1. 1. Impediment. THey get Maſter Pym, the grand father of all the purer ſort, and a fit inſtrument for this deſigne, in the name of the Houſe of Commons, and thereby of all the Commonalty of England, The Earle his charge. to charge Thomas Earle of Strafford of High-Treaſon; a high charge indeed, and yet no leſſe a crime could ſerve the turne to turne him out of their way; becauſe nothing elſe could ſubdue that ſpirit, by which he was ſo well able to diſcover the plots, and to fruſtrate the practices of all the faction of Sectaries; for as the Jewes were no wayes ſufficient to anſwer Saint Stevens arguments, but onely with ſtones, ſo theſe men ſaw themſelves unable to confute his reaſons, and to ſubdue his power, but onely by putting him to death, and cutting off his head, for that fault which Pym alleadged he had committed.

But then, I demand how this great charge of high Treaſon ſhall be made good againſt him?

It is anſwered, How ſought to be proved. that England, Scotland, and Ireland and every corner of theſe three Kingdomes muſt be ſearched, and all diſcontented perſons, that had at any time any ſentence, though never ſo juſtly pronounced againſt them, by him that was ſo great a Judge, Yet conceited to be otherwiſe by themſelves, muſt now be incouraged and countenanced by the faction, and moſt likely by this grand accuſer, to ſay all that they know, and perhaps more then was true againſt him, for what will not envy and malice ſay? or what beaſt will not trample upon the Lion, when they ſee him groveling and gaſping for life in an unevitable pit, and it may be, compaſſed with ſo many maſtife dogs (I meane his enemies and diſcontented witneſſes) as were able to teare more then one Lion all to peices? ſo by this meanes they are enabled to frame neare thirty Articles againſt him ut cum non proſint ſingula, multajuvent, that the number might amnze the people, and thinke him a ſtrange creature, that was ſo full of haynous offences, and ſo compaſſed with tranſgreſſions.

But, ſi ſatis accuſaſſe, quis innocens? The Earle his anſwer. if accuſations were ſufficient to create offenders, not a righteous man could eſcape on earth; therefore the Law condemneth no man before he be heard, what he can anſwer for himſelfe, and the Earle of Strafford comming to his anſwer made all things ſo cleare, in the Judgment of the common hearers, and anſwered to every article ſo well, that his enemies being Judges, they much applauded his abilities and admired at his Dexterity, whereby he had ſo finely untied thoſe Gordian knots, that were ſo fouly contrived againſt him, and as his friends conceived, had fairely eſcaped all thoſe iron nets, which his adverſaries had ſo cunningly laid, & my popular countreyman, with the reſt of the more learned Lawyers, had ſo vehemently proſecuted to inſnare him in the linkes and traps of guiltineſſe; and in breife the Lords, who as yet were unpoyſoned by the leavened ſubtilty of this bitter faction, could finde not any one of all thoſe articles to be Treaſon, by any Law that was yet eſtabliſhed in this Land, ſic te ſervavit Apollo; ſo God delivered him, as he thought and his friends hoped, out of all theſe troubles.

Yet, as a rivelet ſtopped will at laſt prove the more violent, The nature of malice. vires que acquirit ibidem, and recollect a greater ſtrength in the ſame place; ſo rage and malice, hindered of their revengefull deſires, will turne to be the more implacable; quia malitia eorum excaecavit eos, becauſe the malice of men bewitcheth them, and hath no end till it makes an end of its hated foe; therefore thoſe men, that hated and maligned the Earle (like the Jewes, that becauſe their tongues could make no reply to the juſt defence of the holy Martyr. Act. 7.51. guaſhed upon him with their teeth and ſtopping their eares ran upon him with one accord, all at once) becauſe they had no Law, nor learning, to make thoſe articles treaſon, they ſay with the Poet, hac non ſucceſſit, aliâ aggrediemur viâ; ſeeing we failed herein, we will attempt another way: and to that end, they frame a Bill of attainder againſt him; and this, if it paſſe by the major part of both Houſes, and have the royall aſſent, will bring him to his iuſt deſerved death; and herein, I will not ſay, they ſhewed themſelves worſe then the Iewes, becauſe that, when their malice was at the hicheſt pitch againſt Chriſt, they ſaid, we have a Law, and by our Law he ought to dy, and theſe haters of the Earle, ſeeing they had no Law, will have a Law, to be made, that ſhall bring him unto his death; becauſe the Houſe might have reaſons, which my ſence cannot conceive.

Yet ſome of his friends have ſaid, that after a former proſecution according to Law, to make a new Law, where there was none before, to take away a mans life, is almoſt as bad as the Romance Law, The rubs of the Bill how taken away. that I read of, to hang him firſt and then judge him afterward, to whom I aſſented not: and not many leſſe then 60 worthy Members of the Houſe of Commons would never yeild to paſſe that Bill; & it had a greater rub among the Lords, where it is not thought upon any ſlight conjectures, it had never paſſed but that this rub muſt be taken away by a new device; for that the faction judging ſome of them might be more timorous then malicious, and remembring, that primus in orbe Deos fecit timor, feare is a powerfull paſſion that produceth many ſtrange effects, the Apprentices and Porters, Water men and Car-men and all the raſcall rout of the ragged Regiment were gathered together by ſome Chedorlaomer, & came as they did againſt Chriſt, with ſwords and ſtaves, without order, with great impudency, to awe them, and to cry for Iuſtice againſt him; and this was done, and done againe, and againe, untill the buſineſſe, that they came for, was done; a courſe, not prevented, that may undoe all Juſtice, and bring us all to be undone.

And yet all this will not do this deed, untill the King paſſeth His aſſent; The Kings great paines to ſearch out the truth. for as yet the new Law of orders and ordinances without the King was not hatched; and the good King, having ſo graciouſly, ſo indefatigably taken ſuch care and ſuch paines, in his owne perſon every day, to heare and ſee all that could be laid unto his charge, and how he had anſwered each particular, was ſo juſt and of ſuch tender and religious conſcience, that he was not ſatisfied (as men conceived) with the weight of thoſe reaſons that were produced, to paſſe the ſame; therefore here I finde another Stratageme uſed, ſuch as Hannibal could not invent, to effect this hard talke; what? to perſwade mildneſſe to become ſevere, or to cauſe a juſt and moſt clement Prince, ſo full of mercy, ſo prone to pardon where there is a fault, and ſo loth to puniſh, but where he muſt (by the Law of Juſtice,) the greateſt fault, to yeeld to put him to death, that was in many things ſo excellent in his life? the taske was, to procure his aſſent to paſſe this Bill; and how ſhall this be done? as the Man of God could not be perſwaded by any man, but by a Man of God, a Prophet by a Prophet, ſo now the Biſhops that were good men, men of conſcience, and ſet apart by God to reſolve and ſatisfie weake and tender conſciences, are thought fit to be ſent unto this good King, to perſwade him, (as men ſuppoſed) that, to prevent a greater miſchiefe, he might juſtly paſſe this Bill; and either 6. or 4. of the prime Prelates are requeſted by the Lords, to goe unto the King, to aſſay how far they can prevaile with him herein; and ſo they went; and how they dealt with His Majeſtie, I do not fully underſtand, but am informed by ſome that went, that they aſſured him he ought to ſatisfie himſelfe in point of Law by his Judges, and of State by his Councell; & how they did any otherwiſe, in any other thing rectify his Conſcience, in point of divinitie, which belonged unto themſelves, I cannot tell.

But, though I thinke no man can juſtly lay the leaſt tittle of blame upon the juſt King, no, not the Earle himſelfe, as himſelfe profeſſed, for yeelding to ſuch, and ſo earneſt perſwaſions of I know not how many reverend Biſhops, wiſe Counſellours, grave Judges, and the flower of all his people, to paſſe that Bill whatſoever it was.

Yet to ſay what I conceive, with their favour, The Biſhops right to vote in any cauſe. of my brethren the Biſhops, in the proſecution of this cauſe; I am perſwaded that they had no reaſon to withdraw themſelves from the Houſe, and to deſert their owne right, when the Bill or the Iudgment was to paſſe againſt the Earle, upon this ſlight pretence, alleaged againſt them, by the haters of the Earle and no lovers of the Biſhops, that a Clergie-man ought not to have any vote, or to be preſent, at the handling of the cauſe of bloud or death; for they might know full well, when my Lords grace of Yorke did moſt clearely manifeſt this truth: that the firſt inhibition of the Clergy, to be preſent and aſſiſtant in cauſa ſanguinis or judicio mortis, in the Canon of Innocent the third (as I remember, for I am driven to fly without my bookes) was moſt unjuſt, onely to tie the Biſhops to his blinde obedience, to the apparent prejudice of all Chriſtian Princes, by denying this their ſervice unto them; and it is no wayes obligatory to binde us, that are by the Lawes of our Land not onely freed, but alſo injoyned to abandon all the unjuſt Canons, that are repugnant to our Lawes, and derogatory to our Kings, and to renounce all the uſurped authority of the Pope; for I would faine know what Scripture or what reaſon Pope Innocent can alleadge to exclude them from doing that good ſervice both to God and their King, which in all reaſon they can or ſhould be better able to do, then moſt others; and I am ſure that neither in the old nor in the new Teſtament, nor yet in the Primitive Church, untill theſe ſubtle Popes began thus to incroach upon the rights of Princes, to take away the prerogatives of Kings, and to domineer over the conſciences of men, this excluſion of them from the higheſt act of Juſtice was never found; The Prophets and Apoſtles judged in the caſe of life and death. for, did not Moſes, Joſhua, Samuel, Eliah, Elizaus, Jehoida, and others of the Prieſts and Prophets of the Old Teſtament, and S. Peter alſo the Prince of the Apoſtles in the New Teſtament, judge in the caſe of bloud, and pronounced the ſentence of death againſt Malefactors? as when Ananias and Sapphira were ſuddenly brought unto their end by the judgement of the Apoſtle; and if they be able and fit to judge of any thing, then why not of this?

If you ſay, Ob. becauſe they are the advocates of mercy, the procurers of pardon, the preachers of repentance, and men that are made to ſave life, and not to put any one to death, or to bring any man unto his end.

I anſwer, Sol. that they are therefore the fitteſt men to be the Judges both of life and death: for who can better and more juſtly judge me to death, then he that doth moſt love my life? It is certaine he will not condemne me without juſt cauſe; even as God, that is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the father of mercies, and even mercy it ſelfe, is the fitteſt and moſt righteous Judge that can be found both of death and damnation; becauſe his mercy and goodneſſe towards his creatures will not permit his ſeverity againſt ſinne, though never ſo deteſtable to his purity, Clergy, how fit to be Judges. to doe the leaſt injuſtice to their perſons; ſo our love of mercy and pitty will not ſuffer us to doe any thing that ſhall tranſcend the rules of juſtice and equity; and as our inclination to mercy prohibits us to condemne the innocent, ſo our love to juſtice, and our charge to preſerve it, will not permit us to juſtifie the wicked; for the Scripture teacheth us, that he which juſtifieth the wicked, and he that condemneth the innocent, that calleth the evill good, and the good evill, that ſpareth Agag, and killeth Naboth, are both alike abominable unto the Lord.

And therefore notwithſtanding this unjuſt Canon, I never finde in any of our Hiſtories, that the Biſhops did ever withdraw themſelves and quit their votes in this caſe, either before or after, ſave onely from the 10th yeare of Richard the 2d, unto the 21th yeare of the raigne of the ſame unfortunate King; which they did, not becauſe they could not juſtly be preſent, but becauſe they had juſt reaſons to be abſent, as you may finde it in the Annales of his time: therefore I know not how to palliate their facility of yeilding way to thoſe Non-Canonicall Lords, to produce thoſe non-obliging Canons, Non Canonicall Lords. which they abhorred in all that made not for the furtherance of their deſigne, to exclude them from doing this, which was one of their chiefeſt duties; for who knoweth not the Lord Say and Lord Brooke, and others of the Lords, to hate all Canons, even the old Canons of the Apoſtles, as inconſiſtent with their new rules of independent government? and yet herein, to exclude the Biſhops votes in the judgement of this man, and the paſſing of this Bill, which being admitted, might perhaps have turned the ſcales, they will take hold of the unjuſteſt Law, and alleadge one of the worſt of Canons, a Canon againſt reaſon, and moſt repugnant to the beſt of Gods Properties, which though they be all equall in themſelves, ſummè & perfectiſſimè, yet are theynot ſo perceived by us, but his mercy is over all his workes.

But you will ſay, was this man ſo juſt, that he was unjuſtly condemned to death, did all men ſo untruly complaine againſt him, and was he good, notwithſtanding all the evill that was proved againſt him?

I anſwer, that I dare not, and I doe not ſay that he was unjuſtly adjudged to death, or that the Bill it ſelfe was unjuſt; but this I aſſure my ſelfe, The Earle's vertues. that he was a very wiſe and underſtanding man, and indued with many rare heroicke vertues, and moſt excellent graces, as among the reſt with thoſe two incomparable indowments, that cannot eaſily be found among many of the Nobles of this world.

1. Faithfulneſſe to his Prince, to whom (as I conceive) he ſhewed himſelfe a true ſervant, and moſt truſty in his greateſt imployments, ſave in what was (and I know not that) juſtly proved againſt him; and I believe he would never have taken Armes, as ſome others of the Lords doe now, againſt his Soveraigne.

2. Love unto the Church and Church men; to whom, though others thinke it their glory to oppreſſe them, and a vertue to contemne them; yet he was a true friend, a moſt noble benefactor, and moſt juſt unto his death, as his very laſt ſpeech unto his deareſt Sonne doth ſufficiently teſtifie unto all poſterity; which ſpeech was to this effect, (and I would to God it were indelebly imprinted in the memory of all our Nobility) that, as he regarded his fathers bleſſing, or expected a bleſſing from God upon what his father left him, ſo he would be carefull never to take away, or in any wiſe to diminiſh any part or parcell of the goods or patrimony of the Church; which if he did, would prove a canker to waſt and conſume all that he had.

Yet it may be, he was (which in truth I cannot imagine) as the Philoſopher ſaith of Marcus Antonius, a man of that compoſition, that his vices did equalize, if not exceed his vertues, and his-offences cloud all his graces, and obſcure all his glory; and as the ſaving of one mans life cannot ſave him from ſuffering, that doth unjuſtly put another man to death, ſo the rareſt vertues cannot juſtifie the man that committeth ſo many horrible offences, How a malefactor may be unjuſtly condemned. as his accuſers conceived this man did; to which it may be well replyed, that a notorious malefactor (though I apply not this to him) may be unjuſtly condemned; and ſo he may be juſtly condemned, and unjuſtly executed; as when he is not condemned for the fault committed, or condemned not according to the Law which condemneth that fact; for though a murderer deſerveth death, yet any one may not preſently be the death of that murderer, nor the Judge condemne him for robbery; and though I ſhould commit many offences worthy of death, yet if the Law doth not condemne me, I ought not to die for any of them; for as the Apoſtle ſaith, Where there is no law there is no ſinne, becauſe ſinne is the tranſgreſſion of the law: therefore the Earle of Strafford might be an evill man, and doe many things that in the ſight of God and good men were worthy of death; yet if our Law made not thoſe crimes capitall, or if the Law made them capitall, and not treaſon, we ought not for treaſon to adjudge him unto death: ſo in ſumme the reſult is this, that he might juſtly deſerve death, and yet be very unjuſtly condemned to death. And it ſeemed to ſome of his friends that ſo he was, eſpecially becauſe they had no plaine unqueſtionable Law, but were faine in ſome kind, to make a Law, to take off his head; and when his head was off, this new manner of proceeding ſhould end, and be no Law for any other that came after; and a Declaration muſt be made, that the courſe proſecuted for his puniſhment, ſhall not afterwards be drawne into an example, it muſt be produced for no patterne, but for him alone and none other; leſt perhaps if the ſame courſe ſhould be ſtill practiced, Complaint to the Houſe of Commons. p. 6. the contrivers of this plot might have the like payment to fall ere long upon their owne heads; therefore ſome ſay, this may well draw a ſuſpicion upon the juſtice of the ſentence, though I will not cenſure any man for any injuſtice therein.

