CALAMƲS MENSƲRANS: THE MEASURING REED. OR, The Standard of Time CONTAINING An exact Computation of the YEARES of the WORLD, from the CREATION there­of, to the time of the destruction of JERƲSA­LEM by the ROMANS.

Stating also, and clearing the hid Mysteries of DA­NIELS 70. Weekes, and other PROPHECIES, the time of HERODS Reigne; the Birth, Baptisme and Passion of our SAƲIOƲR, with other Passages never yet extant in our English tongue.

In two PARTS.

By JOHN SWAN.

Cicero de Oratore. Nescire quid antea quam natus sis acciderit, Id semper est esse puerum.

London, Printed for John Williams, at the Signe of the Crowne in Pauls Church-yard 1653.

To the right Honourable BOLSTRED WHITLOCKE, Lord Commissioner of the Great SEALE of ENGLAND.

MY LORD,

WHen I consider your Honours great em­ployments, and what weighty thoughts and deliberations those are incumbred with, who steer at the helme of so mighty a Nation as this; I blush to thinke how much time I shall steal from the Publick good, by diverting your Lordships thoughts to a survey of this Chronologie; and if you please favourably to looke upon it, you may make it rather a digression to your other Bu­sinesse, then a supply of vacant hours. For if History be called (as learnedly once she was) the Schoolemi­stris of life, what honour must Chronologie have, who is so neare of kin to her, that she gave her both life and eyes to walke by. What emboldens me to this attempt, my Lord is, the opinion that your Noble­nesse is far more eminent then your Place, and you are known to be so great a Maecenas to the Muses, as men begin to dispaire of any miscarriage in their at­tempts, that are but able to entitle your Honour to their protection. I have adventured to put it forth in a plaine English dresse, in a phrase (not subtile e­nough [Page]to ensnare) but as far beneath your Excel­lencies, as in esteeme my scant Vicarage comes short of your Honours high tribunall at Westminster. It will be no dishonor, I hope, to protect such a Work where the learned Scaliger, Petavius, Calvisius, and others, have made their Dedications as durable as the Matter they wrote of. I conceive what they have outstript me in, by the lustre of their own Names, shal be regained by the worth of a Patron; & though I came after them in time, yet a Dwarfe set upon a Gyants shoulders, may see further thē he that bears him Pardon me, my Lord, if in that Chapter concer­ning our Saviours Birth, I have spoken the sence of Antiquity, rather then mine owne. These great al­terations, which are able to arrest the eye of a sober Reader, will shew you, that Providence hath left many Monarchs nothing but their Name; and to some few where you cannot finde their ashes, a Mo­nument of Doing Well. But I keepe you too long in the Porch; let me crave pardon for this presump­tion in the first place, and then I will engage my selfe that Posterity shall make as much of your Me­mory hereafter, as you can possibly pay to Antiqui­ty at present. So wisheth

Your Lordships truly devoted Servant, JOHN SWAN.

To his learned friend Master JOHN SWAN, on his excellent pieece of CHRONOLOGIE.

Brave Julius! How far distant from the, war,
Were the just Trophyes of thy Calender.
By that thou sought'st, but to improve thy owne.
By th'other to recall things cleerely gone,
Tyme is a very Fugitive; and t'was fitt
What strength could not should be reduc'd by witt;
Thus Caesar having earth enough did try,
Homage from th'uncontrolement of the skye.
But History stood maim'd and while she stood,
All promis'd succour, but few did here good,
Till Scaliger at length one eye restor'd,
And made that wonder of his wit ador'd
More then his solid reason, Making knowne
What Caesar of the World had left unshowne,
But this was not enough, Tyme stragling try'd
To find his labrinth only by thy Guide.
Berosus, and Metasthenes, which be
The exploded Reliques in Chronoligy
Find no reception now; Young Tyme is here
In perfect Puplage to thy Calender;
Thou trasest all his dayes, and let'st him know
He had a Nonage ere his wings could grow.
His Infancy was Golden, by which odds
'Twas sure enough he must descend from gods;
Had ignorant Zeale but fram'd him so, then he
(Discovered thus) had lost his Deitee.
These Workes thy Children are, though he devoures
His owne Sonnes daily, yet he must spare yours.
As untun'd Songs and Musicke voyd of stops,
Such is Chronoligy, but for humane props
A strange confused Chaos; from whose wombe
The mystie errors of disputes have come.
By thee those mighty Heroes proudly stand
As strict in time, as when they did Command,
And more observed perhaps, for ancient Wars
Could change their Monarches into naught but Stars,
An Apotheosis was the least: But O,
We have no Calculation but from woe.
Farewell ye star fed tribe, for who can boast
That Stars are fixt, one Constellation lost.
Yet friend goe on, till Saturne shall have hurl'd
His youth to kisse the dotage of the World.
John Harleston.

