do­ctrine of the Church. The Church of Christ beleeveth this Doctrine to be the truth of God; for no man (saith Saint Cyril) without punish­ment, resisteth the Laws of Kings, but Kings themselves, in whom the fault of prevarication hath no place; because it is wisely said, it is impiety (therefore against the will of God) to say unto the King, Cyril. in Iohan. l. 12. c. 56. Iniquè agis, thou dost amisse; for, as God is the supreame Lord of all, which judgeth all, and is judged of none; so the Kings and Princes of the earth, which do correct and judge others, are to be corrected and judged of none, but onely of God, to whose power and authority they are onely subject; and ther­fore King David, understanding his own station well enough, when he was both an adulterer and a murderer, and prayeth to God for mercy, saith, Against thee onely have I sinned; because I acknowledge none other my superiour on earth besides thee alone; and I have no judge besides thee which can call me to examination, or inflict any punishment on me for my trans­gression: And so the Poet saith,

But you will object against Saint Cyril, Obiect. if it be impiety to say unto the King, Thou doest amisse; how shall we excuse Samuel that told King Saul, he did foolishly; and Nathan that repro­ved King David, and Elias that said to King Ahab, it was he and his fathers house that made Israel to sinne; and John Bap­tist [Page 31]that told Herod, It was not lawfull for him to have his brothers wife.

I answer, 1. Sol. That by the mouth of these men God himself reproved them; because these men were no private persons, What the Priest or Pro­phet may do, private men may not do. but extraordinarily inspired with the Spirit of God, to perform the extraordinary messages of God.

2. I say as I said before, that as Moses may correct and punish Aaron if he doth amisse, so Aaron the Priest inregard of his cal­ling, may reprove and admonish Moses the chief Magistrate when he doth offend; but so, that he do it wisely, and with that love and reverence which he oweth unto Moses, as to his God; not publiquely to disgrace and vilifie his Prince unto his people, but modestly and privately to amend his fault, and reconcile him to God: and this is the work of his office which he ought to do as he is a Priest, and not of his person, which ought not to do it, as he is his subject.

3. Reason it self confirmeth this truth, 3. By humane reason. because the King is the head of the body politique; and the members can neither judge the head, because they are subject unto it; nor cut it off, because then they kill themselves, and cease to be the members of that head: and therefore the subjects with no reason can either judge or depose their King.

4. 4. From the welware of eve­ry Common­wealth. The event of every warre is doubtfull. The publique safety and welfare of any Common-wealth requireth that the Subjects should never rebell against their King. 1. Because the event of a rebellious warre is both du­bious and dangerous; for who can divine in whose ruine it shall end? or which party can assure themselves of victory? It is true, that the justest cause hath best reason to be most confident; yet it succeeds not alwayes: when God for secret causes best known unto himself, suffereth many times, especially for a time, (as in the case of the Tribe of Benjamin) the Rebels to prevaile against the true Subjects. And as the event is doubt­full, so it must needs be mournfull, what side soever proveth vi­ctor; for who can expresse the sorrows and sadnesse of those faithfull subjects, that shall see the light of their sunne any wayes eclipsed? the lampe of Israel, and the breath of their no­strils to be darkned or extinguished? and also to see the lear­ned [Page 32]Clergy, and the grave Fathers of the Church discountenan­ced and destroyed? On the other side, it will not be much lesse mournfull to see so many of our illustrious Nobles, ancient Gen­try, and others of the ablest Commonalty brought to ruine; and to pay for their folly not onely their dearest lives, but also the desolation of their houses, and decay of their posterities. ‘Quis talia fando temperet à lachrymis?’ When the Kings victory shall be but like that of David, after the death of Absolon, Bella geri pla­cuit nullos ba­bitura trium­phos, Luca. l. 1. and the Nobles victory but as the two victories of the Benjamites over their own brethren the Israe­lites; and the best triumph that can succeed on either side, shall be but as the espousall of a virgin on the day of her parents fu­nerall, or as the laying of the foundation of the second Temple, when the shout of joy could not be discerned from the noise of weeping.

And therefore a learned Preacher of Gods Word saith most truly, Mr. Warmstry in Ramo Oli­vae, p. 23. that it is a hard matter to find out a mischief of so destru­ctive a nature, that we would exchange it for this civill warre; for Tyranny, Slavery, Penury, or any thing almost, may be bet­ter born with peace and unity, then a civill war with the greatest libertie and plenty; seeing the comfort of such associates would quickly be swallowed up, like Pharaohs fat kine, by such a monster feeding with them.

Had we a Tyrant like Rehoboam, that would whip us with Scorpions, (which the Devill dares not be so impudent as to alledge we have) yet better it were to be under one Tyrant then many, which we are sure to have in civill broyles, when every wicked man becomes a Tyrant, when he seeth the reines of government cut in pieces. Were we under the yoke of an Egyptian slavery, to make bricks without straw, yet better it were for us to be in bondage, then that fury and violence should be set free, and malice suffered to have her will; because there is more safety in being shut up from a Tyger, then to be let loose before him to be chased by him: or were we wasted and op­pressed in our states, yet the wisest of men tels us, that Better is a little with the fear of the Lord, Pro. 15.16, 17. then great treasure and trouble therewith.

And therefore seeing civill warre is [...], an affliction full of calamitie, and one of the grea­test punishments that God useth to send upon a Nation: it is apparent that the welfare of any State calleth upon every sub­ject to be obedient unto his King: yea, though he were never so vile an Idolater, or so cruell a Tyrant: for though a King could be proved, and should be condemned to be cruell and Ty­rannous, unjust and impious towards God and men, yet hereby that King will not yeeld what hee doth hold from God, but though the confederate conspirators should have a thousand times more men and strength then he; yet he will call his ser­vants and friends, his Kinsmen, Allies, and other circumjacent Kings and Princes unto his aide, and he would hire mercenary Souldiers, to revenge the injury offered unto him, and to sup­presse the Rebels both with fire and sword: and if he should happen to have the worse, and to loose both his Crowne and Kingdome, and his Life and all, yet all this would be but a miserable comfort, and a lamentable victory to a ruined Com­mon Wealth, whose winnings can no wayes countervaile her losses: The miseries that follow; the disturbance or deposing of any King, are unspeakable. For wee never read of any King that either was distur­bed, expelled, or killed, but there succeeded infinite losses to that Kingdome; and therefore Writers say, that the death of Caesar was no benefit unto the Romans, because it brought up­on them farre greater calamities then ever they felt before, as you may find in Appian, those infinite miseries that succeeded in severall fields and battels, which could never end untill the overthrow of Anthony by Augustus Caesar; and when Nero perished, it fell out with no good successe, but the next yeare that followed after his death, felt more Oppression, and spilt more Bloud then was spilt in all those His first Quin­quennium was good. nine yeares wherein he had so Tyrannically reigned: So when the Athenians had expelled one Tyrant, they brought in Thirty; and when the Romans had abandoned their Kings, they did not put a­way the tyrannie, but changed the Tyrants; for wicked Kings they chose more wicked Consuls, which is nothing else, but (as the Proverbe goeth) Antigononum effodere, to go out of Gods blessing into the warme Sunne, or rather to change a [Page 34] bad Master for a worse: And this is contrary to the judgement of that ulcerated wretch in the fable, A fable worth the observing. who, when the traveller saw him full of flies, swarming in his sores, and pitying his mi­series, would have swept them off, prayed him to let them alone, for that these being now well filled, would suck the lesse, but if these were gone, more hungry flies would come, which would most miserably suck his blood.

And so Histories tell us of many other Kings that by Hea­thens, and rebellious subjects, were for their injustice, cruelty, and tyrannie, either expelled, or murdered; but very seldome or never with any publique benefit, when the chiefest plotters of any rebellion do most chiefly ayme at their own private revenge, or profit. Why do many times rebell, and why. Yea, many times those very Parasiticall Lords, that have most perswaded the King, to do things which he knew not to be illegall, and made benefit of those Monopolies and ex­actions to their own advantage, to fill their own purses; and then upon either discontent with the King, or to content the peo­ple, and to escape their own due deserved punishment, will be the chiefest upbraiders of their King, the greatest sticklers of re­bellion, and the head leaders of all the disloyall Faction. What fools then are the people, upon the false pretence of publique good, to take up armes to destroy themselves; when this name of publique good is nothing else but a vain shadow to hide their private ends?

Or were it granted, that it might happen for the publique good, yet it is not good to do it, because it can never stand with a good conscience, because it is contrarie to the Commandement of God; A threefold power in every Tyrant. for in every Tyrant there is a threefold power and au­thority that doth concurre. 1. Paternall. 2 Conjugall. 3 He­rile: and you know the law of God doth not permit the chil­dren to renounce their father, nor which is lesse, to laugh at their fathers nakednesse; nor doth it suffer the wife to forsake her husband; nor the servant to chastise his Lord and Master; and therefore much lesse may the Subjects deprive their King from his Dominion, and take from him what God hath given him; or any wayes chastise him for his ill government, whereof he is accomptable to God, and not to them: or if they might de­pose [Page 35]him, or reduce him by their correction, when he doth dege­nerate into a Tyrant; yet seeing there are many kinds of Tyran­nies, I demand if the same reason shall serve to proceed against all kinds of tyrannie, Punishment should be pro­portionable to the fault. to the like condemnation of all tyrannous Kings? and this every Sophister will deny; for where the punishment is not preportionable to the fault, the sentence is most unjust, and the suppressours of the Tyrant doe shew the signes of a worse tyrannie; and if there must be an adaequation of the punishment to the sinne, I would know how they would distinguish to impose the just measure that is due to each kinde of tyranny.

But to leave the Rebels in this Labyrinth, till they be better able to evade; I say, 3. Kindes or tyrannies. that there are three speciall kindes of ty­rannies:

1. 1. Kinde. Is against all humane right for his owne private commo­ditie to the publique losse and dammage of his Subjects, as was the tyranny of Achab, when he tooke away Naboths vineyard; 1 Sam. 8. and of those Kings which Samuel doth describe.

2. Violateth the divine Law, 2. Kinde. to the contumelie of the Crea­tor, as was the tyranny of Nebuchadnezzar, when he would have forced the three children to adore his golden Image; and of Jeroboam the sonne of Nebat, that made Israel to sinne, be­cause he compelled them to goe to Dan and Bethel to adore his Calves; and hindred them to goe to Hierusalem for to worship the true God.

3. 3. Kinde. Treadeth and trampleth under-foot both the divine and humane right, to the utter overthrow of all pietie and justice, as was the tyranny of Manasses, Julian, and others, that regar­ded neither the worship of God, nor the good of men.

And I doe confidently affirme, that each one of these tyrannies apart, or all of them coupled in one tyrant; as well that which offereth violence unto God, as that which bringeth calamitie and cruelty unto man, ought to be suffered and not abolished, antill he doth abrogate the same, which alone looseth the belts of Kings, and girdeth about their loynes, as Job speaketh; for you know the forenamed Tyrants, and many more as bad or worse then they, as Solomon himselfe, that by his Oppression, [Page 36]Polygamie, and Idolatry, had most grievously sinned both a­gainst God and man, and yet all of them went on without ei­ther the diminution of their glory, or the losse of their domini­ons: These should be our pat­terns, uulesse we have some new Revelati­ons. And Achab did most tyrannically kill Naboth, and tooke away his Inheritance without Law, (as David did before kill Ʋrias, a most innocent man, and tooke away his Wife, contra­ry to all Law, which was death by their law to any other man;) and he exiled the Prophets, & was the death of many of them, and he trampled downe the true Religion under his feete, and by publique authority established the Idolatrous worship of Baal in every place; and yet neither the inferiour Magistrates, nor the greatest Peeres, nor the consent of all the people, durst pre­sume, contrary to the ordinance of God, to depose or suppresse any of these tyrannous men.

If you alleadge Jehu, Ob. I confesse indeed he did it, when he con­spired against Joram, 2 Reg. 9. his own Lord and Master.

But how did he this? Sol. By a power extraordinarily given him from Heaven, as you may see in the 6. and 7. verses of that Chapter, when the same was not permitted him by any lawes, as Iezabell her self could tell him; Had Zimripeace which slew his Master? To whom he might have answered; He breakes no Law that obeyeth the Commands of the Law-maker, no more then the Israelites could be accused of Theft, when they did rob the Aegyptians, or Abraham of Murder, if hee had killed Isaac; but without this speciall command hee could not have done this extraordinary worke without sinne; and there­fore that which He could not doe then, without the warrant of the heavenly Oracle, cannot be done now by any other, without the contempt of the Deitie, Jebu's exam­ple not to be imitated. the reproach of Majestie, and aboun­dance of dammage to the Common-wealth. And so not onely I, but also Peter Martyr commenteth upon the place; where he saith, God stirred up and armed one onely Jehu against his Lord; which fact, as it is peculiar and singular, so it is not to be drawne for any example: for certainly, if it might bee Law­sull for the people upon any pretence, to expell their Kings and Governours, though never so wicked and unjust, from their Kingdomes and government, no Kings or Princes could be safe [Page 37]in any place; Pettus Martyr loc. com. class. 4. loc. 20. for though they should reigne never so justly and holily, yet they should never satisfie the people, but they would still accuse them of injustice and impietie, that they might de­pose them.

And Bodinus in his Policie differeth not at all from this Di­vinity, for he saith, If the Prince be an absolute Soveraigne, as are the Kings of France, Spaine, England, Scotland, Ethiopia, Tur­kie, Persia, Muscovie, and the like, true Monarchs, whose au­thoritie cannot be doubted, and their chiese rule and governe­ment cannot be imparted with their Subjects; in this case it is not lawfull for any one apart, nor for all together, to conspire and attempt any thing, either of fact, or under the colour of right, against the life or the honour of his Prince or Monarch; yea, though his Prince should commit all kinde of impietie and crueltie, which the tongue of any man could expresse. For, as concerning the order of right, the Subject hath no kinde of ju­risdiction against his Prince, from whom dependeth and pro­ceedeth all the power and authoritie of commanding, (as they that rise against their King, doe notwithstanding send out their warrants and commands in the Kings name) and who not one­ly can recall all the facultie of judging and governing from his inferiour Magistrates whensoever he please; Iohan Bodinus de repub. l. 2. c. 5 but also being pre­sent, all the power and jurisdiction of all his under Magistrates, Corporations, Colledges, Orders, and Societies doe cease, and are even then reduced into him, from whom before they were derived.

But we finde it many times, that not the fault of the Prince, The true cau­ses that move many men to disturbe the State, and to rebell. nor the good of the Common-wealth, but either the hiding of their owne shame, or the hope of some private gaine induceth many men to kindle and blow up the flames of civill discord; for as Paterculus saith, Itase res habet ut republicâ ruinâ quis­que malit, quàm suâ proteri: It so falls out, that men of despe­rate conditions, that with Catiline, have out-runne their for­tunes, and quite spent their estates, had rather perish in a com­mon calamstie, which may hide the blemish of their sinking, then to be exposed to the shame of a private misery: and we know, that many men are of such base behaviour, that they [Page 38]care not what losse or calamity befalls others, so they may in­rich themselves; Paterculus in Histor. Roman. so it was in the civill warres of Rome, Bella non causis inita, sed prout merce; corum fuit; they undertooke the same not upon the goodnesse of the cause, but upon the hope of prey: and so it is in most warres, that avarice and desire of gaine makes way for all kinde of crueltie and oppression, and then it is as it was among the Romans, a fault enough to be wealthy; and they shall be plundred, that is, in plaine English robbed of their goods and possessions, without any shew of le­gall proceedings.

But they that build their owne houses out of the ruine of the State, and make themselves rich by the impoverishing of their neighbours, are like to have but small profit, and lesse com­fort in such rapine; because there is a hidden curse that lurketh in it, and their account shall be great, which they must render for it.

Therefore I conclude this point: that for no cause, and upon no pretext, it is lawfull for any Subject to rebell against his So­veraigne Governour; for Moses had a cause of justice, and a seeming equitie to desend and revenge his brother upon the Aegyptian: And Saint Peter had the zeale of true Religion, and as a man might thinke, as great a reason as could be, to de­fend his Master that was most innocent, from most vile and base indignities, and to free him from the hands of his most cruell persecutors; August. contra Faustum Man. l. 22. c. 70. and yet (as S. Augustine saith) Ʋterque justitiae regulam excessit; & ille fraterno, iste Dominico amore peccavit; both of them exceeded the rule of justice: and Mo­ses out of his love to his brother, and Saint Peter out of his respect to his Master, have transgressed the commandement of God.

And therefore I hope all men will yeeld, that what Moses could not doe for his brother, nor Saint Peter for his Master, and the Religion of his Master Christ, that is, to strike any one without lawfull authoritie, ought not to be done by any other man, for what cause or religion soever it be; especially to make insurrection against his King, contrary to all divine authoritie. for the true Religion hath beene alwayes humble, patient, and [Page 39]the preserver of peace and quietnesse; Pro temporali salute non pugnavit, sed potius ut obti­neret aeternam non repugna­vit. Aug. de Civit. l. 22. c. 6. and as (S. Augustine saith) the Citie of God, though it wandered never so much on earth, and had many troopes of mighty people, yet for their temporall safety they would not fight against their impious persecuters, but rather suffered without resistance, that they might attain unto eternall health.

And so I end this first part of the objection, with that Decree of the Councell of Eliberis, if any man shall break the Idols to pieces, and shall be there killed for the doing of it, because it is not written in the Gospel, Concil. Eliber. Can. 60. and the like fact is not found to be done at any time by the Apostles, it pleased the Councell that he shall not be received into the number of Martyrs; because (contrary to the practise of our dayes, when every base mecha­nick runs to the Church to break down, not Heathen Idols, but the Pictures of the blessed Saints out of the windows) they con­ceived it unlawfull for any man to pull down Idolatry, except he had a lawfull authority.

CHAP. VI. Sheweth, that neither private men, nor the subordinate Ma­gistrates, 2. Part of the objection an­swered. No kinde of men ought to rebell. 1. Not private men. Calv Inst. l. 4, c. 20. Sect. 31. Beza Confess. c. 5. p. 171. I. Brutus q 3. pa. 203. Dan. de Polit. Christ. l. 6. c. 3. Bucan. loc. com. 49. Sect. 76. nor the greatest Peeres of the Kingdome may take armes, and make Warre against their King. Bucha­nans mistake discovered, and the Anti-Cavalier con­futed.

