WHEN Parliaments Aſſemble to Treat of the Grand Affairs of the Nation, 'tis uſual for men Without doors, to put into their Hands ſuch Schemes, and Projects, as they think may be Serviceable to the Publick. Nor is this Intermeddling of private men reckon'd Bold and Impertinent; but thoſe Great and Wiſe Heads vouchſafe to receive the Propoſals of men, ſometimes of little Figure, as readily as they do the Petitions of Injured perſons: They think 'tis reaſonable that they, who are Choſen to Enact Laws for the good of the Common-wealth, ſhould have a due regard, to what any Member of the Community propoſes for the common good. Beſides, they wiſely conſider, that men of ordinary capacities, may ſometimes hit upon lucky Thoughts, which they by cloſe Application of their minds to them, may afterwards improve to the advantage of the Publick. When ſuch regard is ſhewn by Legiſlators, to the Sentiments of Private men, an honeſt man cannot well forbear Offering that to their Conſideration, which he believes will be a means of ſettleing the Peace and Proſperity of his Count •• .

What I here propoſe, Sir, is what I think may have that good Effect: If the Wiſdom of the Nation Judge otherwiſe, I ſhall ſit down contented with the pleaſure of being miſtaken in my Zeal to ſerve my Country.

The Reaſons which induced me to recommend this little Pamphlet to you, are more then one, you and your Ingenious and Worthy Friend Mr. St—y were privy firſt to the Writing of it; you have Intereſt both in England and Ireland, as well as parts, to compaſs what it deſigns: The Method which it propoſes to promote the good of the Publick, is, in the main, agreeable to your Sentiments; and you want neither Courage nor Reſolution to contend warmly for that, which you •• e perſwaded, is for the good of your Country. What Entertainment it may meet with, I am not able to conjecture; your Name in the Front will give it ſome Reputation, and diſpoſe a great many to caſt an Eye upon it. To give it a little more Credit; I can ſay, that a Perſon of Place and Quality, related to you, and Dr. Wm. Mo—x to whoſe Judgement I have a very great regard; have viewed it, and paſſed their Cenſure upon it.

The deſign of it is to ſhew, what you are throughly convinc'd of, that 'tis our great Intereſt to Encourage Forreign Proteſtants to live among us • This is a ready way to make our Country Flouriſh; and the moſt effectual courſe that we have now left, in my opinion, to ſecure us a laſting Peace, and prevent ſuch Rebellions, as for above Five Hundred years together' ſince the Conqueſt of Ireland by King Henry the Second, have perpetually diſturb'd this Kingdom; made it a Dear and Troubleſome purchaſe to England; and an uncomfortable Habitation to the Engliſh who have been Seated here.

I know Sir, that our people (who are as apt to forget a Danger, as they are Bold to Encounter it, when it lyes in their way) do generally reckon that the Iriſh are ſo broken by the laſt Rebellion, that it will not be in their Power again to Diſturb the Peace of the Engliſh here, or to put England to any further Charge to Subdue them. I ſhall ſhew you, that the Engliſh have reckon'd too much after this rate formerly: and it may happen that theſe too Sanguine hopes may prove very deceitful, and be Fatal to them hereafter. I do not think that the Iriſh are yet ſo ſubdu'd, but that, if things run on in the old courſe, they may in proceſs of time meet with circumſtances that may favour other Rebellions. The Happines or Miſery of this Iſland, for the time to come, to me ſeems to depend on the prudent or ill management of the preſent. We have now an opportunity in our hands, ſuch as never yet offer'd ſince Stronghow's Adventurers firſt brought their Arms into this Country, of laying the Foundation of a laſting Peace. I need not tell you, Sir, who are converſant in Hiſtories, and know the Changes and Revolutions of the World that the Flouriſhing Eſtate of ſome Countries, has been occaſion'd by the Ruin of their Neighbours, and the intolerable uneaſineſſes, that have forc'd them from their Habitations: the preſent Deſolation of France, and the uſage with Proteſtants meet with there, may be a means of raiſing the Power a •• •• alth of thoſe Neighbouring Proteſtant Countries which have Wiſdom and Goodneſs enough to take hold of the opportunity. The United Provinces, who know that they owe their greatneſs to the Troubles of Germany, and the concourſe of people from thence, who were Perſecuted for Religion; make the beſt hand they can of their Calamities. They Entertain the Perſecuted Hagonots with the greateſt Humanity, and are very liberal in their Charity to them. They know what the Reward of Charity is, and they know of what value people are to their State, they cannot Ingroſs all the Wrack of the French Church: the Providence of God ſeems to Deſign a part for Ireland, and the Security of 〈◊〉 Proteſtant Religion here: and 'tis ſure if this Deodate be improv'd as it ought, that Religion, and Engliſh Prop • rty may by this means be throughly ſecured, and our Countrey rendred very flouriſhing. The Ground of this hope ariſes from His Majeſty's inclination to that People, and that Noble Perſon to whom he has given a ſhare in the Government. The King has always expreſſ'd a Chriſtian concern for them, and he has as often recommended their Condition to the Charitable conſideration of His Parliament, as he has deſir'd neceſſary Supplies, for carrying on the War. 'Tis not then to be doubted but that His Majeſty will Give them Encouragement to Settle, and Plant in Ireland, when he is perſwaded, that by their means he may do more to Secure the Proteſtant Intereſt of this Kingdom, which he preſerv'd with the hazard of His Life, than has been ever done heretofore. Thoſe who have a Love for England and the Proteſtant Intereſt in Ireland, pure and free from all Mean, and Self ends, do hope that the King had ſuch a Deſign when he thought of making the Earle of Gallway one of the Triumvirat. It happens indeed very Providentially that he's a Perſon for his Courage, Knowledge, Temper, and Integrity, great in the eſteem of the Engliſh as well as his own Country-men. 'Tis to be hop'd then that the great Opinion the French have of him, may encline multitudes of them to come into Ireland; and that by means of his Credit with the Engliſh Methods may be contriv'd for their Settlement here. If any thing of this kind be done there will be many evil men of differing perſwaſions, byaſs'd by their Privat Intereſts, who will raiſe loud Clamours and Objections, and make it their Buſineſs to Obſtruct ſuch a Work. The deſign that I had in commiting my rude Thoughts to Writeing, was to ſet people on thinking of what may be for the Publick Intereſt of this Kingdom, and to anticipate all Objections which may be made againſt Forreigners being Planted here. A ſhort Undertaking of this kind, may have an uſe in it, which every one does not think of. When a Colony of men are Invited, or Receiv'd into a Country, 'tis for the Intereſt of the Publick, that, as ſoon as may be, they grow one both in their Intereſt and affections with the people, with whom they are Incorporated. This depends very much upon the Inclinations which men have towards them in the begining; for if at their firſt comming in, the Inhabitants are Prejudiced againſt them, from hence Animoſities will Naturally ariſe, and ſuch ill Blood may by degrees be bred in them, as may creat perpetual Feuds, oppoſit to the Intereſt of the State. 'Tis convenient therefore that they make their entrance with the good Will and Approbation of the People of the Land. This little Diſcourſe may be in ſome ſort uſeful to that end. In it I will ſhew that 'tis the Intereſt both of Ireland and England to encourage Forreign Proteſtants to ſettle here: and then I will propoſe ſome Incouragement to be given them.

That 'tis the Intereſt of Ireland to Encourage Forreign Proteſtants to Live and Settle here, 'Tis the Intereſt of Ireland to Encourage Foreign Proteſtants. the Parliament of this Kingdom thought, when in the Year 1692. in my Lord Rumney's time, they made the Act for Naturalization. They knew very well, that without many People, a Country can be neither Rich nor Secure; and that by making their Land a Place of Refuge and Sanctuary for Strangers, they took the moſt effectul courſe to increaſe their Strength and add to their Proſpority It happens ſometimes, that Laws which the Wiſdom of a Nation ſees are for the good of the Common-wealth; and are Enacted after the moſt mature deliberation, yet are too freely Cenſur'd, when they thwart the imaginary Intereſt of Privat men. This may very well be ſuppos'd to be the Fate of a Law which Enfranchiſes Strangers. If a Tradesman, who is one of the firſt Rate Orators among the men of his Tribe, fancies that his Condition is rendred worſe than 'twas before, and thereupon Damn Forrigeners; and thoſe who made Laws to bring them in; others will be ready to follow the Cry, without examining whether there was Reaſon for it or no that a Naturealization in Ireland, and the Encouraging ſuch Proteſtants as the French are particulary (for our greateſt hopes are from them) cannot come under this cenſure I ſhall Endeavour to ſhew. Every one who knows the Condition of Ireland at this time, and has view'd the Scenes of it's former Troubles, muſt own that that will be of the greateſt advantage to it.

Which will better the preſent Condition of the Country; and which will Settle and Secure it from ſuch troubles, and Rebellons as it has formerly been perpetually haraſs'd with, theſe will be the effects of Encouraging Proteſtants to Settle here.

This will make the Condition of the Country better than 'tis. The way of the World is when they compare Countrys one with another, to take their Eſtimate from their Wealth, and Improvements of all ſorts; and to ſet the greateſt value on thoſe which are Naturally the beſt, and have the moſt Artificial Wealth and Furniture in them: Otherwiſe we muſt ſay, that all Countries are alike, and that Holland, which makes ſo great a Figure in Europe, is not to be valued above New Holland in Aſia, which is Diſcrib'd to be one of the moſt miſerable places in the World. We may thus compare a Country with it ſelf, and viewing it in differing periods of time, reckon it in a better, or worſe Condition, according as we ſee it Flouriſh or Decay in it's Improvements or Wealth.