But as the Earle ſaid at his death, The Earle's words at his death. which he undertooke like a good Chriſtian, full of charity and no leſſe piety, it was an ill omen to this Nation, that they ſhould write the frontiſpiece of this Parliament with letters of bloud; which, if unjuſtly done, or unduly proſecuted, I feare may with Abels bloud cry for vengeance in the cares of God againſt the contrivers of this miſchiefe, to produce our miſeries: and the God of Heaven doth onely know how much of the bloud of this Kingdome muſt be ſqueezed out, to expiate all the miſ-proceedings and the fearefull projects of our people: God Almighty turne his anger from us, and let not the righteous periſh with the wicked, not the ſinnes of ſome few be laid upon us all.

This was the firſt impediment that was to be removed, before they could proceed any further in this Tragedy, and thus it was moſt artificially acted; and I ſay he was a great and a very great impediment of their deſigne, which made me the larger in the proſecution thereof; becauſe he was a perſon of that great ability, and ſo great fidelity both to the Church and State, and the taking off of his head, made a very wide gap for our enemies to enter into the vineyard of Chriſt, and a large breach into the Citie of God, to deface the Church, and to deſtroy this Kingdome.

4. THere was one ſtop more that might hinder, The fourth impediment of their deſigne. or at leaſt hardly ſuffer their plots to ſucceed according to their hearts deſire; and that is, the Biſhops votes in the upper Houſe, nay they cannot endure to call it ſo, but in the Houſe of the Lords; for they rightly conſidered therein theſe 2 ſpeciall things. 1. their number, 2. their abilities. which are 2. maine things to ſtop and hinder many evils: For,

1. They had 26. voices, which was a very conſiderable number, and might ſtop a great gap, and ſtay the ſtreame, or at leaſt moderate the violence of any unjuſt proſecution.

2. They were men of great learning, men of profound knowledge both in divine and humane affaires, and men well educated a cunabulis, that ſpent all their time in books, and were converſant with the dead, that feared not to ſpeake the truth, and have wearied themſelves in reading Hiſtoties, comparing Lawes, The abilities of the Biſhops. and conſidering the affaires of all Common-wealthes; and ſo were able if their modeſty did not ſilence them, to diſcourſe de quolibet ente, to untie every knot and to explaine every riddle; and being the immediate ſervants of the living God, ſet apart as the Apoſtle ſpeaketh, to offer Sacrifice and to adminiſter the Sacraments of God, to prepare a people for the Kingdome of heaven, it ought not, and it cannot be otherwiſe imagined, by any child of the Church, that is a true beleever, but that they are men of conſcience, to ſpeake the truth and to doe juſtice in any cauſe, and betwixt any parties more then moſt others, eſpecially thoſe young Lords and Gentlemen, whoſe yeares do want experience, Pardon mee good Lords for ſo plainly ſpeaking truth. and the courſe of their lives, ſome in hawking and hunting, and others in dicing and bowling, and viſiting blacke-friers playhouſe, or perhaps in worſer exerciſes, doth ſufficiently ſhew how weake their judgement muſt needs be in great affaires, and how imperfect their conſcience is as yet in holy things, I hope not to be preferred before theſe grave and reverend men.

And therefore leſt theſe grave men ſhould prove great hinderances of their unjuſt proceedings, before any of their worſt intentions be well perceived; there muſt be an excluſion of them from Parliament and from thoſe Lords, whoſe conſciences and knowledge they may then the better captivate, and bring them the ſooner to ſide with them, for to effect their great deſigne. And it is a world of wonders to ſee, with what ſubtlety and induſtry, with what policy and villanie this one worke muſt be effected. It would fill a volume to collect the particulars of their Devices; I will reduce them to theſe; heads.

1. They uſed all meanes to render them odious in the eyes of all people.

2. A threefold practice againſt the Biſhops. They brought the baſeſt and the refuſe of all men, watermen, porters, and the worſt of all the apprentices, with threats and menaces, to thunder forth the death and deſtruction of theſe men.

3. Upon a pretended treaſon they cauſed 12 of them, beſides the Arch-Biſhop that was in the Tower before, to be clapt up at once into priſon; where they kept them in that ſtrong houſe, untill they got it enacted that they ſhould be excluded from the upper Houſe, and both they and their Clergy ſhould be debarred from the adminiſtration of any ſecular act of Juſtice in the common-wealth.

1. They endeavoured to make them odious unto the people 2 wayes.

1. In making that Order (or giving that notice unto the people) that any man might exhibit his complaint againſt ſcandalous Miniſters, 1 To make the odious tvvo wayes. 1 Way. and he ſhould be heard; which invitation of all diſcontented ſheepe to throw dirt in their Paſtors faces, was too palpably malicious; for our Saviour told us, we ſhould be ſent as ſheepe into the mids of wolves, but here is a ſending for the wolves to deſtroy the Shepheards; and it came to paſſe hereby, that no leſſe then 900 complaints and petitions were brought in a very ſhort ſpace, (as I was informed by ſome of their owne Houſe, that feelingly miſliked theſe undue proceedings) againſt many Learned and moſt faithfull ſervants of Jeſus Chriſt, that were therefore hated, becauſe they were not wicked; The Miniſters why perſecuted. and perſecuted becauſe they were conformable to the Lawes of the King and the Church. And the reſt of our calling that were factious & ſeditious, were both countenanced and applauded in all their ſeditious courſes, and the more they railed againſt our Church Government, the more they were favoured by theſe enemies of the Church Governours. As to inſtance in both particulars (as you may finde in the author of the Sober Sadneſſe p. 33.) Maſter Squire, Maſter Stone, and Maſter Swadlin, which they have impriſoned, and ſcarce allowed them ſtraw to ly on. Maſter Reading, Maſter Griffith, Maſter Ingoldsby, Maſter Willcocks, and many others, having done nothing worthy of death or of bonds, are inſerted into the blacke bill of Scandalous and ſuperſtitious Miniſters, onely for preaching obedience to Soveraigne authority, and other points conſonant to the Holy Scriptures; and thoſe that are ſcandalous indeed, as Doctor Burgeſſe the ring-leader of all ſedition, Doctor Downing that is reputed as variable, as was Doctor Perne, Maſter Calamy, that is little better, Maſter Harding, a moſt vicious man, Maſter Bridge a Socinian, and Maſter Marſhall, not free from the ſuſpicion of ſome unjuſt perſwaſions of the weaker ſex, & many more ſuch factious men are not onely diſpenſed with, for all faults, but alſo rewarded and advanced for their infidelity to God, and diſloyalty to His vicegerent: this the author of the Sober Sadneſſe affirmeth of them.

2. 2 way. By framing petitions themſelves (as it is conceived) in the name of thouſands of people, from Cities and Countries, that either never ſaw or never knew what was in them, againſt Epiſcopacy and Epiſcopall men; and then exhibiting the ſaid petitions unto themſelves, and the reſt of their ſeauced brethren, to inſtigate others of their own faction, that affected not Epiſcopacy, and thoſe offendors that by their Eccleſiaſticall cenſure were juſtly puniſhed, and yet thereby unjuſtly provoked to hate them, to frame the like petitions againſt this Apoſtolicall function, and to make the world believe how odious theſe Reverend men were in the judgement of ſo many millions of men, which were indeed moſt ignorant and ſimple, Petitions againſt Epiſeopacie how un juſtly procured. and which God knowes, and themſelves afterwards confeſſed, knew not what they did, nor to what end their hands were purloyned from them, under fair pretences, that were alleadged for the Reformation of ſome abuſes, but were ſubſcribed to moſt ſcandalous Petitions, which the poor men utterly renounced, when they underſtood how unchriſtianly they were ſeduced: ſo ſtrange were their plots to make the Biſhops odious.

And yet you muſt not thinke, that theſe courſes are more ſtrange than true; for our Saviour tels his Apoſtles, that were men beyond exceptions, full of inſpirations, and abundantly indued with the gifts of ſanctification, They ſhould be hated of all men for his names ſake; and if you look into the ſufferings of Saint Paul, and the moſt horrible imputations that were ſo ſcandalouſly raiſed againſt the holy Fathers, you need not admire ſo much to ſee theſe men ſuffering ſuch things as the hands of ſinners, to be made the ſcorne of men, and as the off-ſcouring of the people, as they were not long ſince, when the Biſhops and the moſt learned Preachers might paſſe with more honour, and leſſe contempt at Conſtantinople among the Turkes, or in Jeruſalem among the Jewes, than in the Citie of London among this brood of Anabaptiſts.

2. 2. How the ſcumme of the people threaten them. After they had thus brought them upon the Stage, and uſed them thus ſtrangely without cauſe, they get Ven and Manwaring, and others of the ſame Sect, to gather together the ſcum of all the prophaneſt rout, the vileſt of all men, and the outcaſt of the People, ſuch as Job ſaith, Are not worthy to eat with the dogges of the flocke: and as they came before for the Earle of Straffords head, ſo now again, they muſt come in great numbers, without order, without honeſtie, againſt all Law, and beyond all Religion, with ſwords and ſtaves and other unfaſhtonable though not inconſiderable weapons, to cry no Papiſts, no Biſhops, and if they had added no God, no Devill, no Heaven, no Hell, then ſurely theſe men had obtained (if the Parliament could have granted their requeſts) the ſumme of their deſires; and they would have thought themſelves better than either King or Biſhop, but as yet they go no farther, than No Papiſt, no Biſhop; and by this they put the good Biſhops in great fear, and well they might be poſſeſt of that fear, qui cadit in fortem & conſtantem virum: for mine eyes did ſee them, and mine eares did hear it ſaid, What Biſhop ſoever they met they would be his death, and I thanked God they knew not me to be a Biſhop. Their furious aſſault upon Saint Peters Church in Weſtminſter. Then they ſet upon Saint Peters Church of Weſtminſter, burſt part of the door to pieces, and had they not been moſt manfully withſtood by the Archbiſhop of Yorke his Gentlemen, and the Prebends Servants, together with the Officers of the Church, they had entered, and likely ranſacked, ſpoiled, and defaced all the Monnments of the ancient Kings, broken down the Organs, and committed ſuch ſacriledge and prophanation of that holy place, as their fellow Rebels have done ſince in Canterbury, Wincheſter, Worceſter, and other places, whereof I ſhall ſpeak hereafter; the like was never ſeen among the Turks and Pagans; and after theſe things, what rage, crueltie, and barbaritie they would have ſhewed to the Dean and Prebends, we might well fear, but not eaſily judge; I am ſure the Dean was forced to hire armed Souldiers to preſerve the Church for many dayes after; for ſeeing theſe rioturs tumults could not as yet obtain their ends, they came, nay, they were brought again and again, and they juſtled and offered ſome violence unto the Archbiſhops Grace, as he went with the Earle of Dover into the Parliament Houſe, which made him and the reſt of his brethren juſtly to fear what might be the iſſue of theſe ſad beginnings, which they conceived muſt needs be very lamentable, if timely remedie were not applied to prevent theſe untimely frights and unchriſtian tumults.

Therefore when no Complaints either to the Houſe of Lords or Commons could produce any ſafe effects, but rather a frivolous excuſe than a ſerious redreſſe, that they came to petition againſt the Government, and not to ſeek the deſtruction of the Governours, the Biſhops were inforced (and in my judgement, fleſh and blood could take no better courſe in ſuch a caſe, in ſuch diſtreſſe, and I believe it will be found wiſdom hereafter) to make their Petition for their ſecuritie, and Proteſtation againſt all Acts as null, (they might have added to them and whom they repreſented) that ſhould be enacted in their unwilling abſence, while they were ſo violently hindered from the Houſe; and, it may be, ſome word might paſſe in this Proteſtation, that might be bettered, or explained by another word; yet on ſuch a ſuddain, in ſuch a fright, when they ſcarce had time to take counſell of their pillowes, or to advice with their ſecond thoughts, Quae ſemper ſunt ſaniores, to watch for iniquitie, Eſay 29.20, 21. to turne aſide the juſt for a thing of nought, to take advantage of a word, or to catch men for one ſyllable, to charge them with high Treaſon to bring them unto death, ſo many Reverend Biſhops to ſuch a ſhamefull end, was more malicious than ever I finde the Jewes were to the old Prophets, or the Pagan Tyrants unto the Primitive Fathers, nor do I beleeve you can parallell the ſame charge in any Hiſtorie: yet

3. 3. How they were committed to priſon. For this one neceſſitated Act of the Biſhops, the Houſe of Commons do ſuddainly upon the firſt ſight thereof, charge twelve of them with high Treaſon; they were not ſo long in condemning it as the Biſhops in compoſing it, and accordingly the Lords commit them unto Priſon. And if this was Treaſon, I demand, why could they not prove it ſo to be? Or if it was not, why ſhould ſuch an Houſe, Flos & medulla regni, the greateſt and the higheſt Court of Juſtice, from which (the King conſenting with them) there lieth none appeal, but onely to the Court of Heaven, accuſe them of high Treaſon? I would not have that Court to charge a man with any thing that were not moſt true, for certainly, whoſoever unjuſtly compaſſeth my death is juſtly guiltie of death himſelfe, when as the Poet ſaith, — Lex non juſtior ulla, Quàm necis artifices arte perire ſuâ. It may be they would have us to believe this Treaſon was not proved, nor the charge ſo fully followed as they intended, out of ſome mercie to ſave their lives; but I could ſooner believe, they rejoyced to ſee them fear, and were glad of their miſtake, that they might charge them, and by ſuch a charge caſt them into priſon, that ſo they might the more eaſily worke their deſigne, to caſt them out of the Parliament, which now they have ſoon effected, and procured an Act for their excluſion.

And you muſt know, that to caſt out from doing good, or ſerving God, is a worke of the devill, and not of God; ſo the wicked Husbandmen did caſt out the right Heir of the vineyard, out of his own inheritance; The conſequences of this Act. ſo the Jewes did caſt out the blinde man, and all that profeſſed Chriſt out of their Synagogue. But you may better judge of this good Act, by theſe conſequences which are like to be the fruits thereof.