2. AS it is not lawfull for any cause, so no more is it lawfull for any one, or for any degree, calling, or kind of men, to rebell against their lawfull Governours: For,

1. Touching private men, we finde that Calvin, Beza, Ju­nius Brutus, Danaeus, Buchanus, and most others yeeld, that meere private men ought not to rebell at any hand; and no won­der, for the Scriptures forbid it flatly: as Exod. 22.28. Revile not the Gods, curse not the Ruler. 1 Chron. 16.22. Touch not mine anointed. Proverb. 30.31. Rise not up against the King, [Page 40]that is, to resist him. Eccles. 8.3. Let no man say to the King, Why doest thou so? Eccles. 10.17. Curse not the King in thy thought. The examples of obedience to Kings. And the examples of obedience in this kinde are in­numerable, and most remarkable; for David when he had Saul, a wicked King, guilty of all impiety and cruelty, in his owne hand, yet would he not lay his hand upon the Lords annoynted, but was troubled in conscience when he did but cut the lap of his garment: Elias could call for fire from Heaven to burne the two Captains and their men, a hundred in number, onely for desiring him to come down unto the King; as you may see, 2. Reg. 1.10.12. and yet he would not resist Achab his King that sought his life, and was an enemy to all Religion; but he rather fled then desired any revenge, or perswaded any man to rebell against him. Esayas was sawed in pieces by Manasses, Jeremy was cast into the Dungeon, Daniel exposed to the Ly­ons, the Three Children thrown into the Fiery Furnace, A­mos thrust through the temples, Zacharias slaine in the porch of the Temple, James killed with the sword, Peter fastened to the Crosse with his head downward, Bartholomew beaten to death with Clubs, Matthew beheaded, Paul slaine with the Sword, and all the glorious company of the Martyrs, which have ennobled the Church with their innocent life, and inlarged the same by their pretious death, never resisted any of their Persecuters, never perswaded any man to rebell against them, never cursed the Tyrants, never implored the aide of the inferionr Magistrates, or superiour Nobility, either by force to escape their hands, Why the holy Saints obeyed the unjust Tyrants. or by violence to resist their Power; for they thought it more Honour unto God, and far better to them­selves, that the just should unjustly suffer for righteousnes sake, then under the colour of justice undutifully to resist, and unjust­ly to rebell against these unjust Persecuters.

And yet some men are not ashamed to averre, A strange Po­sition. that meere private men and inferiour Subjects, if their King as a Tyrant should invade them like a Robber or Ravisher, may defend themselves and oppose the Tyrant, as well and as violently as they may resist a private Thiefe, or a high-way Robber.

But how untruely they do avouch this thing will plainly ap­peare, [Page 41]if you consider how disjunctive these things are, and how unjustly they are aleadged for this purpose; Confuted. for a Chi­rurgion launceth a man, and draweth his bloud, and so doth the thiefe or a robber; but hee deserveth a reward, this a rope: The Tyrant hath a just power, though he useth the same unjustly; so hath not the thiefe nor the robber. So, the Prince sometimes doth in some sort the same thing, and it may be after the like manner as a thiefe or a robber doth, as often as with a strong hand he taketh the goods of his subjects, and forceth the rebellious unto obedience. But will you say that both of them doe it by the same right? I hope not: for God gave the power and the sword unto the Prince, and he, as the Judge of our actions, useth the same advindictam, for the punishment of our offence; but the thiefe or the robber usur­peth the sword, and abuseth the same ad rapinam, to our de­struction: and therefore whosoever saith, that a subject hath the same reason to rise against his Prince that punisheth him, as a traveller hath against a robber that stealeth from him, may wel be ashamed of such doctrine, that carrieth so little shew of any truth.

But you will say, Ob. the Prince that is a Tyrant punisheth for no fault, without any just cause, nay, although unjustly, and against all truth; as Saul persecuted David, and put to death the harmlesse Priests: and David did the like to Vrias, Achab to Naboth, Ioash to Zachary, Manasses to Esay, Pilate to Christ, Nero to Peter, and perhaps Theodosius to the Thessaloni­vns; may they not resist insuch a case, when they are thus pu­nished and persecuted without cause?

I answer, that under Saul, David, Achab, Sol. Ioash and Manas­ses, there lived many faithfull Priests and Prophets, How the Saints at all times suf­fered, & never resisted their Kings. that were both upright for life, and excellent for knowledge; and in the dayes of Christ, Zaccheus, Nicodemus, and Gamaliel, were in­feriour Magistrates, and were also pious men, and skilfull in the understanding as well of Politique as of Divine affaires; and we are sure that no age brought forth either more learned Bi­shops or holy Saints, then the Apostles and Disciples of Christ that lived under Nero, and those excellent Fathers that were in the time of Theodosius; and yet never any of these, not one of them all shewed us this resisting way to escape the force [Page 42]of tyrannie; but it hath beene always the doctrine of Christ and his Church, that Kings and Princes offending the laws and transcending the bounds of their duties, have onely God for their revenger, and ought not to be resisted by any man, or any kinde of men, though they should never so much abuse that power which they have received from God.

And therefore Christ himselfe and all his Saints, Christ and his Apostles per­swede all men obediently to suffer. not onely suffered their greatest rage, but also exhibited all honour, and shewed all reverence unto their most cruell Persecuters: and they perswaded all others, both by their precepts and examples, to doe the like, and that not onely for feare of wrath, but also for conscience sake, because the King is Gods Steward, which Christ hath set over his whole family: and if the Steward, like the evill servant in the Gospel, shall begin to despise his ma­ster, neglect his dutie, smite his fellows, and dissolutely goe on to eate and drinke, and to be drunken: yet not all the whole fa­mily, not the Priests, nor the Nobles, nor the Commons, nor yet all together have any power or right to displace that Steward which the Lord hath appointed over them; but they with patience must expect and wait for the comming of their master, which onely hath authority to call him to his account, and to displace him, and dispose of him at his pleasure.

Besides, 3. Degrees of men. we know that among men every one is either superi­our inferiour, or equall. And,

• 1. The superiour is no way subject to his inferior.
• 2. The inferiour is every way subject to his superiour. But,
• 3. An equall hath no power nor authority against his equall.

As for example, Exod. 18.21. in the Common-wealth of Israel, there were Rulers of thousands, and Rulers of hundreds, Rulers of fifties, and Rulers of tens: Tostatus in Num. 25.9. and those of tens were over the people, those of fifties were over the tens, those of hundreds over the fifties, those of thousands over the hundreds, the 70. Elders over them, and Moses (as the King) over all: and hee was subject neither to any of them apart, nor to all of them together, but onely unto God himselfe: Ambros. in Ps. 50. and therefore (as S. Ambrose saith) he was obliged by no Laws, because Kings are free from the bonds of offences, and cannot be called to their punishment by [Page 43]any Statute, Tuti imperii potestate, being safe from men by the power of their Dominion.

But then you will object: Ob. If the Tyrant may thus do what he will without resistance, then he may destroy the whole So­ciety of men, and especially the Church of Christ, when the worse part, that is, the Tyrant and his Flatterers, shall take and roote away the better; that is, the true servants of God.

I answer, that the society of men and the communion of Saints, Sol. the Church of Christ and the Common-wealth, are continued and preserved, not by any humane policie, but by the divine providence, which useth the power and policie of men to doe it; and yet, contrary to their power, and beyond all their policies, God preserveth his Church. suffereth not the same to be destroyed by the subtilty or cruelty of any Tyrant, whom he can bridle when he will; and either put a hooke in his nostrills, or cut him off at his pleasure; and though this our God, when he will, and as long as he will, suffe­reth wicked Kings and Tyrants to reigne and rage over his peo­ple, and disposeth the Ministery of those evill Governours for the punishment of ungodlinesse, or the tryall of our faith; yet he is no lesse mercifull and good unto us, when either for the proofe of our sidelity, or the scourging of our sinnes by cruell Tyrants, for the healing of our dying and perishing soules, he punisheth us; then when he heapeth his blessings upon us, by most meeke and clement Princes, for the comfort and consola­tion of this present life. Neither may we thinke, that by this sufferance of God, the worse part can take away the better, or that the Devill by this means shall be able to overthrow the Church of Christ; against which the gates of hell shall never be able to prevail; because hee doth not cast his vessel into the furnace of tribulation, Vtfrangatur, sed ut conquatur; and, as the Goldsmith doth not cast his gold into the fire to consume it, but to purge it, so God never did, Why God pu­nisheth his ser­vants. nor ever will in the greatest persecutions deliver up his inheritance as a prey unto the Ty­rants teeth, nor submit his people unto the hands of their ad­versaries, that they might be oppressed to destruction; but onely that they might be pressed and reduced to amendment, or deli­vered from their miseries to salvation.

And therefore, when the Saints of God lye under the hands of a cruell Tyrant, The best means to escape our punishments. Christ hath prescribed them farre better meanes, both for his glory and their owne comfort, to escape his tyranny, then by resisting his power. And these meanes I finde to be, amendment to life, teares for our sinnes, prayers to God, Theodor. Orat. 7. de Providen­tia. flight from them, and patience to suffer when we cannot escape: For so Theodoret saith, as often as Tyrants fit at the sterne of the Common-wealth, or cruell masters doe rule over us, the wrath of God is to be pacified, and the mitigation of these miseries is to be sought for by earnest prayers, and serious amendment of our lives. And Christ, when he was sought to be murdred by Herod fled into Egypt.; and he adviseth us, When we are persecuted in one Citie, to flee into another, and when by flight we cannot escape, then as the Martyrs and god­ly Confessors did, so must we doe; either mollifie the Tyrants by our humble prayers, Ambrusius in Orat. contra Auxent. tom. 5. & Ep. 32. simi­lia habet. or offer up our soules to God by true pattence: For so Saint Ambrose saith, I have not learnrd to resist, but I can grieve, and weepe, and sigh; and against the wea­pons of the Souldiers and the Gothes, my teares and my prayers are my weapons; otherwise, neither ought I, neither can I re­sist. Basilius ut est apud Lonice­rum in Theatro Historico, pag. 154. And Saint Basil saith, I will not betray my faith for feare of the losse of my goods, or of banishment, or of death it selfe; for I have no wealth besides a torne garment, and a few books. I remaine on earth as one that is alwayes going away, and my feeble body shall overcome all sence of paine and torments, Vná acceptâ plagà, when I shall receive but one stroke. And Saint Chrysostrme, Chrysost. in E­pist. ad Cyria­cum. when he was driven from Constantinople, said unto himselfe, if the Empresse will banish me, let her banish me; for the earth is the Lords, and the fulnesse of it: If she cut me in pieces, let her cut me; Esayas suffered the same punish­ment: If she will have me throwne into the Sea, I will re­member Ionas: If she will throw me into the siery furnace, the three Children suffered the like doome: If she will cast me to wilde beasts, let her doe it; I shall call to minde how Daniel was cast into the Lyons den: If she will stone me to death, let her stone me; I have Steven the Protomartyr my companion: If she will take away my head, let her take it; I have Iohn Bap­tist [Page 45]for my fellow: If she will take away my goods and sub­stance, let her take it; for, I came naked out of my mothers wombe, and naked shall I returne againe. Bernard Epist. 221. And Saint Bernard saith, whatsoever it pleaseth you to do, concerning your King­dome, your Crowne, and your Soule, we that are the children of the Church cannot any wayes dissemble the injuries and con­tempt of our mother; and therefore truely we will stand and fight unto death (if needs be) for our mother, but with those weapons wherewith we may lawfully doe; not with swords speares, and shields, but with our prayers and teares to God. And it would be too tedious for me to set down all that I might collect of this kinde, most excellent sayings of those worthy men, which never hoped for any glory in the Kingdome of Heaven, but by suffering patiently in the Kingdom of the Earth; and when they could, did faithfully discharge the duties of their places; and when they could not, did willingly undergoe the bitternesse of death, and were alwayes faithfull both to their good God, and their evill Kings; to God rather by suffering Martyrdome, then offend his Majesty; and to their Kings, not in committing that evill which they commanded, but in suffe­ring that punishment which they inflicted upon them.

2. As no private men, 2. Not the Nobility or Peeres. Calvin. Instit. l. 4. c. 20 §. 31. Beza in confess. c. 5. p. 171. Autor vindic. q. 3. pag. 203. Althus de poli. c. 14. pag. 142. & 161. Danae­us depolit. Chri­stiana, l. 6. c. 3. p. 413. 1. Reason, [...]. of what ranke or condition soever they be, so neither Magistratus populares, the peoples Magi­strates, as some terme them; nor Iunius Brutus his Optimates regni, the prime Noblemen of the Kingdome: nor Althusius his Ephori, the Kings assistants in the government of the peo­ple; nor his great Councell of Estate, nor any other kinde, cal­ling, or degree of men, may any wayes resist, or at any time re­bell for any cause or colour whatsoever, against their lawfull Kings and supreame Governours.

1. Because they are not, as Althusius doth most falsly sug­gest, Magistratu summo superiores, but they are inferiours to the supreame and chiefe Magistrate; otherwise, how can hee be Summus, if he be not Supremus? or how can Saint Peter call the King supereminent, 1 Pet. 2.23. if the inferiour Magi­strates be superiours unto him? and it is Contra ordinem justitiae, contrary to the rules of justice, as I told you before out of [Page 46] Aquinas: that the inferiours should rise up against the supe­riour, which hath the rule and command over them, as the husband hath over the wife, The inferiour should never rise against his superiour. Optat. de schis. Donat. l. 3. p. 85 the father over the sonne, the Lord over his servants, and the King over his subjects: and therefore Iezabel might truely say, Had Zimri peace which slew his Master? And I may as truly say of these men, as Optatus saith of the Donatists, when as none is above the King or the Emperour, but onely God which made him Emperour, while the inferiour Magistrates doe extoll themselves above him: they have now exceeded the bounds of men, that they might esteeme themselves as God: Non verendo eum, qui post Deum ab homi­nibus timebatur, in not fearing him which men ought to feare next to God.

But the words of Saint Peter are plaine enough. Submit your selves unto every ordinance of man for the Lords sake, 1 Pet. 2.13. whether it be unto the King as supreame, or unto Governours as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evill doers, and for the prayse of them that doe well. Wherein you may see not onely the subordination which God hath placed betwixt the King and his Subjects, but also that different station which is betwixt the supreame and the inferiour powers: for the words sent of him, doe most clearely conclude, that the inferiour Magistrates have no power to command, but by the vertue, power, and force which they receive from the supreame: and that the inferiour Magistrates opposed to the supreame power, are but as pri­vate men: and therefore, that as they are rulers of the people, so, being but instruments unto the King, they are subjects unto him, to be moved and ruled by him, which is inferiour to none but God: and their authority, which they have received from him, Inferiour Ma­gistrates in re­spect of the King, are but private men. can have no power upon him, or to mannage the sword without him, and especially against him upon any pretence whatsoever: how then can any, or all these Magistrates make a just warre against their King, when as none of them can make any just warre without him?

2. Reason. 2 Because as Bodinus saith most truly, the best and greatest, not onely of the inferiour Magistrates, but also of all these Peeres, Nobles, Counsellors, or what you please to call them, have nei­ther [Page 47] honour, power, nor authority, but what they have given them from him, which is the King or supreame Magistrate; as you see, God made Moses the chiefe Governour, and Moses made whom he pleased his Peers, and his inferiour Magistrates: and as they have all their power derived from him that is the chiefe, so he that is the King or chiefe can draw it away from them that are his inferiours, when he pleaseth: and as he made them, so he can unmake them when he will, and none can un­make him but he that made him, that is, God himselfe; and therefore David, that was Ex optimatibus regni, the greatest Peere in Israel, being powerfull in war, famous in peace, the Kings sonne in law, and divinely destinated unto the Kingdom, yet would he not lay his hand upon his King, when he was de­livered into his hands. And this Buchanan cannot deny, but confesseth, that the Kings of the Iews were not to be punished or resisted by their Subjects, because that from the beginning they were not created by the people, but given to them by God; Buchanans ab­surdity. and therefore (saith he) jureoptimo, qui fuit honoris autor, idem fuit poenarum exactor, it is great reason, that he which gives the honour, should impose the punishment.

But for the Kings of Scotland, Buchan. de jure Regni apud Scotos. they were (saith Buchanan) not given them of God, but created by the people, which gave them all the right that they can challenge; Ideoque jus idem habere in reges multitudinem, quod illi in singulos è multitudine habent; which is most false: for Moses tels us, that immedi­ately after the deluge, God, the Creator of all the world, ordai­ned the revenging sword of bloudshed, and the slavish servitude of paternall derision, wherein all the parts of civill jurisdiction and regall power, are Synecdochically set downe: and Iob saith, that there is one God, which looseneth the bond of Kings, Job 12.18. and girdeth about their reines: which must be understood of the Gentile Kings, because that in his time the Common-wealth of Israel was not in being; and God himselfe universally saith, By me Kings doe reigne, that is, all Kings; not onely of the Iewes, but also of the Gentiles: and Christ doth positively af­firme, that the power of Pilate was given him from Heaven. And Saint Paul saith, There is no power but what is appointed of [Page 48]God. And Tertullian saith, Inde & Imperator, unde & homo, inde illi potestas unde & spiritus; he that made him a man made him Emperour, and he that gave him his spirit gave him his power. That God is the ordainer of all Kings. And Ireneus saith, God ordained earthly Kingdomes for the benefit of the Gentiles, Et cujus jussu homines nascun­tur, illius jussu Reges constituuntur; and by whose command men are borne, by his command Kings are made. And S. Au­gustine more plainly and more fully saith, Aug. de Civit. Dei, l. 4. c. 33. God alone is the gi­ver of all earthly Kingdomes, which hee giveth both to the good and to the bad; neither doth he the same rashly, and as it were by chance, because he is God, but as he seeth good, Pro rerum ordine ac tempore, in respect of the order of things and times, which are hid from us, but best knowne unto himselfe: and whosoever looketh back to the originall of all Govern­ments, God the imme­diate author of Monarchie. he shall find that God was the immediate Author of the Regall power, and but the allower and confirmer of the Aristo­craeticall, and all other forms of Government; which the people erected, and the Lord permitted, lest the execution of judgement should become a transgression of justice: for as Homer saith, ‘ [...]. Homer. odyss. α’ And Aristotle tels us, Arist. Pol. l. 1. c. 8. that the Regall power belonged to the father of the family, who, in the infancie of the world was so grandevous and long-lived, that he begat such a numerous po­sterity, as might well people a whole Nation, as Cain for his owne Colonie built a Citie, and was aswell the King as the fa­ther of all the Inhabitants; and therefore Iustin saith very wel, that Principio rerum gentium nationumque imperium penes re­ges erat, Justin. l. 1. the rule of all Nations was in the hands of Kings from the beginning; and the Kingly right pertaining to the father of the family, the people had no more possibility in right to choose their Kings, then to choose their Fathers: and to make it appeare unto all Nations, that not onely the Kings of Israel, but all other Heathen Kings are acknowledged by God him­selfe to be of divine institution, Jer. 43.10. Esay 45.1. he calleth Nebuchadnezzar his servant, and Cyrus his anointed.