I've ſeen in Sir George Carew's Manuſcripts, in the Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury's Library at Lambeth, Ms. marked M. page 49. Ex Arch. Caſt. Dub. An Extract out of the Archives of the Caſtle of Dublin, which ſays, That formerly, for 250 Years together, the Cuſtoms of the Realm of Ireland, did never exceed in any One Year above the Summ of 1000 l. And I find by another Manuſcript Lib. XX. p. 62, 63. in the ſame Library, That in the Year 1611, in the Reign of King James the Firſt, Miles Cogan who took a Survey of the Kingdom, Reported, that the whole Exportation and Importation of the Country amounted only to 211000 l. No one, I ſuppoſe, will ſay, that the Kingdom was then in as good a condition as it is at this time, when the Cuſtoms are about 130000 l. And he that conſiders how many fair Ports do now lie idle, how thin of Inhabitants and Un-improved the Land is in moſt places? will hardly ſay, that Ireland cannot be render'd more Flouriſhing than 'tis. It is ſure it may, but this muſt be by a greater multitude of People. Where there is ſo much Ground, and ſo few Inhabitants, it cannot be imagin'd that the People are able, by their utmoſt Labour and Induſtry, to raiſe all the rich Commodities and Fruits which 'tis naturally apt to produce; much leſs can we imagine, how the Countrey ſhou'd be Beautified and Enrich'd with Improvements: How the Foundations of new Towns or Cities ſhould be laid: or any conſiderable Additions made to the Old ones: How the Ports ſhould be made uſe of; or Ships ſent to Sea, when the Commodities of the Countrey lie in the Bowells of the Earth for want of Hands to force them out: Or how men ſhou'd trouble themſelves to go to Sea, and endanger their Lives in Fiſhing for Food there, when the Earth ſupplies them with plenty of Proviſions, and they may live ſecure in idleneſs, and almoſt in the forgetfulneſs of Labour on the dry Land. Theſe are the Practices, this the Condition of more Populous Countries: Where there are abundance of People, the Country, tho' the Barrenneſs of the Soil ſhou'd give the greateſt oppoſition, muſt neceſſarily become Wealthy. Crouds of People, upon the Breach of the Roman Empire, Raiſed the great City of Venice on thoſe little Rocks and ſcraps of Iſlands, which yielded before but an uncomfortable habitation to poor Fiſhermen.

The United Provinces, which are now one of the great Bulwarks of the Proteſtant Religion, and the Liberties of Europe; were formerly, we know, of no great Conſideration, till great ſhoal's of people flock'd in thither; and were forc'd in their own Defence, to take a great deal of pains, both in Labouring the Ground, and in Handicraft Occupations, to get a Livelihood. The ſtreights they were put to, made them Ingenious in their Inventions; and when they found they were pinch'd both in the narrowneſs, and produce of their Earth, they were forc'd to look for room, and proviſions in the Sea. By this means they fell into Navigation and Traffick; grew vaſtly Rich; Built great Cities; and became the Envy of ſome of their Neighbours, and the Admiration of Europe. Theſe are the Natural and Neceſſary Effects of much people: Countries muſt be Improv'd, and Enrich'd by them; and thoſe ſooner than others, which have the richeſt Soil, and are moſt favour'd by the Sea. England is as great an inſtance of this, as any other Country, for that great Wealth which it has acquired by the Improvement of the Woollen Manufacture (which is an unknown Treaſure) is owing to the Walloons, to whom Queen Elizabeth gave the greateſt Encouragement to come for ſhelter into England, from the Fury of the Duke of Alva's Peſecution. But I ſhall make this plainer to the People of Ireland, by giving them a ſhort view of ſomethings here in our own Country. There is in the North of Ireland, an Eſtate which was the Lord Conway's, which the Lord Marqueſs of Normanby the other day enjoy'd in Right of his Lady, but now belongs to Mr. Popham Seym • r: This Eſtate was formerly purchaſed by Sir Foulk Conway, Uncle to the late Lord, for about Five hundred pounds. The Rent-role of this Eſtate is now about Five thouſand pound per Annum: Thô there are many great, and profitable Leaſes in it, ſome worth about Four hundred pounds per Annum clear. The Land does not lye upon the Sea; the Ground but very indifferent; 'twas altogether a Wood, as the name Kilulta (the Wood of Ʋlſter) denotes, and yet in the Memory of men now living, has been thus improv'd by a Colony of Yorkſhire people, and orhers brought over, and Settled here by the Lord Conway, and manag'd by Sir George Rawdon. The ſame Remarke may be made on the Neighbouring Country of Clan Hugh Boy, or O Neal's Country about Belfaſt and Carrickfergus, the former of which Towns is the third in Ireland for Number of People, and Trade; and yet grew up to what it is from nothing, in the Memory of People who liv'd but t'other day ſince Sir Arthur Chicheſter got that Eſtate. But why ſhould I mention particular Improvements? We know that till about the ſame time, the profits of Ireland in General, were very inconſiderable: The Rent which the Landlords receiv'd, was no more than what he and his Followers eat in their Coſhers: and the Publick Revenue was not equal to the Charge of the State, till of late years. All the Advances which the Country made towards a better Fortune, were in proportion to the number of People who came over into this Iſland. In Queen Elizabeth's time after the Rebellions of Munſter were quell'd, ſome Engliſh came over, an • Settled in the Plantations there. And after that, towards the latter en • of Her Reign, that Province was render'd more Secure, by the Defeat o • the Spaniſh Forces; others came over in King James his Reign. Theſe by the Management of the Government, and the Care of the Preſidents o • Munſter, put the Country into a little better Condition than 'twas in before. The ſame Effect, about the ſame time, had the Plantations in the County of Wicklow, and part of W • xford (where the Engliſh had a very ancient Settlement) after that the Tools, Birn's, and Cavenaſh's had been rooted out: And in the King's and Queen's County, after the quieting of the Inſurrections of the O Connor's, and the O More's. Ʋlſter, which before could only afford ordinary Food to the Kerns of the Country, and ſome Military men, from the latter end of Queen Elizabeth, and the Reign of King James the Firſt began to thrive, and alter it's Condition for the better. This was occaſion'd by the Care which was then taken, in Planting the Eſcheated Countres with new Proteſtant Inhabitants, the Londoners Building Derry, and Colrane, and ſending people to Inhabit them; Engliſh Colonies Improving the Lands of Chicheſter and Conway, and the Neighbouring places; and the concourſe of the Scotch out of Scotland. Theſe were only the firſt dawnings of Happineſs. After the War which began with the Rebellio • in Forty One was ended, and the Kingdom was ſettled in Peace; it began to Flouriſh indeed, and Improv'd every day. Then Houſes were Built; Manufactures ſet up; Lands Improv'd; and as they now yielded a conſiderable Rent to the Landlord, ſo were they reckon'd able to pay a Quit Rent to the King. This was the Condition of Ireland in the Reign of King Charles the Second, it grew every day in Proſperity: And the cauſe of this is very Obvious; the number of the Britiſh here, was grown greater then ever before

The Army with which Cromwel Subdued the Iriſh was conſiderable: after the War was over, theſe continued in the Land; the Souldiers moſt of them, ſet down upon their Debentures; a great many Adventurers came over, brought Engliſh with them, and Planted the Eſtates which were given them for the Money they laid out to carry on the War. Theſe were men of another Spirit generally, and more oppoſit to the Iriſh, and their Barbarous Cuſtoms, then the Engliſh who came over before: which muſt be imputed to the great averſion and prejudice, which the Bloody Maſſacre in Forty One had Created in them. This new Colony put the Engliſh who came over before (who according to the old Cuſtom, were Degenerating and growing Iriſh) in mind of their Origin; and help'd to keep them tite to the Engliſh Intereſt, and Proteſtant Religion. By their means, Trade, Manufactures, and the Rents of Lands Increaſed dayly; and the State of the Kingdom was ſo Improv'd, that in the latter end of King Charles the Second's Reign, Ireland, which before us'd to put England to a conſiderable charge, raiſed a Revenue of about 330000 l. per Annum.