1. Hereby they are all made incapable to do any good, either for Gods honour, or their neighbours benefit, 1. Made incapable of doing any good. by executing juſtice, or pronouncing judgement, in any cauſe in any temporall Court: and juſtice which long agon hath fled to heaven, and wanders as a ſtranger here on earth, muſt be countenanced and entertained onely by the ſonnes of men, by ſecular Lords and Gentlemen: and the Spirituall Lords the Servants of God, and meſſengers of heaven muſt have nothing to do with her; not becauſe they are not as well able as any other to do juſtice, but becauſe the others cannot endure to let them ſee it, for fear they ſhould hinder their injuſtice, and therefore juſtice and judgement are like to ſpeed well on earth when their chiefeſt friends are baniſhed from them, and it may be worldlings, oppreſſours, or moſt ignorant youthes, rather than any juſt underſtanders of their natures muſt be their Judges.

2. 2. Made unable to defend themſelves. Hereby they are made unable to defend themſelves or their calling from any wrong; their reſpect was little enough before, and their indignities were great enough; and yet now we are expoſed to far greater miſeries, and to unreſiſtable injuries, when a Biſhop hath not ſo much Authoritie as a Conſtable, to withſtand his greateſt affronts.

But hoc Ithacus velit, this is that which the devill and his great Atreideſſes, his prime champions to enlarge his kingdom would fain have, our ſoules to remain among Lions, and all the meanes of defence to be taken from us, our enemies to be our judges, and our ſelves to be murdered with our own weapons. In the time of Poperie there were many Lawes de immunitate clericorum, whereby we were ſo protected, that the greateſt Prince could not oppreſſe us, as you may finde in the Reigne of King John, and almoſt in all our Hiſtories: and when we renounced the Pope, God made Kings our nurſing fathers, and Queenes our nurſing mothers, and we putting our ſelves under their protection, have been hitherto moſt gratiouſly protected: but now by this Act we are left naked of all defence, and ſet under the very ſword of our Adverſaries, and as the Pſalmiſt ſaith, They that hated us are made Lords over us, to callus, to aſſeſſe us, to undo us.

3. 3. Debarred of that right that none elſe are. Hereby they are made more ſlaviſh than the meaneſt Subject, and deprived of that benefit and priviledge which the pooreſt Shoomaker, Tailor, or any other Tradeſman or yeoman hath moſt juſtly left unto him, for to be excluded, debarred, and altogether made uncapable of any benefit is ſuch an inſupportable burden, that it is ſet upon no mans ſhoulders but upon the Clergie alone, as if they alone were either unworthy to receive, or unable to do any good.

4. 4. Made more contemptible than all others. Hereby they are made the unparalleled ſpectacle of all neglect and ſcorne to all forraigne people; for I can hardly believe the like precedent can be ſhewed in any Age, or any other Nation of the world, no not among the very Infidels or Indians; for in former times the Biſhops and Clergie-men were thought the fitteſt inſtruments to be imployed in the beſt places of greateſt truſt, and higheſt importance in the Common-wealth, and Kings made them their Embaſladours, as the Emperour Vas lentinian did S. Ambroſe, and our own Chronicles relate how former times reſpected the Clergie, and how our Kings made them both their Counſellors, and their Treaſurers, Chancellors, Keepers of the Great Seal, and the like Officers of the chiefeſt concernment, as Ethelbert in the yeer of Chriſt 605. ſaith, I Ethelbert King of Kent, Vt refert in tract atu ſuo de epoſeopatu p. 61 62. M. Theyer. Sir Henry Spelman p. 118. with the conſent of the Reverend Archbiſhop Auguſtine, and of my Princes, do give and grant, &c. and the ſaid Ethelbert with the Queen and his Son Eadbald, and the moſt Reverend Prelate Auguſtine, and with the reſt of the Nobilitie of the Land ſolemnly kept his Chriſtmaſſe at Canterbury, and there aſſembled a Common Counſell, Tam cleri quàm populi, as well of the Clergie as of the people; and King Adelſtan ſaith, Idem p. 403 I Adelſtan the King do ſignifie unto all the Officers in my Kingdom, that by the advice of Wolfelme my Archbiſhop, and of all my Biſhops. In the great Councell of King Ina, Anno 712. the edicts were enacted by the Common Counſell and conſent Omnium Epiſcoporum & principum, Idem p. 219. procerum, Comitum & omnium ſapientum ſeniorum, & populorum totius regni & per praeceptum regis Inae: and in the ſecond Charter of King Edward the Confeſſour, granted to the Church of Saint Peter in Weſtminſter, How former times reſpected the Clergie. it is ſaid to be Cum concilio & decreto Archiepiſcoporum Epiſcoporum, Comitum, aliorumque ſuorum optimatum, with the councell and decree of the Archbiſhops, Biſhops, Earles, and other Potentates. And ſo not onely the Saxon Kings, but the Norman alſo ever ſince the Conqueſt had the Biſhops in the like or greater eſteem, that they never held Parliament or Counſell without them. And ſurely theſe Princes were no Babes that made this choice of them, neither was the Common wealth neglected, nor juſtice prejudiced by theſe Governours. And whoſoever ſhall reade mores gentium, or the pilgrimage of Maſter Purchas, Livie, Plutarch, Appian, and the reſt of the Greek and Latine Hiſtories, I dare aſſure him, he ſhall finde greater honour given, and farre leſſe contempt caſt upon the Prieſts and Flamins, the Prophets of the Sybils, then we finde of this faction left to the Servants of the living God, who are now dealt withall worſe, than Pharach dealt with the Iſraelites that took away their ſtraw and yet required their full tale of brickes; for theſe men would rob us of all our meanes and take away all our Lands, and all our rights, and yet require not only the full tale of Sermons and Service, as was uſed by our Predeceſſours, but to double our files, to multiplie our paines, How the Clergie are now uſed. and to treble the Sermons and Service, that they uſed to have of our forefathers, more than ever was done in any Age ſince the firſt Plantation of the Goſpell; and when we have done with John Baptiſt, the utmoſt of our endeavours, like a ſhining and a burning lampe, that doth waſte and conſume it ſelfe to nothing, while it giveth light to others, they onely deal with us, as Cartiers uſe to do with their packe horſes, hang bels at their eares to make a melodious noiſe, but with little provander lay heavie loades upon their backes, and when they can bear no more burdens, take away their bels, withdraw their praiſes, call them Jades, exclaim againſt their lazineſſe, and then at laſt, turne them out to feed upon the commons, and to die in a ditch; and thus we have now made the Miniſters of Chriſt to be the emblems of all miſerie, and in pretending to make them more glorious in the ſight of God, we have made them moſt baſe in the eyes of all men.

And therefore the conſequence of this Act is like to prove moſt lamentable, when the people, conſidering how that hereby we are left naked of all comfort, and ſubject to all kinde of ſcorne and diſtreſſe, and how that this being effected is but the praeludium of a farre greater miſchiefe, they will rather with no great coſt make their children of ſome good Trade, and their children will chooſe ſo to be, than with ſuch great coſtland more care, and yet little hope, to bring them up to worſe condition than the meaneſt of all Trades, The Clargie alone are deprived of Magna Charta. or the loweſt degree of all ruſtickes; when as they can challenge, and it ſhall not be denied them, to have the priviledges of the Law, and a propertie in their goods, which without their own conſent, yielded in their perſons or their repreſentours, cannot be taken from them; and the Clergie onely of all the people in this Kingdom, ſhall be deprived of the right and benefit of our great Charter, which ſo many famous Kings and pious Princes have confirmed unto us; and when we have laboured all the dayes of our lives with great paines and more diligence, to inſtruct our people, and to attain to ſome competencie of meanes to maintain our ſelves and our families, we ſhall be in the power of theſe men, at their pleaſure, under the pretence of Religion, contrarie to all juſtice, to be deprived of any part of our freehold, when we ſhall have not one man of our own calling to ſpeak a word in our behalfe, on no Seat of Juſtice throughout the whole Kingdom.

O terque quaterque beati, queis ante ora patrum contigit oppetere, O moſt miſerable and lamentable condition of Gods Miniſters; I muſt needs ſpeak it, though I ſhould die for it; and if ſome did not ſpeak it, I thinke the ſtones would crie againſt it, and proclaim it better for the Clergie, were their hope onely in this world, never to have been borne, or at leaſt never to have ſeen a book, then to fall into the hands, and to be put under the cenſure of theſe men that do thus love Chriſt, This Act more prejudiciall to to the future times than now. by hating his Miniſters, who as I ſaid before, by this one Act are made liable to undergo all kinde of evils, which ſhall not onely fall upon the preſent Clergie, (for were it ſo, our patience ſhould teach us to be ſilent) but alſo to the increaſe of all prejudices to the Goſpell, more than my foreſight can expreſſe, in all ſucceeding Ages.

And therefore I may well ſay with Jeremie, Jer. 5.9.29. Shall not my ſoul be avenged on ſuch a nation as this? And we need not wonder, that ſuch plagues, calamities and diſtreſſes, have ſo much encreaſed in this Kingdom ever ſince the paſſing of this Act, and yet the anger of the Lord is not turned away, but his hand is ſtretched out ſtill, and I fear, his wrath will not be appeaſed, till we have blotted this, and wiped away all other our great ſinnes and tranſgreſſions, with the trueſt teares of unfained repentance.

Theſe are like to be the conſequences of this Act; and yet our good King, who we know loved our Nation and built us a Synagogue, and was (as I aſſure my ſelfe) moſt unwilling to paſſe it, was notwithſtanding over-perſwaded (conſidering where thirteen of the Biſhops were, even in priſon, and in what condition all the reſt of them ſtood, in queſtion whether all they ſhould ſtand, or be cut down root and branch) to yield his aſſent unto the Act; though if the caſe in truth were rightly weighed, not much leſſe prejudiciall to his Majeſtie than injurious to us, to be thus deprived of our right, How the King hath been uſed ever ſince this Act paſſed. and expoſed to all miſeries, by excluding us from all Civill Judicature: and I would to God the King and all the Kingdom did continually conſider, how his Majeſtie was uſed ever ſince the confirmation of this Act; for they no ſooner had excluded the Biſhops and Clergie out of their right, but preſently they proceeded, and proſecuted the deſigne ever ſince, to thruſt out the King from all thoſe juſt rights and prerogatives, which God and nature and the Lawes of our Land have put into his hands, for the government of this Kingdome; neither was it likely to ſucceede any other wiſe, as I have fully ſhewed, and I would all Kings would read it, in the Grand Rebellion.

But I ſee no reaſon why it may not and why it ſhould not be retracted and annulled, That the act ſhould be annulled. when the Houſes ſhall be purged of that Anabaptiſticall and Rebellious faction, that contrived and procured the ſame to paſſe, for theſe three ſpeciall reaſons;

1. 1. Reaſon. Becauſe that contrary to all former precidents, that Bill for their excluſion, was (as it is reported) at the firſt refuſed, and after a full bearing among the Lords, it was by moſt votes, by more then a dozen voices, rejected; and yet, to ſhew unto the world, that the factions maltee againſt the Biſhops had no end, & their rage was ſtill implacable, at the ſame Seſſion, & which is very conſiderable, immediatly aſſoone as ever they underſtood it was rejected, the Houſe of Commons revived it, and ſo preſſed it unto the Lords, that (if I may have leave to ſpeake the truth) contrary to all right, * For I conceave this to be an approved maxime, that no light, not proved forfitea by ſome of fence, can be taken away wuhout wrong 2 Keaſom In His Majeſties anſwer to the Petition of the Lords and Commons. 16 of July. p. 8. it muſt be againe received; and while the Biſhops were in priſon, it was, with what honour I know not ſtrangely confirmed.

2. Becauſe this Bill had the Royall aſſent after that a moſt riotous tumult, & many thouſands of men, with all ſorts of warlike weapons both on land and water moſt diſloyally had driven His Majeſtie to fly from London, that moſt Rebellious City, not without feare, for his owne ſafety, even for the ſafety of his life as himſelfe profeſſeth; and when they had ſo cunningly contrived their plot, as to get ſome of the Kings ſervants and friends, that were about him and imployed in the Queenes affaires, to perſwade Her Majeſty to uſe all her power with the King for the paſſing of this Bill, or elſe Her journey ſhould be ſlaied, as formerly they had altered her reſolution for the Spaw; and at Rocheſter ſhe ſhould underſtand the ſenſe of the Houſe to ſtop Her paſſage unto Holland, whereas the paſſing of this Bill might make way for Her paſſage over; and many other ſuch frights and feares, they put both upon the King and Queene, to inforce him full ſore againſt his will, as we beleive, to paſſe this harſh Bill, for the excluſion of the ſpirituall Lords out of the Houſe of Peeres, and of all the Clergy from all Secular Judicature.

Or were theſe things but our jealouſies and feares, which do wear the garments of Truth, yet their proceedings in Parliament do adde more fuell unto the fire of our ſuſpicion; as, for our men, whom we had choſen to plead for us, and to treat with them, to reſpect them more than us, to enrich them, by impoveriſhing us; How they behaved themſelves towards the Scots. giving them no leſſe than 300000.l. who had entered into our Land, and brought upon us ſuch feares, of I know not how many miſchiefes that might ſucceed, and not onely ſo, but alſo, (to ſhew what love they bare to them, and how little regard they had of us, their native brethren, that put ſuch truſt and confidence in their fidelitie, as to commit all our fortunes and liberties into their hands) paying weekly ſuch a penſion for their proviſion, (beſides the maintainance of our own Armie, which were forced to carry them their monies, when themſelves were unpaid) as in a ſhort time was able to exhauſt all the wealth of this Kingdom, and yet for all his Majeſties continuall calling upon them to diſpatch their diſcharge, and to finiſh the Treatie, for the good of both Kingdomes, keeping them here ſo long, and making ſo much of them, (which in truth we envied not, but admired what it meant, when we ſaw with what continuall feaſtings they were entertained in London, and their lodgings frequented as the Kings Court) till all the People began to murmur, and to wax wearie of ſo great a charge and ſuch a burden as they knew muſt at laſt light upon their ſhoulders; which muſt needs be matters worthy of our beſt examinations.

But as yet the common people that ſeeth no further than the preſent tenſe, and the outſide of things, did little know, Why they detained them here ſo long. what many wiſe men did then foreſee, that theſe men aymed further than they ſeemed to do, and delayed the buſineſſe purpoſely till they had attained many of their deſires, and had ſully endeared themſelves into the affections of the Scots, that (if need required, that they could not effect all the reſidue of their deſigne, as they intended, which now could not ſo ſuddainly be brought unto perfection,) they might recall them here again to aſſiſt them, to do that by force, which by their craft and ſubtiltie they ſhould fail to do; as now by their ſending for them, going unto them, and alleaging the Act of Pacification for their aſſiſtance, to withſtand their King and to overthrow our Church, it is apparent to all the world how perfidiouſly they dealt with God and man, and how treacherous their thoughts were from the beginning both to the King and Kingdom. Yet as we found our Brethren of Scotland (howſoever theſe men bevaved themſelves in their ſecret intentions) to have carried themſelves none otherwiſe than as wiſe, rationall and religious men, in all the Treatie: ſo I aſſure my ſelfe they will hereafter ſtill continue, both faithfull unto God, and loyall unto their King; and as they perceived not their intentions at the firſt, ſo they will not now joyne with them in any Aſſociation of Rebellion to withſtand their own Liege Lord, and to change the eſtabliſhed Lawes and Religion of our Kingdom; but will rather live in peace and happineſſe in their own Land, than by forſaking their enjoyed quietneſſe, to involve themſelves in the unhappineſſe of a deſperate War in another Countrey.