And therefore though I doe not wonder that ignorant fel­lowes [Page 49]should be so impudent, Jo. Good win in his Pamphlet of Anti-Cava­lierisme, p. 5. as to affirme The King or kingly Government to be the ordinance or creation, or creature of man; and to say, that the Apostle supposeth the same, because he saith, Submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake, whether it be unto the King, &c. whereas he might well under­stand, that the same act is oftentimes ascribed aswell to the me­diate as to the immediate agent, as Samuels anointing of Saul and David Kings, denyeth not but that God was the immediate giver of their Kingdomes, and the Author of that Regall power; for God anointing Saul Captain over his inheritance, 1 Sam. 10. and by the mouth of Nathan he telleth David, 2 Sam. 12. that he anointed him King over Israel: and Solomon acknowledgeth, 1 Reg. 2. that the Lord had set him on the seat of his father David: 1 Reg. 11. and Abija in the person of God saith unto Ieroboam, I will give the Kingdome unto thee: and yet it is said, that all the people went to Gilgal, 1 Sam. 11.15. and made Saul King before the Lord, and the men of Iuda an­nointed David King of Iuda: 2 Sam. 5. and Zadok the Priest and Nathan the Prophet annointed Solomon King: that is, God annointed them as Master of the substance, and gave unto them Regall power, in whom is all power primario & perse; and the Pro­phets anointing them as Masters of the Ceremony, and declared that God had given them that power. Constituere re­gem est facere, ut regiam po­testatem exer­ceret. Pineda de reb. Solom. c. 2. And therefore the power and authority of Kings is originally and primarily (as S. Paul saith) the ordinance of God; and secondarily or demonstrative­ly, it is as S. Peter calleth it, the ordinance of man: when the people, whose power is onely derivatively, makes them Kings, not by giving unto them the right of their Kingdoms, but by receiving them into the possession of their right, and admitting them to exercise their royall authority over them, which is gi­ven them of God, and therefore ought not to be withstood by any man.

And this Anti-Cavalier might further see, that Saint Peter meaneth not, that the King is the creature of man, or his office of mans Creation; but that the Laws and commands of Kings, though they be but the commands and ordinances of man, yet are we to obey the same for the Lords sake, because the Lord commandeth, that Every soule should be subject to the higher [Page 50]powers: Or if this will not satisfie him, because the Greeke word is not so plaine for this, as the English, yet let him looke into Pareus that was no friend to Monarchie, Pareus in Rom. c. 13. p. 1327. and he shall find that he doth by seven speciall reasons prove, that the authori­ty of Kings is primarily the ordinance of God; and he quoteth these places of Scripture to confirme it: Prov. 8.15. 2 Chron. 19.6. Psal. 81.6. Ioh. 10.34. Gen. 9.6. 1 Sam. 15. 1 Kings 12. 2 King. 9. Dan. 2.21. Iob 34.30. Eccles. 10.8. and to this ve­ry objection he answereth, that the Apostle calleth the Magi­strate [...], an humane ordination or creation; not causally, because it is invented by man, and brought up onely by the will of men; but subjectively, because it is borne and executed by men: and objectively, because it is used about the government of humane society: and [...] in respect of the end, because it is ordained of God for the good and conserva­tion of humane kind: and he saith further, that [...] appella­tio, the Greek word [...], ad Deum primum autorem nos revo­cat, sheweth plainly, that God is the first Author of it: for though the Magistrate, in some sense as I shewed, may be said to be created, that is, ordained by men, yet God alone is the first Creator of them: as Aaron, though he was ordained the high Priest by Moses, yet the Apostle tels us, None taketh this office upon him, but he that is called of God, as Aaron was.

Yet I doe admire, that Buchanan, or any other man of lear­ning, to satisfie the people, or his owne peevish opinion, will so absurdly deny so divine, and so well known verity, and say, that any Kings have their Kingdomes, and not from God: so flatly contrary to all Scripture.

CHAP. VII. Sheweth the reasons and the examples that are alleadged to justifie Rebellion, and a full answer to each of them: God the immediate Author of Monarchie: inferiour Magistrats have no power but what is derived from the superiour; and the ill successe of all rebellious resisting of our Kings.

BUt to prove their absurdities, they still alledge, The allegation to justifie Re­bellion. That the inferiour Magistrates, as the Peeres and Counsellors of Kings, and the chiefe heads of all the people, which are flos & medulla regni, 1. By reason. are therefore added unto the superiour Magi­strate, both to be his helpers in the Government, and also to re­fraine his licentiousnesse, and to hinder his impieties, if he dege­nerate to be an Idolater, or a Tyrant.

And to confirme this tenet, 2. By examples they produce many examples both out of the Sacred and Profane Histories, as the Iudges that that rose up against their neighbour Tyrants, Ezechias against the King of Assyria, the people withstanding Saul that he should not slay Ionathan, Ahikam defending the Prophet Ie­remy against King Iehoiakim, Jer. 26.24. the revolting of the ten Tribes in the time of Rehoboam, the Priests and Princes of Iuda taking away Athalia, the Macchabees arming themselves against An­tiochus, and others of the Macedonian Tyrants: Thrasibulus driving the thirty Tyrants out of Athens, the Romans expelling their flagitious Kings, Consuls, and other Tyrants that behaved themselves most wickedly, out of Rome: and so many Peeres and Potentates of other Kingdomes, that in the like cases did the like. To all which I answer,

1. That it is most false that any Peere, Sol. or inferiour Poten­tate, Magistrate, or other, 1. Their rea­sons answered. is appointed by God to be the Asso­ciate of the King, or supreame Governour for the government of the people: for as God, and not the people, appointed Mo­ses, Ioshua, Gideon, and the other supreame Judges of Israel: so Moses, and not God, immediately as he did the others, appoin­ted [Page 52]the Rulers of tens, To what end Kings doe choose their inferiour Ma­gistrates. fifties, hundreds, and thousands, which alwayes acknowledged themselves his subjects, and not his as­sociates in the government of the people. And so other Kings and Princes have alwayes chosen whom they pleased to be their Peeres, Counsellors, and inferiour Magistrates, as well to beare some part of their burthen (as Iethro saith unto Moses) and to lessen their care, as also to afford them their best assistance and counsell in the discussion and determination of great and diffi­cult affaires; but not for them to prescribe and set down lawes, orders, and ordinances, that should either moderate their royall liberty, or bridle and revenge what they conceive to be Ido­latry or Tyranny. I am sure no King that did intend to be a Tyrant, would choose Counsellours, or make Magistrates to that end; but they make choyce of them (as I said) to further them, and not to hinder them to effect those things which they conceive to be most fit and just; for the Magistrates that are over the people are under the King, and doe all, as you see, in the name of the King, All the inferi­our Magistrates must doe all in the name of the superiour. from whom they derive all the power that they have; whereby it followeth, that neither the people can resist the Magistrates whom the King appointeth, nor those Magistrates resist their King, without apparent sacriledge a­gainst God; because the greater can never be judged nor con­demned by the lesser; but, as the Apostle saith of Abraham and Melchisedech, Heb. 7.7. that without contradiction, the lesse is blessed of the better; so I say, that without all controversie, the inferi­our must be alwayes judged of the superiour: and therefore if these Peeres, Nobles, or inferiour Magistrates, have any wayes any power or authority over their Kings, we must conclude a­gainst S. Peter, that these are above the King, and so they and not the King, are the supereminent power.

But we finde no such power nor commandement that they have frow God to refraine Kings, in all the holy Scriptures: Et si mandatum non est presumptio est, & ad poenam proficiet, non ad praemium: and if there be no commandment for it, it is pre­sumption to doe it, which deserveth punishment and not praise: because it is to the reproach of the Creator, that contemning the Lord, we should worship the Servant: and neglecting the Em­perour, [Page 53]we should adore or magnifie his Peeres; as Saint Au­gustine saith.

And therefore both the learned and religious Fathers, And the Ho­milie of the Church of Eng­land, against wilfull rebel­lion. and the best of our later Writers, are flat against this Doctrine, that any sort of men have any power over Kings, but he that is the King of Kings, as you may see: what would be too tedious for me to set down, in Iohan. Bodinus Apol. pro Regibus, c. 27. & de Repub. l. 2. c. 5. Barclaius contra Monarchom. l. 3. c. 6. Ber­chetus in explicat. controvers. Gallicar. c. 2. Saravia de impera­tor. autorit. l. 2. c. 36. Sigon. de repub. Hebraeor. l. 7 c. 3. Bil­son. de perpet. Eccles. gubernat. c. 7. Pet. Gregor. Tholos. de republ. l. 5. c. 3. num. 14, 15, 16. and many more.

2. 2. Their ex­amples answe­red. For the examples that are produced to countenance Re­bels against their Kings, I answer, that they are unlike, or of some peculiar fact, or unjust, and therefore no warrant for any other to doe the like: when as we are to live by the lawes and precept of God, and not by the examples of men: which many times, contrary to equity, do induce us to transgresse the divine verity: but to runne over the particulars of their exam­ples as briefe as I can.

1. I say, 1. Example an­swered. that to conclude an ordinary rule from the doings of the Judges, which were extraordinarily commanded by God to be done, is no more lawfull for us to doe, then it is for us to rob our neighbours, because the Israelite robbed the Egyptians: August. in Jud c. 20. as Saint Augustine sheweth.

And therefore Aquinas (if Aquinas be the Author of that booke, De Regimine Princip.) saith excellent well: Quibus­dam visum est, it seemes to some men, that it pertaineth to the honour of valiant and heroicall men, to take away a Tyrant, and to expose themselves to the perill and danger of death, for the liberty and freedome of the multitude: whereof they have an example in the Old Testament, where Ehud killed Eglon: Judg. 3.21. But this agreeth not with the Apostolicall Doctrine, for Saint Peter teacheth us to be subject, not onely to the good, but also to the froward, because this is thanke worthy with God, if for con­science sake we patiently suffer wrongs: therefore when many of the Romane Emperours did most tyrannically persecute the [Page 54]faith of Christ, Thom. de Regi­minae Princip. la. 1. c. 6. and a great and mighty multitude both of the Nobility, Gentry and Commons, were converted unto Chri­stianity; they are praised not for resisting, but for suffering death. A great deale of disterence betwixt a law­full King, and an Usurper. Besides Eglon was not the lawfull King of Israel, but an alien, an usurper, and a scourge to punish them for their sin; and therefore no patterne for others to rebell against their law­full King.

2. 2. Example an­swered. For the example of Ezechias, rebelling against the King of Assyria; it is most impertinently alleadged, for Ezechias was the lawfull King of Iudah, and the King of Assyria had no right at all in his Dominions; An impertinent example. but being greedily desirous to enlarge his territories, he incroached upon the others right, and for his injustice, was overcome by the sword in a just battell: and therefore to conclude from hence, that because the King of Iudah trefused to obey the King of Assyria, therefore the in­feriour Magistrates or Peeres of any Kingdome may resist and remove their lawfull Prince for his tyranny or impiety; surely this deserves rather Fustibus tutundi quàm rationibus refellt; to be beaten with rods, then confuted with reasons: as Saint Bernard speaketh of the like Argument.

And whereas they reply that it skilleth not whether the Ty­rant be forreine, as Eglon, and the King of Assyria wero; or do­mestique, Saul, Achab, and Manasses were, because the do­mestique is worse then the forreigne, The absurdity of their repli­cation. and there fore the rather to be suppressed. I will shew you the validity of this argument by the like; the seditious Preachers are the generation of vi­pers, nay, far worse then vipers, because they hurt but the bo­dy onely, and these are pernitious both to body and soule: therefore as a man may lawfully kill a viper, so he may more lawfully kill a seditious Preacher.

But to omit their absurdity let us looke into the comparison betwixt domestique and extranean Tyrants, Quia dare ab­surdam, non est solvere argu­mentum. and we shall finde that domestique Tyrants are lawfully placed over us by God, who cōmandeth us to obey them, & forbiddeth us to refist them in every place, for the Scripture makes no distinction betwixt a good Prince and a Tyrant, in respect of the honour, reverence, and obediecce, that we owe unto our superiors, as you see [Page 55]the Lord doth not say, touch not a good King, and obey righte­ous Princes; but as God saith, Honour thy father and thy mo­ther, be they good or bad: so he saith, Touch not the King, re­sist not your Governours, speake not evill of the Rulers, be they good, or be they bad; and therefore Saint Paul, when he was strictly charged for reviling the wicked high Priest, answered wisely, I wist not, brethren, that he was Gods high Priest; for if I had knowne him to be the true high Priest, I would not have spoken what I did, because I know the Law of God obligeth me to be obedient to him that God hath placed over me, be he good or bad: for it is Gods institution, Bad Kings to be obeyed, as well as the good. and not the Governours condition that tyeth me to mine obedience: so you see the minde of the Apostle, he knew the Priesthood was abolished, and that he was not the lawfull high Priest, therefore he saith, God shall smite thee thou whited wall: But if hee had knowne and beleeved him to be the true and lawfull high Priest which God had placed over him, he would never have said so, had the Priest beene never so wicked: because the Law saith, Thou shalt not revile thy Ruler: but for private robbers, or forreigne Tyrants, God hath not placed them over us, nor commanded us to obey them, neither have they any right by any law, but the law of strength to exact any thing from us, and therefore we are obliged by no law to yeeld obedience unto them, nei­ther are we hindred by any necessity, either of rule or subjecti­on, but that we may lawfully repell all the injuries that they offer unto us.

3. 3. Example an­swered. For the peoples hindering of King Saul to put his sonne Ionathan to death: I say, that they freed him from his fathers vow, non armis, sed precibus, not with their weapons but by their prayers, Saul was con­tented to bee perswaded to spare his sonne when they appealed unto himselfe and his own conscience before the living God, and perswaded him, that setting aside his rash vow, he would have regnard unto justice, and consider whether it was right, that hee should suffer the least dammage, who, following God, had wrought so great a deliverance unto the people, as Tremelius and Iunius in their Annotations doe observe. And Saint Gregory saith, Gregor. in 1 Reg. 4. The people freed Ionathan that he should not die, when the King, overcome [Page 56]by the instance of the people, spared his life: which no doubt hee was not very earnest to take away from so good a sonne.

4. 4. Example an­swered. Touching Ahikam, that was a prime Magistrate under King Iehoiakim, I say that he defended the Prophet, not from the tyrannie of the King, but from the fury of the people; for so the Text saith, Jer. 26.4. The hand of Ahikam, that is, (saith Tremelius) the authority and the helpe of Ahikam was with Ieremy, that They, that is, his enemies, should not give him into the hands of the people which sought his life, to put him to death: because A­hikam had beene a long while Councellour unto the King, and was therefore very powerfull in credit & authority with him: The act of A­hikam no co­lour for Rebel­lion. And you know there is a great deal of difference betwixt the refraining of a tumultuous people by the authority of the King, and a tumultuous insurrection against the King; that was the part of a good man and a faithfull Magistrate, as Ahikam did; this of an enemy and a false Traytor, as the opposers of Kings use to doe.

5. 5. Example an­swered. For the defection and revolting of the ten Tribes from Re­hoboam their own naturall lawfull King, unto a fugitive and a man of servile condition; and for the Edomites, Libnites, and others, 2 Chron. 21. that revolted against King Ioram, and that conspi­racie which was made in Ierusalem against Amazia; 2 Reg. 14.19. I answer briefely, that the Scriptures doe herein (as they doe in many other places) set downe, Rei geste veritatem, non facti aequita­tem, the truth of things how they were done, not the equity of things that they were rightly done: Actions com­manded to bee done, are not to bee imitated by us, unlesse wee bee sure of the like com­mandement. and therefore, Non ideo quia factum legimus faciendum credamus, ne violemus prae­ceptam dum sectamur exemplum: we must not beleeve it ought to be done, because we reade that it was done, lest we violate the commandement of God, by following the example of men, as Saint Augustine speaketh: for though Ioseph sware by the life of Pharaoh, the Midwives lyed unto the King, and the Is­raelites robbed the Egyptians, and sinned not therein, yet we have no warrant without sinne to follow their examples. Be­sides, God himselfe had fore-told the defection of the ten Tribes for the sinne of Solomon, and he being Lord proprietary of all, his donation transferreth a full right to him, on whom [Page 57]he bestowes it; and this made Shemaiah the man of God, God is the right owner of all things, and therefore may justly dispose any Kingdom. to warn Rehoboam not to fight against his brethren: for as when God commanded Abraham to kill his sonne, it was a laudable obedience, and no murder to have done it; and when he com­manded the Israelites to rob the Egyptians, it was no breach of the eight Commandment: so this revolt of these Tribes, if done in obedience unto God, could be no offence against the law of God; but because they regarded not so much the fulfil­ling of Gods will, as their not being eased of their grievances, and the fear of the weight of Rohoboams finger, which moved them to this rebellion, I can no waies justifie their action: and though God by this rent did most justly revenge the sinne of Salomon, and paid for the folly of Rehoboam; yet this doth no waies excuse them from this rebellion, because they revolted not with any right aspect; and therefore it is worth our observa­tion, that the consequences which attended this defection was a present falling a way from the true God into Idolatry, and not long after to be led into an endlesse captivity; which is a fearfull example, to see how suddenly men do fall away from God, and from their true Religion, after they have rebelled a­gainst their lawfull King, and how to avoid imaginary grie­vance, they do often fall into a reall bondage, and so leap out of the frying pan into the fire. And for the Edomites, they were not Israelites that led their lives by the law of God; nei­ther can any man excuse the conspirators against Amazia from the tranlgression of the law of God.

6. For Vzziah, that was taken with a grievous sicknesse, 6. Example answered. so that he could not be present at the publick affaires of the King­dome; I say, that according to the law, by reason of the con­tagion of his disease, he was rightly removed from the Court and concourse of people, and his son in the mean time placed in his fathers stead, to administer and dispose the Common­wealth: but he in all that while, like a good son, did neither af­fect the name, nor assume the title of a King.

7. For the deposing of Athalia, 7. Example answered. I see nothing contrary to equity; because she was not the right Prince, but an unjust V­surper of the Crown: and therefore Jehoida the chiefe Priest, [Page 58]having gathered together the principall Peers of the King­dome, and the Centurions, and the rest of the people, shewed them the Kings son, whom for six yeares space he had preser­ved alive from the rage and fury of Athalia, which had slain all the rest of the Kings seed; and when they saw him, they did all acknowledge him for the Kings son, they crowned him King, and he being crowned, they joyfully cryed, God save the King: and then by the authority of the new crowned king that was the right heire unto the Kingdome, they put to death the cruell Queen, that had so tyrannically slain the Kings chil­dren, and so unjustly usurped the Crowne all that while. And therefore to alledge this example so justly done, to justifie an insurrection contrary to justice, doth carry but a little shew of reason. And I say the like of the Macchabees and Antiochus, that neither he nor any other Macedonian Tyrant had any right over them, but they were unjust usurpers that held the Jewes under them in ore gladii, with the edge of their swords, and were not their lawfull Kings whom they ought to obey; and therefore no reason, but that they might justly free them­selves with their swords, that were kept in bondage by no other right then the strength of the sword.