Since the late Troubles, the condition of the Country is much worſe; (and 'twill be in a worſe condition than 'tis now) many fair Houſes, and ſome Towns were Bu •• ed; and great Numbers of the People Deſtroyed, ſo that of courſe Man •• actures muſt be Imp • ired, and Lands Untenanted. But people would ſoon recover it, and m • ke it's condition better than ever it was: all Forreigners are valuable, but ſome more than others. The Du • ch are worth the B •• bing, it they could be drawn in that way. When we conſider how little Land is to be Purchaſed in Holland; what horrible Devaſtations have been in the 〈◊〉 ; and the continual danger of the Proteſtants upon the Rhin • , and elſewere; we may reckon that abundance of thoſe people would willingly upon any Encouragement, flock hither. But the French Proteſtants are the people that we have the greateſt expectation from at preſent; and to me they ſeem to be ſuch as this Country ſhould deſire upon every account; and I think, if we conſider'd our true Intereſt, we ſhould make it our Buſineſs to give them all Incouraging Invitations to come in, and Treat them with the greateſt Kindneſs and Civility when they are here. It muſt be owned, that, very often, men who remove from one Land to another, are perſons, who, by reaſon either of their Imprudence, or Extravagance, or Injuſtice, or Lazineſs, made their Lives uneaſie at home, and therefore were neceſſitated to change their Soil. No Country can be great Gainers by ſuch men as theſe. This is not the Caſe of the French Proteſtants: The Reaſon which made them quit their Country, is a very powerful one to Recommend them to the people of Ireland. They quitted their Country upon the account of Religion: This ſhould be a Motive to make us Value, and Entertain them. I do not here ſpeak of that Charity, and Compaſſion, which their Sufferings juſtly Challenge from all, who pretend a Zeal for the Reformed Religion; (tho' upon that Account, it may be the Intereſt, as well as the Duty of People, to Treat them Hoſpitably; becauſe they may Entertain Angels unawares, and bring a Bleſſing upon the Land.) My Reaſon is an Argument to worldly Men, and is ſtrong in the plain point of Secular Prudence, and Intereſt, Abſtracted from all Religious Conſiderations. Men who forſake their Country upon the Account of Religion, are men of Principles and Conſcience: The very ſame Principle therefore, or Temper of Mind, which makes them ſcrupulous in the Caſe of Religion, we may rationally conceive, will encline them to be Sober, and Juſt, and Induſtrious in the works of their Calling. Such men as theſe are likely to make a Nation happy.

The French Proteſtants have many men of Letters among them, and they are generally remarkable for their good Breeding and Civility: 'Tis not to be doubted then, but that they Living in Towns, and Villages, among the ruder Iriſh, will in time help greatly to improve them, both in Manners and Religion; Teach them a more Human way of Living; and thus drive them from that Native Barbarity, which has been a great Cauſe of their former Rebellions. The Engliſh have done much this way, but more had been done before now, had it been their good Fortune formerly, to have more people of good Manners, and Civility to aſſiſt them. 'Twas the Misfortune of the Engliſh, that they were but few in number in reſpect of the Iriſh: they came into the Land by ſingle Families, or but few at a time; therefore, inſtead of Reforming them, they fell into the Manners, and Religion of the people of the Land; and after a while, did not fall ſhort of their new Country-men, even in their Hatred of the Engliſh. A better Harveſt may be expected when many Families come into a Land together: Therefore the pleaſure that good men ought to take, in having the poor Iriſh, as well as the Soil, Cultivated, ſhould make them Contribute all their Aſſiſtance, as well as their good Wiſhes, to bring in a People who may help to Civilize ſuch parts of the Country, as the Engliſh, for want of ſufficient numbers, have not yet been able to do.

The French are excellent Handicraftment in all Trades; ſuch men are extreamly wanted in Ireland, and will Contribute to the Enriching, as well as Strengthening of this Kingdom. I know the Opinion of the Multitude is otherwiſe: The coming in of Out-landiſh Trades men is reckon'd a Grievance; and the Out-cry againſt you is, that you bring in Forreigners to take the Bread out of Engliſh mens Mouths. Ill natur'd Beaſts will ſometimes fall upon Creatures of their own kind, if they eat near them, tho' there be much more Food than they can devour. I'm ſorry that Man, who is call'd a Sociable Creature, ſhould be troubled with a Temper which is ſo Deſtructive of Society: Do Forreigners eat the Bread out of their Mouths, when they have more Bread, than they have Mouths to devour it? But whom do theſe people call Forreigners? He is not to be reckoned a Forreigner to day, who yeſterday came into our Country upon Invitation; took Oaths required by our Laws; and made himſelf ſuch a Denizon, as will ſtrengthen our State, and Contribute to the laſting Peace of our Kingdom. If particular Perſons did Suffer by the coming in of Strangers, yet the great Good which the Common-wealth Reaps by it ought to Silence their Complaints. But let us ſee whether theſe men's Complaints are juſt or no. An Act for Naturalization Encourages Forreigners to come in: I ſuppoſe then that Fifty Families take Shipping at Rochel in France, Land in Waterford, and Settle there: if the men of thoſe Families are of differing Callings, then poſſibly they may not hurt any one Artizan of that ancient City; becauſe they will conſume the Labour of one anothers hands. For Example; Suppoſe one or two be Shoe-makers, and the reſt wear as many Shoes as they can make; then 'tis plain, that the Shoe-makers there are not Injur'd, and ſo it may be ſhewn in other particular Callings. The coming in of many people of differing Callings, and fixing in your Towns, will Improve thoſe Callings by the Addition of new, and perhaps ſome better Trades men: But that they cannot be ſuppoſed to prejudice the old Tradesmen, I think is plain from this Conſideration, that if thoſe Forreigners ſhould keep themſelves entire in a Body, and Seat themſelves where there were not any other Trades-men before, no one will deny that theſe are able to live one upon another. Would not the Caſe then be the ſame, if they fell into Towns before Inhabited, and furniſhed with Trades-men? They muſt allow it, otherwiſe they muſt ſay, that the many Trades men of greater Cities, do not ſubſiſt one by another, as well as thoſe of ſmaller Hamlets.

The men of the ſeveral Callings in Dublin, I ſuppoſe, Live at leaſt as well by their Callings, as they did 50 Years ago, tho' the City was not above half as big as 'tis now,; and yet this Enlargement of the City was made by the Addition of more people of thoſe Callings. But ſuppoſe (as it may by chance happen) that more men of one Calling ſhould come into a City, or Town, than are ſufficient to Supply that City with the Labour of their Craft; is not this an Inconvenience and Prejudice to that City? No ſure: 'tis no Predjudice to the City of Waterford in General, for Example, to have more Haberdaſhers of Hats, or Hatters, as we call them here, fall in there, than are Neceſſary to Supply the Town, for if by that means better Hats are made, and they be ſold cheaper, then 'tis plain that the reſt of the Town are Gainers by it. But you'l ſay, what if this ſhould happen to be the Caſe of all the other Callings? This cannot be becauſe that when the men of all Callings do Increaſe, they Live one upon another, juſt as they did before, when they were fewer in number. But let us ſee what Inconveniencies will follow from Waterford's being clogg'd with too many Men of the Haters Trade, as ſome phraſe it; in ſuch a Caſe, either ſome of thoſe ſuperfluous Trades-men will enquire what other places of the Kingd • m want men of their Calling, and they will go and live there, which is a great Advantage to that place: or if they continue in Waterford they will ſend their Ware to other Markets of the Kingdom, as the Northern people do their Linnen Cloth to Dublin, and other Places; the Shoemakes of Bandon do their Shoes to Co • k; and thoſe of Athlone do their Hats to Dublin. This way of Trading muſt be Advantagious to Waterford, for either they muſt bring home Money for their Hats, or ſome other Goods which that City ſtands in need of. And if by the caſual falling in of Trades-men, or other Accidents or Conveniencies, it ſhou'd happen that many Towns of the Kingdom ſhou'd run into one ſort of Trade, (as Rippon into the Trade, of Spurrs, Bermingham and Sheffield of Iron Ware) This wou'd be a mighty Advantage to the Kingdom, and the men of that Craft in thoſe places, for by this means, our Country wou'd almoſt every where be Improv'd, our Roads frequented and rendr'd ſecure from Robberies and there wou'd be a vaſt Commerce in the Kingdom. I wou'd ask thoſe people, who are againſt the comming in of Forreign Trades-men, one Queſtion; whether it be not better that Forreign Trades-men ſhou'd be Encourag'd to live among us, than that we ſhou'd be at the Charge of bringing their Goods out of France? this was our Caſe before the War, and will be again when we have a free Trade thither. Our people ſhou'd conſider that our Trades are not in the higheſt perfection in Ireland, but that people furniſh themſelves with the portable work of almoſt all Callings from other places. The French are Famous for their great Skill in Manufactures. England muſt own that they have profited mightily by them ſince this War began, or rather I wou'd ſay ſince the Edict of Nantz was deſtroy'd, by the Improvement of the Silk Manufacture. The Linnen Manufacture is that which we may Improve: in this we ſhall not Rival England, for they give up this Improvement to us, without grudging, and reckon it to be the more peculiar Talent of Ireland. This is a Manufacture in which the French do excel; and therefore Ireland may very reaſonably promiſe themſelves great Advantages, by t • e comming in of the French, and their Improveing of it.

The French are Remarkable for their Skill in Gardening and managing of Trees of all ſorts: 'tis not to be doubted then but if conſiderable numbers of them come into this Land, they will render it both Beautiful and profitable by Improvements of that kind.

Ireland wants Skilful and Induſtrious Husband-men as much as any place. In the condition 'tis now you can't expect to ſee men Induſtrious. The Iriſh are reckon'd a lazy people; but this I don't attribute to the natural temper of the Men, and the abundance of Flegm in their Bodies as is generally ſuppos'd, but rather to the want of Employment, and Encouragement to work. Sir William Petty computes that the work of one man in a Potato Garden will feed Forty people; and the Milk of one Cow will afford Meat and Drink enough in the Summer time for three men. Beſides there is abundance of Food round the Sea-ſhores which is procur'd with little or no pains. The Addition of people muſt Increaſe their Induſtry in Labouring the Ground. The French are allow'd to underſtand Husbandry, as well as any people, next the Flemings; and this enhances their value in Ireland above any thing elſe. 'Tis true indeed very many of that way of life are not yet come over, Husband-men are the laſt that quit a Country, by reaſon of the difficulty of diſpoſing of their Leaſes, and removing their Stock: But there is no doubt but very many of them will diſpoſe of their Effects in France, and ſeek a Retreat for their Religion in Ireland, when they hear that they have ſome Incouragement to do it, and that their Brethren are Settled and well Entertain'd here.