2. 2. The compelling of all people to •… ak: their new • amed Proteſtation. After they had thus endeared themſelves unto their Brethren of Scotland, they framed a Proteſtation, to maintain and defend, as farre as lawfully they might, with their lives, powers and eſtates the True Reformed Proteſtant Religion, his Majeſties Royall Perſon, honour and eſtate, the power and priviledges of Parliament, the lawfull rights and liberties of the Subjects, and every perſon that ſhould make the ſame Proteſtation, in whatſoever he ſhould do in the lawfull purſuance of the ſame; and to their power, and as farre as lawfully they might to oppoſe, and by all good wayes and meanes, endeavour to bring to condigne puniſhment all ſuch as ſhall either by force, practiſe, counſels, plots, conſpiracies, or otherwiſe * Which word is like the &c. in the Canonical Oath. do any thing to the contrary of any thing in the ſaid Proteſtation contained; and neither for fear, hope, nor other reſpect to relinquiſh this promiſe, vow and proteſtation.

In which Proteſtation, though no man can eſpie the leaſt ſhadow of ill, prima facie, at the firſt reading thereof; yet if you look further, and ſearch narrowly into the intentions of the compoſers, the frame of the Proteſtation, and the practiſe of theſe Proteſtors, ever ſince the framing of it, you ſhall finde that Deſinit in piſcem mulier formoſa ſupernè: theſe men are no Changelings, but as like themſelves as ever they were; for,

1. As it was intended, ſo it ſucceeded; 1. To terrifie the Papiſts, and to raiſe a rebellion in Ireland. it terrified the Papiſts, and made them ſo deſperate as almoſt to deſpair of their very being, as concerning the place where or the manner how they ſhould live; which thing, together with many other harſh and hard proceedings againſt many of them, and the ſmall countenance which they ſhewed unto a very moderate Petition that the Papiſts exhibited unto them, hath driven abundance of them into Ireland, (whom I ſaw my ſelfe) and there conſulting with the Iriſh, (which were then alſo threatened by the Agents of this faction there, that ere long they ſhould be ſeverely handled, and brought to the Church whether they would or no, or pay ſuch a mulct as ſhould make them poor) what courſe they ſhould take in ſuch a deſperate condition, wherein they were all like to be ruined, or to be rooted out of all the Kings Dominions, they concluded what they would do; to defend themſeves by a plain Rebellion. So this courſe againſt them hath been the leading card (as ſome of them confeſſed) of that great Rebellion; which being kindled (as ſome Sectaries in England expected) they thought they would ſo much the more weaken the King, by how much the more combuſtion ſhould be raiſed in each one of his Dominions: and therefore notwithſtanding all the Kings gracious Meſſages and wiſhes unto the Houſe of Commons (which I wiſh all men would remember, how affectionately he deſired it) to haſten to releeve that bleeding Kingdom, yet ſtill they protracted and neglected their redreſſe; and at laſt, paſſed ſuch Votes, made ſuch Orders, and procured ſuch Acts, as rather reſpected themſelves and their poſteritie, to get all the land and goods of the Rebels to themſelves, that were the Adventurers, than the relieving of us that were diſtreſſed, and would (as I told ſome of the Houſe of Commons) rather increaſe the Rebellion than any wayes quench that deſtroying flame. And this was (as it ſucceeded, and as you ſee hereby, moſt likely intended) a moſt deteſtable plot, for the kindling of that Rebellion, and continuing of that bloody War in Ireland, without which they knew this Rebellion in England could never have gained ſo much ſtrength as it hath.

2. 2. What diſcipline and doctrine the new Synod it like to ſet up. FOr the diſcipline and the doctrine that they would eſtabliſh, they have not yet, and I believe they can never fully agree what they ſhall be; their deſire is firſt to overthrow the old, and then they will take care and conſult how to deviſe a new; but I could wiſh they would let the old alone till they could agree to produce a better.

Yet, becauſe their blinde zeal is ſo violent, to have their own unjuſt deſires, to deſtroy the vineyard of Chriſt root and branch, I, that have ſerved ſeven yeeres, a Lecturer, among them, in the heart of London, and was converſant with the purest of theſe holy brethren, and thereby underſtood most of their Anabaptisticall and ridiculous tenets, and what diſcipline they beſt liked, will here draw you a modell of their Ʋtopian or new England Church, which they would tranſport hither to obſcure the glorie of old England.

1. For their diſcipline and government, 1. Their diſcipline. ſome would have the Scotiſh Synods, and that forme of Government, which old furious Knoxe hath firſt brought among them, and is fully deſcribed by that Reverend Archbiſhop Bancrofte; Bancroſt in lib. Engliſh Scottizinge. otherr like better of the Geneva Aſſemblies, inſtituted by Maſter Calvin, and continued by Theodore Beza, two worthy members of that Church, or the diſcipline of the Hugonots in the new French Reformation, which differeth but a little from the other; but moſt of them like better of the manner of Amsterdam, where every Church is independent, and every Pastour is a Pope in his own Pariſh; and to that purpoſe, you may remember how vehemently they have lately moſt fooliſhly written * As Smith, Beſt, Davenport, Canne, Robinſon, and M. Childley, and many other, anonymi. for this independant Government, and how the Lord Say and the Lord Brookes, two leading Captaines of that faction, have often proteſted they would dispenſe with all ſorts of Religions ſo they might freely exerciſe their own; Sober Sadneſſe, p. 22. and that ſuch a toleration ought to be granted, to all others; becauſe their independencie cannot otherwiſe conſiſt; for he that is accountable to none, will uſe what Religion he pleaſeth without controule; and therefore they ſupport their own Armie by men of all Nations and Religions, not their grand Adverſaries the Papists excepted, but of fifty or fixty Souldiers that billeted in Adthrop there were no leſſe than three or four Papiſts amongſt them.

But how unſuteable theſe Governments would prove to ſtand with our Engliſh Nobilitie, Now unſutable their government would be to our Genine. and Gentrie, (beſides the noveltie of them, and how farre diſſonant they are to the Apoſtolike diſeipline) I will appeal to their own judgement, when every undiſcreet Parſon and poor Vicar ſhall be able, upon every diſcontent to excommunicate the beſt man in his Pariſh, and as we have ſeen ſome of them debarring whom they pleaſed from the holy Table, becauſe their great anger, or little judgement conceived them to be unworthie. When as the Church deemed it fitter that none of her children ſhould undergo the leaſt indignitie for any perſonall diſtaſte, but upon due examination of witneſſes, a full hearing, and a just cenſure in open Court; which courſe if it be neglected, ſhould be rather puniſhed in the offenders, than the diſcipline diſſolved, the Governours removed, and a new fantaſticall fancie erected.

2. 2. The Doctrines of the faction that are like to be ſetled by the new Sy • od. For the Doctrines of theſe men, they are like the poeticall fiction of thoſe ſiſters forma non omnibus una nec diverſa tamen; I did once intend, while I lived amongſt them to collect a whole Volume of them; but Satan then prevented me, and plotted my destruction for mine intention; yet now, I will ſet down theſe few, out of thoſe many, which I then obſerved.

1. 1. They ſearch into Gods ſecrets. Deut. 29.29. Though Moſes ſaith, The ſecret things belong to the Lord our God, but the things revealed belong to us and our children for ever: yet theſe men are all gnoſtiques, they know very much, even of the ſecrets and counſels of God, and they are ſure who ſhall be ſaved, and who ſhall be damned; and as men of the cabinet counſell of God, they broach their illuſions for divine revelations, and perſwade the People that what they ſay or do is all from God; and therefore that this War which they proſecute, was preordained of God for the deſtruction of the wicked, to whom they formerly preached their damnation, and thereby have cauſed many ſilly ſoules moſt deſperately to end the miſeries of their wretched life, by putting themſelves to an untimely death.

2. They onely, 2. They judge themſelves only the elect. as the elect of God (which ſhall be the ſole heires of heaven) are the Lords Proprietories of all this worldly wealth, and the reprobates being enemies unto God, have no right unto any of Gods creatures; and therefore they thinke they may lawfully take away the goods of thoſe reprobates, whom now they call Malignants, and they have as good warrant for it, as ever the Iſraelites had to ſpoil the Egyptians; for they tell us, that Saint Paul, which knew right from wrong, tels them plainly, that whether they be things preſent, 1 Cor. 3.22, 23. or things to come, even all are yours, and ye Chriſts, and Chriſt Gods; That there is a double right to the things of this world. Pſal. 104.28. Matth. 5.45. but they underſtand not that men have a double right unto theſe worldly goods. 1. As Christians, and ſo God as a mercifull Father, hath provided all things for them. 2. As the Creatures of God; and ſo God as a faithfull Creatour, openeth his hand, and filleth all things living with plenteouſneſſe; and maketh his Sun, to ſhine upon the just and upon the unjust; and ſo the wicked have as good an intereſt in their eſtates as the godly; and beſides, God hath not given them the power to diſtinguiſh who are the elect, or who are reprobates.

And therefore, if we have any regard of our goods, that God hath given us, we have great reaſon to look about us, for theſe are the greateſt Cheaters in Christendome, and as they have made us Malignants, ſo they will make us reprobates when they pleaſe, that they may enjoy thoſe things that we have. 3. They thinke themſelves free from all ſin. Numb. 23.21. Tit. 1.15.

3. Becauſe Balaam ſaith, God beheld no iniquitie in Jacob; and the Apoſtle ſaith, To the pure all things are pure: they teach their proſelytes, that in them, which are the holy Brethren, there is no ſin, and their adulterie, drunkenneſſe, cozenage, and the like odious crimes are no crimes, becauſe God loving them ſo tenderly, as a fond mother ſeeth no fault in her untoward childe, ſo he takes no notice of any offence that they commit; but for the ungodly, their Prayers are ſinnes, their Almes are odious, and whatſoever commendable dutie they do performe, To the unbelieving nothing is pure, Titus 1.15. God accounteth their best actions to be heinous trangreſſions, and to adde the more weight of puniſhment to their damnation; which Doctrine how abominable it is to God, and how deſtructive to all men, to make theſe holy Brethre and their ſanctified Siſters ſenſleſſe in all ſinnes, uncapable of repentance, Matth 9.12. when the whole hath no need of the Phyſician; and to diſcourage all other ignorant men from doing good duties, when the performance of them ſhall multiplie their ſtripes, is ſo apparent to all men, that I need not ſtand to confute it; for, if Coniah (though he wear the ſignet upon my right hand; Ier. 22.24 or, as the apple of mine eye) doth offend, I will cut him off; and if the wicked forſake his wickedneſſe, Ezech. 33.15. and do that which is juſt, love mercie, and ſpeak truth, he ſhall be accepted, and the Lord will not call light darkneſſe, nor good evill in any one.

4. 4. They allow the women to offend while their husbands ſl • ep. Ioh 11.11. 1 Cor. 7.39. Becauſe our Saviour ſaith, Our friend Lazarus ſleepeth; when as indeed he was dead, and the Heathens ſay, Sleep is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the brother of death, they take this colour to hide their adulteries, that while the husband ſleepeth, the wife is as free from him as if he were dead, a foolerie ſo ridiculous that the naming of it is a ſufficient confutation of it, and yet you ſhall hardly withdraw our London Anabaptists from it.

5. 5. They juſtifie many kindes of lyes and equivocatious. Gen. 12.13. Acts 23.5. Becauſe Abraham ſaid that Sara was his ſiſter, and Saint Paul ſaid, I wist not brethren that he was the high Priest: they hold it as an Article of their Creed, that for officious lyes and equivocations, being for the furtherance of their cauſe, the good worke which they pretend, they may and ought to uſe them, to ſwallow them down like water, they make no bones of them; and therefore it is dangerous to treat, and weakneſſe to give credit, without ſufficient pledges, to the faith of theſe men; whoſe profeſſion may as lawfully deceive us, as their Religion teacheth them to deſtroy us, and I believe the experience which his Majeſties Officers had of them in the performance of their promiſes and conditions of departure from Winchester, Reading, and other Townes ſurrendered unto them may ſufficiently confirme this equivocall point of their Publique Faith.

6. 6. They would root out all thoſe that they terme wicked. Deut. 7.2. 1 Sam. 15.23. Pſal. 58.8. Becauſe the Lord ſtraitly charged the Iſraelites to root out the wicked Canaanites and the reſt of thoſe curſed Nations, and tranſlated the Kingdom of Iſrael from Saul unto David, becauſe he ſpared Agag: and our Saviour bids us, ſuccidere ficum, to cut down that unprofitable tree which bare no fruit, they are ſo filled with ſuch unmercifull crueltie towards all thoſe they terme wicked, and judge Malignants, that they had better fall into the hands of heathen Tyrants, than of theſe their holy brethren, who embruing their hands in the blood of ſo many faithfull Chriſtians, do ſing with the Pſalmiſt, The righteous rejoyce when they ſee this vengeance, they ſhall waſh their feet in the blood of the ungodly: for as Solomon ſaith, The tender mercies of the wicked are meer crueltie. Prov. 12.10. And I believe the first inventers of that Deſigne to root out all the Papiſts in Ireland, and to get that Act to purchaſe all the Lands of the Rebels, had taſted too much of this bitter root of ſuch deſtructive Doctrine; whereby you ſee how the Religion of theſe men robbes us of our Estates, keepes no faith with us, and takes away our lives.

7. Though among the workes of God, 7. They would have a paritie among all men both in Church and Common wealth. Gal. 5.6. Col. 3.11. every flower cannot be a Lillie, every beaſt cannot be a Lion, every bird cannot be an Eagle, and every Planet cannot be Phaebus; yet in the School of theſe men, this is the Doctrine of their to be new erected Church, that with God there is no respect of perſans, and neither Circumciſion availeth any thing, nor uncircumciſion; but whether they be bond or free, maſters or ſervants, few; or Gentile, Barbarian, Scythian, a countrey Clown, or a Court Gallant, rich or poor; it is all one with God; becauſe theſe Titles of Honour, Kings, Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen are no entities of Gods making, but the creatures of mans invention, to puffe him up with pride, and not to bring him unto God; and therefore though for the bringing of their great good worke to paſſe, they are yet contented to make the Earle of Eſſex their Generall, and Warwicke their Admirall, and ſo Pym and Hampden great Officers of State; yet, when the worke is done, their Plot perfected, and their Government eſtabliſhed, then you ſhall finde, that as now, they will eradicate Epiſcopacie, and make all our Clergie equall, as if all had equally but one talent, and no man worthier than another; ſo then there ſhould be neither King, Lord, Knight, nor Gentleman, but a paritie of degrees among all theſe holy Brethren; and to give us a taſte of what they mean! as the Lords concurrence with them inabled them to devour the Kings power; ſo they have ſince, with great juſtice, prevailed with the Houſe of Commons to ſwallow up the Lords power, and have moſt fairly invaded their priviledge, when they queſtioned particular Members * As my Lord Duke, and my Lord Dighte. for words ſpoken in that Houſe, and then the whole Houſe, when they brought up and countenanced a mutinous and ſeditious Petition, which demanded the Names of thoſe Lords, that conſented not with the Houſe of Commous in thoſe things, which that Houſe had twice denied.