8. 8. Example answered. For the example of Thrasibulus, Junius Brutus, and other Romans, or whosoever, that for their faults have deposed their Kings; Examples not to be imita­ted. I answer with Saint Augustine, that Exemplo pauco­rum not sunt trahenda in legem universorum; we have no war­rant to imitate these examples: for though these things were done, yet we say, they were done by Heathens that knew not God, and unjustly done contrary to the law of God; and therefore with no blessing from God, with no good successe unto themselves, and with lesse happinesse unto others; but it happened to them as to all others that do the like, to expelle mischiefe, and to admit a greater; as besides what I have shew­ed you before, this one most memorable example out of our owne Histories doth make it plaine.

In the time of Richard the second, the Nobility and Gentry murmured much against his government, in brief, they deposed him, The ill suc­cesse of resi­sting our supe­riours. and set the Crown upon the head of the Duke of Lanca­sher, [Page 59]whom they created King, Henry the fourth. The good Bi­shop of Carlile made a bold and excellent speech, to prove, that they could not by any law of God or man, depose or dis­possesse their lawfull King: or if they deposed him, that they had no right to make the Duke of Lancaster to succeed him; but he, good man, for his paines, was served as S. Paul and o­thers were many times for speaking the truth, committed to prison, and there was an end of him, but not an end of the sto­ry; for the many battels and bloodshed the miseries and mis­chiefes that this one unjust and unfaithfull act produced, had never any period, never an end, till that well nigh an hundred thousand English men were slaine in civill warres; Trussel in his supplement to Damels Hi­story. whereof 2 were Kings, 1 Prince, 10 Dukes, 2 Marquesses, 21 Earles, 27 Lords, 2 Viscounts, 1 Lord Prior, 1 Judge, 139 Knights, 421 Esquires, and Gentlemen of great and ancient Families, a far greater number; a just revenge for an unjust extrusion of their lawfull King, whose greatest misery came from his great mildnesse.

And therefore these things being well weighed in the the bal­lance of the Sanctuary, in the scales of true wisedome, it had been better for them, as it wil be for us, & all others, patiently to suffer the crosse that shall be laid upon us, untill that by our prayers we can prevail with God, that for our sins, hath sent it, in mercy to remove it, then for our selves to pluck our necks out of the coller: and in a froward disobedience, to pull the house (as Sampson did) upon our own heads; and like impati­ent fishes, to leap out of the frying-pan into the fire, All the pres­sures that wee have suffered since the first yeare of our King, are not comparable to the miseries that this one yeares civill warre hath brought upon us. from hard usage that we impatiently conceived, to most base and cruell bondage that we have deservedly merited; or at the best, to bring many men to many miseries, before we can attain un­to any happinesse: and so as the Poet saith in this very case a­mong the Romanes, when for their liberty and priviledges, as they termed it, in Pompeyes time, Excessit medicina modum, the remedy that they procured, hath proved farre worse then the disease they suffered; and I doubt not, but ere long the Rebels in this Kingdome will feelingly confesse this to bee too true, when they shal more deeply taste of the like miseries, as they [Page 60]have brought as well upon many of their own friends, as others.

If you alledge the time of Richard the third, how soone he was removed, and how happily it came to passe that Henry the seventh succeeded: I answer briefly, that Richard the third was not only a cruel bloody Tyrant, but he was also an unjust U­surper of the crown, and not the right King of England: and that there is a great deal of difference betwixt rebelling a­gainst our lawfull Kings which God hath justly placed over us, and expelling an usurping tyrant, which hath unjustly in­truded himselfe into the royall throne: This God often hath blessed, as in the case of Eglon, Athalia, Henry the seventh, and many more, which you may obviously finde both in the Greek and Romane stories; and the other he alwayes cursed, and will plague it whensoever it is attempted. Object.

After I had answered these objections, I lighted upon one more, which is taken out of 2 King. 6.32. where the Objector saith, when Ahab sent a Cavalier, a man of blood, to take away the Prophet Elisha's head, as he sate in his house among the Elders, did Elisha open his doore for him, & sit still til he took off his head in obedience to the King? No, he bestirred himselfe for the safeguard of his life, and called upon others to stand by him to assist him: and a little after he saith, surely he that went thus farre for the safety of his life when he was but in danger to be assaulted, would have gone further if occasion had been; and in case the Kings Butcher had got into him, before the doore had been shut, if he had been able, and had had no o­ther means to have saved his own head, but by taking away the others; there is little question to be made, but he would rather have taken then given a head in this case.

I answer, Sol. that who this Goodwin is, I know not; I could wish he were none of the Tribe of Levi: The Ministers of Chist should not be incendiaries of waite. 1. Because I finde him such an incendiary of warre, and an enemy unto peace; whereas the messengers of Christ have this Elogie given them, Quam speciosi pedes Evangelizantium pacem? And the Scrip­ture saith, Blessed are the Peace-makers: and we continually pray, Give peace in our dayes, O Lords and therefore I can [Page 61]hardly beleeve these incendiaries of warre to be the sonnes of the God of peace. 2. Because his objection is full of falshoods and false grounds: as,

1. He saith, that Ahab sent to take Elisha's head, The first mis­take in the front of his speech. when as Ahab was dead long before: it was his ghost therfore, and not he: but it was his son and what then? what did the Prophet? he shut the door, and desired the Elders to handle the Messen­ger roughly, or hold him fast at the doore: Thus saith the text, 2 Kings 6 32. and the Prophet in my judgment doth herein but little more then what God and nature alloweth every man to doe, If any thing more. not to lay down his life, if he can lawfully preserve it; but as the Pro­phet did, to shut the doore; or as our Saviour saith, When we are persecuted in one Citie, to flie into another, to save our lives as long as we can, and in all this I find no violent resistance. But 2. the Objector telleth us, Surely if the messenger had got in, E­lisha had taken off his head, rather then given his own. I demand, what inspiration he hath from God to be sure of this: for I am sure Iohn Baptish would not do so, nor S. Paul, nor any other of Gods Saints, that I have read of: but these men are sure of every thing, even of Gods secret counsell, and that is more then the thoughts of mens hearts; or if this be sure, which I am not sure of, I answer, that Elisha was a great Prophet, that had the spirit of Eliah doubled upon him; and those actions which he did, or might have done through the inspiration of Gods spirit; this man may not doe, except hee bee sure of the like inspiration: for God, who is justice it self, can command by word, as he did to Abraham to kill his sonne; or by inspi­ration, as he did to Elias, to call fire from heaven, and it is a sin to disobey it: whereas without this, it were an horrible sin to doe it. And we must distinguish betwixt rare and extraor­dinary cases that were managed by special commission from God; and those paternes that are confirmed by knowne and generall rules, which passe through the whole, course of Scripture, and take heed that we make not obscure commen­taries of humane wisedome upon the cleare Text of holy Writ; Quia maledicta glossa quae corrumpit textum.

But indeed the place is plain, that Elisha made no other re­sistance, [Page 62]but what every man may lawfully doe, to keep the messenger out of doors so long as he could: and yet this man would infer hence, that we may lawfully, with a strong hand, and open warre, resist the authority of our lawfull Kings; a Doctrine, I am sure, that was never taught in the Schoole of Christ.

He makes some other objections, which I have already an­swered in this treatise; and then he spends almost two leaves in six severall answers, that he maketh to an objection against the examining the equity or iniquity of the Kings commands, but to no purpose; because we never deny, but that in some cases, though not in all, (for there must bee Arcana imperii, and there must be privie Counsellors; & every Peasant must not examine all the Edicts of his Prince:) The commands of Kings may not only be examined, but also disobeyed, as the three children did the commands of Nebuchadnezzar, and the Apostles the commands of the high Priests: but though we may examine their commands, and disobey them too, when they are contrary to the commands of God; yet I would fain know where we have leave to resist them, and to take armes against them? I would he understood, there is a great deale of difference betwixt examining their commands, and resist­ing their authority; the one, in some cases we may; the o­ther, by no meanes we may doe.

CHAP. VIII. Sheweth that our Parliament hath no power to make warre against our King: Two maine Objections answered: The originall of Parliaments: The power of the King to call a Parliament to deny what he will, and to dissolve it when he will. Why our King suffereth.

BUt when all that hath been spoken, cannot satisfie their indignation against true obedience, and allay the heat of [Page 63]their rebellious spirits, they come to their ultimum resugium, best strength and strongest fort; that although all others should want sufficient right to crosse the commands, and resist the violence of an unjust and tyrannicall Prince; yet the Parlia­ment that is the representative body of all his Kingdom, & are intrusted with the goods, estates, and lives of all his people, may lawfully resist, and when necessity requireth, take armes and subdue their most lawfull King; and this they labour to confirme by many arguments.

I answer, that for the Parliament of England it is beyond my sphere, and I being a transmarine member of this Parlia­ment of Ireland, And whatso­ever I speak of Parliament in all this Dis­course, I mean of Parliaments disjoyned frō their King, & understand only the pre­v [...]lent fact [...]n that ingrosseth and captiva­teth the Votes of many of the plain honest minded party, which hath been often seen both in generall coun­sells, and the greatest Par­liaments. I wil only direct my speech to that whereof I am a Peer; & I hope I may the more boldly speak my mind to them, whereof I am a member; and I dare maintain it, that it shall be a benefit, and no prejudice, both to King and Kingdom, that the spirituall Lords have Votes in this our Parliament.

For besides the equity of our sitting in Parliament, and our indubitable right to vote therein: (and his Majesty, (as I con­ceive, under favour be it spoken) is obliged by the very first act in Magna Charta, to preserve that right unto us) when as in the Summons of Ed. 1. it is inserted in the writ, Claus. 7. m. 3. dort. that Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbari, or tractari debet, whatsoever affair is of publick concernment, ought to receive publicke approbation; and therefore with what equity can so conside­rable a party of this Kingdome, as are the Clergy, (who cer­tainly cannot deserve to forfeit the priviledge of the meanest subjects, and of common men, because they are more immedi­ately the servants of the living God) be denyed the benefit of that, which in all mens judgement is so reasonable a law, and they only be excluded from that interest which is common unto al, I cannot see: yet I say, that besides this our right while we sit in Parliament this fruit shall alwaies follow, that our knowledge & conscience shall never suffer us to vote such things against the truth, as to allow that power or priviledge to our Parliament, as to make orders and ordinanees without the con­sent, and contrary to the will of our King, much lesse to leavy monies and raise armes against our King: for I conceive the [Page 64]Priviledges of Parliament to be Privatae leges Parliamenti, Priviledges of Parliament, what they are. a proceeding according to certain rules, and private customes and laws of Parliament, which no member of the Houses ought to transcend; whereas the other is privatio legum, a proceeding without Law, contrary to all rules, as if our Parlia­ment had an omnipotent power, & were more infallible then the Pope, to make all their Votes just, and their sayings truth.

I, but to make this assertion good, that the Parliament in some cases may justly take armes, and make warre upon their justest King, if they conceive him to be unjust: it is alledged, that although the King be Singulis major, greater then any one yet he is Vniversis minor, lesse then all; therefore all may op­pose him, if he refuse to consent unto them.

I answer, that the weaknesse of this argument is singularly well shewed in the Answer to the Observations upon some of his Majesties late answers and expresses; Pag. 11. & 38, 39, 40. and I will briefly contract the answer, to say, the King is better then any one, doth not prove him to be better then two; and if his Supremacy be no more, then many others may challenge as much: for the Prince is Singulis major, a Lord above all Knights, and a Knight above all Esquires; he is singulis major, though universis minor; and if the King be universis minor, then the people have placed a King not over, 1 Pet. 2.23. but under them: And Saint Peter doth much mistake in calling the King Supreme; and they doe ill to peti­tion, when they might command: and I am confident, that no records (except of such Parliaments as have most unjustly de­posed their Kings) can shew us one example, As Ed. Carnar­von, and Ri­chard the se­cond. that the Parlia­ment should have a power, which must of necessity over-rule the King, or make their Votes Law, without and against the will of the King; for if their Votes be Law, without his consent, what need they seek and sollicite his consent?

But the clause in the Law made 2. Hen. 5. cited by his Ma­jesty, that it is of the Kings regality to grant or deny such of their Petitions as pleaseth himselfe, That the King is uni­verse major, greater then all: proved. and the power which the Law gives the King to dissolve the Parliament; and especially the words in the Preface of cap. 12. Vices to Hen. 8. where the Kings Supremacy not over single persons, but over all the [Page 65]body politique is clearely delivered, God having given, and the people having yeelded their power to their King: they can never chal­lenge any power but what they have derived from their King. doth sufficiently shew the simplicity of this Sophistry, and prove that the King being in­vested with all the power of the people which is due to him as their King, he is the onely fountaine of all power and justice; so that now they can justly claime no power, but what is deri­ved from him; and therefore it is the more intolerable, that any man should usurpe the power of the King, to destroy the King.

2. They will say, that Salus populi est suprema lex, the good of the people is the chiefest thing that is aymed at in all govern­ment; Reason 2 and the Parliament is the representative body of all the people; therefore if any thing be intended contrary to the good of the people, they may and ought lawfully to resist the same.

I answer and confesse, Sol. that there is no wise King but will carefully provide for the safety of his people, because his honour is included therein, and his ruine is involved in their destructi­on; but it is certaine, that this principle hath been used as one of our Irish mantles to hide the rebellion of many Traytors, and so abused, to the confusion of many Nations; for there is not scarce any thing more facile, 2 Sam. 15.4. then to perswade a people that they are not well governed; as you may see in the example of Absolon, who by abusing this very axiome, How easie it is to perswade the people to rebell. hath stollen away the hearts of many of his fathers subjects: for as Lipsius saith, Proprium est aegri nihil diu pati, it is incident to sick men, and so to distem­pered minds, to indure nothing long, but foolishly to thinke every change to be a remedy; therefore the people that are soon perswaded to beleeve the lightest burthen to be too heavy, are easily led away by every seducing Absolon, who promise them deliverance from all their evils, so they may have their assistance to effect their ends; and then the people swelled up with hopes, cry up those men as the reformers of the State; and so the craft and subtilty of the one, prevailing over the weaknesse and sim­plicity of the other, every Peere and Officer that they like not, must with Teramines be condemned, and themselves must have all preferments, or the King and Kingdome must be lyable to be ruined.

But you will say, Repl. the whole Parliament cannot be thought to [Page 66]be thus envious against the officers of State; or thus carelesse of the common good, as for any sinister end, to destroy the happi­nesse of the whole.

I answer, Sol. that Parliaments are not alwaies guided by an un­erring spirit, but as Generall Councels, so whole Parliaments have been repealed and declared null by succeeding Parlia­ments, How a faction many times prevaileth to sway whole Councels and Parliaments. as 21 Rich. 2. c. 12. all the Statutes made 11 Rich. 2. are disanulled: and this in the 21 Rich. 2. is totally repealed in 1. Hen. 4. c. 3. and 39. Hen. 6. we find a totall repeale of a Parlia­ment held at Coventry the yeare before, and the like: and the reason is, because many times by the hypocritical craft of some faction working upon the weakenesse of some, and the discon­tent of others; the worse part procuring most unto their party prevaileth against the better.

Besides all this, The originall of Parliaments why they were at first ordai­ned. I conceive the originall of Parliaments was, as it is expressed in the Kings Writ, to consult with the King, De quibusdam arduis, & urgentibus negotiis regni; they being collected from all the parts of the Kingdome, can best informe His Majesty, what grievances are sprung, and what reparations may be made, and what other things may be concluded for the good of his Subjects in every part: And his Majesty to in­forme them of his occasions and necessities, which by their free and voluntary Subsidies, they are to supply both for his honour and their owne defence. In all this they have no power to com­mand their King, So Io. Bodin. de repub. l. 1. c. 8. pag. 95. in Eng­lish, and the place is worth the noting. no power to make Lawes without their King, no right to meet without his Writ no liberty to stay any longer then he gives leave; how then can you meet as you doe now, in my Episcopall See at Kilkenny, and continue your Parliament there, to make warre against your lawfull King? What colour of reason have you to doe the same? you cannot pretend to be above your King; you have with lies and falshoods most wicked­ly seduced the whole Kingdome, and involved the same in a most unnaturall civill warre: you are the actives, the King is passive; you make the offensive. He the defensive war; for you began, and when he like a gracious King still cried for peace, you still made ready for battell.

And I doubt not but your selves know all this to be true, for [Page 67]you know, that all Parliament men must have their elections warranted by the Kings especiall Writ; you will say, The letter sent from a Gentle­man to his friend. that so you were; well, and you were chosen but by subjects, and in­trusted by them to represent the affections, and to act the duties of subjects; and subjects cannot impose a rule upon their So­veraigne, nor make any ordinance against their King; and there­fore, if the representative body of subjects transcend the limits of their trust; and doe in the name of the Subjects, that which all subjects cannot doe; That men in­trusted should not go beyond their trust. and assume that power which the sub­jects neither have, nor can conferre upon them, I see no rea­son that any subject in the world should any wayes approve of their actions: for how can your priviledge of being Parliament men, priviledge you from being Murderers, Theeves, or Tray­tors, if you doe those things that the Law adjudgeth to be murders, thefts, and treasons? Your elections cannot quit you, and your places cannot excuse you; because he that is intrusted cannot doe more then all they that doe intrust him; and there­fore all subjects should desert them, that exceed the conditions, and falsifie the trust which their fellow subjects have reposed in them.

Besides, The King must needs be a part of every Par­liament. you know the King must needs be reputed part of every Parliament, when as the selected company of Knights and Burgesses, together with the Spirituall and Temporall Peeres, are the representative body, and the King is the reall head of the whole Kingdome; and therefore if the body se­parates it selfe from the head, it can be but an uselesse trunke, that can produce no act, which pertaineth to the good of the body: because the spirits that give life and motion to the whole body, are all derived from the head, as the Philosopher teacheth.

And further, you doe all know, The power of dissolving the Parliament, greater then the power of denying any thing. that as the King hath a pow­er to call, so he hath a power to dissolve all Parliaments; and having a power of dissolving it when he will, he must needs haue a power of denying what he pleaseth; because the other is farre greater then this. And therefore, all these premises well considered, it is apparent that your sitting in Kilkenny without your King (or his Lieutenant, which is to the same purpose;) [Page 68]and your Ʋotes without his assent, are all invalid to exact obe­dience from any subject; and for my part, I deeme them fooles that will obey them, and rebels that will take armes against their King at your commands; and if you persist in this your rebellious obstinacy, I wish your judgements may light onely upon your owne heads: and that those, which like the follow­ers of Absolon, are simply led by you, may have the mist taken from their eyes, that they may be able to discerne the duty they owe unto their King, that they be not involved, and so perish in your sin.