But I have heard ſome people ſay, that the French are very poor, and what Advantage, ſay they, is it to have ſuch come into a Land? 'Tis the Obſervation of a very Wiſe and Curious Obſerver, that they who grow Richeſt in a Country are they who come in poor: how can they arrive to this Wealth, but by great Induſtry and Improveing the Country? but thoſe men are miſtaken, the French, even who are in England, yet unſettled, and are diſpos'd to come into Ireland when Encouragement is given them, are not all poor: they have a great deale of Money among them, and will, if they come over, make a conſiderable Addition to the current Coyn of Ireland. But if they had no Money they would be nevertheleſs People: People are Wealth, and they have rates ſet upon them; The value of people in England, one with another, ſome have computed to be Seven pounds a Head: In Ireland I account the value of ſuch Proteſtant People as the French are (for I do make a Difference) to be much greater; becauſe in Ireland you are not only to value them as people who Improve the Country, but as Souldiers likewiſe who are to ſecure you and your Intereſt. You may therefore (and 'twill be but an ordinary Civility ſo to do) ſet as great a rate on them, as we uſually do on Slaves and Negro's viz. 15 l. one with another: Men being ſold for 25 l and Children at 5 l. each the mean rate is 15 l. I ſhould be very ſorry to meet with Proteſtants, who wou'd not allow this Computation in Ireland, where the Country wants good Inhabitants to Improve it, and Men to plant Civility and Religion. Allowing this Computation then, or allowing any thing, you ſee that a conſiderable number of Forreigners, if they ſhould come bare into your Country, bring conſiderable Wealth with them; Wealth which I think can never be ſufficiently Priz'd when you conſider that they will not only make the Condition of this preſent Age better, but likewiſe be a Defence and Security to us for the future

If this be true, Encourageing Forreign Proteſtants will ſecure us for the future. I'm ſure it ought to be a great Motive to the people of Ireland to give their helping Hand to Contribute to it. I will not except the poor Iriſh themſelves, for you do them as much kindneſs in putting it out of their Power to Rebel, as you wou'd do Frantick people in tying their Hands, when you are perſwaded they'l cut their own Throats They in their Inſurrections have ſhed a world of Engliſh Blood, and all the good they have done themſelves by it, is that they loſt their own Blood and Eſtates: every Rebellion making their Conditions, as well as the Country, worſe then they were before. But 'tis generally thought now, that the Iriſh are ſo ſubdu'd that there is no danger of their diſturbing us for the time to come. By ſuch a forward reckoning as this, have the Engliſh continually been deceiv'd, and very fatally Impos'd on themſelves ever ſince the firſt Conqueſt of Ireland. I think it, Sir, not inconvenient to inſtance ſome Caſes very briefly.

Henry the Second, the Firſt Conqueror after he came into Ireland contented himſelf with the Oaths and Submiſſions of the Iriſh; he thought they were ſufficient; and did not trouble himſelf with Building of Gariſons, or Leaving an Army here: thoſe who came after him ſaw that they have but a very bad Intereſt, who rely upon Iriſh Submiſſions. I find in Sir George Carew's Manuſcripts in the Arch-Biſhop of Canterbury's Manuſcript Library at Lambeth Lib. M. pag. 38. that Richard the Second in the Ninth year of his Reign made Robert de Vere, Duke of Ireland, Lord Lieutenant here, gave him 1500 men ſuper conqueſtum illius & terrae perdues annos, they were poſitive then that thoſe men wou'd ſerve to Conquer Ireland fully in Two years: but they were out in their Reckoning; for in the ſame Book, ib. pag. 39. I find (which is related likewiſe by our Hiſtorians) that King Richard the Second, in the year 1394, which was but Nine years after, came over himſelf in Perſon, with an Army of 30000 Archers, and 4000 men of Arms. This was a pretty ſort of Army for a King to bring into a Country, which his Lieutenant had ſo lately engag'd to Conquer in Two years with leſs than the 20th. part of the men, But notwithſtanding this Army and the general Submiſſions of the Iriſh to him, he came over again to head another Army within Five years. I find by the Inſtructions which Queen Eliz. gave that Great and Worthy Perſon, Sir Henry Sidney in the year 1575, when he came over Lord Deputy, which are in the Manuſcript Library at Lambeth Lib. H. fol. 326. that he had Engag'd to Her that he wou'd defray all Her Charge here for 20000 l. Per Annum, beſides the Revenue of the Kingdom, which was then little or nothing. This was more than King Edward the Third, gave Sir William Windſor, who Covenanted with the King by Indenture to defray all the Charge for 11213 l. 06 • . 08 d. Per Annum: Lib. M. fol. 44. and yet if he had liv'd till the latter end of the Queen's Reign, and made his Bargain good, he had ſav'd Her a Conſiderable Treaſure. Four years after. Anno 1579, we find among the ſame Manuſcripts Lib. L. fol. 265. that, an Opinion touching the Government of Ireland propoſes with 2000 Souldiers well plac'd to keep the whole Country in Subjection. How theſe Projectors were miſtaken a little time diſcover'd; for Mr. Spencer in his Eudoxus & Irenaeus Complains of the vaſt deal of Money, which the Queen had ſpent in a little time: and Camden Camd append. to Eliz. tells us that O Neal's War which the Queen ended, coſt England 1198717 l. Mr. Spencer, who was Offended at the Overſight of others, is ſure he has a contrivance which will put an end to all theſe Troubles. he's then for having all put to their helping Hands and H • arts; and doing all at once. If 10000 Foot and 1000 Horſe be ſent into Ireland, he ſays that in a year and a half's time they'l do the work effectually; and Settle the Perpetual Peace of the Kingdom Spencer pag. 233. when the Ingenious Mr Edm. Spencer form'd this Scheme Sir William Ruſſ •• (who was Sworn Auguſt 11th 1594.) was Lord Deputy: within Four or Five years after his Writing it, he ſaw that he miſtook as well as others had done; for in the Inſtructions Queen Elizabeth gave Robert Earl of Eſſ • x (which is in one of the above named Manuſcripts. Lib. C.C. fol. 169. 170. in the year 1599. on the 25th. of March when he was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, we find She allows him 16000 Foot and 1 • 00. Horſe to finiſh the War betime, and Orders him to receive the Capital Tray • or O Neal to no Conditions but bare Submiſſions

This Army, by the Rule of proportion ought to have done hat in ſomewhat more than a year, which Mr. Spencer's was to do in a year and half; and yet we find in another Book among Sir George Carew's Manuſcripts in Lambeth Library, that above Three years afterwards in April 1602, the Liſt of the Army was 1350 Horſe and 16000 Foot, and in September following the Liſt was 1425 Horſe and • 6250 Foot. Manucripts in Pag. 14. Any man will at firſt ſight perceive why I am thus particular in mentioning theſe things, 'tis to ſhew how the Engliſh have been miſtaken in their Reckoning, that this may make them cautious at the preſent. The Troubles which follow'd afterwards are a plainer Demonſtration of their Errour. Notwithſtanding the Subjection which the Army of Queen Elizabeth brought the Iriſh to; and the trouble which King James Her Succeſſor had, and the Care he took by making New Plantations, and Raiſing ſtrong Fortreſſes, to ſecure the Peace of this Kingdom; yet in 1641 a Rebellion began with a moſt Bloody Maſſacre, and a War enſued, which put England to much more Charge than they were at ſince the Conqueſt. After this War the Engliſh reckoned themſelves in Poſſeſſion of a Peace, which cou'd never again be Diſturbed. And in the year 1672, we find that one of the greateſt Heads in Europe Sir William Petty Polit. Anatom. of Ireland. poſitively Aſſerted, that it could not be in the power of the Iriſh to diſturb the Britiſh of this Kingdom again. Had he Printed his Book at that time, I ſhould almoſt have ſuſpected that he wrote it to pleaſe the Government, that Proteſtants here might Entertain no Suſpicion of the great Favour, which by Proclamation was ſhewn the Iriſh Papiſts the Year following 'Tis plain from what follow'd afterwards, that he was miſtaken as others were before him: We, to our Sorrow, are Witneſſes, that they grew to that head, as to put England to the Charge of ſending over ſuch an Army, as never was ſeen in this Iſland before; and did themſelves the Honour of looking the Moſt Warlike Prince, and, after him, the greateſt General in Europe in the Face.