8. 8 They would have no man to pray for temporall things. Mat. 6.33.34. Matth. 6.11. Becauſe our Saviour ſaith, Seek ye first the Kingdom of of Heaven and the righteouſneſſe thereof, and all theſe things, that is meat, and drinke, and clothes, and all other earthly things, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſhall be cast unto you: and again, Be not carefull for to morrow; they teach their proſelytes, that they ought not to pray, by any meanes, for any of theſe things; whereas Chriſt biddeth us to ſay, Give us this day our daily Bread.

9. 9. Not to ſay the Lords Prayer. They cannot endure to ſay the Lords Prayer, for that's a Popiſh ſuperſtition, but their Prayers muſt be all tautologies, and a circular repetition of their own indigeſted inventions.

10. 10. Not to ſay, God ſpeed you, 2 Iohn to 11.11. Not to pray for the Malignants. 1 Iohn 5.16. You muſt not ſay, God ſpeed you, to any neighbour or any traveller, leſt he intends ſome evill worke, and then you ſhall be partaker of his ſin.

11. They will not allow any of their Diſciples to pray for any of the Reprobates; and therefore they do exceedingly blame us, and tear our Liturgie, becauſe we ſay, That it may pleaſe thee to have mercie upon all men.

12. Becauſe Chriſt ſaith, Call no man father on earth, for one is your Father which is in Heaven: the childe muſt not call him that begat him and nurſeth him his father, not kneel unto him to aske him bleſſing, nor performe many other ſuch duties which the Lord requireth, and the Church instructeth her children to do to this very day; and this fooliſh Doctrine of calling no man father, no man maſter, or Lord and the like, in their ſenſe, (becauſe they underſtand not the divine meaning of our Saviours word) hath been the cauſe of ſuch undutifulneſſe and untowardneſſe, ſuch contempts of ſuperiours, and ſuch rebellions to Authoritie as is beyond expreſſion; when as by their diſloyaltie, being thus bred in them from their cradle, they firſt deſpiſe their father, then their Teachers, then their King, and then God himſelfe.

3. To with-hold his moneyes and revenues, and all other meanes from the King.

4. To withdraw the affections, and to poyſon the loyalty of all his Majeſties Subjects from him.

And hereby they thought (and it muſt have beene ſo indeed, Pſa, 30, 6 except the Lord had beene on his ſide) they had made their hill ſo ſtrong, that it could not be moved, and the King ſo weake and deſtitute of all meanes, that he could no wayes ſubſiſt or relieve himſelfe, as a member of their owne Houſe did tell me, for

1. 1 Earl of Warw • ck made vice Admirall. They get the Earle of Warwicke to be appointed Vic-admirall of the Sea, and to commit all the Kings Navie into his hand, and to take away that charge from Sir Iohn Pennington, whom moſt men believed to be farre the better Sea-man, but more faithfull to his King, and the other purer to the Parliament.

2. 2 Sir Iohn Hotham put to Hull for the Magazine, They fend Sir John Hotham a moſt inſolent man, that moſt uncivilly contemned the King to his face, to ſeize upon the Kings Magazine that he bought with his own money, (when they might as well take away my horſe that I paid for) and to keepe the King out of Hull, which was his owne proper Towne, and therefore might as well have kept him out of White-hall, and was an act ſo full of injuſtice, as that I ſcarce know a greater.

3. 3 They detained the kings moneys. Eſay 1, 23. Becauſe moneyes are great meanes to effect any worldly affaire, and the ſinews of every warre, when as men and armes and all other neceſſaries may be had for money, ſome of them and their followers ſhew themſelves to be juſt as the Peeres of Iſrael, companions of thieves, meere robbers, which forcibly take away a mans money from him; they take all the Kings treaſure, they intercept, detaine, and convert all the Kings revenues and cuſtomes, to ſtrengthen themſelves againſt the King.

4. Becauſe their former Remonſtrances framed by this faction, 4 They labour to render the king odious by lyes. of the ill government of this Kingdome, though in ſome things true, (which the King ingeniouſly acknowledgeth, and moſt graciouſly promiſeth to redreſſe them) yet in all things full of gall and bitterneſſe againſt the King, could not ſo fully poyſon the love and loyalty of the Kings Subjects, as they deſired, eſpecially the love of thoſe that knew his Majeſtie, who the better they knew him, did the more affectionately love him, and the more faithfully ſerve him; they thought to doe it another and a ſurer way, with apparent lyes, palpable ſlanders, and abominable accuſations, invented, printed, and ſcattered over all the parts of this Kingdome, by their trencher Chaplaines, and paraſiticall Preachers, and other Pamphleters, ſome buſy Lawyers and Pettifoggers, to bring the King into an odium, diſliked and deſerted of all his loving Subjects. And what created power under heaven was able to diſſolve that wickedneſſe, which ſubtiltie and malice had thus treacherouſly combined to bring to paſſe?

Hereupon (after many threatning votes, 1 Lye, that he intended to war againſt his Parliament. and actuall hoſtility exerciſed againſt his Royall perſon) the King is forced to raiſe a guard for the defence of himſelfe, and thoſe his good Subjects that attended him; then preſently that ſmall guard, that conſiſted but of the chiefe gentry of the Countrey, was declared to be an army raiſed for the ſubverſion of the Parliament, and the deſtruction of our native liberties; an invincible army is voted to be raiſed, the Earle of Eſſex is choſen to be their Generall, with whom they promiſe both to live and die, the Earle of Bedford Generall of the Horſe, moneyes are provided, and all things are prepared to fetch the King and all delinquents, or to be the death of all withſtanders; and that nothing might hinder this deſigne, though the King in many gracious Meſſages atteſted by the ſubſcription of many noble Lords that were upon the place, aſſured them, he never intended any warre againſt his Parliament, yet they proceed with all eagerneſſe, and declare all thoſe that ſhall aſſiſt the King, either with Horſe, money, or men, to be malignants and enemies unto the King and Kingdome, and ſuch delinquents as ſhall be ſure to receive condigne puniſhment by the Parliament, Hoc mirum eſt, hoc magnum.

And among the reſt of their impudent ſlanders, this was their Maſter-piece, which they ever harped upon, that hee countenanced Papists, and intended to bring Poperie into this Kingdom, and to that end had an Armie of Papists to aſſiſt him.

But to ſatisfie any ſenſible man in this point, I would crave the reſolution of theſe two Queſtions:

1. Two queſtions to be reſolved. Whether every Papist that is ſubject to his Majeſtie is not bound to aſſist and defend his King in all his dangers?

2. Whether the King ſhould not protect his Subjects that are Papists in all their dangers, ſo farre as by the Law he ought to do it; 1. All Papiſts bound to aſſiſt their King. and accept of their ſervice when himſelfe is invironed with dangers?

For firſt, I believe there is no Law that inhibiteth a Papist to ſerve his King againſt a Rebellion, or to ride poſt, to tell the King of a Deſigne to murder Him, or any other intended Treaſon againſt Him; or being preſent, to take away a weapon from that man that attempted to kill the King; becauſe his not comming to Church doth not exempt him from his Alleageance, or diſcharge him of his dutie and ſervice unto the King and therefore if a Fleet from France or Spain or any other forreigne part ſhould invade us, or any Rebellion at home ſhould riſe againſt his Soveraigne, and ſeck to destroy thoſe Lawes and Liberties whereof himſelfe and his Poſteritie hath as good an intereſt as any other Subject, I ſay, he is bound by all Lawes to aſſist his King, and to do his beſt endeavour, both with his purſe and in his perſon, not onely to oppoſe that externall Invaſion, but alſo to ſubdue, as well that home-bred Rebellion, as the forreigne Invaſion.

2. 2. The King bound to protect dutifull Papiſts. If a Papist ſhould be injured, his estate ſeized upon, his houſe plundered, and his perſon, if taken, impriſoned, not becauſe he tranſgreſſed any other Law, but that he dispenceth not with the Law of his conſcience, to be no Papist; and being thus injured, ſhould come unto his King, and ſay, I am your Subject, and have lived dutifully, I did nothing which the Law gives me not leave, I have truly paid all duties and humbly ſubmitted my ſelfe to all penalties; and yet I know not why, I am thus uſed and abuſed by my neighbours; I am driven from my houſe by force of Armes, and I have no place to breathe, but under your Majeſties wings and the ſhelter of your power; therefore I beſeech you, as you are my King, and are obliged to do your beſt for the ſafetie of your true Subjects, let me have your protection, and you ſhall have my ſervice unto death? I would fain know what the King ſhould do in ſuch a caſe; denie his protection, or refuſe his ſervice? the one is injustice, the other not the best wiſedom, eſpecially if he needed ſervice; for as the Law of nature and of nations requireth all Subjects, to obey their Kings and faithfully to ſerve them, of what Religion ſoever their Kings ſhall be; ſo Lege relationis, every King is bound to protect every faithfull Subject, that obſerveth his Lawes, or ſubmitteth to their penalties, without corrupting of his fellow Subjects, of what Religion ſoever he is: becauſe they are his Subjects, not as they are faithfull Chriſtians, but as obedient men, and he is to rule, not over the faith of their ſoules, but the actions of their bodies; and it is an Axiome in Divinitie, that Fides non cogenda; and if Kings cannot perſwade their Subjects to embrace the true Faith, they ought not to cut them off, ſo long as they are true Subjects: and therefore with what reaſon can any man blame the King, either for protecting them in their diſtreſſes, or accepting their ſevice in his own extremities? I cannot underſtand. And yet, for the goodly companie of Papists which his Majeſtie entertaineth in all his Armies, they cannot all make up ſo much as one good Regiment, as an Officer in his Majeſties Armie confidently affirmeth; but it will ſerve their turne to taxe the King, to lay imputations upon him, even the very things that belong unto themſelves (as the whole ſumme of thoſe things that are expreſſed in Englands Petition to their King, Pag. 10. mutatis mutandis might truly be preſented to the two Houſes, that have now almost deſtroyed us all) and to make them mightie faults in him, which are no faults at all in themſelves; becauſe there is no fear of their favouringPoperie, though, as they have very many, ſo they ſhould have never ſo many more in their Armie. 3. Lye, that he cauſed the Rebellion in Ireland.

Another Slander they not onely whispered, but alſo disperſed the ſame farre and near among the people, to make the King ſtill the more odious unto his Subjects, that he was the cauſe of the Rebellion in Ireland, and that the Rebels there had his Commiſſion under the Broad Seal, to plunder the Proteſtants and to expell them thence; that ſo the Goſpell being rooted out of Ireland, Poperie might the eaſier be tranſported and planted here in England; whereas themſelves in very deed were the ſole cauſers of this Rebellion, as I have ſhewed unto you before; The cauſe of this ſtander. and the colour of this ſtander was, that the Rebellion being raiſed, the Ring-leaders of thoſe Rebels, the ſooner to gain the ſimple to adhere unto them, perſwaded them to believe that they had the Kings command to do the ſame; and to that purpoſe ſhewed them the Broad Seal, which they had taken from Ministers, and Clerkes of the Peace, and others, whom formerly they had plundered, and taken their Seales from them, which they cunningly affixed to certain Commiſſions of their own framing; as M Sherman aſſured me, he ſaw the Broad Seal that was taken from one M. Hart, that was Clerke of the Peace in the Countie of Tumond; and was found in the pocket of one of the chief Leaders of the Rebels, when he was killed by the Kings Souldiers; yet, this falſe and lewd practice of theſe Rebels in Ireland was a moſt welcome newes to this Faction in England to ſay this imputation upon the King, that he was the cauſe of this Rebellion, which themſelves had kindled, and were glad to finde ſuch a colour to impute it unto him, that it might not be ſuſpected to be raiſed by them.

Many other ſuch falſehoods, Lyes, and impudent ſlanders hath the father of lyes cauſed theſe his Children moſt impudently to father upon the King; but as the Philoſopher ſaith, Non quia affirmatur aut negatur, How things are in deed. res erit aut non erit, things are not ſo and ſo, becauſe they are ſaid to be ſo; neither can they be no ſuch things, onely becauſe they are denied to be ſuch; as Gold is not Copper, becauſe ignorant men affirme it to be ſo; nor a drunken man ſober, or a vitious man vertuous, becauſe they deny him to be good, and blazon him abroad for one of the ſonnes of Belial; but as Gold is Gold, and Braſſe is Braſſe, ſo godly men are good, wicked men are evill, and Rebels are none other than Rebels, let men call them what they will; and ſo our King is not ſuch a man as they ſay, becauſe they affirme it; but he is indeed a moſt juſt, virtuous, and moſt pious Prince, let them ſay what they will, Their tongues are their own, and we cannot rule them: and ſo all his followers are better Proteſtants in deed, and leſſe Papiſts in all points of faith than the best of them, that terme us ſo by falſe names. God forgive them theſe ſlanderous accuſations.

3. They have diſcharged the Apprentiſes and ſervants from their Maſters ſervices, 3. How they diſcharged the apprentices and compell them to fight. and have either compelled or perſwaded them to ſerve in their army againſt the King, and that without the conſent, and againſt the will of their maſters and dames, yea ſometimes againſt the commands of their owne parents, which I ſpeake from their owne mouthes.

4. 4. How they impriſoned out men without cauſe. They have impriſoned very many hundreds of moſt able and moſt honeſt men; even ſo many, that the Priſons are not able to containe them, but they are faine to conſecrate the greateſt houſes in London to become Priſons, as the Biſhop of Londons houſe, Ely houſe, Wincheſter Houſe, Lambeth houſe; Cresby houſe, the Savoy, and the like. And this they doe for none other cauſe, but either for performing the duties of their places, and diſchargeing their obedience to his Majeſty, as the laſt Lord Maior Gurney, which deſerved rather to be commended than committed, if we believe many that were preſent at his tryall; or petitioning unto them, as Sir George Bynion, Copmplaint p. 8 and Captaine Richard Lovelace, and Sir William Boteler of Kent, becauſe they did not therein flatter and approve their preſent wicked courſes; or intending to petition unto the King for reliefe of theſe lamentable diſtreſſes, as thoſe Gentlemen of Hertford-ſhire and Weſtminſter; or for being as they conceived, diſaffected unto their diſloyall orders: A ſtrange thing, and iuſtice beyond preſident, not the like to be found among the Pagans, that (where no law can condemne a man for his affections when no action is committed againſt law) men ſhall bee robbed of their eſtates, and adjudged for malignants (which is alſo a crime moſt generall, and without the compaſſe of any Statute) and then for this now created ſinne, to bee condemned and impriſoned, and therein to remaine without tryall of his offence, perhaps as long as the Archbiſhop of Canterbury. And this wonder is the rather to bee wondered at, becauſe it is the ſence of both Houſes, M. Pym in his Speech at the Guild-hall. (if wee may believe Maſter Pym) that it is againſt the rules of iuſtice, that any man ſhould be impriſoned upon a generall charge, when no particulars are proved againſt him: for never charge can be more generall than to be all affected, or a malignant, or a man not to be confided in, where of you finde ten thouſand in the City of London, and many hundred thouſands in the Kingdome: and therefore when we finde ſo many perſons of honour and reputation impriſoned, only upon this ſurmiſe, without any other particular charge ſo much as once ſuggeſted againſt them, (as was the Lord of Middleſex, the Lord of Portland, and abundance more) and detained in priſon, becauſe they were ill affected, in that they have not contributed to the maintenance of this warre, we ſee how inſenſibly they have accuſed themſelves to have laid this inſupportable puniſhment, beyond the deſert of the tranſgreſſors, and againſt the rules of all iuſtice, and how they have forgotten their proteſtation, and exceedingly infringed the liberty of the Subiects, whereof they promiſed to bee ſuch faithfull procurators.

