1 Case. HOw we can in conscience so highly magni­fie this Convention, by the specious Epi­ [...]hites and titles of the Parliament of Eng­land, the Rep esentatives of the People, a Commonwealth-Government, a Free-State▪ and what not? Because;

First, there is now remaining but abo [...]t 80 persons, when the compleat number should be neer five hundred, and yet these Gentlemen have the confidence of terming them­selves the Parliament, the Representatives of the People, &c. and doubtless esteem it not an ace less then Treason for any man to deliver his opinion otherwise. Now sup­pose these Gentlemen should trust an Army of ten thou­sand men (as the people hath trusted them) to defend such a country or place; this Army, through the casualty of war, and the like, are reduced to about fifteen hundred, or two thousand at most; but so it is, having power in their hands. they will admit of no other supply, though there be the same reason, hazard and danger, as at first; would not this Par­liament judge and conceive, think you, that these were dangerous persons, and ran a direct course to hazard, over­turn, and ruine all: or for the East-India Company to send a 100 Factors and Agents to manage their affairs to their best advantage in the East-Indies, and that eighty or more of this hundred should miscarry by the way, do you think it either fit, or would it not be presumption for the twenty re­maining, [Page 2] to undertake that trust, and the mannagement of that, which was both trusted, ordered, and disposed of for a hundred; or having power in their hands, they will admit of no other help or assistance from their imployers, whose servants they are. Now the plain and naked case is, that if such a kind of demeanour was to be seen in, and practised by others whether it were not most abominable, tyrannical, and the greatest usurpation lightly imaginable.

Secondly, because the people of England, yea, according to their own qualifications and rules, have intrusted other persons to sit in Parliament several times since; and if this be a rule, which doubtless it is, that the people were not made for Parliaments, but Parliaments were made and con­stituted for the peoples good, then the people, and their sense and notion of things, ought to be preferred, accepted, and entertained before ten or twenty mens apprehensions of things, for the rest stand but for cyphers, who are only a remnant, or a broken end of a rejected and distrusted Par­liament: for it is a strange Solecisme in Oeconomy, or go­verning a mans family, or houshold affairs, that I shall not have liberty to alter or change my servants, though under the greatest trust, if I have opportunity put into my hand to fit my self (as I conceive) with more able, honest, and faithful persons; and having thus furnished and fitted my self, that the old servants that I rejected, finding me either from home, or otherwise dispose of my self, should thrust themselves into my imployment without my consent, leave, or approbation, is certainly a temper not to be endured or tolerated amongst men.

Thirdly, because the present power did not only allow, but approve and commend the Armies act in dissolving or incapacitating their Brethren in 1648. although they were the major or prevailing part of that Parliament; then if the Armies power and practise was good and commendable in 1648. upon the most eminent and prevailing part of a Par­liament, what is it that hath made the difference, that their power and practise was not as good in 1653. upon them­selves? [Page 3] For certainly if I allow and approve of any thing done to my brother, I cannot disallow or disapprove of the same thing done to my self: so that it plainly appears, that if the Armies authority was good which they exercised upon their brethren, their Fellow-Trustees, it must needs be good also upon themselves; and if it were neither law­ful to the one, nor to the other in 1648. nor in 1653. then ought they all to return to their trust, had not the people passed their judgement, and delegated their trust to others in the mean time: so that these three things considered, the question and case of conscience is, how either they, or any man else, can lawfully give them the terms and appel­lations of a Parliament, the Representatives of the peo­ple, &c.

2 Case. How then in conscience can these Gentlemen thus impose or irrogate themselves upon the people as their Parliament, when they have not their approbation or con­sent, let any mans conscience but speak, without quench­ing, smotheting, or diverting it? and will it not speak usur­pation and tyranny, because the people of England have al­wayes thought meet, being assembled in Parliament, to have their full number? Now for these Gentlemen to de­prive the poor people of their native right, that they can have either none, or as good as none to plead for their rights, and to keep this poor Nation in quiet.

Whether the thirty tyrants of Athens ever exercised greater injury to the Athenians, then is now imposed and offered to this poor Land, for we are subjected to the wills of such a number, both lives and fortunes; and yet that which is worst of all, we are flapt i'th' mouth with a free Parliament, a Commonwealth-Government, a Free-State: even as David said, Their words are smother then oyl, but they have war in their hearts: and as the Scripture speaks elsewhere▪ ye have a name to live, but indeed are dead. By this rule we shall shortly be brought to believe any thing, as the poor blind Papists are; if their Leaders say that flesh is fish, they will eat it, though on a Friday, which [Page 4] otherwise they would not. It's to be feared we shall short­ly call and term all things by contrariety, light darkness, midnight noon-day, for we begin fair, calling our greatest thraldomes liberty, and where we are most deprived of our rights, freedome, and run our selves into the greatest dan­gers that we may do so: but these things considered, which is but a touch, God knows, of what might be said, how can these Gentlemen, nay those men of conscience (for so I believe of some of them) term themselves the Parlia­ment, the peoples Trustees, and not blush, and their consci­ences not fly in their faces.