For, though you be never so many, and thinke that all the Kingdome, Townes, and Cities be for you; yet take heed lest you imagine such a mischievous device which you are not able to performe; Psal. 21.11. for the involving of well-mearing men into your bad businesses, 1. Reg. 22.29. as Jehoshaphat was misled to warre against Ramoth Gilead, doth not onely bring a punishment upon them that are seduced, but a farre greater plague upon you that doe seduce them: and God, who hath at all times so exceeding gracious­ly defended His Majesty; and contrary to your hopes and ex­pectation, from almost nothing in the beginning of this rebelli­on, hath increased his power, to I hope an invincible Army, will be a rock of defence unto his anointed; For what cau­ses the King suffereth. because it is well known to all the world, that whatsoever this good King hath suffered at the hands of his subjects, it is for the preservation of the true Protestant Religion, of the established Lawes of his Kingdoms, and of those Reverend Bishops, Grave Doctors, and all the rest of the Learned and Religious Clergy, that have ever maintai­ned, and will to the spilling of the last drop of their blood, defend this truth against all Papists, and other Anabaptisticall Brownists and Sectaries whatsoever.

And therefore if you that are his Parliament, What a shame it is to use the power we have received a­gainst him that gave it us. should, like unthankefull vapours, that cloud the Sunne which raised them; or like the Moone in her interposition, that obscures the glori­ous 'lampe which enlightens her, in the least manner imploy that strength, which you have received from His Majesty when he called you together, against His Majesty, it will be an ugly spot and a foule blemish, both for your selves and all your [Page 69] posterities; and if not suddenly prevented, you may raise such spirits that your selves cannot lay downe; and sow such deeds of discord and discontent betwixt the King and his people, as may derive through the whole Race of all succeeding Kings, such a disaffection to Parliaments, as may prove a plague and poyson to the whole Kingdome. For if the King out of his fa­vour and grace call you together, and intrust you with a power either of continuing, concluding, or enacting such things, as may be for the good of the Commonwealth; & you abuse that power against him that gave it you: I must needs confesse that I am of his mind, who saith, That it is law­full to recall a power given, when it is abu­sed. that the King were freed before God and man from all blame, though he should use all possible lawfull means to withdraw that power into his owne hands; which be­ing but lent them, hath bin so misapplyed against him: for if my servant desireth to hold my sword, and when I intrust him with it, he seekes to thrust the same into my breast, will not every man judge it lawfull for me to gaine my sword if it be possible out of his hand, and with that sword to cut off his head that would have thrust it into my heart? or, as one saith, if I con­vey my estate in trust to any friend, to the use of me and mine, & the person intrusted falsifie the faith reposed in him by con­veying the profits of my estate to other ends, to the prejudice of me and mine, no man wil think it unlawfull for me to annihilate (if I can possibly do it) such a deed of trust.

And therefore Noble Peeres and Gentlemen of this ancient Kingdome of Ireland, that your Parliament may prove successe­full to the benefit of the Common-wealth; let me, that have some interest and charge over all the Inhabitants and Sojour­ners of Kilkenny, perswade you to thinke your selves no Par­liament without your King; and that your Votes and Ordinan­ces, carrying with them the power, though not the name of Acts of Parliament, to oblige both King and Subjects to obey them, are the most absolute subversion of our fundamentall Lawes, the destructive invasion of our rightfull Liberties: and that by an usurped power of an arbitrary rule, to dispose of our estates, or any part thereof as you please to make us Delinquents when you will, and to punish us as Malignants at your pleasure; and [Page 70]through your discontent to dispossesse your rightfull King, though it were to set the Crown upon the head of your greatest Oneale, is such a priviledge, that never any Parliament hath yet claimed. Or if you still goe on for the enlargement of your own usurped power under the title of the priviledge of Parliament, to Vote the diminution of the Kings just prerogative, that your Progenitors never denied to any of his Ancestors, to exclude us Bishops out of your Assemblies, without whom your determi­nations can never be so wel concluded in the feare of God, and to invade the Liberties of your fellow subjects, under the pre­tences of religion, and the publique good: I will say no more, but turne my selfe to God, and put it in my Lyturgy, From Parasites, Puritans, Popes, and such Parliaments, Good Lord deliver us.

CHAP. IX. Sheweth the unanimous consent and testimonies of many famous learned men and Martyrs, both ancient and mo­derne, that have confirmed and justified the truth of the former Doctrine.

ANd so you see, that as for no cause, so for no kind or degree of men, be they what you will; Peeres, Magistrates, Heads of Families, Darlings of the people, or any other Patriots, whom the Commons shall elect, it is lawfull to rebell against, or any waies to resist our chiefe Princes and soveraigne Gover­nours. This point is as cleare as the Sunne; and yet to make it still more cleare unto them, that will not beleeve that truth which they like not; but, as Tertullian saith, Credunt Scriptu­ris, ut credant adversus Scripturas, doe alleadge Scriptures to justifie their owne wilfull opinions, against all Scripture; I will here adde a few testimonies of most famous men to confirme the same. Testimonies of famous men.

Henry de Bracton, Lord Chiefe Justice of the Kings Bench, [Page 71]under Hen. 3. saith, as he is quoted by the Lord Elismer, L. Elismer in orat. habita in Camera Fiscali. anno 1609. pag. 108. that under the King there are free men and servants, and every man is under him, and he is under none but onely God: if any thing be demanded of the King, (seeing no Writ can issue forth a­gainst the King) there is a place for Petition, that he would correct and amend his fact; and if he shall refuse to doe it, he shall have punishment enough, when the Lord shall come to be his revenger; for otherwise, touching the Charters and deeds of Kings, neither private persons, nor Iusticiaries ought to dis­pute; this was the Law of that time: what new Lawes our young Lawyers have found since, I know not; I am not so good a Lawyer.

The Civill Lawyers do far surpasse the Common Law here­in; for, Corsetus Siculus saith, Rex in suo regno potest omnia, Corsetus Sic. tract. de potestat. reg. part. 5. num. 66. imo de plenitudine potestatis. And Marginista saith, Qui disputat de potestate Principis, utrum benè fecerit est infamis. Hostiensis saith. Princeps solutus est legibus, [ id est, quoad vim coactivam, Marginista in Angelum Peru­sinum. c. l. 9. tit. 29. De crimine sacrilegii, l. 2. Hostiens. sum. l. 1. rubr. 32. de offic. ligati. non quoad vim directivam: Thom. 1. 2 ae. q. 96. ar. 5. ad 3.] quia nulli subest, nec ab aliis judicatur. And to omit all the rest, Guli­elmus Barclaius out of Bartolus, Baldus, Castrensis, Romanus, Alexander, Felinus, Albericus, and others, doth infer, Princi­pem ex certâ scientiâ, supra jus, extrajus, & contrajus omnia posse; Principem solum legem constituere universalem. Princeps soli Deo rationem debet. Princeps solutus est legibus, & temerarium est velle, Majestatem Regiam ullis terminis limitare: Barclaius contra Monarchomach. l. 3. c. 14. which things if I should English, seditious heads would thinke my head not sufficient to pay for this, but I onely repeat their words, and not justifie their sayings: and therefore to proceed to more fa­miliar things.

Pasquerius writeth, Pasquer. de An­tiquit. Gallican. l. 1. that Lewis the 11 ^th did urge his Sena­tors and Counsellours to set forth a certaine edict, which they refused to doe, because it seemed to them very unjust; Sicut olim Lace­daemonii, victo­ribus responde­rum: si duriora morte imperetis, potius moriemur, and the King being very angry, threatned death unto them all: where­upon Vacarius, President of the Councell, and all the Senate in their purple robes came unto the King; and the King astonished therewith, damanded whence they came, and what they would have: Vacarius answered for all, we come to undergoe that [Page 72]death which you have threatned unto us; for you must know (O King) that we wil rather suffer death, then doe any thing against our conscience towards God, or our duty towards you: Wherein we see the Nobility of this King, like Noble Christians, doe more willingly offer to lay down their lives at the command of their Liege Lord, then unchristian-like rebell and take Armes against their delinquent Soveraigne. And so Colmannus a godly Bishop did hinder the Scottish Nobility to rise against Fercar­dus, that was their most wicked King.

Tertullian writing unto Scapula the President of Carthage, Tertull. ad Sca­pul. saith, we are defamed when the Christian is found to be the e­nemy of no man, no not of the Emperour; whom because he knoweth him to be appointed by God, he must needs love and reverence, and wish him safe with all the Romane Empire; for we honour and worship the Emperour as a man second from God, Et solo Deo minorem, and inferiour onely to God: And in his Apologetico, Tertull. in Apo­loget. he saith; Deus est solus in cujus solius po­testate sunt reges, à quo sunt secundi, post quem primi, super omnes homines, ante omnes Deos; it is God alone, in whose power Kings are kept, which are second from him, first after him, above all men, and before all Gods; that is, all other Magistrates that are called Gods.

Athanasius saith, Athanasius de summo regum imperio, q. 55. that as God is the King and Emperour in all the world, that doth exercise his power and authority over all things that are in Heaven and in Earth; so the Prince and King is appointed by God over all earthly things: Et ille libera suâ voluntate facit quod vult, sicut ipse Deus; and the King by His own free will doth whatsoever he pleaseth, even as God him­selfe: and the Civilians could say but little more.

Saint Augustine saith, Simulachrum à similitudine dictum. Isidot. Videtis simulachrorum templa, you see the temples of our Images, partly fallen for want of repara­tion, partly destroyed, partly shut up, partly changed to some o­ther uses; ipsaque simulachra, and those Images either broken to pieces, or burned and destroyed; and those Powers and Po­tentates of this world, which sometimes persecuted the Chri­stians, Aug. ad frat. Maduar. [...]p. 42. pro istis simulachris, for those Images to be overcome and tamed; non à repugnantibus, sed à morientibus Christianis, [Page 73]not of resisting but of dying Christians; See the duty of Subjects: or a perswasion [...] Loyalty, which is a full col­lection of the Fathers to this purpose. and the rest of the Fa­thers are most plentifull in this theam: and therefore to the later Writers.

Cardinall Alan saith, (but herein most untruly) that the Protestants are desperate men, and most factious; for as long as they have their Princes and Lawes indulgent to thier owne wills, they know well enough how to use the prosperous blasts of fortune; but if the Princes should withstand their desires, Card. Alan. in rep. ad Iustit. Britannicam. c. 4. or the Lawes should be contrary to their mindes, then presently they break asunder the bonds of their fidelity, they despise Ma­jesty, and with fire and sword, slaughters and destructions, they rage in every place, and do runne headlong into the contempt of all divine and humane things: which accusation, if it were true, then I confesse the Pretestants were to be blamed more then all the people of the World; but, howsoever some facti­ous, seditious, Anabaptisticall, and rebellious spirits amongst us, not deserving the name of Protestants, may be justly taxed for this intolerable vice: yet, to let you see how falsly he doth ac­cuse us, that are true Protestants, and how fully we doe agree with the Scriptures and the Fathers of the purest age of the Church, in the Doctrine of our obedience to our Kings and Prin­ces; I will only give you a taste of what we teach; and to begin with the first reformer.

Luther saith, no man which stirreth up the multitude to any tumult can be excused from his fault, though he should have never so just a cause; but he must goe to the Magistrate, and attempt nothing privately; Sleidan. Com­mentar. l. 5. because all sedition and insurrecti­on is against the Commandement of God, which forbiddeth and detesteth the same.

Philip Melancthon saith, though it be the Law of Nature to expell force with force, yet it is no wayes lawfull for us to withstand the wrong done us by the Magistrate with any force; yea, Melanctgon apud Luther to. 1, p. 463. though we seeme to promise our obedience upon this con­dition, if the Magistrate should command lawfull things; yet it is not therefore lawfull for us to withstand his unjust force with force: for though their Empires should be gotten and possest by wicked men, yet the worke of their government is [Page 74]from God, and it is the good creature of God; and therefore, whatsoever the Magistrate doth, no force ought to be taken up against the Magistrate.

Brentius saith, The rule of a Prince may be evil two waies. that the rule and government of a Prince may be evill two wayes.

1. 1 When hee commandeth any thing against the faith of Christ; as, to deny our God, to worship Idols, and the like: and herein we must give place to the saying of the Apostle, It is bet­ter to obey God then men; but in this case the subiect must in no way rage or rise against his Magistrate, but he should rather pa­tiently suffer any evill, then any way strike againe; and rather en­dure any inconveniences and discommodities, then any wayes obey those ungodly commands.

2. 2 The Prince his government may be evill, when hee doth, or commandeth any thing against the publique Justice; of which kinde are the exaction of our goods, or the vexation of our bo­dies; Brentius in re spon-ad artie. rusticorum. and in these kindes of injuries, the subject ought rather then in the former, to be obedient to his Magistrate; for if hee steps forth to armes, God hath pronounced of such men, He that smiteth with the sword shall perish with the sword.

Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, together with the rest of the bishops, and most famous Divines of this Kingdome, saith, if Princes shall doe any thing contrary to their duties, God hath not appointed any superiour Judge over them in this world, but they are to render their account to God, which hath reserved their judgement to himselfe alone; and therefore it is not lawfull for any subjects, how wicked soever their Princes shall be, to take armes, or raise sedition against them, but they are to powre forth their prayers to God, Cranmer in lib. de Christiani ho­minis institut. in whose hand Kings hearts are, that he would inlighten them with his spirit; whereby they might rightly, to the glory of God, use that sword which he hath delivered unto them.

Gulielmus Tindall, a godly Martyr of Christ, when Cardi­nall Lanio's sonne did leade the Lambes of Christ by troopes unto the slaughter, doth then describe the duty of subjects ac­cording to the straight rule of the Gospell; saying David spa­red Saul, and if he had killed him, he had sinned against God; [Page 75]for in every Kingdome the King, which hath no superiour, judg­eth of all things; and therefore he that endeavoureth or intend­eth any mischiefe or calamity against the Prince that is a Tyrant, or a Persecuter; or whosoever with a froward hand doth but touch the Lords anointed, he is a rebell against God, and resist­eth the ordinance of God: as often as a private man sinneth, he is held obnoxious to his King, that can punish him for his of­fence; but when the King offendeth, he ought to be reserved to the divine examination and vengeance of God: and as it is not lawfull upon any pretence to resist the King, Tindall. l. de Christiani bomi­nis obedient. so it is not law­full to rise up against the Kings Officer, or Magistrate, that is sent by the King for the execution of those things which are commanded by the King: for, as our Saviour saith, Hee that heareth you heareth me, and he that despiseth you despiseth me, and he that despiseth me despiseth him that sent me; And as he said unto Saul when he persecuted the servants of Christ, Act. 9.4. Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? when as hee was then in Heaven, farre above the reach of Saul; yet, because there is such a mysticall union betwixt Christ and his Church, the head and members, as is betwixt man and wife; no man can be said to injure the one, but he must wrong the other: so whosoever re­sisteth the Kings Lieutenant, Deputy, or any other Magistrate, or Officer that he sendeth, with Commission to execute his commands, resisteth the King himselfe; and all the indignities that are offered to the Kings Embassador, or servant, that he thus sendeth, 2 Sam. 10. are deemed as indignities offered to the King himselfe; as we see the base usage of Davids servants by King Hanun, David revenged as an abuse offered unto himselfe; be­cause the Kings person cannot be in all places, where justice and judgement, Whatsoever is done to any Messenger, is deemed as dont to him that sent him. and many other offices and actions are necessa­rily to be done throughout the latitude of his Dominions; but his power and his authority, deputed to those his servants and officers that he sendeth, are as the lively representatives of the King, in every part of his Kingdome; and whatsoever favour, payment, neglect, or abuse, is shewed unto any of them; the same, in all Nations is accounted, and therefore punished or re­warded, as a service done unto the King himselfe; as our Savi­our, [Page 76]when but the Tole-gatherer came for the Tribute money, saith, Give unto Caesar what belongeth unto Caesar.

And therefore it is but an idle, simple, and most foolish, fri­volous distinction of men to deceive children and fooles; to say they love and honour their King, and they fight not against their King, but against such and such, whom notwithstanding they know to be the Kings chiefest officers, and to be sent with the Kings Power, Commission, and Authority, to doe those things that they doe; this is such a foppery, that I know not what to say, to undeceive those that are so desirous to be decei­ved, when the Devill, S. Paul saith, God sendeth them strong delusions. 2 Thess. 2.11. But what God sendeth justly as the punisher of their sin, the Devill sendeth maliciously, as the guider of them to Hell. which knoweth how neare their de­struction hangeth over their heads, sends them strong delusi­ons, that they should so easily and so sillyly believe such palpable lyes, as to make them thinke, they love him dearely whom they murder most barbarously.

Barnesius, Barnesius in tract. de humanis constitut. a very godly and learned man, treating of the same Argument, saith in a manner the same thing; that the servants of Christ, rather then either commit any evill, or resist any Ma­gistrate, ought patiently to suffer the losse of their goods, and the tearing of their members; nay, the Christian after the example of his Master Christ, ought to suffer the bitterest death for truth and righteousnesse sake; and therefore (saith he) whosoever shall rebell under pretence of Religion, aeternae damnationis reus erit; he shall be found guilty of eternall damnation.

Master Dod saith, Master Dod upō the Com­mandements. that where the Prince commandeth a law­full act, the subjects must obey; and if he injoynes unlawfull commands, we must not rebell, but we must be content to beare any punishment that shall be laid upon us, even unto death it self; and we should suffer our punishment without grudging, even in heart: and this he presseth by the example of the Three Chil­dren, and of Daniel that was a mighty man, and of very great power in Babylon, yet never went about to gather any power against his King, though it were in his own defence.

Master Byfield expounding the words of S. Peter, Master Byfield upon 1 Pet. 2. [...], as to the Supreame, saith, this should confirme every good sub­ject, to acknowledge and maintaine the Kings supremacy, and willingly to binde himselfe thereto by oath; for the oath of su­premacy [Page 77]is the bond of this subjection; and this oath men must take without equivocation, mentall evasion, or secret reserva­tion: yea it should binde in them the same resolution that was in Saint Bernard, who saith, if all the world should conspire against me, to make me complot any thing against the Kings Ma­jesty, yet I would feare God, and not dare to offend the King ordained of God.

I might fill a volume, if I would collect the testimonies of our best Writers; I will adde but one, of a most excellent King, our late King Iames of ever blessed memory; for he saith, The im­probity or fault of the governour ought not to subject the King to them, over whom he is appointed Judge by God; Serenissimus Rex Jacobus, de vera lege li­berae Monarchiae. for if it be not lawfull for a private man to prosecute the injury that is offered unto him against his private adversary, when God hath committed the sword of vengeance onely to the Ma­gistrate, how much lesse lawfull is it, thinke you, either for all the people, or for some of them to usurpe the sword, whereof they have no right, against the publike Magistrate, to whom alone it is com­mitted by God?