1. When they forbid us to dispute of their Priviledges, 1. Denying us to diſpute of them. L. Eliſmer in post nati. and ſay, that themſelves alone are the ſole Judges of them; when as in former ages they have been adjudged by the Lawes of the Kingdom, when Thorpe the Speaker of the Houſe of Commons hath been committed and detained Priſoner upon an Execution, and the Houſe confirmed that fact.

2. 2. Committing and putting out their Members, Complaint, p. 11. When the Members of the Houſe (of whoſe elections and tranſgreſſions againſt the Houſe, or any of their fellow Members, or the like, the Houſe is the proper Judge) which ought to have as free libertie as any of the reſt, upon any emergent occaſion, are committed, as Maſter Palmer, and others were, or put out of the Houſe, as Sir Edward Deering, the Lord Faulkland, Sir John Culpepper, Sir John Strang wayes, and others have been voted hand over head, for ſpeaking more reaſon than the more violent partie could anſwer, or in very deed, for ſpeaking their mindes freely againſt the ſenſe of the Houſe, or rather againſt ſome of the prevalent Faction of the Houſe, which we ſay is no Priviledge but the pravitie of the Houſe; to denie this just Priviledge unto thoſe Members that were thus committed or expelled; for hereby it doth manifeſtly appear that, contrary to the practice of all former Parliaments, and contrary to the honour of any Parliament, things were herein debated and carried, not by ſtrength of argument, but by the most voyces, and the greater number were ſo farre from underſtanding the validitie of the alleaged reaſons, that after the Votes paſſed they ſcarce conceived the ſtate of the queſtion, but thought it enough to be Clerkes to Maſter Pym, 3. Denying their Members to be legally tried for any capitall crime. Vide Dyer, p. 59.60. Crompton. 8. b. 9, 10, 11. Eliſm. poſt. nats 20, 21. The viewer, p. 43. and to ſay Amen to Maſter Hampden by an implicite faith.

3. When they deny the Members of their Houſe, or any other imployed by them in this horrid Rebellion, ſhould be queſtioned for felonie, treaſon, murder, or the like capitall crimes, but onely in Parliament, or at leaſt by the leave of that Houſe whereof they are Members, or which doth imploy them; for by this meanes any Member of their Houſe may be a Traitor, or a Murderer, or a Robber whenſoever he pleaſe, and may eaſily eſcape, before the partie wronged, or complainant can obtain this leave of the Houſe of Commons: and therefore this is as unreaſonable and as ſenſleſſe a Priviledge as ever was challenged, and was never heard of till this Parliament: for why ſhould any man refuſe his Triall, or the Houſe deny their Members to the justice of the Law, when as the deniall of them to be tried by the Law implyeth a doubt in us of the innocencie of thoſe, whom we will not ſubmit to justice; and their Triall would make them live gloriouſly hereafter, if they were found innocent, and move the King to deliver thoſe men, that had ſo wickedly conſpired their deſtruction, to the like cenſure of the Law. But for them to cry out, The King is miſinformed, and We dare not trust our ſelves upon a Triall, may be a way to preſerve their ſafetie, but with the loſſe of their reputation, and perhaps the deſtruction of many thouſands of people.

If they ſay, they are contented to be tried, but by their own Houſe, which in the time of Parliament is the higheſt Court of juſtice; it may be anſwered, ſaid a plain Ruſtique, with the old Proverbe, Aske my fellow if I be a thief: for mine own part, I reverence the juſtice of a Parliament in all other judgements betwixt partie and partie, yea betwixt the King and any other Subject; yet when the partie accuſed ſhall be judged by his own Societie, his Brethren, and his own Faction, I believe any indifferent Judge would ſee this to be too great partialitie againſt the King, that he ſhall not have thoſe, whom he accuſeth to be tried by the Lawes already eſtabliſhed, and the ordinary courſe of Juſtice; and if the Iudges offend in their ſentence, the Parliament hath full power, undenied them by his Majeſtie, to queſtion and to puniſh thoſe Judges, as they did for that too palpable injuſtice (as they conceived) in the caſe of the Ship money; but they will be judged by themſelves, and all that diſſent from them muſt be at their mercie or deſtruction. And yet it is ſaid to be evident, that no Priviledge can have its ground or commencement, unleſſe it be by ſtatute, grant, or preſcription, and by the ſtat. 26. Hen. 8. cap. 13. it is enacted, that no offender in any kinde of high Treaſon ſhall have the priviledge of any manner of Sanctuarie: ſo all the Grants of ſuch a priviledge, if any ſuch ſhould be made, are meerly void, 1. Hen. 7. Staffords caſe, and not one inſtance could hitherto beproduced, whereby ſuch a Priviledge was either allowed or claimed, but the contrary moſt clearly proved by his Majeſtie out of Wentworths caſe.

And therefore ſeeing your own Law-bookes tell us, that the Priviledge of Parliament doth not extend to Treaſon, the breach of the Peace, and (as ſome thinke) againſt the Kings debt: it is apparent how groſſely they do abuſe the People by this claim of the Priviledge of Parliament.

4. 4. Conniving with their Faction for any fault. When they connive with their own compeeres for any breach of priviledge, as with Maſter Whitakers for ſearching Maſter Hampdens pockets, and taking away his papers, immediately after the abrupt breaking up of the last unhappy Parliament, and thoſe that diſcovered the names of them that differed in opinion from the reſt of the Faction, in the buſineſſe of the Earle of Strafford, and ſpecially with that rabble of Brownists and Anabaptiſts, which with unheard of impudencie durſt aske that queſtion publiquely at the Barre, who they were that oppoſed the well affected partie in that Houſe? as if they meant to be even with them, whoſoever they were; and likewiſe that unruly multitude of zealous Sectaries, that were ſent, as I finde it, by Captain Ven and Iſaac Pennington, to cry Justice, Justice, Justice, and No Biſhops, no Biſhops; and this to terrifie ſome of the Lords from the Houſe, and to awe the rest that ſhould remain in the Houſe, as they had formerly done in the caſe of the Earle of Strafford; and when others that they like not, are for the least breach of pretended Priviledge either impriſoned or expelled; for I aſſure my ſelfe, there cannot be higher breaches of Priviledges than theſe be, nor greater ſtainec to obſcure the honour, and vilifie the repute of this Parliament.

5. 5. The ingaging one another in civill cauſes. When there is ſuch ſiding and ingaging one another in civill cauſes, (that they may be conglutinated together for their great Deſigne) to do things, not according unto justice, but for their own ends, contrary to all right; and their favour is ſcarce worth the charge of attendance, to them that ſpeed best by their Ordinances; but the complaint is that men have the greatest injuries done them in this that themſelves call the higheſt Court of Juſtice, which others ſay, hath now juſtified all other inferiour Courts, and made all unrighteous judges moſt just.

6. 6. The ſurreptitious carrying of buſineſſes. When (as we have been informed) a matter of the greatest importance hath been debated and put unto the queſtion, and upon the queſtion determined, and the Bill once and again rejected, yet at another time, even the third time, when the Faction had prepared the Houſe for their own purpoſe, and knew they could carry it by moſt voyces, the ſame queſtion hath been reſumed, and determined quite contrary to the former determination, when the Houſe was more orderly convened; as it is ſaid they did, to paſſe the Ordinance for the Militia, which many men dare avouch to their faces to be no Priviledge of Parliament, but a great abuſe of their fellow Members, and a greater injurie unto all their fellow Subjects.

7. 7. Their partiall queſtioning of ſome men, and not queſtioning of ſome others. When the elections of ſome of their Members have been queſtioned, and others have been accuſed, for no leſſe than capitall crimes, (as Maſter Griffith was) yet if theſe men incline and conſpire with this Faction to confirme thoſe poſitions, which they propoſed to themſelves, to overthrow the Church and State, and to uphold their uſurped Government and tyrannicall Ordinances, they will pretend twenty excuſes; as the great affaires of the State, the multiplicitie of their buſineſſes, the neceſſitie of procuring monies, the ſhortneſſe of their time, (though they ſate almoſt three yeares already) that they have no leiſure to determine theſe queſtions (which in truth they do purpoſely put off, leaſt they ſhould leeſe ſuch a friend unto their partie;) but when any other, which diſſenteth from their humours, doth but any thing contrary to the ſtraitest Rules of the Houſe, they do preſently (notwithſtanding all their greateſt affaires) call that matter into queſtion, and it muſt be examined and followed with that eagerneſſe (as in my Lord Digby's caſe) that he muſt be forthwith condemned and excluded; The L. Digby in his Apolog. for we ſay, this cannot be any juſt priviledge, but an unjuſt proceeding of this Parliament.

8. When they delegate their power to ſome men to do ſome things of themſelves without the reſt; 8. The delegating of their power to particular men. as it ſeemes they did unto Maſter Pym, when an Order paſſed under his ſole teſte, for taking away the Rayles from the Communion Table; for this is a courſe we never heard of in former times.

9. 9. The multiplying of their Priviledges. When their Priviledges are ſo infinitely grown and inlarged, more than ever they were in former Parliaments, and ſo ſwelled, that they have now ſwallowed up almoſt all the priviledges of other men; ſo that they alone muſt do what they pleaſe, and where they will, in all Cities and in all Courts, becauſe they have the Priviledge of Paliament.

10. When according, to the great libertie of language, 10. Their ſpeaking and ſ •… ing in other Courts. which we deny them not within their own wall, they take the Priviledge to ſpeak what they liſt in other places, and to governe other Courts as they pleaſe, where (as they did in Dublin, and do commonly in London) they ſit as Aſſiſtants with them, that are priviledged by their Charters to be freed from ſuch Controllers.

11. When, above all that hath been or can be ſpoken, 11. Their cloſe Committee. they have made a cloſe Committee of ſafetie, (as they call it) which in the apprehenſion of all wiſe and honeſt men, is not onely a courſe moſt abſurd and illegall, but alſo moſt deſtructive to all true Priviledges, and contrary to the equitable practice of all publique meetings, that any one ſhould be excluded from that which concerneth him as well as any of the reſt; and this Committee onely, which conſiſteth of a very few of the moſt pragmatical Members of their Houſe, muſt have all intelligences and privie counſels received, and reſerved among themſelves; and what they conclude upon muſt be reported to the Houſe, which muſt take all that they deliver upon truſt, and with an implicite Roman faith believe all that they ſay, and aſſent to all that they do; onely becauſe theſe (forſooth) are men to be confided in, upon their bare word, The greatneſſe of this abuſe. (when their Houſe hath no power to adminiſter an Oath unto any man) in the greateſt affaires, happineſſe or deſtruction of the whole Kingdom; for this is, in a manner, to make theſe men Kings, more than the Roman Conſuls, and ſo as great a breach of Priviledge and abuſe of Parliament, as derogatory to his Majeſtie, that called them to conſult together, and as injurious to all the people as can be named or imagined.

2. 2. Againſt the publike laws of the land. FOr thoſe publike, written, and better known laws of this Land, they have no leſſe violated and tranſgreſſed the ſame than the other, and that, aſwell in their execution and expoſition, as in their composition; for,

1. 1. In the execution of the old lawes. When they had cauſed the Archbiſhop of Canterbury to be committed to the Tower, Judge Berkeley to the Sheriffe of London, ſir George Ratcliffe to the Gate-houſe, for no leſſe crimes than high Treaſon, and many other men to ſome other priſons for ſome other faults; yet all the world ſeeth how long moſt of them have beene kept in priſon, ſome a yeare, ſome two, ſome almoſt three, and God onely knoweth when theſe men intend to bring them to their legall tryall; which delay of iuſtice, is not only an intolerable abuſe to the preſent ſubiects of this kingdome, to be ſo long deprived of their liberty upon a bare ſurmiſe, but alſo a far greater iniury to all poſterity, when this preſident ſhall be produced to be imitated by the ſucceeding Parliaments, and to iuſtifie the delayes of all inferiour Iudges.

2. 2 In expounding the lawes. Whereas wee believe what judge Bracton ſaith and Judge Britton likewiſe, which lived in the time of Edward the firſt, Si diſputatio oriatur, juſticiarii non poſſunt eam interpretari, ſed in dubiis & obſcuris, Domini regis erit expectanda interpretatio & voluntas, cum ejus ſit interpretari cujus eſt condere; Citatur a Domino Eliſm in poſt-nati, p. 108 if any diſpute doth ariſe, the Judges can not interpret the ſame, but in all obſcure and doubtfull queſtions, the interpretation and the will of the King is to be expected, when as he that makes the law, is to bee the expounder and interpreter of the law; yet they have challenged and aſſumed to themſelves ſuch a power, that their bare Vote without an act of Parliament, may expound or alter a knowne law; which if it were ſo, they might make the law, as Pighius ſaith of the Scripture, like a noſe of wax, that may bee faſhioned and bended as they pleaſed; but we doe conſtantly maintaine, that the Houſe of Commons hath no power to adjudge of any point or matter, but to informe the Lords what they conceive; and the Houſe of Peeres hath the power of Iudicature, which they are bound to doe, according to the rules of the knowne eſtabliſhed lawes; and to that end they have the Judges to informe them of thoſe caſes, and to explaine thoſe lawes, wherein themſelves are not ſo well experienced, (though now they ſit in the Houſe for cyphers, even as ſome Clergie did many times in the Convocation;) and if any former Statute be ſo intricate and obſcure, that the Iudges cannot well agree upon the right interpretation thereof, then (as in explaining Poynings Act, and the like, either in England or Ireland) the makers of the Act, that is the King and the major part of both Houſes, muſt explaine the ſame.