I know people will ſay, that this happen'd by the King's Indulgence to them; and that 'twas impoſſible they ſhould give England that trouble, if the Sword had not been put into their Hands I think 'twas poſſible that they might have had a better opportunity than that: For ſuppoſe that before King James came to the Crown, a Civil War had broken out in England, which had employ'd the whole Strength of the Kingdom; if the French King in ſuch a Caſe had Landed a conſiderable Army in Ireland, and the Iriſh had Univerſally joyn'd with him; would not they have put the Engliſh harder to it? This might have been, for we know a very good Author who tells us, that the French King had it in his Thoughts, to Land an Army in Ireland: And that he made the Peace of Nimiguen more readily upon that very Account. What Accidents may happen, after this Genera • ion is paſſed away, God only knows: This I know, that I can think of things that may poſſibly happen, which may give the Iriſh an opportunity, at leaſt with Forreign Aſſiſtance (which they will always Induſtriouſly ſollicit) of troubling us again

Wiſe and Good people, who have a concern for their Poſterity, would provide againſt all Accidents: and whatſoever their preſent condition be, would not reckon themſelves Secure, when the Iriſh are three to one: eſpecially when they conſider, that as the Engliſh Power grew greater in Ireland, the Efforts of the Iriſh in their Inſurrections, were always more conſiderable, and dangerous to the Engliſh. There is a good Reaſon for it, ſuch as every body has not thought of, but is very material, and worthy our Conſideration; that is this, That the Iriſh have Increas'd in Power and Number, by means of the Engliſh, and will do ſo far the time to come. When Henry the Second Invaded the Kingdom, the Computation was, that there were then but 300000 Souls in Ireland. 'Tis ve • y probable, that, if they had been left to themſelves, and their old Cuſtom of Cutting Throats, and Mu • thering one another, their number would not have been much greater at this day. All the Engliſh who came in ſince that time (except thoſe of latter years) have been getting Children for them, and Increaſing their ſt • ck; ſo great a part have they had in making them numerous as they are, that it cou'd be ſhown, that above half the Names of Ireland, which are now of the Language, Cuſtoms, Religion, and Intereſt of the Iriſh, were old Engliſh, who came over to ſubdue them. Such are all the old names of the pale: Such are in the County of Waterford, the Powers, Welches, Pendergraſſes, Sherlocks, Geraldines, Nugents, Condons, Browns, Dobbins, Heys: Such in the County of Cork, beſides ſome of theſe, are the Barrys, Roches, Coureyes, M • agh., Fitz-Edmonds, Carons, Whites, Ruſſels, &c. And thus I could run thro' all the other Counties in Ireland, were it not tedious. Many old Engliſh names there are, which have been chang'd into the meer Iriſh Mac's and O's. The Mac Quilins in the County of Autrim, who, in the Reign of King James the firſt, were deſtroyed by the Mac Donnels, were anciently Welſhmen, and the name was William • . The O Rely's in the County of Cavan, ſome ſay, were Ridley's: The Mac Swynes in Ulſter, were formerly Vero's: And the Mac Mahons, Fitz U • ſula's. In Conaught, Mac Morrice was formerly Pendergraſs: Mac Avile, Stanton: Mac Jordan. D'Exter: Mac Quiſtolo, Nangle: Mac Phadin, Mac Pieke, Mac Tomin, all Barrets: O Doud, Dowdal: Mac Delphin, Dolphin: Mac Granel, Nangle: Mao Thomas, Joyes: Mac Oriſh, B • imingham: O Naughton, Snow: Mac Kogh, Gough: Mac Nemara, Mor • imer: Mac William, Eughter, Mac Phillippine, Burgh's: And a vaſt number of other Names which I cou'd reckon. There is in one of the Manuſcripts at Lam • e • h Lib. CC. Fol. 57, 58. a Letter which Sir Henry Sidney wrote to the Lords of the Council in England, the 27th. of April, 1576. Wherein he tells them, that when he was in Conaught, there came to him Mac Phaton, Mac •• ylye, Mac Jordan, Mac Goſtelo, and Mac Maurice, and brought him Matters of Record and Credit, to ſhew that they had been not only Engliſh (which every one, ſays he, Confeſſes) but alſo Lords and Barons in Parliament: and that they had then Lands ſufficient for Barons, if they might weld their own quietly: That they were ſo Barbarous, that they had not three Hacney's between them, to carry them and their Train home. Theſe, and ſome other old Engliſh Gentlemen, he ſays, came and Lamented their Devaſtation: and with one conſent cry'd for Juſtice, and Engliſh Government, in ſo miſerable, and yet magnanimous a manner, as it would make any Engliſh heart to feel Compaſſion with them. This ſhort Account gives a good Idea of all thoſe old Engliſh, who liv'd among the Iriſh. They did not (as 'tis ſaid Meſſala Corvinus, a Learned man, did in a fit of Sickneſs) forget their Names: but they put them off, together with their Language, and former manner of Living. So Univerſal was this Degeneracy, that even the old Engliſh of the pale, tho' by reaſon of the nearneſs of the State, they retain'd more of Civility, yet became Iriſh in their Affection, and Intereſt: And in the late War 'tis certain, that, as they were the greateſt men both in the Army, and the management of the State, ſo were they as forward and deep, as any of the old Iriſh, in the Deſign that was form'd to ſhake of the Engliſh Yoke.

And when I ſpeak of the late War, I cannot but obſerve that Sir Valentine Brown, who loſt his Eſtate for being Engag'd with the Iriſh, in this War, againſt the Intereſt of England; Deſcended from that Sir Valentine Brown, who in a Diſcourſe about Peopleing Munſter (to be ſeen in one of the Manuſcripts at Lambeth Lib. L. Fol. 4 • . in the year 1584. when Sir John Perrot was Lord Deputy, Propos'd to Queen Elizabeth, that the Geraldins, and the Principals of the Free holders ſhould be Proſecuted by War, to the utter Extirpation of them and theirs.

We cannot ſo much wonder at this, when we conſider, how many there are of the Children of Oliver's Souldiers in this Kingdom, who cannot ſpeak one word of Engliſh. And, which is ſtranger, the ſame may be ſaid of ſome of the Children of King William's Souldiers, who came but t'other day into the Country. This misfortune is oweing to the Marrying Iriſh women, for want of Engliſh, who came not over in ſo great numbers as were requiſite. 'Tis ſure, that no Engliſh-man in Ireland knows what his Children may be, as things are now: They cannot well live in the Country, without growing Iriſh; for none take ſuch care as Sir Jerom Alexander did, who left his Eſtate to his Daughter, provided ſhe Married no Iriſh-man, or any Related to that Intereſt.

Since things are thus, the Iriſh, unleſs a great deal of care be taken, will out number us in a greater proportion than now they do: They are not Imploy'd in our Wars, as the Britiſh are; they Marry much younger than the Britiſh do; and get a great many Children before they Marry; and are not as ſeverely puniſhed for it as they might be. And beſides, as I ſaid, the Children of the Engliſh by Converſing in the Country with them, learn their Language; admire their Cuſtoms; Marry with them very frequently; and of courſe Embrace their Religion. What then can better ſecure us, and our Poſterity, than to Encourage great numbers of Forreign Proteſtants, who will Contribute to Reform the Manners and Religion of the Iriſh, and thus do God and the Country the greateſt Service, to come over, and take up their Habitations among us.

I know 'twill be Objected by ſome, that the Remedy may be as bad as the Diſeaſe: that we cannot be ſecure, that the French will not help to Inſlave us to a Forreign Nation. The Wiſe Heads of the Nation, ſufficiently conſidered this danger before they made the Act for Naturalization. The only Danger that is, or can be fear'd, is from the French King. 'Tis often ſaid, that the French Proteſtants are proud of their Monarch's greatneſs, and ſeem to be pleas'd with his Succeſs. I ſhould not at all wonder, if ſomething of this were true: 'Tis natural for men who are forc'd from their Country, and endure hardſhips in a ſtrange Land, to deſire to be thought conſiderable; and they may think, that it may give them ſome Reputation and Credit among ſtrangers, when they ſee and conſider, that they forſook a Prince, whoſe Power is great, and his Arms ſometimes Crown'd with Succeſs. I have heard it ſaid, that when we Burn'd the French Ships at Le Hoge, &c. The Iriſh Army, who were joyn'd with the French there rejoyced at it: And 'tis very well known, that many of thoſe English Gentlemen, who follow'd King James and his Fortune through France, into this Kingdom (whom we knew to be Bitter and Inviterate in their Expreſſions againſt their Native Country) becauſe they came in Competition with the Irish for their Places and Preferments, were Repreſented by them to be perſons ſo partially addicted to the people of England, that they could not well be truſted. But let us ſee what Danger may be fear'd from the French King.

I will ſuppoſe great numbers of French Proteſtants planted in Ireland; and I will ſuppoſe that the French King Lands a Body of men here. If he deſires his old Subjects (whom he has us'd ſo barbarouſly) ſhou'd repair to his Standard, and aſſiſt him in his Enterprize, he muſt put out a Declaration, wherein he muſt vow, much oftner than he did about the Edict of Nantz, (or elſe he will do no good) that tho' he was not ſo kind, to them, who help'd him to the Throne, as he might have been; tho' he had broken that Edict which he confirm'd by many Vows and Proclamations; tho' in that Edict, whereby, in the year 1685, he reſcinded the Edict of Nantz, he Declared to the World, that 'twas his Reſolution, from the very beginning of his Reign, to deſtroy the Religion of Proteſtants, whom he always reckon'd to be people fit to be treated with all manner of Injuries, and not capable of Leagues, and acts of kindneſs; and that all the Edicts he hitherto Publiſhed in their Favour, and all the Honours he Conferr'd upon them, were only to gull, and delude them; tho' he had Dragoon'd them too ſeverely; tho' he had forc'd them to the Gallies; and depriv'd too many of their Lives; yet now he promiſes and vows, more Solemnly then ever, that he will let them enjoy their Religion without Diſturbance. Who can imagin that a people, who were ſo Inhumanly treated, after that their Religion is again Eſtabliſh'd; after that they are free'd from ſevere Exactions; and have taſted, and known the pleaſure of a mild and gentle Government; and have been very kindly Entertain'd in a ſtrange Land; will prove falſe to their Benefactors, and their own Intereſt: and run headlong into Popery and Slavery again? I'm ſure there muſt be at leaſt as much reaſon for truſting them to live in Ireland now, as there was for uſeing their aſſiſtance againſt Monſieur St. Ruth at the Battle of Aghrim; and none, I think, will deny that they behav'd themſelves very well there, as they have done in Piedmont, and Flanders.