This hath beene the Doctrine of all the Learned, of all the Saints of God, of all the Martyrs of Jesus Christ; The obedient example of the Martyrs in the time of Queene Mary. and there­fore not only they that suffered in the first Persecutions under Heathen Tyrants, but also they that now of late lived under Queene Mary, and were compelled to undergoe most exquisite torments, without Number, and beyond Measure; yet none of them either in his former life, or when he was brought to his execution, did either despise her cruell Majesty, or yet curse this Tyrant Queene, that made such havock of the Church of Christ, and causelesly spilt so much innocent bloud; but being true Saints, they feared God, and honoured her: and in all obe­dience to her authority, they yielded their estates and goods to he spoyled, their liberties to be infringed, and their bodies to be imprisoned, abused, and burned, as oblations unto God, rather then contrary to the command of their Master Christ, they would give so much allowance unto their consciences; as for the preservation of their lives, to make any shew of resistance a­gainst their most bloudy Persecuters, whom they knew to have [Page 78]their authority from that bloudy, yet their lawfull Queene.

And therefore I hope it is apparent unto all men that have their eyes open, Numb. 24.15. Gen. 19.11. and will not with Baalam most wilfully deceive themselves; or with the Sodomites, grope for the wall at noone day; that, by the Law of God, by the example of all Saints, by the rule of honesty, and by all other equitable considerations, it is not lawfull for any man, or any degree or sort of men, Magistrates Peeres, The Conclusi­on of the whol. Parliaments, Popes, or whatsoever you please to cal them, to give so much liberty unto their misguided consciences, & so far to follow the desires of their unruly affections, as for any cause, or under any pretence to withstand Gods Ʋice-gerent, and with violence to make warre against their lawfull King; or indeed, in the least degree and lowest manner, to offer any indignity either in thought, word, or deed; either to Moses our King, or to Aaron our High Priest, that hath the care and charge of our soules; or to any other of those subordinate callings, that are lawfully sent by them to discharge those offices wherewith they are intrusted: This is the truth of God, and so acknowledged by all good men, And what Preachers teach the contrary, I dare boldly affirme it, in the name of God, that they are the incendiaries of Hell, and deserve rather with Corah to be consumed with fire from Heaven, then to be beleeved by any man on Earth.

CHAP. X. Sheweth the impudency of the Anti-Cavalier: How the Re­bels deny they warre against the King: An unanswerable Argument to presse obedience: A further discussion, whe­ther for our Liberty Religion, or Lawes, we may resist our Kings; and a patheticall disswasion from Rebellion.

I Could insert here abundant more, both of the Ancient and Moderne Writers, that doe with invincible Arguments con­firme [Page 79]this truth: Anti-Cavalier, p. 17.18, &c. but the Anti-Cavalier would perswade the world, that all those learned Fathers, and those constant Mar­tyrs, that spent their purest blood to preserve the purity of re­ligion unto us, did either belye their owne strength, Yet Tertul. Cypr. (whom I quoted before) and Ruffin. hist. Eccles. l. 2. c. 1. and S. August. in Psal. 124. and others avouch, the Christians were far stron­ger then their enemies, and the greatest part of Iulians army were Christians. or befoole themselves with the undue desire of overvalued Martyrdome; but now they are instructed by a better spirit, they have clearer illuminations to informe them to resist (if they have strength) the best and most lawfull authority that shall either oppose or not consent unto them: thus they throw dirt in the Fathers face, and dishonour that glorious company, and noble army of Mar­tyrs, which our Church confesseth, prayseth God; and there­fore no wonder that they will warre against Gods annointed here on Earth, when they dare thus dishonour and abuse his Saints that raigne in Heaven: but I hope the world will be­leeve, that those holy Saints were as honest men, and those wor­thy Martyrs, that so willingly sacrificed their lives in defence of truth, could as well testifie the truth, and be as well informed of the truth, as these seditious spirits that spend all their breath to raise armes against their Prince, and to spill so much bloud of the most faithfull Subjects.

But though the authority of the best authors is of no autho­rity with them, that will beleeve none but themselves; yet I would wish all other men to read that Homilie of the Church of England, where it is said, that God did never long prosper re­bellious subjects against their Prince, were they never so great in authority, or so many in number: yea, were they never so noble, so many, so stout, so witty and politique. but allwaies they came by the overthrow, and to a shamefull end. Yea though they pretend the redresse of the Common-wealth, (which re­bellion of all other mischiefes doth most destroy; (or reforma­tion of religion. (whereas rebellion is most against all true religi­on) yet the speedy overthrow of all Rebels sheweth, The Homily against rebel­lion. p. 300, & 301. that God alloweth neither the dignity of any person, nor the multitude of any people, nor the weight of any cause, as sufficient, for the which the subjects may move rebellion against their Princes: and I would to God that every subject would read over all the six parts of the Homilie against willfull rebellion; for there are [Page 80]many excellent passages in it; which, being diligently read, and seriously weighed, would worke upon every honest heart, never to rebell against their lawfull Prince.

And therefore the Lawes of all Lands being so plaine to pro­nounce them Traytors, that take armes against their Kings, (as you may see in the Statutes of England, 25. Edw. 3. c. 2. And as you know, it was one of the greatest Articles for which the Earle of Strafford was beheaded, that he had actually leavied warre against the King:) The Nobles and Gentry, Lords and Commons of both Houses of Parliament, in all Kingdomes, be­ing convicted in their consciences with the truth of this Do­ctrine, doe in all their Votes and Declarations conlude and protest, (and I must believe them) that all the leavies, monies, and other provision of Horse and Men, that they raise and arm, are for the safety of the Kings person, and for the maintenance of his Crowne and Dignity.

Nay, more then this, the very Rebels in this our Kingdome of Ireland, knowing how odious it is before God and man, for sub­jects to rebell and take armes against their lawfull King, do pro­test, if you will believe them, that they are the Kings Souldiers, and doe fight and suffer for their King, and in the defence of his Prerogatives.

But you know the old saying. Tuta frequensque via est sub ami­ci fallere nomen, the Devill deceiveth us soonest when he comes like an Angel of light; and you shall ever know the true sub­jects best by their actions, farre better then by their Votes, De­clarations, or Protestations; for, Quid audiam verba, cum vi­deam contraria facta? When men doe come in sheepes cloa­thing, and inwardly are ravening wolves, when they come with honey in their mouthes, and gall in their hearts, and like Joab, with peace in their tongue, and a sword in their hand, a petition to intreat, and a weapon to compell; I am told by my Saviour, that I shall know them by their works, not their words.

And therefore, as our Saviour saith, Not he that saith, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the Kingdome of Heaven, but he that doth the will of my Father which is in Heaven: So I say, not he that cryeth peace, peace, is the sonne of peace, but he that doth obey [Page 81]his Prince, and doth most willingly whatsoever hee comman­deth; or suffereth most patiently for refusing to doe what hee commandeth amisse: This is the true Subject.

Well, to draw towards the end of this point, That is, when the Commo­nalty guide the Nobility, and the Subjects rule their King. of our obedience to our Soveraigne Governour, I desire you to remember a dou­ble story; the one of Plutarch, which tels us how the tayle of the Serpent rebelled against the head, because that did guide the whole body, and drew the tayle after it whithersoever it would, therefore the head yeelded that the tayle should rule; and then, it being small and wanting eyes, drew the whole body, head and all, through such narrow crevises, clefts, and thickets, that it soone brought the Serpent to confusion. The other is of Titus Livius, who tels us, Titus Livius. Decad. 1. l. 2. that when the people of Rome made a factious combination to rebell against their Governours, Menenius Agrippa went unto them, and said, that on a time all the members conspired against the stomack, and alleadged, that shee devoured with ease and pleasure, what they had pur­chased with great labour and paine; therefore the feet would walke no more, the hands would worke no more, the tongue would plead no more for it; and so within a while, the long fast of the stomack made weake knees, feeble hands, dimme eyes, a faltering tongue, and a heavy heart; and then presently, seeing their former folly, they were glad to be reconciled to the stomack againe: and this reconciled the people unto their Go­vernours.

I need not make any other application, but to wish, and to advise us all with the people of Rome, to submit our selves unto our heads, that are our Governours, lest, if wee bee guided by the tayle, we shall bring our selves, with the Serpent, unto destru­ction.

And to remember that excellent speech of S. Basil, the peo­ple through ambition, are fallen into grievous Anarchy, whence it happeneth, that al the exhortations of their rulers do no good: no man hath any list to obey, but every man would raigne; be­ing swelled up with pride, that springeth out of his ignorance: and a little after he saith, that some sit no lesse implacable and bitter examiners of things amisse, then unjust and malevolent [Page 82]Iudges of things well done, Basilius de Spi­ritu Sancto c. ult. scil. 30. so that we are more bruitish then the very beasts; because they are quiet among themselves, but we wage cruell and bloudy warre against each other.

And let us never forget that the Lord saith, Honour thy fa­ther and thy mother; An argument of obedience drawne from the 5. com­mandement. and I must tell you that by father in this precept, you must not onely understand your naturall father, but also the King who is your politicall father, and the father of all his subjects and the Priest your spirituall father, and those likewise that in loco patris, 1 Chron. 2.24. doe breed and bring you up: and though naturall affection produceth more love and honour un­to those fathers that begat us; yet reason and religion oblige us more unto the King, that is the common father of all, and to the Priest, that begat us unto Christ, then unto him that begat us into the world; for that without our new birth, which is ordi­narily done by the office of the Priest, we were no Christians; and as good unborne as unchristened, What wee are and should be without King or Priest. that is, unregenerated: and without the King, that is, Custos utrius (que) tabulae, the preserver both of publique justice, and of the pure religion, our fathers can neither bring us up in peace, nor teach us in the faith of Christ: and therefore if my father should plot any treason a­gainst the King, or prove a Rebell against him, I am bound in all duty and conscience, to preferre the publique before the pri­vate, and if I cannot otherwise avert the same, to reveale the plot to preserve the King, though it were to the losse of my fathers life; and therefore certainely they that curse, that is, speake evill of their King, are cursed; and they that rebell a­gainst him shall never have their daies long in the land, but shall through their owne rebellion, be soone cut off from the land of the liuing.

For mine owne part, Whether for the liberty of Subjects we can be warran­ted to rebell. In the dis­course of the differences be­twixt King & Parliament, I have often admired, why the subjects of King CHARLES should raise any civill war, and especially turne their spleene against him; if any say, it is for their liberties; I answer, that I am confident his Majesty never thought to bring any (the meanest of his subjects) into bondage; nor by an arbi­trary government, to reduce them into the like condition, as the Peasants of France, or the Boores of Germany, or the Pickroes of Spaine, as some doe most falsly suggest: but that [Page 83]they should continue, as they have beene in the dayes of his Fa­ther, of blessed memory, and of all others his most noble Proge­nitours, the freest subjects under Heaven. And I hope they de­sire not to be such libertines as those in the Primitive Church, The libertines of the Pri­mitive Church, what they thought. who (because Christian liberty freed us from all Iewish Cere­monies, and all typicall Rites, which were such a burthen that neither we nor our fathers could undergo; and also from the curse and malediction of the morall law) would, under this pretence of Christian liberty, bee freed from the obligation of all lawes, and give themselves the freedoms to doe what they pleased; for this would prove to be, not the liberty, but the bondage and the base slavery of a people, that are not governed by lawes, but suffered to doe what they please; because, that neither God nor good lawes confine us, but for our owne good: and hee that for­bids us to obey impious commands, bids us to obey all righteous lawes; and rather to suffer then to resist the most unrighteous Governours. But I feare, that under the name of the liberty of the subjects, the licentiousnesse of the flesh is aymed at; What is often aymed at un­der the name of the liberty of the sub­jects. be­cause you may see by what is already come to passe, our civill dissention hath procured to many men such a liberty, that few men are sure either of their life or estate: and God blesse mee from such a liberty, and send me rather to be the slave of Christ, then such a libertine of the World.

And if religion bee the cause that moveth you hereunto, Whether for the preservati­on of our redi­gion, wee can bee warranted to rebell. I confesse this should be dearer to us then our lives; but this title is like a velvet maske, that is often used to cover a deformed face, & decipimur specie recti: for as that worthy and learned Knight Sir Iohn Cheeke, that was Tutor to King Edward the sixth, saith, if you were offered Persecution for Religion, you ought to fly, and yet you intend to fight; if you would stand in the truth, yee ought to suffer like Martyrs, and you would slay like Tyrants. Thus for religion you keepe no religion, and neither will follow the counsell of Christ, nor the constancy of Martyrs. And a little after, he demands why the people should not like that Religion which Gods Word established, the Pri­mitive Church hath authorized, the greatest learned men of this Realme, and the whole consent of the Parliament have confir­med, [Page 84]and the Kings Majesty hath set forth, is it not truly set out? Sir Iohn Check in the true sub­ject to the re­bell. p. 4. & 6. Dare you Commons take upon you more learning then the chosen Bishops and Clerks of this Realme have? this was the judgement of that judicious man: and I must tell you that Reli­gion never taught Rebellion; neither was it the will of Christ, that faith should bee compelled by fighting, but perswaded by preaching; for the Lord sharply reproveth them that built up Sion with bloud, Micah 3.10. and Hierusalem with iniquity: and the practice of Christ and his Apostles was to reforme the Church by pray­ers and preaching, and not with fire and sword; and they presse obedience unto our Governours, yea, though they were impious, infidels, True religion never rebel­leth. and idolatrous, with arguments fetched from Gods or­dinance, from mans conscience, from wrath and vengeance, and from the terrible sentence of damnation, and this truth is so so­lid, that it hath the cleare testimony of holy Writ, the perpe­tuall practice of all the Primitive Saints and Martyrs; and I dare boldly say it, the unanimous consent of all the Orthodox Bishops and Catholique Writers, both in England and Ireland, and in all the World, that Christian Religion teacheth us never with any violence to resist, or with armes to withstand the au­thority of our lawfull Kings.

If you say the Lawes of our Land, Whether the Lawes of our Land doe war­rant us to re­bell. and the Constitutions of this our Kingdome, doe give us leave to stand upon our liberty, and to withstand all tyranny that shall bee offered unto us, espe­cially when our estates, lives, and religion, are in danger to bee destroyed.

To this I say with Laelius, Laelius de pri­vileg. Eccl. 112. that, Nulla lex valeat contra jus divinam, mans laws can exact no further obedience then may stand with the observance of the divine precepts; and therefore wee must not so prefer them, or rely upon them so much, as to prejudice the other: and for our feare of the losse of estate, life, or religion. I wish it may not be setled upon groundlesse suspi­tions; for I know, and all the World may beleeve, that our King is a most clement and religious Prince, that never did give cause unto any of his subjects to foster such feares and jealousies within his breast, and you know what the Psalmist saith of ma­ny men, They were affraid where no feare was. And Iob tels [Page 85]you, whom terrours shall make affraid on every side, Iob 18.11, 12 and shall drive him to his feet; (that is, to runne away, as you see the Re­bels doe from the Kings Army in every place) and in whose Tabernacle shall dwell the King of feare: for, though the ungod­ly fleeth when no man pursueth him, yet they that trust in God are confident as Lyons, without feare; they know that the heart of the King is not in his owne hand, but in the hand of the Lord, Prov. 21.1. as the rivers of waters, & he turneth it whithersoever it pleaseth him; either to save them, or destroy them, even as it pleaseth God: hee ordereth the King how to rule the people. Bonav. ad se­cundam, dist. 35. art. 2. q. 1.

And therefore in the name of God, and for Christ Iesus sake, let me perswade you to put away all causles feares and ground­lesse jealousies, and trust your King; if not, trust your God; and let your will, which is so unhappy in it selfe, become right and equall, by receiving direction from the will of God; and re­member what Vlpian the great Civilian saith, that rebellion and disobedience unto your King is proximum sacrilegio crimen, and that it is in Samuels judgement as the sin of witchcraft, The remem­brance of his oath should be a terrour to the conscience of every rebell. where­by men forsake God, and cleave unto the Devill: and above all, remember the oath that many of you have taken, to bee true and faithfull unto your King, and to reveale whatsoever evils or plots that you shall know or heare to bee contrived against his Person, Crowne, or Dignity, and defend him from them, Pro posse tuo, to the uttermost of your power, So helpe you God. Which oath, how they that are any wayes assistant in a warre against their King, can dispence with, I cannot with all my wit and learning understand: and therefore returne, O Shula­mite, returne, lay downe thine armes, submit thy selfe unto thy Soveraigne, and know, that as the Kings of Israel were merci­full Kings, so is the King of England; 1 King. 20.32. thou shalt find grace in the time of need: but delay not this duty, lest, as Demades saith, the Athenians never sate upon treaties of peace, but in mour­ning weeds, when by the losse of their nearest friends they had paid too deare for their quarrels, so thou be driven to doe the like: for (except the sinnes of the people require no lesse satis­faction then the ruine of the Kingdome.) I am confident, and am ready to hazard life and fortunes in this confidence, [Page 86]that the goodnesse of our King, The Authors confidence of the Kings vi­ctory. the justnesse of his cause, and the prayers of all honest and faithfull Ministers for him and our Church, will in the end give him the victory over all those his rebellious enemies, that with lyes, slanders, and false imputa­tions, have seduced the Kings subjects, to strengthen themselves against their Soveraigne: and all the World shall see, that as Christ, so in Sensu modificato, this Vicegerent of Christ, shall rule in the midst of these his enemies, and shall raigne untill hee puts them all under his feet.

And because we never read of any rebellion (not this of Co­rah here, A rebellion, that the like was never seen. which of above six hundred thousand men had not many more then 250. Rebels: nor that of Absolon against Da­vid, who had all the Priests and Levites, and the best Counsel­lours, and a mighty Army with him, such as was able to over­throw Absolon and twenty thousand men in the plaine field; nor Israel against Rehoboam, because they did but revolt from him, and not with any hostile Armes invade him; nor the Senate of Rome against Caesar, though hee was the first that intrench­ed upon their liberty, and intended to exchange their Aristo­democracy into a Monarchy, nor any other that I can remem­ber, except that Councell which condemned Christ to death) that was growne to that height to bee so absolute and so perfect a rebellion in all respects, as that a whole Parliament in a man­ner, and the major part of the Plebeians of a whole Kingdome, should make a Covenant with Hell it selfe, yea, and which is most considerable, that (as I understand the beginning of this rebellion in this Kingdome of Ireland was) the Commenalty therein should so fascinate the Nobility, as to allure them so long to confirme their Votes, till at last they must bee compelled in all thhings to adhere unto their conclusions; that they, whose power was formerly most absolute without them, must now bee subordinate unto them, that the strength of the people may defend the weakenesse of the Nobility from that desert, which they merited by their simplicity, to bee seduced to joyne with them to rebell against their King. Therefore, if any faction in any Parliament should thus combine against the Lord, and a­gainst his annointed, there is no question, but their reducement [Page 87]to obedience, will make that Majesty, which shall effect it, more glorious to posterity, then were any of all his Prede­cessours.