3. 3. In compoſeing and ſetting forth new laws. Whereas we never knew that the Houſe had any power to make Orders and Ordinances to bind any, (beſides their own members,) to obſerve them as lawes; yet they compell us to obey their orders, in a ſtricter manner than uſually we are injoyned by Law; and this courſe, to make ſuch binding ordinances as they doe, to carry the force, though not the name of an Act of Parliament, or a Law, is a mighty abuſe of our lawes and liberties; for Sir Edward Cooke tels us plainly, that (as the conſtitution of our Government now ſtandeth,) neither the Houſe of Commons and the King, L. Cooke in the preface of the Stat. of Weſtminſter the ſecond. Lamberts Archeton 27.1. can make any binding law, when the Peeres diſſent; nor the Lords and King, when the Commonalty diſſenteth; nor yet both Houſes without the Kings conſent; but all three, King, Peeres and Commons, muſt agree, before any coactive law can be compoſed: Nay more, it is ſufficiently proved, that dare jus populo, or the legislative power, being one principall end of regall authority, was in Kings by the law of nature, (while they governed the people by naturall equity) long before municipall lawes or Parliaments had any being; for as the Poet ſaith, Remo cum fratre Quirinus —jura dabat. Virgilius. Hoc Priami geſtamen erat, cum jura vocatis more daret populis— Becauſe this was the cuſtome of the Kings of Scythia, Aſſyria, Aegypt, &c. (long before Moſes and Pharonaus, when municipall lawes firſt began,) to give lawes unto their people, according to the rules of naturall equity, which by the law of nature they were all bound to obſerve.

And though ſome Kings did graciously yeeld and by their voluntary oathes, for themſelves and their ſucceſſors, binde themſelves many times, to ſtricter limits, then were abſolutely requiſite, as William Rufus, King Stephen, Henry the fourth, Richard the third, and the like, granted many priviledges, perhaps to gaine the favour of their Subjects, againſt thoſe which likely had a better title to the Crowne than themſelves: or, it may be, to ſatisfie their people, as the guerdon or compenſation for the ſufferance of ſome fore-paſſed grievances, as Henry the firſt, Edward the ſecond, Richard the ſecond, and the like: yet theſe limitations, being agreeable to equity, and conſiſtent with Royalty, and not forcibly extracted, ought in all truth and reaſon to be obſerved by them. And hence it is that the Kings of this Realme, according to the oathes and promiſes which they made at their Coronation, can never give, nor repeale any law, but with the aſſent of the Peeres and People.

But though they have thus yeelded, to make no lawes, nor to repeale any lawes without them; yet this voluntary conceſſion of ſo much grace unto the people, doth no wayes tranſlate the legislative power from the King unto his aſſiſtants, but that it is formaliter and ſubiectivè ſtill in the King, and not in them; elſe would the government of this Kingdome bee an Ariſtocracy, or Democracy, and not a Monarchy; becauſe the ſupreame power of making and repealing Lawes, and governing or judging deciſively according to thoſe lawes, Caſsan, in catal glorlamundi. are two of thoſe three things, that give being to each one of theſe three ſorts of government.

Therefore, the King of England, being an abſolute Monarch, in his owne Kingdome, as Caſſaneus ſaith, and no man can deny it the legiſlative power muſt needs reſide ſolely in the King, 22 Ed. 3.3. pl. 25. Vid. The view of a printed booke, entituled, Obſervations, &c. where this point is proved at large p. 18, 19, 21, 22. ut in ſubjecto proprio; and the conſent of the Lords and Commons is no ſharing of that power, but only a condition yeelded to be obſerved by the King, in the uſe of that power: and ſo, both the Oath of Supremacy, and the form of all our ancient Statutes, wherein the King ſpeakes as the Lawmaker, doe moſt evidently prove the ſame unto us, Le Roy voit.

Neither durſt any Subjects in former times either aſſume ſuch a power unto themſelves, or deny the ſame unto their King: for you may finde how the Houſe of Commons, denying to paſſe the Bill for the pardon of the Clergy, which Hen. 8. granted them, when they were all charged to be in a Premunire, unleſſe themſelves alſo might be included within the pardon, received this anſwer from the King, that he was their Soveraigne Lord, and would not be compelled to ſhew his mercy, (nor indeed could they compel him to any thing elſe) but ſeeing they went about to reſtraine him of his Liberty, he would grant a pardon unto his Clergie by his great Seale without them; Sir Rich. • in vita Her though afterwards of his owne accord he ſigned their pardon alſo; which brought great commendation to his judgement, to deny it at firſt, when it was demanded as a right, and to grant it afterward, when it was received as of grace. And yet the deniall of their aſſent unto the King, is more equitable to them, and leſſe derogatory to him, then to make orders without him; and this manner of compulſion, to ſhew grace unto themſelves is more tolerable, than to force him to diſgrace and diſplace his moſt faithfull ſervants; onely becauſe others cannot confide in them, when no criminall charge is laid againſt them.

And therefore for the Lords and Commons to make Orders and Ordinances without the King, and in oppoſition to the King, is a meere uſurpation of the Regall power, a nullifying of the Kings power, and a making of the Royall aſſent, which heretofore gave life to every law, to be an empty piece of formality, which is indeed, an intolerable arrogancy in the contrivers of theſe Orders and the makers of theſe Ordinances, a monſtrous abuſe of the Subjects, and a plaine making of our good King to be ſomewhat like him in the Comedy, a King and no King.

And, where as no Subject, and under favour be it ſpoken, not the King himſelfe, after he hath taken his Oath at his Coronation, is free from the obſervation of the eſtabliſhed lawes; yet they make themſelves ſo farre above the reach of Law, that they freed him, which the Lord chiefe Juſtice Bramston had committed to Newgate for felony in ſtealing the Counteſſe of Rivers goods; they hindered all men, as we found in their journall, from proceeding againſt Sir Thomas Dawes; they injoyned the Judges by their orders, to forbeare to proceed in their ordinary courſes, in the Courts of Juſtice, contrary to the eaths of thoſe Judges; and ſome Parliament men came to the Bench to forbid the Judges to grant Habeas Corpuſes, which is as great an iniquity, and as apparent an injuſtice as ever was done by any Parliament.

And that which is a note above Ela, The moſt abominable wickedneſſe of theſe factious Rebels above all that could be ſpoken, whereas the Law of God and man, the bonds and obligations of civility and Chriſtianity, tie us all to be dutifull and obedient unto our King, in all things, either actively or paſſively, and no wayes, for no cauſe violently to reſiſt him, under the greateſt penalties that can be deviſed here, and damnation hereafter; yet theſe men, contrary to all Lawes, doe injoyne us and compell us, as much againſt our conſciences, as if they ſhould compell us with the Pagan tyrants, to offer Sacrifice unto Idols, to war againſt our moſt gracious Soveraigne, whom we from our hearts doe both love and honour, and they proſcrible us as malignants, and as enemies to the Common wealth, if we contribute not money, horſe and armes, to maintaine this ungodly war, Pſ. 50.22. Auguſt. contra. Fauſt. l. 22. c. 75.76. and ſo become deadly enemies unto our owne ſoules. O conſider this yee that forget God, leſt for tearing us, he teare you in pieces while there is none to helpe you: for conſidering what the Apoſtle ſaith, Rom. 13.1.2. And what Saint Auguſtine ſaith, ordo naturalis, mortalium paci accommodatus hoc poſcit, ut ſuſcipiendi belli authoritas atque conſilium penes Principem ſit; and leſt men ſhould thinke, they ought by force of armes to reſiſt their king for religion, he anſwereth that objection by the example of the Apoſtles, iſti non reſiſtendo interfecti ſunt, ut potiorem eſſe docerent victoriam, pro fide veritatis occidi. We conceive this to be ſo execrable an act, and ſo odious to God and man, that we are made thus miſerable, and abuſed beyond meaſure, to have our Religion, which is moſt glorious, our Laws, that in their own nature are moſt excellent, The miſerable conſequences of their wicked doings. 1 Miſchiefe. and our Liberties, that make us as free as any Subjects in the World, under falſe pretences, and the ſhadows of religion, lawes and liberties, to be eradicated, and fundamentally deſtroyed; whereby,

1. We are made a ſpectacle of ſcorne, 1. Miſchiefe. and the object of deriſion to our neighbour Nations, that formerly have envied at our happineſſe; and we are become the ſubject of all pitty and lamentation, to all them that love us.

2. As in the Roman civill wars, in the time of Metellus, 2. Miſchife. the the ſon did kill his own Father; ſo now by the ſubtilty of this faction, we are caſt into ſuch a war as is.

1. A moſt unnaturall War, the ſon againſt the Father, and the Father againſt the Son: the Earle of Warwick fighteth for the Parliament, and my Lord Rich his Son is with the King: the Earle of Dover is with the King, and my Lord Rochford his Sonne with the Parliament: ſo one brother againſt another, as the Earle of Northumberland with the Parliament, and his brother with the King; the Earle of Bedford with the Parliament and his brother with the King; Maſter Perpoiat with the Parliament, and the Earle of Newark with the King; Devoreux Farmer with the parliament, and his brother Thomas farmer, together with his brother in law my Lord Cockain with the King, and the like: and of Coſens without number, the one part with the King, and the other with the parliament: and if they doe this in ſubtilty to preſerve their eſtate, I ſay it is a wicked policy to undoe the kingdom, which all wiſe men ſhould conſider:

2. A moſt irreligious war, when one Chriſtian, of the ſame profeſſed religion, ſhal bath his Sword, and waſh his hands in the bloud of his fellow Chriſtian, and his fellow proteſtant, that ſhal be coheire with him of the ſame Kingdome.

3. A moſt unnaturall, irreligious, and barbarous Warre, when the Subject ſhall ſhal take Armes, to deſtroy or unthrone their owne liege, a Religious and moſt gracious King.

3. 3 Miſchiefe. The Service of God in moſt Churches is neglected, when almoſt all the ablest, graveſt, and moſt O thodox Divines and Preachers are perſecuted, plundered, impriſoned, and driven to fly (as in the time of the Arian or Donatiſt, which was worſe than the heathen perſecution) from City to City, & to wander in Deſarts from place to place, to ſave themſelves from the hands of theſe Rebels againſt the King, and perſecuters of Gods Church: which is a moſt grievous and a moſt cruell perſecution, far more generall than that of the Anabaptiſts in Germany, or of Queene Mary here in England: the Lord of Heaven make us conſtant, and give us patience to indure it.

4. 4 Miſchiefe. The whole Kingdome is, and ſhall be yet more, by the continuance hereof, unſpeakably impoveriſh'd, and plunged into all kind of miſeries; when the I'ravailer cannot paſſe without feare, nec hospes ab hoſpite tutus, the Carrier cannot tranſport his commodity, but it ſhall be intercepted, the Husbandman cannot till his ground, but his horſes, as my ſelfe ſaw it, ſhall bee taken from the Plough, and his Corne ſhall bee deſtroyed when it is ready for the Sickle, which muſt be the fore-runner of a famine, that is ever the Uſher to introduce the Plague and Peſtilence, and all other kind of grievous Diſeaſes; and theſe things put together, doe ſet wide our gates, and open our ports, to bring forraigne foes into our Coaſts to poſſeſſe that good Land, whereof we are unworthy; becauſe with the Iſraelites we loathed Manna, we were weary of our peace and happineſse; we would buy armes and be voluntiers, and every Town being too wanton, would needs traine and put themſelves into a poſture of defence, as they termed it, to be ſecured from their owne ſhadows; and though the King told them often, there was no cauſe of their Jealouſies, and therefore forbade theſe diſloyalties; yet juſt like the Jewes they were willing to be deceived by this miſerable faction, that contrived that Act whereby they have perſidiouſly over-reached both our good King, and the reſt of our wel-meaning brethren, either to perfect their deſigne, or elſe, to make themſelves perpetuall Dictators, and to betray the felicity of all our people, under the name of Parliament; which though (as I ſaid before) I honour and love, as much as any of the trueſt Patriots of either Houſe, both in the inſtitution and the right proſecution thereof, that is, as it was conſtituted, to be the great Councell of the Kingdome graciouſly called by his Majeſties writ, conſidently to preſent the grievances of the people, and humbly to offer their advice and counſels for their reformation; yet I doe abhorre thoſe, men, that would abuſe the word Parliament, only as a ſtalking-Horſe to deſtroy all Acts of Parliament; and I hate to ſee men calling the fanatique actions of a few deſperate ſeditious perſons, the proceedings of Parliament, and others (making an Idol of it, as if their power were omnipotent or unlimited and more than any regall power, their judgement infallible, their Orders irreprehenſible, and themſelves unaccountable for their proceedings) to be ſo beſotted with the name of it, that this bare ſhadow without the ſubſtance, for it is no Parliament without the King; and the Major part of both houſes is either baniſhed, or impriſoned, Ingenioſus ad blaſphemiant. or compelled to reſide with his Majeſty) ſhould ſo bewitch us, (as Maſter Smith bluſhed not to ſay, nothing could free us from our dangers but the Divinity of a Parliament) out of our owne happineſſe to become more miſerable, then heretofore this Kingdome hath ever beene by any civill War: for if you will conſider, the Treaſons and rebellions, the injuſtice, cruelty and inhumanity, the ſubtilty, hypocriſie, lying, ſwearing, blaſphemy, prophaneſſe and Sacriledge in the higheſt pitch, and many other the like fearefull ſins, that have been committed ſince the beginning of this Parliament, by the ſole meanes of this faction, and obſerve the ill acts that have beene uſed by them to compaſſe things lawfull, and the wicked acts that have beene daily practiſed to procure things unlawfull (when by bloud and rapine and the curſes of many fatherleſſe and widowes, they have gotten the Treaſures of the Kingdome, and the wealth of the Kings loyall Subjects into their hands, and waſted it ſo, that their wants are ſtil as notorious as their crimes) wee may admire the miracles of Gods mercy, and the bottomleſſe depth of his goodneſſe, that the stones in the ſtreets have not riſen againſt them, or the fire from Heaven had not conſumed theſe Rebels, that thus far and thus inſolently had tempted Gods patience, and provoked him to anger with ſuch horrible abominations.

5. The fifth miſchiefe. As Jeruſalem juſtified Samaria, ſo this Faction hath juſt fied all the Romaniſts, and ſhewed themſelves worſe Chriſtians, leſſe Subjects, and viler Traitors than all the Papiſts are; for theſe facticus rebels juſtifie their Rebellion, and to the indeleble ſhame of their profeſſion, they maintain that it is not only lawfull, but that it is their duty to bear Armes, and to w • ge War againſt their King, when the King doth abuſe his power: whereas the Doctrine of the Church of Rome * Chriſtopherſon, tract. contr. rebell. Rhemiſt. in Nov. Teſt. p. 301. Goldaſtus de Monarchia S. Imper. Rom. to. 3. Dr. Kelliſon in his Survey. Aquin de Regim. Princip. c. 6. Concil. Conſtan Seſſ. 15. Stephan. Cantuar. Ando. 8. H. 3. Tolet. in ſumma. l. 5. c. 6. Gr. Valentia. p. 2. q. 64. Bellar. Apol. c. 13. Leſſins l. 2. c. 9. Serrarius. Azorius, &c. utterly denieth the ſame, and concludes them no Children of the Church that do it: and Doctour Kelliſon giveth this reaſon for it, becauſe Faith is not neceſsarily required to Juriſdiction or Government; neither is authority loſt by the loſse of Faith; therefore it is not lawfull for any Subjects to rebel againſt their King, though their King ſhould prove a Tyrant, or ſhould apoſtate from the Faith of Chriſt; ſo that now the Papiſts boaſt, they are better Subjects than theſe rebellious proteſtants: and therefore I fear that this Faction (Defendens Chriſtum, verſo mucrone cecîdit) By their unjuſt defigne to propagate the Goſpell, have moſt grievouſly wounded the Faith of Chriſt, and given a more deady blow to the proteſtant religion than ever it had ſince the reformation when it is impoſſible that the true religion ſhould produce, rebellion.