Others will Object that it may be of ill conſequence to Encourage French Proteſtants to Settle here, becauſe their Diſcipline, and way of Worſhip differ from that of our Eſtabliſh'd Church. 'Tis a great misfortune: that ſcarce any thing can be propos'd for the Publick good, which crafty men cannot Defeat, by Repreſenting it Dangerous, or Inconvenient to one party or other.

There is nothing that I deſire more, than to ſee the day, when the Diſtinction of Parties, ſo oppoſit to the Publick Good and Safety, ſhall be clearly, or in a great meaſure, taken away. Our moſt conſidering men, who are Zealous for our Eccleſiaſtical conſtitution, and careful enough to Diſcountenance any thing that may poſſibly occaſion Troubles in the Nation, know that there is no place for this Objection. They may, and do obſerve, that of all Forreign Proteſtants, none more readily Conſorm to the Diſcipline of the Church of England, than the French do; that many of the Famous Writers of that Church have, in their Writings in France, Expreſs'd their Approbation of an Epiſcopali Government; that they have a Legal Eſtabliſhed Church here; and that their Wiſe and Leading men, are enclin'd by their Judgment, as well as Intereſt, with the other Immunities of the Country, to embrace the publick Religion of it. I think indeed no Argument can be brought ſtrong enough to prove that 'tis not • he Intereſt of Ireland to have French Proteſtants Planted here nor is this • eſs the Intereſt of England, than 'tis of Ireland.

I cannot call any thing the Intereſt of Ireland, 'Tis the Intereſt of England to Encourage Forreign Proteſtants in Ireland. which • ndangers the Safety or plainly Prejudices the Gene • al good of England. I hope all the Engliſh of this Kingdom are of the ſame Temper, I'm ſure they • ught to be. Natural Affection ſhould remind us of • ur Origin, and Gratitude of the Obligations which • e owe to England for the vaſt Revenue they have ſpent from time to time 〈◊〉 Quelling the Inſurrections of our inſolent Enemies. I muſt indeed Con • eſs that I never cou'd underſtand the Reaſon of ſome Mens Aſſertions, or •• e force of their Reaſoning, who maintain that 'tis the Intereſt of England 〈◊〉 keep Ireland low. That in an Age more Remarkable for refin'd Policy, • an Vertue, ſome ſhould (as they have done) wiſh it drown'd in the • ottom of the Sea, to me do's not ſeem ſtrange; there is a Plain and Obvious • eaſon for it, and that is, becauſe it has put England to a vaſt Charge. This • on a due Examination will prove to be a Reaſon why England ſhould lend 〈◊〉 helping hand to Settle it upon a better Foundation. Thoſe good men • d true Lovers of their Country find, they can't drown it with their Wiſhes, • r can they make ſuch Engines to over-whelm it, as Archimedes Invented to 〈◊〉 raiſe up the Roman Ships in the Harbour of Syracuſe; who by turning • em upſide down threw the men into the Sea. Whileſt this Island 〈◊〉 above Water it will have People. Great Nations have had their • e upon it. In the time of the Romans, we are told that one of the • aveſt men of that Common-wealth reckon'd it, upon the Account 〈◊〉 its Harbours and Soil, convenient for thoſe to poſſeſs who aim'd at • e Dominion of the World. Spain when it had Ambition, and Power to • pport it, made an Attack upon Ireland as a ſtep to the Univerſal Mon • chy. and ſince that Ambition, together with the Balance of Power, have • len to France, that King has caſt a greedy Eye upon this Iſland. There • e it muſt be the great concern of England to Secure it. Sir Humphrey • lbert in the year 1572, in a Diſcource concerning •• land (to be found in one of the Manuſcripts at Lam • h Lib. L. fol. 239, 240. ſaid 'twas the Intereſt of England to take more •• re then they did of the Settlement of the Engliſh here, and • ir being put in a thriveing way and made able to defend themſelves, for that to • gland it muſt be either a neceſſary Friend or hurtful Enemy. That if it ſhou'd • ne into the hands of the Spaniards, or French, England wou'd be ſurrounded •• th dangerous Enemies.

The Danger england has been in, and the Money they have Expended on is Iſland in this laſt age; ſhould methinks, without runing up into the ſtory, of more Ancient Times, convince them of the Reaſon they have to •• ke care of the Settlement of this Kingdom. The War, that began with the • aſſacre in 1641, beſides all the Bloud that was ſpilt, coſt England more • an double the Money that all Ireland is worth; if you'l allow the Com • tation of ſome men. That the late Troubles of this Kingdom, and the Pow • he Iriſh grew to, conſidering the State of Affairs abroad, brought England into ſome danger, all thinking men, I believe will allow: This they muſt own, that, if the Treaſure which was ſpent in Ireland, and the Armies which were employ'd here, had been ſent into Flanders, France had been humbled long ago, and we had been in poſſeſſion of an Honourable Peace. When this is conſider'd, it muſt be allow'd me, that if in former times Methods cou'd have been contriv'd to ſecure Ireland from theſe Troubles, tho' it were by ſuffering it to grow Rich, it had been the undoubted Intereſt of England to do it. From hence I wou'd infer, that 'tis the Intereſt of England at this preſent time, to do all that lies in its Power, to prevent ſuch Chargeable, Bloudy, and Dangerous Rebellions for the time to come. There is no way of doing it effectually but by Incourageing people to come and Plant here, People who will help to bring the Natives into Order, and keep them in Subjection. Thomas Howard Earl of Surry Eldeſt Son of Thomas Duke of Norfolk, who was made Lord Leivtenant of Ireland in the year 1520, in a Letter to Henry the Eighth to be ſeen in one of the Manuſcripts at Lambeth Lib. H. fol. 339, 340. tells him that unleſs his Grace ſend Inhabitants of his own natural Subjects to Inhabit ſuch Countries as ſhould be won, all his charges wou'd be but waſtfully ſpent, for if the Iriſhrie, ſays he, Inhabit, they will undoubtedly return to their old ill rooted Cuſtomes, when they have opportunity, as they have ever yet done. This Noble Lord in this Letter ſhews the King the abſolute neceſſity there was for his ſending over Inhabitants of his own Subjects to Plant in this Country. On which Saying we may make two Remarks, which I think will be very uſeful.

Firſt, we ſee what a mighty Advantage it is to England that People come fairly in their way, of whom, by giving them ſome Incouragement, they may as well ſerve themſelves here, and keep their own people at home. It was then propos'd that the King wou'd Encourage Spaniards, Flemings, Almains, and others to come over; but from this the Earl diſſwaded the King left they ſhould happen to fall into the Obedience of the Prince of their Native Country. This was a juſt caution at that time when the Power of Spain was ſo great, and all were of one Religion: it do's not hold in the caſe of the French, who are of the ſame Religion with us, and differ from the Religion of their King and Country.

Secondly, we ſee what the Great and Wiſe men reckoned the Intereſt of England, that 'twas to ſubdue Ireland throughly, and put it into ſuch a condition that it ſhou'd not give any Diſturbance to England, or the Engliſh Colony here. They were not afraid of Depopulating England, or of wanting men to ſend to raiſe Smoak in America. No, Ireland was their great concern: They willingly ſent their People hither, and were very careful to make Ordinances, and Laws to keep them here. Hence it was that (as we find in a Manuſcript at Lambeth, Lib. G. fol. 13. in the 49th. year of Edward the Third there was a Decree of Council, that thoſe who had Lands given them in Ireland ſhou'd abide there in Auxilium Salvationis terrae noſtrae Hiberniae, to help to preſerve our Land of Ireland. And in the Reign of Richard the Second his Succeſſor (as we find by another of thoſe Manuſcripts, Lib. M. fol. 35. ano Ric. 2d. Rol par. Jur. Lond. a Statute was made againſt Abſentces, commanding all ſuch as had Lands in Ireland to reſide there upon pain of forfeiting two third parts of the profits thereof.

And in the Reign of Henry the Eighth this Law was made fuller, and extended to all their Lands. By this Act the Earl of Shrewsbury the Duke of Norfolk, the Lord Berkley and others forfeited their Eſtates here; and the former, (the Anceſtor of that Great and Worthy Perſon the preſent Duke of Shrewsbury) loſt that which is now the whole Country of Longford, and almoſt all the Lands of the Counties of Weſtmeath and Wexford. vid. Lib. G. fol. 69. in Manuſcript. Lambethian. Theſe Laws, I'm told, are ſtill in Force, and ſome have thought that if they had been duly executed, the Iriſh wou'd not have been able to grow to that Head in Ireland which they lately did. Whether this Conjecture be right or no I cannot tell: this I may ſay without offence, that the great Adventurers and Eſtated Men's living in England was always reckoned in former times one of the great Cauſes why Ireland was not brought into Subjection, I could wiſh that thoſe who have great Eſtates here wou'd take this into their Conſideration now. I find that among the other Inſtructions which the Earl of Eſſex Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in the year 1573 gave Edward Waterhouſe to communicate to the Queen, this (which we find in one of Sir George Carew's Manuſcripts, Lib. L L. fol. 8. was one, that he ſhou'd inform her, that one great reaſon of the Armies being diminiſh'd in the North, and that the Country was in the hands of the Rebels, was the Adventurers retireing themſelves to England.