And therefore I say againe, Returne, O Shulamite, returne, and remember I pray thee, remember, lest my words shall ac­cuse thy conscience in the day of judgement, that wee are often commanded in many places of the Scriptures, to obey our Kings, but in no place bidden, nor permitted to rise up and as­sist any Parliament against our King: if thou sayest thou dost not doe it against thy King, but against such and such that doe abuse the King; I told you before, that whosoever resisteth him that hath the Kings authority, resisteth the King; and therefore the whole World of intelligible men laugheth at this gullery, and hee that dwelleth in the Heavens shall laugh it to scorne; when with such aequivocation men shall thinke to justifie their rebellion; and I hope the people will not still remaine so simple, as to thinke that all the Canon and the Musket shot which the enemies of a King should make at him, must bee understood to bee for the safety of his person.

And as neither private men, nor any Senate, nor Magistrate, That the Pope hath no power to licence any man to make warre against the King. nor Peeres, nor Parliament, can lawfully resist and take armes against their King; so neither Synod, nor Counsell, nor Pope, have any power to depose, excommunicate, or abdicate; or to give immunities to Clergy, or absolution to subjects, thereby to free them from their duty and due allegeance, and to give them any colour of allowance to rebell and make warre against their lawfull King. And this point I should the more largely prosecute, because the natives of this Kingdome are more ad­dicted to the Pope and his Decrees, then any others of all the Kings Dominion; Pareus in Rom. 13. Iohan. Bede. in the right and preroga­tives of Kings: and the Trea­tise intituled God and the King. but the bulke of this Treatise is already too much swelled, and I hope I may have hereafter a fitter oppor­tunity to inlarge this Chapter: and therefore till then, I will onely referre my Reader unto Pareus, John Bede, and abun­dance more, that have most plentifully written of this Argu­menh.

And so much for the persons against whom they rebelled, Mo­sec their King, and Aaron their High Priest, or chiefe Bishop; [Page 88]and both these the prime Governours of Gods people, whom they ought by all lawes to have obeyed, and for no cause to have rebelled against them.

CHAP. XI. Sheweth what these Rebels did: How by tenue severall steps and degrees (1. Pride. 2. Discontent. 3. Envy. 4. Murmuring 5. Hypocrisie. 6. Lying. 7. Slandering. 8. Rayling. 9. Diso­bedience. 10. Resistance.) they ascended to the height of their Rebellion; and how these are the steps and the wayes to all Rebellions, and the reason which moved men to Re­bell.

VVEe are to consider Quid fecerunt, 3. Part. What these Rebels did. what these Rebels did. Cajetan saith, Zelati sunt. Tirinus saith, Irrita­verunt. The vulgar Latine saith, Aemulati sunt. Our vulgar English saith, They angred Moses: and our last English saith, They envyed Moses. And indeed the large extent of the Ori­ginall word, and the diversity of the Translation of it sheweth the greatnesse of their iniquity, and the multi-formity or multi­plicity of their sinne: And therefore that you may truly under­stand it, you must looke into the History Numb. 16., and there you shall see the whole matter; the conception, birth, strength, and progresse of their sinne: for,

1. This sinne was begotten by the seed of Pride; they con­ceived an opinion of their owne excellency; excellency, that bewitched men to rebell, thinking that they are inferiour to none, equall to the best, if not superiour unto all; and therefore they disdained to bee governed, and aspired to the government of Gods people: Pride the be­ginning of re­bellion. And then Pride, as the father, begat Dis­contentment as his eldest Sonne; they liked not their owne sta­tion, but would faine bee promoted to higher dignity; and be­cause Moses and Aaron were setled in the government be­fore them, and they knew not how either to be adjoyned with [Page 89]them, or advanced above them; therefore discontent begat En­vie, and they began to pine away at their felicity; and so our last English reades it, They envied Moses.

2. Private meet­ings do often produce mis­chiefes. This sinne being thus conceived in the wombe of the heart, at last it commeth forth to birth at the mouth; for out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh: and they be­gin to murmure and mutter among themselves, and as Rebels use to have, they have many private meetings and conventicles a­mong themselves, where they say, we are all good, 2 Sam. 15.3, 4. we are all holy, and they are no better than we; and as Absalon depra­ved his fathers government, and promised justice and judge­ment, and golden mountaines unto the people, if he were King: so doe they traduce the present government with all scandalous imputations, and professe such a reformation, as would make all people happie, if they were but in Moses place; or made over him, or with him, the Guardians and Protectors of the Com­mon-wealth.

And so now you see this ugly monster the sonne of Pride and Discontentment, is borne into the world, and spreads it selfe from the inward thought to open words. Then Moses heares the voyce of this infant, which was not like the voyce of Jacob, but of the Serpent, which spitteth fire and poyson out of his mouth.

And therefore lest this fire should consume them, and these mutterers prove their murderers, Moses now begins to look un­to himselfe, and to answer for his brother; he calleth these rebels, and he telleth them, that neither he nor his brother had ambiti­ously usurped, but were lawfully called into those places; and to make this apparent to all Israel, he bade these Rebels come out of their Castles to some other place, where he might safely treate and conferre with them; and that was to the Tabernacle of the Lord: that is, to the place where wisedome and truth re­sided, and was from thence published and spread to all the peo­ple, and there the Lord should shew them whom he had cho­sen.

And here I doe observe the care and wisedome of the Pro­phet, that at the first appearance of their designe, The wisdome of Moses. would pre­sently [Page 90]begin to protect his brother, before their rebellion had increased to any strength; for had he then delivered Aaron into their hands, his hands had beene so weakened, that he had never beene able afterwards to defend himselfe; to teach all Kings to beware, that they yeeld not their Bishops and Priests unto the desires of the people, which is the fore-runner of rebellion a­gainst themselves: for as King Philip told the Athenians, that he had no dislike to them, but would admit them into his pro­tection, so they would deliver to him their Orators, which were the fomentors of all mischiefe, and the people were mad to doe it, The witty tale of Demosthenes to saue the O­rators, and to assureal Kings that if Aarons tongue, & the Prophets pen perswade not the conscience to yeeld obedi­ence, Moses power and Io­shuas sword may subdue the people to sub­jection, but ne­ver retaine them long without rebel­lion. till Demosthenes told them, how the Wolfe made the same proposition unto the Sheepe to become their friends and protectors, so they would deliver their Dogs, which were the cause of all discontent betwixt them, and the Sheepe being al­ready weary of their Dogs, delivered them all unto the Wolves, and then immediately the Wolves spared neither Sheepe nor Lambe, but tore them in pieces without resistance: even so, when any King yeeldeth his Bishops unto the poples Votes, he may feare ere long to feele the smart of this great mastake.

Therefore Moses wisely delivereth not his brother, but stoutly defendeth him, who he knew had no wayes offended them, and offered, if they came to a convenient place, to make this plaine to all the people.

But as evill weeds grow apace, and lewd sonnes will not be kept under, so the more Moses sought to suppresse this sinne, the faster it grew, and spread it selfe to many branches; from secret muttering, to open rayling, from inward discontent, to outward disobedience, they tell them plainely to their faces, they will not come, Evil mengrow worse, & wors. Vers. 12. è Castris, from their strong holds: they ac­cuse them falsly, that Moses their Prince aymed at nothing but their destruction, and to that end, had brought them out of a good land to be killed in the wildernesse, Vers. 13. Moses is in a strait. and contemning them most scornefully in the face of all the people, whatsoever Moses bids them doe, they resolve to doe the contrary.

So now Moses might well say with the Poet, ‘Quocunque aspicio nihil est nisi pontus, Fluctibus hic enmidus, nubi­bus ille minax. & aether.’ And therefore it was high time this evill weed should be roo­ted [Page 91]out, or else the good corne shall be choaked; these Rebells must be destroyed, or they will destroy the Governours of Gods peo­ple; and Moses now must waxe angry, Nam debet amor laesus irasci, otherwise his meekenesse had beene stupidnesse, and his mercy had proved little better then cruelty; when as to spare the Wolfe is to spoyle the Sheepe: and because these great Re­bels had with Absolon, by their falfe accusations of their Go­vernours, and their subtle insinuations into the affections of the people, stole away the hearts of many men; therefore Moses must call for aide from Heaven, and say, Exurgat Deus; and let him that hath sent me now defend me: So God must be the de­cider of this dissention as you may see he was in the next verse.

And by this you finde, Quid fecerunt, what these Rebels did; and how their sinne was not Simplex peccatum, but Morbus cumulatus, a very Chaos, and an heape of confused iniquity: for here is,

• 1. Pride.
• 2. Discontent.
• 3. Envie.
• 4. Murmuring.
• 5. Hypocrisie.
• 6. Lying.
• 7. Slandring.
  The tenfold sin of rebels.
• 8. Rayling.
• 9. Disobedience.
• 10. Rebellion.

A monster indeed, that is, a ten headed, or ten horned beast.

1. Pride, 1 Pride. which bred the distraction in the Primitive Church, and will be the destruction of any Church, of any Common-wealth, was the first seede of their rebellion; for the humble man will easily be governed, but the proud heart, like a sturdy oake, will rather breake then bend.

2. Discontent was the second step, 2. Discontent. and that is a most vexati­ous vice; for though contentation is a rare blessing, because it ariseth either from a fruition of all comforts, as it is in the glo­rious in Heaven; The poyson of discontent. or a not desiring of that which they have not as it is in the Saints on earth; yet discontent is that which an­nointeth all our joyes with Aloes: for though life be naturally sweete, yet a little discontent makes us weary of our lives, as the Israelites, that loved their lives as well as any, yet for want of a little water, say, O that we had dyed in Egypt. And Haman tels his wife; Hester 5.1 [...]. that all the honour which the King and Queene [Page 92]shewed unto him, availeth him nothing, so long as Mordecai re­fused to bow unto him.

And discontent may as well invade the highest as the lowest; for as none is so bare but he hath some benefits, so none is so The common condition of man to be ever wanting some­thing. full but he wanteth something; as the Israelites had Manna, but they wanted water; and when they had water they wanted flesh, and this want made them discontented; so these Rebels had the dignity to the Levites, and to be Peeres, of high places, and heads of all their families, which was more than they deserved; but they wanted the honour to be Priests, and to be Kings, the chiefe Governours of Gods people, which they desired; and therefore were discontented, because their conceit was unsatia­ble, and their desires unsatisfied.

3. 3. Envie, As Pride makes men disconted to bee inferiour unto any, so Discontent makes them alwayes to envie their superiors: and therefore Envie is the third head of this monster, and the third step unto rebellion; How mon­strous a sinne is Envie. a most hatefull vice before God and man, that I should pine away with griefe, because God is gra­cious unto another: and I must be angry with God, because he will not be guided by me in the disposing of his favours: and therefore Saint Augustine calleth this a devillish vice, Gen. 4.8. Act. 7.9. which caused Cain to kill Abell; the Patriarchs to sell Joseph; the Medes to molest Daniel; and the Nobility of Iury to persecute good King David, Cyprian in Serm. de Li­vore. and to crucifie the sonne of David, Christ himselfe; Et ideo periere, quia maluerunt Christo invidere, quàm credere.

And yet herein I must commend Envie, that as the Poet saith — Sit licet injustus livor: though it be unjust to others, yet it is very just, to destroy them first that would destroy o­thers; as the envie of these rebels did Sampson-like, pull down the house upon their owne heads; and will most likely bring de­struction unto those that follow them in rebellion.

4. 4. Murmuring. Murmuring is a secret discontented muttering one to another of things that we dislike, or persons that we distaste; and the very word in all languages seemes as harsh unto our eares, as the sinne is hatefull unto our soules: for in Greeke it is called [...]; in Latine, Murmurare; in English, to Mur­mure; [Page 93]in Brittish, Grwgnach; a sad word and a sowre sinne: therefore the wise man saith, Beware of murmuring, Exod. c. 15. c. 16. c. 17. which is nothing worth; and yet this sinne was frequent among the Is­raelites, (three times in three Chapters) that they could never leave it, till as Saint Paul saith, 1 Cor. 10. They were destroyed of the de­stroyer.

5. Hypocrisie is when a man seemes to be what he is not, 5. Hypocrisie. for as Saint Hierome saith, Qui intus Cato, foris Nero, hypocrita est; he that talkes of peace, and prepares for warre; that pro­testeth loyaltie, and yet hates his King; that in his words will ad­vance the Church, but in his actions will overthrow the Church-men; that commends all pietie, but commits all iniqui­ty; that will not sweare for a Kingdome, but deceive for a pen­ny; that pretends the safety of the Kings Person, but purloineth away all his power; that will bend his knee, and say, Hayle King, but will spit in his face, and crowne him with thornes, he is an hypocrite: So these rebels say, they are all holy, they love all their brethren, they hate usurpation, and cannot endure the tyranny of these Governours, but indeede, though they cryed, Templum Domini, Templum Domini, all for the King, and all for the Church; all for Moses, and all for Aaron; yet notwithstanding this voyce of Iacob, they had the hands of Esau, and they would have brought Moses and Aaron to con­fusion, as they brought themselves to destruction,

This is the property of an Hypocrite, and therefore Job speak­ing of an hypocrite, saith, (and it is exceedingly well worth the observing) Though his excellencie mount up to the heavens, and his head reach unto the clounds, yet he shall perish for ever like his owne dung; they which have seene him, (that is, they which came out to see his pompe and his greatnesse, and have admired at the greatnesse of his glory) shall say, where is be? or, how chance he doth not ride on with his honour? Iob answereth, The eye which saw him shall see him no more, that is, Iob 20.6, 7, 8, 9. in the like majestie, neither shall his place any more behold him: for, He shall flee away as a dreame, and shall not be found; yea, hee shall be chased away as a vision in the night. And our Saviour know­ing aswell the cruelty, as the subtilty of hypocrites, biddeth us [Page 94] to beware of hypocrites: Mat. 7.15. as the Poet saith, ‘Hypocritas fugito, sicut atri limina ditis.’ Shun hypocrites as the gates of Hell, Hypocrisie, how odions it is. and beleeve their actions rather then their protestations: for as in the Old Testament So­dome and Gomorrah are the patternes of all beastlinesse, so in the New Testament the greatest sinners are threatned to have their portion with the hypocrites.

6. 6. Lying. Lying must follow Hypocrisie at the heeles, for were it not for the heapes of lyes that kypocrites spread abroad, the world could not possibly be so easily seduced by their hypo­crisie; and I read it in a Sermon of a learned Divine, that now adayes some phanatique Sectaries of desperate opinions and dispicable fortunes, Master Griffith in his patheti­call perswasion to peace, p. 28. (whom the Church and State finde to be a malignant party) having little else to doe, make it their trade to lye both by whole sale and retayle; they invent lyes, and vent lyes; they tell lyes, and write lyes, and print lyes; yea, I may adde, and more palpable lyes, and more abominable, then either Bourne or Butter ever published of the affaires of Germany; and this they doe as confidently and impudently, as if they were in­formed by that lying spirit, which entred as a Voluntier into Ahabs Prophets; and by lying and raising false rumours, they beget jelousies and feares in the people, and by blowing the coales which themselves kindled, and inlarging the difference betwixt King and Parliament, they set all in a cumbustion, and bring all into confusion: and that which grieves me most, he saith, that they are Preachers, which in the exuberancie of their misgrounded and misguided zeale doe both preach and pray a­gainst publique peace, as inconsistent with the independencie, or rather Anarchie that they ayme at.

7. 7. Slandering. Slandering may be coupled unto their lying, because wee can slander none with that which is truth, therefore these Re­bells say, All the Congregation is holy, and that is a lye, when there can be no holinesse in the Rebels; and the Lord is among them, which is another lye, for he will forfake all those that for­sake him: then they say Moses and Aaron take too much up­on them, which is an apparent slander; and they adde, that they lifted up themselves above the Congregation of the Lord, which [Page 95]is another slander, as false as the fathers of lyes could lay upon them; for I shewed unto you before, how truely they were called, and how justly they behaved themselves in their places, but as Absolon knew well enough, that to traduce his fathers Government, was the readiest way to insinuate, and to winde himselfe into a good opinion among the people, and to make the King odius unto his subjects, so these and all other Rebells will be sure to lay load enough of lyes and slanders upon their Go­vernours, Goodwin in his Anti. Caval. Burroughs in his Sermon up­on the glorious name of the Lord of Hosts. and so the namelesse Author of the Soveraigne An­tidote, Goodwin, Borroughes, and abundance more, such scanda­lous, impudent, lying libels, have not blushed, (which a man would thinke the brazen face of Satan could not chuse but doe) so maliciously and reproachfully, to lay to His Majesties charge the things which (as the Prophet saith) he never knew, and which all they that know the King, doe know to be apparent lyes, and most abominable slanders against the Lords Vicegerent: but, Quid domini facient, audeant cum talia fures? You know the meaning of the Poet, and you may know the reason why these grand lyers, these impudent slanderers, doe so impudently belye so good a King, so pious and so gracious a Majestie, for lay on enough, Et aliquid adbaerebit, and throw dust enough in their faces; and let the Governours be never so good, the King as milde and as unreproveable as Moses, and the Bishops like Aaron, the Saints of the Lord, yet some thing will slicke in the opinion of the simple, that are not able to discerne the subtilty of those distractors.

And as they diminish and undermine the credit and reputati­on of the best Governours, by no other engine then a lying tongue and a false pen, so with the same instruments they doe magnifie their owne repute, and further their unjust proceed­ings, by deceiving the most simple with such equivacall lyes, Astrange equi­vocation. as any sensible man might well wonder, that they should be so in­sensibly swallowed downe; as, when they say, they fight for him whom they shoot at; and they are for the King, when with all their might and maine they strive to take away his power, to pull the sword out of his hand, and to throw his Crowne down to the dust; which is so strange a kinde of equivocation, as [Page 96]might well move men with Pilate, to aske what is truth; which we can never understand, if any of these things can be true: which (as one saith most truely) is one of the absurdest gulleries that ever was put upon any Nation; The tale of an Anabaptist. much like that Anabaptist which I knew, that beat his wife almost to death; and said, he beat not her, but that evill spirit that was in her.

Therefore the Lord hateth this abhominable sinne, because it is unpossible the people should be so soon drawn into rebellion, if they did not credit these defamations: But the wise man tells us, that Stultus credit omni verbo; therefore no wise man will beleeve those false and wicked slanders, that such malicius Re­bels doe spread abroad against their King, Prince, or Priest, or any other Governour of Gods people.