And therefore ſeeing we are free borne Subjects, and perſons intereſſed in the good and ſafety of this Kingdome, as well as any of them, we muſt crave liberty to expreſse our grievances, and to crave redreſſes; and ſeeing my ſelfe am called to be a Preacher of Gods Word, and a Biſhop over many of the ſoules of my brethren, for which I muſt render an account to my God, both for my ſilence when I ſhould ſpeake, and ſpeaking any thing that ſhould not be ſpoken, I reſolved to feare my God, and neither out of flattery to the King and his party, nor out of hatred or malice to thoſe factious men, but as I am perſwaded in my conſcience, fully ſatisfied and guided by Gods Truth, to ſet forth this diſcoverie of theſe myſteries, what danger ſoever I ſhal undergoe; and if I ſhal become their enemy for ſpeaking truth, I ſhal fare no worſe than S. Paul did; and it ſhal be with them, if they doe not repent, as it was with the Iſraelites, Ezek. 7 25, 27. When their deſtruction commeth, they ſhal ſeeke peace, and ſhal not have it, but calamitie ſhal come upon calamitie.

4. By the chiefe perſons countenanced and employed by them in that buſineſſe, who are Anabaptiſts and Brownists, and all ſorts of Sectaries; he evinceth their deſigne to change our our Church Government, and to convert the patrimony of the Church, which our religious Anceſtors dedicated for the advancement of Gods worſhip, not to eſtabliſh learning and a preaching Miniſtery as they pretended, but to diſ-ingage their publique faith, which otherwiſe would never prove a ſaving faith.

And I wiſh there might be none about His Majeſty, that pretending great loyalty unto him, doe comply with them herein, and either to raiſe or to ſecure their owne fortunes, would perwade S. Paul to part with S. Peters keyes, ſo he may ſtill hold the ſword in his hand; or to ſpeake more plainly, to purchaſe the peace of the Common-wealth with the ruine of Gods Church; but for this let me be bold,

1. To crave leave to tell His Majeſty, it was not His ſword that hath brought him from a flying Prince out of Weſtminſter, and as yet unſecured at Nottingham, to be a victorious King at Edge-hill, and immediately to be the terrour of all the Rebels in London; but it was God, whoſe Church and Church-Service he defended, that protected him hitherto, and gave him the victory in battaile, and let him be aſſured that he, which is yea and amen, wil be his ſhield and buckler ſtil, to defend him from the ſtrivings of his people, and to ſubdue them that riſe againſt him, while he defendeth them, whoſe eyes next under God, are onely fixt on him, to be as God hath promiſed, their nurſing father.

2 To aſſure thoſe that would ſuffer the Church to fall, or perhaps ſell the ſame out of a by-reſpect unto themſelves, that taking their riſe from the fall of the Church, or laying the foundation of their houſes in the ruine of the Clergy, they doe but build upon the ſands, whence they ſhal fall, and their fall ſhal be great, 1 Reg. 16.34. •… ſh. 6.26. when the ſucceſſe thereof ſhal be as the ſucceſſe of the City of Iericho, that was built by Hiel, who laid the foundation of it in Abiram his firſt borne, and ſet up the gates thereof in Segub his youngeſt ſonne, and had her deſtiny deſcribed by Joſhua; and all the poſſeſſions that they ſhall get, ſhall prove Acheldama's, fields of blood; and we hope God will raiſe deliverance to his Church from ſome better men, when as they and their fathers houſe ſhall all periſh, and ſhall ſtink in the noſtrils of all good men for their perfidiouſneſſe in Gods cauſe.

But if any man ſhould demand why we ſuſpect any Traytors or falſe Counſellors to be in Kings Courts: I anſwer, becauſe Saint Paul ſaith, Oportet eſſe hareſes; and I beleeve the pureſt Court hath no more priviledge to be free from Traytors, then the Church from Heretiques; and you know there was one of eight in Noahs Arke, and another of twelve in Chriſt his Court; and he that was ſo neare him, as to dip his hand with him in the diſh, was the firſt that flew in his face, and yet with a hayle Maſter, and with a kiſſe: two fair teſtimonies of true love.

Therefore, let no King in Chriſtendome thinke it ſtrange that his Court ſhould have Flatterers, Traytors, or evill Counſellors; let not us be blamed for ſaying this; and let not Pym ſo fooliſhly charge our King for evil Counſellors; for certainly did he know them, I make no queſtion but he would diſcard them: or could I, or any other informe his Majeſtie who they are, and that it were an eaſie matter, dicier, hic eſt; we would not be affraid to pull off their vails, and to ſay, as Chriſt did to Judas, Thou art the man; but their Meandrian windings, their Syrens voices, and their Iudas kiſſes, are as a faire mantle, to conceale and cover Ioabs treaſon, even perhaps to betray ſome of the wiſeſt in the Parliament, as well as ſome of them have betrayed the King. In ſuch a caſe, all I can ſay is this; Memento diffidere was Epicharmus his Motto; the honeſt plaine dealing man that doth things for Religion, not for ends, is the unlikelieſt man to betray his Maſter; and few Counſellors are not ſo apt to breed ſo many Traytors as a multitude; it was the indiſcretion of Rehoboam that loſt him ten parts of twelve, to preferre young Counſellors before the ancient * Seldome diſcretion in youth attendeth great and ſudden fortunes. In vita Henric. 3.; and if we may beleeve that either paupertas, or neceſſitas cogit ad turpia, or the fable of the ulcerated traveller, They that are to make their fortunes are apter to ſell Church and State, and to betray King and Kingdom, rather then thoſe that have ſufficiently repleniſhed their coffers, and inlarged their poſſeſſions. But I aſſure my ſelfe the mouth of malice cannot deny, but that our King hath been as wary and as wiſe in the choice of his Servants, Officers, and Counſellors, ſo far as eyes of fleſh can ſee, in all reſpects, as in any Prince in Chriſtendom, and more by man cannot be done.

And for the ſecond, Their deſigne to change the Government of the State, ſhewed. that is, their deſigne to change the Government of the State, and to work the ſubverſion of the Monarchie: he evinceth it,

1 By that Declaration upon the Earle of Straffords ſuffering, 1. Way. that this example might not be drawn to a preſident for the future; becauſe they thought that themſelves, intending to do the like, and to become guilty of the ſame crimes, might by vertue of this Declaration be ſecured from the puniſhment, if things ſhould ſucceed otherwiſe then they hoped.

2 By the pulling down of ſo many Courts of Juſtice, 2. Way. which may perhaps relieve the Subjects from ſome preſſures, but incourage many more in licentiouſneſſe, and prove the Prodromes to the ruine of our Monarchie.

3 By thoſe 19. 3. Way. Propoſitions, whereby the King was in very deed, The Letter. p. 11. demanded to lay downe his Crowne, and to compound with them for the ſame; becauſe (as another ſaith) therein, there was preſented to him a perfect platforme of a totall change of Government, by which the Counſellors, indeed, were to have been Kings, and the King in name to have become ſcarce a Counſellor, and nothing of the preſent State to have remained, but the very names and titles of our Governours.

4 By that expreſſion (ſo little underſtood by many men, 4. Way. and yet ſo much talked of in many of their papers) of a power of re-aſſuming the truſt, which is falſly pretended to bee derived unto his Majeſtie, by the meere humane pactions and agreement of the politique body of the people, which I ſhewed unto you to be a moſt falſe and a meere invented ſuggeſtion.

5 By their pretending to, 5. Way. and according to this doctrine their uſurping of the power of the Militia both by ſea and land.

6 By their actuall exerciſing of this power, 6. Way. in diſpoſing of Offices, Generals, Colonels, Captains, and the like places of command in War, and appointing their Speaker Maſter of the Rolls, and other Officers of Peace.

6 By the expreſſion of one of them to Sir Edward Dering, 7. Way. while he was yet of their Cabinet Counſell, that if they could bring down the Lords to the Houſe of Commons, and make the King as one of the Lords, then the whole worke were done; that is, to make the Government of this Kingdom popular.

8 I may adde to theſe, 8. Way. as another unanſwerable Argument of this Deſigne, the licencing of Maſter Pryn's Book of The ſoveraigne Authoritie of Parliaments, and ſuffering the ſame to paſſe unqueſtioned to this very day; becauſe that Booke deveſteth the King of all his Soveraigntie, and maketh our Government Ariſtecraticall.

And this ſubverſion of our Monarchicall Government was the laſt Deſigne, if not the grand Deſigne of this Faction: not that all the Members, which have voted all or moſt of thoſe things that tended to this change, or be ſtill remaining in either Houſe, did intend any ill either to Church or State (for I know many, eſpecially my ever honoured Lord, the Earle of Pembroke and Montgomery, who, I dare avouch it in truth and honeſtie, did ever, and as I beleeve doth ſtill bear a moſt upright heart, and as ſincere intentions (how ſoever perhaps by a miſunderſtanding his Lordſhip and the reſt of thoſe well meaning men may be miſguided, as were thoſe honeſt men that followed Abſolon) both to Gods Service, the Kings Honour, and the happineſſe both of Church and Common-wealth, as any man in the Kingdom) but that a Faction, it may be very few at firſt, have inſenſibly ſeduced the reſt to effect their own Deſigne; and this Faction is all that I mean by the name of Parliament, throughout this whole Treatiſe; becauſe their ſubtiltie hath prevailed over the plain integritie of the other well-minded men, to make up the major part of the Houſe, both of the Lords and Commons; which thing hath often happened both in Generall Councels, and great Parliaments, as in the Councel of Conſtans and Trent, and many others, and that Parliament which was branded with the name of Parliamentum inſanum, and the other ſomewhat like this, Tempore Hen. 3. in quo jngulum Eccleſiae atrociùs petebatur, and the like; for otherwiſe, I do both honour, and reverence this Parliament rightly underſtood, and every Member of the ſame, as much as any diſcreet Member can deſire.

And therefore having thus diſcovered and diſplayed the Plots and practices of theſe infernall inſtruments, to inſinuate their aſſiſtance unto the Scots, and their allurements of them to invade our Kings Dominions; to enſnare the Iriſh, and to provoke the Papiſts, to ſuch a Rebellion as hath been the utter ruine and deſtruction of many millions of men; to obſcure the glory of this noble Kingdome, to alter the Diſcipline, and corrupt the Doctrine of the moſt glorious and the pureſt Church, that profeſſeth the Name of Chriſt, and to bring us all, and all our poſteritie to extreme miſeries, to ſuffer yet more then we have endured, or that can be hitherto imagined; and conſidering thoſe bloody Treaſons that have beene publikely uttered and openly practiſed againſt the ſacred Perſon of our Soveraigne; I may juſtly ſay, that as the ſinnes of the Iſraelites, and their impetuous calling for a King, moved the Lord to ſend them a King in his anger; ſo our ſinnes, and our impatient crying for a Parliament, made our God to ſend us a Parliament in his wrath, that will never turne for our bleſſing till we returne to God from our ſinnes; for when I conſider on the one ſide, the pietie and goodneſſe of our King, the juſtneſſe of his cauſe, and the moſt ready and cordiall valour, as well in the common Souldiers as the Commanders of a full and ſufficient Armie; and on the other ſide, the multitude of diſloyall and ſeduced Subjects, the vigilancie and ſubtiltie of their Commanders, with their unlimited wayes to get monies; and on both ſides, the deſire of too many, not for the honour of the King, nor the peace of the Kingdome to end the War, but to continue the ſame for their own advantage, untill the wealth of Lawyers, Clergy, and Gentrie, be tranſplanted to the poſſeſſions of other Maſters, I am affraid it wil prove an heavie judgement; and therfore, leſt our obſtinacie in our ſinnes ſhould procure the continuance of Gods anger, which being removed will ſoone remove all our miſeries; let me perſwade all conſcientious men, eſpecially the Gentry, and all other underſtanding men, (howſoever the Citizens that deceive the Kingdome of their wealth, delight to be deceived in their faith) that would not be cheated of their Religion by theſe factious Mountebankes, and that would not provoke God to ſay, I have no pleaſure in them, to turne from their rebellious courſes, to liſten no longer to thoſe furious fire-brands, that out of their now Divinity, contrary to the Doctrine of all the ancient Fathers, and all the Orthodox and grave Preachers of this Kingdome, do incite the People unto this unnaturally bloody War, and to ſlander the foot-ſteps of Gods Anointed; becauſe they know him not, and to remember the Oathes of their Allegiance and Supremacie, together with their late Proteſtation, whereby they ſtand obliged to their uttermoſt power to maintaine his Majeſties Royall Perſon, Crowne, and Dignity, againſt all treacherous practices, that may any waies diſhonour or impaire them: and then I preſume their conſciences will diſavow the proceedings of theſe Proj • ctours, proteſt againſt all their Ordinances, that are made againſt or without the Kings conſent, adviſe all the Knights and Burgeſſes to Vote no more againſt their Soveraigne, and to make no further uſe of the truſt they repoſed in them, to murder us and our fellow Subjects under the pretence of ſhedding the bloud of the ungodly; or if they ſtill goe on to abuſe that truſt, (to make us yet more miſerable) to withdraw themſelves and their truſt and power of repreſentation from them, and to joyne their uttermoſt aſſiſtance unto his Majeſty to protect him, that he may be enabled to protect us, and to overwhelme the Robels into the ſame pit which they have made for us.

And this may be, by diſſolving the knot of factious members wherein we ſee our miſeries involved, and to make elections of new members into their places, that with the reſt of the Lords and Commons, which were faithfull both to the Church, King, and Kingdome, ſhall call them to a ſtrict account, for betraying our truſt, interrupting our peace, oppoſing his Majeſtie, and violating all our ancient liberties.

Or if a better way may be found, let us follow the ſame to Gods glory, and to produce the peace and happineſſe of this Kingdome; leſt, if we perſiſt obſtinately in this wilfull rebellion, to withſtand Gods Ordinance, to oppoſe his anointed, and to ſhed ſo much innocent blood, we ſhall, thus fighting againſt heaven, ſo far provoke the wrath of the God of Heaven, as that the glory of Iſrael ſhall be darkned, the honour of this nation ſhall be troden under foot, and be made the ſcorne of all other nations round about us, and the light of our Candleſtick ſhall be extinguiſhed, and we ſhall all become moſt miſerable; becauſe we would not hearken to the voyce of the Lord our God, which I hope we will doe, and do moſt earneſtly pray that we may doe it, to the glory of God, the honour of our King, and the happineſſe of this whole Kingdome, through Ieſus Chriſt our Lord, to whom be praiſe and dominion; both now and for ever. Amen.