The reaſon why I mention theſe things, is to ſhew, that in former times England did not regard any Advantage of its own which might interfere with the ſecurity of this Kingdom: how plain wou'd this be, if I ſhould give an account of the Ancient Immunities granted by our Kings to the Corporations here, and ſhew on t'other ſide how the Trade now is Prohibited and fetter'd by Engliſh Statutes. This our Friends in England ſay, is Policy; and 'tis a maxim among them, that 'tis their Intereſt to keep Ireland low. If by their Intereſt they mean the Intereſt of ſome privat men, who have Ends of their own to ſerve diſtinct from the Publick Good; and if by Ireland they mean the Popiſh Iriſh Intereſt of Ireland, then I allow that what they ſay may be true. I think 'tis the undoubted Intereſt of the King and Kingdom of England, that thoſe who are of the Proteſtant Religion, and Engliſh Intereſt in Ireland be very numerous, and that under them this Kingdom Flouriſh and grow Rich. The King will allow, and ſo muſt every one that 'tis His Intereſt to have His Power and Strength increas'd by the increaſe of Loyal Subjects: and his Revenue made greater by the growth of their Wealth. And when the thing is duly conſider'd it muſt be allowed that 'tis no leſs the Intereſt of the Kingdom of England then of the King. What can be more convenient for England than to have a Kingdom ſo near it, which will be able to raiſe and maintain a conſiderable Body of Proteſtant Souldiers whenever there is occaſion? In the time of Edward the Firſt we find it recorded that three ſeveral Armies were rais'd of the Kings Subjects in Ireland, and Tranſported one into Scotland; another into Wales; and the third into Gaſcoign. Edward the Third Imploy'd an Iriſh Army under the Command of the Earl of Kildare and Faleo de 〈◊〉 F •• yn at the Siege of Callis. And Henry the Fifth call'd over the Prior of Kilm • inam with 15 • 0 Iriſh to the Seige of 〈◊〉 . If it had been the good Fortune of Ireland in former times to be put unto ſuch a Condition, by Proteſtant Plantations, that it had been able to maintain an Army this War in Handers, it had thereby leſſen'd the Change of Engliſh which I believe all the People of England will allow had been for their Intereſt.

But let us examine a little more nicely, whether or no it be more the Intereſt of England to keep I • eland low, than to have it to grow Rich and Flouriſh, by the increaſe of Proteſtant People, and growth of Trade. I do believe that every wiſe and and conſidering Engliſh man will allow me, that ſcarce any one thing can happen, without the Coaſts of England, that wou'd be more fatal to it, than that Ireland ſhou'd come into the hands of the greateſt Power in Europe. The Inconveniences that would happen upon it, I need not mention. Let us ſee then whether of the two will be likelier to prevent this, to keep things in the State they are, that is to ſay, to ſuffer the I • iſh Papiſts (who are at leaſt Three times as Numerous as we are, and are, to a man, in the Intereſt of the French King) to exceed us ſo much in number; or to promote our growing more Conſiderable than we are, by the Addition of Proteſtant People, and the increaſe of Wealth. The greater we are in Riches, and People, the abler we ſhall be, not only to Defeat any Rebellions at home, or Deſcents from abroad, which may be ultimatly levell'd againſt England; but alſo to lend a Conſiderable Aſſiſtanance to our Mother-Country in any neceſſary War ſhe's Ingag'd in I think 'tis the Opinion of every Engliſh man, that 'tis the undoubted Intereſt of England to keep Poſſeſſion of Ireland: If ſo, then I wou'd fain ſee ſome Reaſon given why 'tis not the Intereſt of the People of England to render Ireland ſecure, and make it Wealthy as well as England. To ſay that Ireland is a Conquer'd Country is no Reaſon: for wiſe Nations when they Conquer Countries with a Deſign to keep them, do propoſe to themſelves to add to the Grandeur, Strength, and Wealth of their own Country by it: but how is this to be done, but by Improveing their Conqueſt, and by Immunities, and Encouragements rendering them as like their own as they can? and I think it may ſeem a little ſtrange that a Nation fam'd for wiſdom and Equity as the Engliſh are, ſhou'd not after above 520 years poſſeſſion, in a Country ſo conveniently Situated, ſo good, ſo improveable as Ireland is, order things ſo, as that, the very name of Conquer'd, (which has a very miſchievous Idea join'd to it) and all manner of Jealouſies being taken away, both Iſlands might be rendred one in all their Intereſts. If they were made one Kingdom (which I wiſh that this Reign, and our preſent great Miniſters of State in England may have the Glory of accompliſhing.) I believe England wou'd then reckon it their Intereſt to help to make this Country as Conſiderable and Strong as they cou'd by promoting the increaſe of our Wealth, and the growth of Proteſtant People; and they wou'd no more grumble at our Proſperity, than the North of England dos at the happineſs of the South. If ſuch a Country as Ireland is, well peopled and Wealthy, were join'd to England juſt as Wales is, I would ask whether England would not be put into a better condition than before. The Hollanders, who take a great deal of pains to gain ground from the Sea, will allow it: and he that denies it, muſt be forc'd to own, that England is not the better for the Addition of Wales; and that 'twould be no worſe, if Wales, and many of its own Shires were lopp'd off from it. But 'twill be ſaid, that Ireland is not contiguous, and joyn'd to England as I ſuppoſe: Tho' it be not, it may be made one Kingdom with it, and then 'twould be much the better for being divided from it by the Sea as it is: For now the two Iſlands have more good Ports between them, than they would have if they joyn'd together; the Wealth and Naval force of England would be greater, by means of the Shiping that muſt be employ'd between the two Countries. And 'tis ſure that we can't eaſily imagin, how great the Power and Wealth of England would be, as the Kingdoms are now placed, if they were made one Kingdom; if England would take off the Shackles of Ireland, make us a Free people, and we gave Forreign Proteſtants Encouragement to live here. I'm ſure, if Ireland had been in ſuch a condition long ago, England would have ſome Millions of Money, and a vaſt Treaſure of Men which it now wants. But ſome do imagin that Ireland cannot grow in Wealth but by Impoveriſhing England, or hindering the growth of its Wealth. They may as well ſay that they cannot have a conſiderable Addition to their Proteſtant people without making England weaker. The Increaſe of Wealth in Ireland, muſt Increaſe that of England; for whatſoever Fountain our Wealth here ſprings from, what ever Conduits it runs thro', it in the end empties it ſelf in England. Ireland may be render'd very Wealthy by a Trade which will not in the leaſt interfere with that of England. Ireland is by a great many reckon'd equal to moſt Countries in the World, for the production of Flax and Hemp; the Natives of the Country ſeem to be naturally enclin'd to this Manufacture. 'Tis plain by the Act of Parliament made not long ſince in England, to take off all Duties and Impoſitions on the Product of Flax and Hemp from Ireland, that England is well enclined to humour the genius of Ireland. When we conſider what a hand Holland, France, and the Northern Crowns, have made of this Manufacture, we may well allow that Ireland, which has naturally greater advantages to improve it, may be greatly enrich'd by it. If we did but furniſh England with that Linnen which they have from our neighbouring Countries, this wou'd raiſe us a vaſt Treaſure, but I can't ſee what prejudice it would do England. It ſeems to me to be at leaſt as much their Intereſt to lay out their money with us, who ſhall employ it in their defence, and are their ſelves, as with them who will make it an Inſtrument of their ruin. 'Tis the Computation of a very great man, that the people of England ſpend 5 l. a year in Linnen one with another; this Computation I ſuppoſe is much too large, if the 30th. part of this were laid out in Ireland, 'twould be three times as much as the current caſh of this Kingdom has ever yet been. It cannot eaſily be conceiv'd how much 'tis England's Intereſt to have this Manufacture improv'd to the heighth. 'Tis probable that this will be the effect of Encourageing Forreign Proteſtants to flock hither; this may draw in not only the French, but many others likewiſe.

Since 'tis ſo much our Intereſt to have Forreign Proteteſtants ſettle here, How Forreigners may be encourag'd it concerns us to conſider how we may incourage them to come in.

The Parliament which was held in my Lord Rumney's Government, in the year 1692, made an Act which Naturaliz'd all Forreign Proteſtants; but that was to be in Force only for Seven years. Since that Law will be out of Date within two years, I think, Sir, 'twill become the Wiſdom of the Nation, to make a new Act which ſhall be in force Twenty years after the expiration of the old one; and 'twill be for the Publick good, I think, that by this Law, Forreigners be not only Naturaliz'd, but made Free of our Corporations likewiſe: This will be for the advantage of the Commonwealth, and will not injure particular Trades men, as men upon firſt ſight are apt to imagin.