8. After they had thus slandered these good men, they fell to open rayling against them, 8 Rayling. as you may see, Numb. 16.13, 14. for now they had eaten shame, and drunke after it; and there­fore they cared not what they sayd; and so now we finde how the Rebels deale with our King, and with our Bishops too; with our Moses, and with our Aaron, for here in Ireland they re­bell against their Soveraigne, because he is no Papist, and will not countenance the Papists as they desire: And in England, they rayle at him, and rebell against him, because they say, hee is a Papist, and doth connive at Popery, and hath a designe to bring in Popery into the Kingdome, which is as slat a lye as the father of lyes hath ever invented. So the Bishops here are dri­ven out of all, (as my selfe am expelled, aedibus & sedibus, and left destitute of all reliefe) because we are no Papists, but doe both preach add write against their errors, as much as any, and more learnedly then many others. And in England we are perse­cuted, and driven to flie from place to place, or to take our place in a hard prison, (as my selfe have beene often forced to flie, and to wander in the cold and dark long nights) because we are Papists, and so Popishly given: good God, what shall we doe, whither shall we goe, or what shall we say? for, ‘Nusquam tutae fides, — nec hospes ab hospite tutus.’ We cannot confide in the confiders, to whom we are become malignant enemies for speaking truth, noither dare we trust in [Page 97]the followers of the publique faith, nor in the professors of the Catholique faith, whereof men maliciously rejecting their god­ly Bishops, rebelliously fighting against their lawfull King, and wortally wounding their owne soules, have made a shipwracke. But, If they called the Master of the house Beelzebub, if they said he was a glutton and a drunkard, what wonder if they say these things of us? and if Christ the King of Kings was crucified be­twixt two Theeves, what marvell if this servant of Christ, our King be thus pressed, opposed, and abused betwixt two rebel­lious factions? and when we see our Saviour and our King thus handled, it is lesse strange to finde the Bishops and the Priests persecuted and crucified betwixt two hereticall and tyrannicall parties. Well: Jerusalem, Jerusalem, that killest the Prophets and stonest them that are sent unto thee, take heed lest the King of peace shall say unto thee, Verily, thou shalt see me no more, till thou sayest, Blessed is he that commeth in the name of the Lord.

9. When they were growne thus impudent, 9. Disobedi­ence. from bad to worse, both over shooes and over bootes, then disobedience must needs follow; and therefore now putting on their brazen fore­heads, they tell Moses plainly, We will not come to thee; wee will doe nothing that thou willest, but will crosse thee in all that thou intendest: this is our most peremtory resolution.

And so we see, that Nemo repente fit pessimus, but the wicked grow worse and worse: first you must lend, then you must give, if not, we will take; or if you deny your goods, we will have your bodies: so at first, what soever we doe, it is for the King; and, because this is so palpable a mockery, that as every man knoweth, that they fight against the Earle of Essex and his Army, doe warre against the Parliament; so they that fight a­gainst the Kings Army, do as certainly warre against the King) then we grow so impudent, as to justifie any rebellion against our King; as in England, Goodwin, and that seditious Pamphle­ter, in opening the glorious name of the Lord of Host, doe but a little lesse: for which application of Gods glorious name, and abusing the holy Scriptures, to such abominable transgression of Gods holy Precepts, to instigate the subjects to warre against [Page 98]their Soveraigne, and to involue a whole Kingdome into a de­testable distraction: I doe much admire that they are not ap­prehended, and transferred to the Kings Bench Barre to be there arraigned, and condemned to be punished according to their deserts.

10. 10. Rebellion. See the place. Joshua 1.16, 17, 18. When these Rebels had proceeded thus farre, then con­trary to the loyall obedience which they owed unto their Prince, and which the people promise unto Joshua: They ascended to the height of odious rebellion, which may not unfitly be called Monstrum, borendum, informe, ingens, cui lumen ademptum, and is (as Thucydides saith) all kinde of evill; Et qui facit, pecatum non facit, sed ipse totus est peccatum: and therefore Samuel saith, that Rebellion is as the sinne of Witchcraft, when men doe confederate to give their soules unto the Devell; for now these Rebells are ready to take armes against Moses, and they had reduced all civill order to confused paritie, deposed and destroyed their Governours, if the Governour of all the world, by whom Kings doe reigne, and who hath promised to defend them, had not prevented the same from Heaven.

And the reason why they did all this, The reason of their rebellion and proceeded thus far against Moses and Aaron, is intimated in the words of my Text, AEmulati sunt because they would emulate or imulate Moses, that is, to play the Moses, or play the Kings, and play the part of the chiefe Priest themselves; for this is certaine, that none will envy murmure at, slander, and disobey his King so farre as to make any open rebellion against him, but they that in some sort would rule and be Kings themselves; especially when they shall seeke so farre to debilitate their Prince, as that hee shall be no wayes able to make resistance; for they thinke, if Treason pros­per, 'tis no Treason; what's the reason? if it prosper, who dares call it Treason? and none would disobey their Bishops or chiefe Priests, but they that would and cannot be Bishops themselves; because pride and ambition are the two sides of that bellowes, which blowes up disobedienee and rebellion.

But they that are ill servants will prove worse masters; they that will not learne how to obey, can never tell how to rule; and if Moses were, as these Rebels suggested, a Tyrant; yet the [Page 99]Philosopher tels us, we had better endure one Tyrant, then, as they were, 250 Tyrants. And the Humilie of the Church tels us, that contrary to their hopes. God never suffers the greatest treasons or rebellion for any long time to prosper.

Therefore, when under loyall pretences we see nothing but studied mischiefes, and most crafty endeavours to innovate our government, or to imbroyle the Kingdome in a civill war that so they may fish in a troubled water; let us never be so stupid as to secure them in these actions, to produce our discredit for our simplicity, and destruction for our disloyalty; but rather let us leave them as Delinquents, to the justice of our Lawes, and the mercy of the King; and this will be the rediest way to effect peace and happinesse to our Nation.

CHAP. XII. Sheweth where the Rebels do hatch their Rebellion: The heavy and just deserved punishments of Rebels: The ap­plication and conclusion of the whole.

4. WE are to consider, Ʋbi facerunt, 4. Part. Where they did all this. where they did all this; in castris, non in templis; that is, in their owne houses, not in the house of God: for in Gods house we teach obedience to our Kings, and beat downe rebellion in every King­dome; this is the Doctrine of the Church. But in our houses, in our cabines and corners, in private conventicles, they teach rebel­lion, which is the Doctrine of those Schoolcs. Our houses are our castles And these Schooles are called Castra, Tents, or Castles; because indeed e­very mans house is his castle, or his fort, where he thinkes him­selfe sure enough; so did those rebels, and they would not come out of them: neither Moses the King could compell them, nor Aaron the Priest could perswade them to come out of their castles, and forsake their strong holds, which their guilty con­sciences would not permit them to doe: and so all other rebels will never be perswaded to forsake their places of strength, [Page 100]untill God pulleth them, as he did these Rebels, out of their holes: for were it not for these Castra, the Citties and Castles that they possede they could not so (like subtle Foxes) runne out and in, to nullisie the property, and to captivate the liberty of the Kings faithfull subjects as they doe; for, though they doe all this under those faire pretences, for the defence of the true religion, the maintainance of our liberties and the pro­perty of our estates: yet for our religion, it is now amongst us as it was in the dayes of S. Basil, Basilius de Spi­ritus Sancto, c. ult. [...], every one is a Divine; and then [...], &c. all the bounds of our fore-fathers are transgressed, the foundation of doctrine and fortification of disciplin was rooted up; and the innovators which never had any other imposition of hands, but what they laid upon themselves, have matter enough to set forward their sedition; and for the other pretences, I dare proclaime it to all the world, that mine owne experience beleeveth the liberty of the subjects, and the property of our goods, and the true Pro­cestant Religion could not possibly be more abused, then it hath beene by them that came in the name and for the service of the Parliament: and therefore I would to God, that all the oppres­sions, injustice, and imprisonments, that have beene made since the beginning of this Parliament, were collected and recorded in a booke of remembrance, that all the world might see and read the justice and equity of our Parliament, and the iniquity, op­pression, and rapine of them, that to enrich themseves, deprive us of our estates and liberties, How the Pali­ament Rebels have inriched themselves in Ireland. and that under the Parliaments name; for I heare, that as many have beene impoverished, so many both of the Lords and Commons in this Kingdome of Ireland; that, before the Conjunction of these malevolent mar­tiall Planets, were very low at an ebbe, and their names very deep in many Citizens books, have now wiped off all scores, paid all their debts, and clad themselves in Silkes and Scarlet, but with the extorted moneys, and the plundered goods of the loyall subjects: I hope it is not so in England.

Yet as Platina tels us, Platinas story of the Guel­phes and Gi­bilines. that when the Guelphes and the Gi­bilines, in the Citie of Papia, were at civill discord; and the Gibilines promised to one Fecinus Caius all the goods of the [Page 101] Guelphes, if he assisted them to get the victory, which he did; and after he had subdued the Guelphes, he seized upon the goods of both; and when the Gibilines complained that he brake his Covenant, to pillage their goods, Catus answered, that themselves were Gibilines, but their goods were Guelphs, and so belonged unto him: So both in England and Ireland. I see the Parliament Forces and the Kebels, (I hope contrary to the will of the Parliament) make little difference betwixt Papist and Protestant, the well affected and disaffected; for they cannot judge of their affections, but they can discerne their estates, and that is the thing which they thirst after; Haud ig­nota cano.

But you will say, these are miseries unavoidable, accidents common to all warre, when neither side can excuse all their fol­lowers.

I answer, Woe be to them therefore that were the first sugge­sters and procurers of this warre, and cursed be they that are still the incendiaries, and blow the coales, for the continuance of these miserable distractions. I am sure his Majesty was neither the cause, nor doth he desire the prolonging thereof for the least moment; but as his royall father was a most peaceable Prince, so hath he shewed himselfe in all his life, to follow him passibus aequis, and to be a Prince of peace: though, as the God of peace is likewise a man of warre, and the Lord of Hosts; so this peaceable Prince, when his patience is too much provoked, can (as you see) change his pen for a sword, and turne the milde­nesse of a Lambe into the stoutnesse of a Lyon; and you know what Solomon saith, that The wrath of a King is the messenger of death, especially when he is so justly moved to wrath. And so much for the particulars of this Text.

2 Having fully seene the uglinesse of this sinne, 2. The punish­ment of these rebels. you may a little view the greatnesse of the punishment: for,

Although I must confesse, we should be slow to anger, slow to wrath, yet when the Magistrate is disobeyed, the Minister despised, and God himselfe disclaimed, it makes our hearts to bleed, and our spirits angry within us: yea, though the King were as gentle and as meek as Moses, the meekest man on earth [Page 102]and the Bishops as holy as Aaron, the Saint of the Lord; yet such disobedience and rebellion would anger Saints; Tirinus in h. psal. for so Tirinus saith, Irritaverunt, they angred Moses in their Tents, and Aaron the Saint of the Lord: Nay more then this, they angred God himselfe, so farre that fire was kindled in his wrath, and it bur­ned to the bottome of hell. And as these rebels were Lords and Levites, Clergy and Laity, so God did proportion their punish­ments according to their sinnes: for the Levites, that were to kindle fire upon Gods Altar, and should have beene more hea­venly, and those 250 men which userped the Office of the Priests; He sent fire from heaven to devour them: and the Nobi­lity that were Lay Lords, the Prophet tels you, the earth opened and swallowed up Dathan, and covered the Congregation of Abiram. A most fearfull example of a just judgment; for to have seene them de ad upon the earth, as the Egiptians upon the shore, had beene very lamentable; but to see the earth open­ing and the graves devouring them quick, was most lamertable, and so strange that we never read of such revenge taken of Isra­el; Basiil. hom 9. never any better deserved, and which is more, S. Basil saith quod descenderunt in infernum damnatorum: they fell into the very pit of the damned; which dolefull judgement, though they well deserved it, yet I will leave that undetermined.

And if these rebels proceeding not so farre, whatsover they intended to offer violence, and to make an open war against Moses, were so heavily plagued for the Embrio of their rebel­lion, what tongue shall be able to expresse the detestation of that sinne, and the deserts of those rebels, that by their subtilty and cruelty would bring a greater persecution upon the Church then any that we read since the time of Christ, and by a despe­rate disobedience to a most Gratious King, would utterly over­throw a most flourishing State? a rebellion and persecution, the one against the King: the other against the Church, that in all respects can scarce be paralleled from the beginning of the world to this very day.

And therefore except they doe speedily repent with that mea­sure of repentance, as shall be in some sort proportionable to the measure of their transgression, I feare God in justice will deale [Page 103]with them as he did with the Jewes, 2. Chron. 36.17. deliver them into the hand of their Enemies, that will have no compassion upon young man, or maiden, old man, or him that stoopeth for age; or rather, as he did with Pharaoh King of Egypt, deliver them up to a reprobate sense and harden their hearts, that they cannot repent, but in their folly and obstinacie still to fight against Heaven, untill the God of heaven shall overthrow them with a most fearefull de­struction; the which I pray God, they may foresee in time, and repent, that they may prevent it, that God may be still mer­cifull unto us as he useth to be to those that love his Name.

And so much for the words of this Text.

Now to Apply all in briefe: if God shall say to any Nation, The applica­tion of all. I will send them a King in my wrath, and give them Lawes not good: let them take heed they say not we will take him away by our strength: for we have read, that hee hath authority to give us a King in his displeasure: but you shall never read that we have authority to disobey him at our pleasure, and to say, Nolu­mus hunc regnare super nos: or if any do, let them know that he which set him up, and setled him over them, is able to protect him against them; & they that struggle against him, do but strive against God: and therefore they have no better remedie, then to pray to God, which hath the hearts of Kings in his hand, that he would, as the Psalmist saith, Give the King his judge­ments, and his righteousnesse unto the Kings Son that he would either guide his heart to right, and direct his feete to the way of peace: or as he hath sent him in his fury, so hee would take him away in his mercy. But for our selves of these Ilands we have a King and I speak it here in the sight of God and as I shall answer for what I say at the dreadfull judgement, not to flatter him that heares mee not, but to informe those of you that know him not so well as I, that had the happinesse to live with my ever honoured Lord, the Noble Earle of Pembroke and Montgomery, 16. or 17. yeares in the Kings house, and of them 6. or 7. yeares in the Kings service. He is a most just, pious, and gracious King; and I beleeve the best Protestant King that ever England or Ireland saw, neither Popishly affected, nor Scisma­tically led to disaffect, but most constantly resolved to be a true [Page 104]Defender of that true Protestant Faith, which is established by Law in the Church of England, and he is such a King; of so unblameable life, so spotlesse in all his actions, so clement, and so meeke towards all men, and so mercifull towards his very enemies, that the mouth of Envie cannot truly tax him, nor malice it selfe disprove him in any thing. Yet wee know that as Moses the meekest among men, and David the best of Kings, were sore afflicted, slandered, and persecuted, not a little, by many of their owne obliged subjects; yea, and the best Kings have had the greatest troubles; so this good King hath had for his tryall a great part of the like usage. I know not by whom, neither do I indend here to accuse others, but to instruct you, and by what I shewed out of this text to teach you above all, to take heed of disobedience and Rebellion towards your King: and to let you understand that what privi­ledges in the New Test. are acknowledged to be due to Heathen Princes, and what prerogatives the spirit of God hath in the Old Testament, warranted unto the Jewish Kings, and what the universall Law of Nature, hath established upon all the supreme Governours, do all of them appertaine by unquestionable right unto his most sacred Majesty; and yet his Majesty out of His incomparable goodnesse insisteth not to challenge all these, but vouchsafeth to accept of these rights and prerogatives, which are undoubtedly afforded him by the Lawes of His own Lands: and these come far short, scarce the moity of the other; be­cause we know, if our Historians have not deceived mee, how many of them were obtained, by little better then by force and violence, compelling Kings to consent unto them; whereas Lawes should be of a freer nature.

And therefore of all the Nations round about us, besides that God hath intrusted Him with us all, wee have most rea­son to entrust him, and to give credit unto His Majesties many protestations (too high to be forgotten by him, or misdoubted by us) for His resolution, to maintaine the Liberty of his Subjects, the just Priviledges of Parliaments, and the true established Re­ligion in the Kingdome of England: and likewise to rule over us according to our Lawes, in this Realme of Ireland. And [Page 105]we have least reason to rebell and take armes against him; and therfore let us not be perswaded by any meanes by any man to doe it, because God will preserve his annointed, and will, as you see, plague the Rebels; but let us pray for our King, and praise God night and day, that he which might have given us a bramble, not onely to teare our flesh, but also to set us all on fire, hath given us such a Cedar, such a gracious and a pious King; and if either forreigne foes, or domestique Rebels, doe presse him so, that he hath need of us, let us adde our helpe, and hazard our lives to defend and protect Him that protecteth us; and suffe­reth all for the protection of Gods service, as it was established in the purest time of Reformation, and for the preservation of our Lawes from any corrupt interpretation, or arbitrary invasi­on upon them, by those factious men, that under faire, yet false pretences, have, with wondrous subtilty, and with most subtile hypocrisie, seduced so many simple men, to pertake with them not onely to overthrow the true Religion, to imbase the Church of Christ, that hitherto hath continued glorious in this Nation, and by trampling the most learned under feet, to reduce Popery into this Kingdome, and to bring in Atheisme or Barbarisme in­to our Pulpits, when they make their Coach-men and Trades­men like Jeroboams Priests, the basest of the people, to become their trencher Chaplaines and the teachers of those poore sheep, for whom the Son of God hath shed his precious bloud, but al­so to change the well-setled government, and to subvert the whole fabricke of this famous Common-wealth, either by their tyranny, or bringing all into an Anarchie; for if we have any regard of any of these things, either true Religion, or ancient Government; a gracious King, and a learned Clergy; a glorious Church, and a flourishing Kingdome; we ought not to spare our goods, or be niggards in our contributions to helpe his Maje­stie: yea, as Debora saith, To helpe the Lord against the mighty. Or, if we be cold and carelesse herein, pinurious and tenacious of our worldly pelfe, preferring our gold before our God; or fea­ring gracelesse Rebels more then we love our gracious King, It may fall out, as Saint Augustine saith, Quod non capit Christus vapit fiscus; or as it did with the Carthaginians, who because [Page 106]they would not assist Hanniball with some reasonable propor­tion of their estates, they lost all unto the Romans and with the Constantinopolitans that for denying a little to Paleologus, lost all unto the Turkes; so we may be robbed and pillaged of all, because we would not part with some; and I had rather the King should have all I have, then that the Rebels should have any part thereof. Therefore I hope I shall perswade all good men to honour God with their riches, and to assist His Ma­jesty to the uttermost of their powers, even to the hazard, and to the losse both of liberty and life And doing this, our God which is the King of Kings, will blesse us, and defend us from all evill, and make us Kings and Priests to live with him for ever and ever, through Jesus Christ our Lord: To whom with the Father and the Holy Spirit, be all praise and glory, and dominion, from henceforth for evermore, Amen. Amen.

Iehovae liberatori.