3 Case. How in conscience then can these persons in power dispence with, or how dare they to presume the sell­ing or disposing of any publike Lands and Revenues, or im­pose any tax upon the people: (beside the inconveniency of laying taxes for if some Counties have no Trustees, they are like to bear the burden of the rest) and if any per­sons should buy or sell with these men, whose authority is so questionable, certainly they had need have great penny­worths; but it may be if they sell any, the money may be spent in another Country; but [...] [...]ll is matter of consci­ence to both buyer and seller, only Cav [...] Emptor.

4 Case. Is to the Army, how in conscience you should give your power to that which is not, and so inslave your selves and the people to a meer usurpation; Is this the fruit of your valour? Is this the product of our blood and treasure? Is this the issue and end of all, to give us and ours up to ten or twelve mens humours, and none of the best neither, for the rest signifie little you know? who would have said that the army should be so far given over to a mind void of judgement, to subject themselves to a sha­dow, and to turn so ignoble, as to wait for Commis­sions as for an alms at the hands of a power of their own making, and that which is worse, by this means to erect and build up that now, which hath cost so much blood to pull [Page 5] down, viz. usurpation over the people, and a power against their minds. It seems to many of your friends, that you are left of God, your hearts they fail you, your glory is de­parted, your zeal waxen cold, you are even dead while you live, and want but burying, and the solemnities of your Funeral cannot be far off, for you are al­ready dead; when the sentence is once past, you know the party is dead in Law, though the execution be deferred. Its to be feared you indeed are Sampson-like, he thought when Delilah told him the Philistines be upon thee, he had re­tained his wonted strength, but it was not so, Iudg. 16.20. Then she said, the Philistines be upon thee Sampson: and he awoke out of his sleep, and said, I will now go out as at other times before, and shake my self; but he knew not that the Lord was departed from him; there­fore the Philistines took him, and put out his eyes, and brought him down to Gaza, and bound him with fet­ters, and he did grind in the Prison-house.

If you in conscience find it otherwise, that your hands do not hang down, and your hearts faint not, your love to God and goodness is as potent as ever, it would be the rejoycing of my heart; but I am in good earnest, jealous over you, I hope with a godly jealousie, and afraid.

5 Case. Whether in conscience there be any law­ful power in England at this day, but the Prote­ctor, and the Army; for if all lawful power be derived from the people, then the Pro [...]c [...]tor and Army doubtless are the Supreme Authority, un­til a Parliament be chosen freely by the people, whose determinations ought to stand: For first, the peoples testimony, as well by Parliament, as otherwise, intitles the Protector sufficiently. The Army was raised by the power of the people law­fully [Page 6] assembled, before any force or interruption whatsoever, that so these two are co-ordinate, and have the same superscription, viz. the stamp of the peoples consent and approbation, which none else can pretend unto; its proposed to your consci­ences, let them be the sole judges in the Case.

6 Whether the Army in conscience can stand still, and see the Protector himself, and all his right and interest laid wast, and trampled upon as mire in the street, and also by the carriage of theirs, render themselves unto the world most unfaithful? Do they think in conscience that all their applica­tions to him, and all their promises, nay, their oaths also will not pursue them unto destruction? Shall not the God of all the earth do right, when you even forced him, or rather over-perswaded him to dissolve the last and most free Parliament? what promises, what vows, what ingagements was then made, and before; all that I can desire is, that you were free from them, and disobliged: Are your vows, and promises, and ingagements at Triploe-Heath, at St. Albones so sacred, as to be in­sisted upon, even upon the hazard of all, and those since under your hands to the Protector, and other large testimonies and acknowledgements now to be of no force; certainly if those promises, addres­ses, besides proclamations and ingagements, both publike and private, be not according to the tenour of them fulfill'd, and you go out of the world without some characters of divine vengeance, its much, and will be a temptation for all men to in­gage, swear, vow, promise, and all that can be done by men, and not much matter whether they [Page 7] keep them or no, for God will not be mocked un­der any pretence whatsoever.

7 Whether in conscience the most probable way to preserve the Land in peace in this Juncture of affairs, and as the face of things seem to appear, be not first to unite the Army and Protector toge­ther by some fit expedients which may readily be proposed; for we cannot but see, that before the interruption of the Protectors government, all were in peace, and the Land in great unity, a thousand­fold then since this late alteration, whether there­fore there be any thing seen in it of Gods displea­sure, let men judge, for wars and dissentions are tokens of his anger; and peace the promise of his love, good will, and blessings.