To vouchſafe Strangers the Freedom of your Country, is the firſt Incouragement, the firſt Act of Kindneſs and Hoſpitality that you can ſhew them: But this, in good truth, is no more than to give Rich men leave to bring in their Wealth, and the Poor leave to beg in your Country. I cou'd wiſh that all whom it concerns, wou'd ſeriouſly conſider, whether it be not worth the while to lay another bait to draw them in? Whether, that after you have conſider'd the real value of People, you will not reckon it money well laid out, if you ſhould raiſe a fund not exceeding — to be given to poor Proteſtants, who bring in their Families to ſettle here? I would have this money diſtributed among the poor French eſpecially, becauſe they have been great Sufferers on the account of Religion. The greateſt Incouragement ſhould be for men of Callings; and thoſe ſhou'd have moſt, who have Wives and moſt Children. This cannot be call'd a Burthen to the Nation, becauſe 'twill be ſpent in the Kingdom, and will increaſe its Wealth for the time to come. This will not draw in the poor alone, but the Rich likewiſe, for they will be fond of living among a people who make ſuch Proviſion for their poor.

And becauſe I have ſhewn that 'tis the Intereſt of England to Incourage Forreign Proteſtants to ſettle here, 'tis to be hop'd that, if it can be done, ſome meaſures will be thought of, to prevail upon the King and People of England, to raiſe ſome Fund there, to help poor Forreigners to come over hither.

When this is done, I think, Sir, that our great Council wou'd do that which would make their Memory dear to poſtority, if they would Addreſs the Government, and pray that they would ſignifie to His Majeſty, that 'tis the requeſt of His great Council here, that, for promoting the Proſperity, and Secureing the Peace of this Nation for the time to come, he would in the Grants he makes of Forfeited Lands take ſome care to have Proteſtants planted in them. If in every Eſtate Granted by the King, the perſon to whom the Grant is made, were oblig'd to plant a conſiderable number of Proteſtants in proportion to the Land which is given him: and if they were oblig'd to ſet out a good part of thoſe Eſtates to Proteſtant Tenants in Leaſes for Lives, at a ſmall Rent firſt, and to be rais'd afterwards, this, I think, would have a very good Effect, and would go a great way towards making the Country Rich and Secure.

There is another thing which I could wiſh the Wiſdom of our Nation would ſeriouſly conſider, Whether it would not be very much for the Intereſt of Ireland, that the King would grant at leaſt a part of the Forfeited Lands not yet diſpoſed of, to Forreign Proteſtants; particularly (and that for very good reaſons) to the French?

I believe when they conſider the thing impartially, they will own it. I find that in the year 1583, Queen Elizabeth in the Inſtructions which She gave Sir John Perrot ſent Lord Deputy into Ireland, when She talks of Diſpoſing of Forfeited Lands here, tells him that She's for giving no more to one than he's able to furniſh people for. Manuſcript. Lambeth. L. C. pag. 35. If the King gives Grants to Engliſh Gentlemen of England or Ireland (without this care taken) they muſt take up with the Iriſh Tenents that are upon the Land, and things muſt run on in their old courſe: If they furniſh people out of England, this will unpeople England, and impoveriſh it, which 'tis our Intereſt to have full of People and Wealth, that we may live the more ſecure under its protection. The great Body of the French Proteſtants are at this day in a very uneaſie and unſettled condition, and no one knows how many of them would make this Country a place of Retreat from their ſevere Perſecutions, if they heard that the King of Great Britain had granted them Lands to ſettle upon. And when I ſpeak this, I cannot but take notice that I think it a great happineſs, that the Forfeitures not yet diſpos'd of are in Conaught: If great numbers of the French were planted there, that Country which is thineſt of Proteſtants, would be render'd as Secure as any part of the Kingdom.

Before the Reign of King James the firſt, till the Eſcheated Counties were planted with Proteſtant Inhabitants, and the Londoners Built Derry and Colrane, the North of Ireland gave the greateſt diſturbance to the Engliſh: Since thoſe Plantations have been made there, it has been the ſecureſt retreat from the Inſurrections of the Iriſh. If a conſiderable Colony of Proteſtants were planted in Conaught, 'twould be impoſſible for the Iriſh to diſturb the peace of the Engliſh in this Country for the time to come. I have heard a Perſon of Quality, who is your Relation, ſpeak of a projeſt which I think would, if it were put in Execution, render that part of the Country ſecure. If the King, after that he has oblig'd thoſe whom their Merits Recommend to His Favour, would be pleas'd to Grant Lands in this Province to the French, and would take care to appoint Commiſſioners to ſee it planted by them, and Engliſh mixed together, He would take an effectual courſe to Secure and Enrich this Kingdom, which he retriev'd from Miſery and Slavery, by the hazard of His Life. When the Parliament conſiders this, they perhaps may think it proper to pray the Government, that they would Repreſent this to the King beſides theſe publick Grants and Emulaments, 'tis to be hop'd that the Proteſtant Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom, will (when they conſider the great want and value of good people in this Country) give private Incouragements to Forreign Proteſtants to come into the Kingdom, and ſettle upon their Eſtates. In Order to Promote this, I could wiſh that in the Act of Naturalization it were Enacted, that at the Publick charge, four Folio Manuſcripts well Bound were purchaſed; the Firſt of theſe called the Book of Linſter, to be placed in Dublin; the Second called the Book of Mu • ſter, to be plac'd in Cork; the Third called the Book of Conaught, to be placed in Gallway; the Fourth call'd the Book of Vlſter (which need not be large, becauſe Forreigners will have little or no Encouragement in this Province which is indifferent full of People already) to be plac'd at Belfaſt, or ſome other place; thoſe Books I wou'd have put into the hands of the Town Clarks of the reſpective places, or ſuch other Perſons as ſhall be thought fit. In theſe Books I wou'd have the Nobility and Gentry of the Reſpective Provinces enter the Incouragements they will give to Forreign Proteſtants to Settle in their Eſtate, viz. How many Tenements they will ſet out, with what Lands Annex'd to them; whether the Leaſe ſhall be for Lives, or a conſiderable term of years; (and I cou'd wiſh that they wou'd conſider that the true way to make Ireland Flouriſh, is to let Leaſes for Lives as in England, and to Encourage Tillage) how long they ſhall be Rent free; and what the Rent ſhall be after ſuch time; what Bonâ ſide, the Land is worth an Acre as the Land thereabouts is now Set? How many Tenements they have particularly for Linnen Weavers; for this will be a good way to Incourage the Linnen Manufacture; and if the Parliament wou'd in all, or (for a Specimen) in ſome Counties, where the Linnen Manufacture is moſt Improv'd, order large Bleaching Yards to be made in ſuch places of thoſe Counties, or the Neighbouring County as — Juſtices of the Peace of the County with the Advice of — Perſons whoſe imployment it has been to make Linnen; theſe Bleaching Yards to be put into the hands of the beſt Tradesmen to be procur'd at home or a broad, and they to Whiten Cloath at a rate ſet by the Parliament; this I conceive might go a great way in Improveing our Linnen Manufacture. What Incouragement is thus given I wou'd have entered in the Reigiſtry by the Gentlemans own hand; or if he ſend his Incouragement in a Letter to the Regiſter, I would have two Witneſſes hands to the Letter, and it ſhould be kept on Record. The Reaſon is becauſe I wou'd have whatever Incouragement is thus given as Binding in Law as if it were a Deed, and the poor Forrigner who accepts the Propoſal ſhou'd have Liberty to ſue in Formâ Pauperis, and all the Kings Council ſhou'd be oblig'd to ſee him righted, as if it were the Kings Suit. Such proviſions and ſecurity, as this from the Publick Faith will Encourage Forreigners to venture into the Kingdom. When ſuch publick Regiſtries are Settled, Forreigners will have their Agent in the Kingdom to take an Account of the Incouragement that is given and if the Nobillty and Gentry wou'd be generous in their Propoſals, and wou'd regard rather the good of their poſterity, and the Security, and Flouriſhing Eſtate of the Kingdom for the time to come, than their own preſent gain, no one can tell what a multitude of uſeful people they may bring into the Kingdom by this means. That theſe Encouragements maybe made as publick as may be, I wou'd have Tranſcripts of the Incouragements entred in the Book of Conaught ſent Monthly to the Regiſter of Cork and Dublin, and thoſe entred in Cork, Conaught and Ʋlſter ſent likewiſe to Dublin. And that Foreigners may have the more Encouragement to Settle here, I would have them exempted, at leaſt for Seven years, from the Offices of Church-Wardens, Conſtables, Jurors, and from publick Taxes; beſides what Goods they bring in at their firſt coming ſhou'd be Duty Free, but then they muſt give Security to pay for them, if they don't ſettle in the Kingdom.

I am perſwaded, Sir, that theſe Propoſals on the firſt Reflection, will ſeem very Wild and Extravagant: and 'twill be thought ill Husbandry thus to Bribe, and hire men to do themſelves a kindneſs. Before men cenſure too raſhly, I deſire they wou'd conſider the great, (I had almoſt ſaid the unknown) value of people; and the ill Report that frequent Rebellions have brought upon the Country, which is a Lyon in the way, that frightens Forreigners from coming hither. What is thus given can do us no harm, for the Money will in effect, be raiſed only to Improve the Kingdom, and that Land which is given to draw Forreigners in to Plant and Improve it, will not, I'm ſure, be carryed out of the Country.

Some may very juſtly ask why I dont propoſe that Engliſh people rather be thus Encourag'd to come and ſettle here, ſo I wou'd (for they are the people that wou'd be uſeful to us) if I were not very ſure, that this wou'd be taken ill in England. I'm for gaining as many uſeful Foreigners as poſſible and if we cou'd draw in great numbers of the French Proteſtants, this wou'd be an Act of great Charity to them, a great blow to the French King, and the greateſt kindneſs that we can do our ſelves.