To the Author upon his Speculum Mundi, and this his learned and excellent Chronologie, The Standard of Time.

NOT long since Galilaeus did invent
The Telescope, a prying Instrument;
By which he did discover, as he thought
A Lunar World, and th'Earth to wheel about
Betwixt the Orbs of Mars and Ʋenus; strange!
And Sol stand still! This is a monstrous change,
Which I not understand, and think none can,
Unlesse he be a meere Copernican.
Indeed I've seene such things to come to passe
Sometimes by help of Galilaeus Glasse
As Joviall Stars, and Saturnine beside
About their Globes most wonderfully glide,
And Solar spots, and Venus like the Moone
To wax, and wayne, and doe as she hath done.
All these are true: But laying them aside
A clearer glasse at last I have espy'd
Wherein the Face of all the World is seene.
What is, and like to be, and what hath beene,
So rarely polisht, so acutely pend,
It may be stain'd, or crackt, but none can mend;
It much delights me, and doe learne thereby
To know my selfe, at least to rectify
My Judgement; For in truth there doth abound
Things fitt for knowledge easy, yet profound.
Another Treatise now our Swanlike Pen
Is pleas'd to publish, fitt for learned men,
Wherein the course of Time from the Creation,
Is truely measur'd, and Christs birth, and passion,
The secret meaning of deepe Prophecies
Are now unfoulded, and their Mysteries
Discover'd, Scaliger, we shall not need,
If once we doe obtaine this Measuring Reed.
Then thank our Author, a most learned man,
Sure when he dyes, He will sing like the Swan.
JOHN BOOKER.
A TABLE of the Conte …

A TABLE of the Contents in the severall CHAPTERS and Sections contained in this First PART.

  • Chapter I. COntaining a breife Preface to the Reader, Page 1.
  • CHAP. II. Of the time of the Year in which the World was Created. p. 3.
  • CHAP. III. That the Jews or Hebrews, as well of old, as of lattertimes, ac­counted their Months by the course of the Moon, p. 11
  • CHAP. IV. Of the antient and Naturall year, that it was measured by the course of the Sunne, though the Moneths were reckoned by the course of the Moon, p. 19
  • CHAP. V. Of the Periods of time by which the years of the World may be truely reckoned. As also of the Jubilees: how to account them, where also to begin and end them. p. 25
  • CHAP. VI. Of the Julian Period, and how to joyne the years of the World thereunto, p. 33
  • CHAP. VII. Other Observations concerning the Times in their Periods, untill the Destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, p. 35
  • [Page]CHAP. VIII. The Periods againe considered, and all such doubts and scruples cleared as may arise concerning the just length of any of them, together with answers to certaine other questions not impertinent. p. 51.
  • In the former Chapter be eight Sections.
  • CHAP. VIII. Sect. 1. Of the time from the Creation to the end of the Flood, p. 51
  • CHAP. VIII. Sect. 2. Of the second Period, from the end of the Flood when the face of the ground was dry, to the Promise at the time of Abrahams departure from Charran into Canaan, that it was a Period of 427. yeares current, but not compleat. p. 68
  • CHAP. VIII. Sect. 3. Of the third Period from the promise at Abrahams de­parting out of Haran, to the comming of the Israelites out of Egypt, that it was a Period of 430 years. p. 75
  • CHAP. VIII. Sect. 4. Of the fourth Perod, from the comming out of Egypt to the beginning of the building of Solomons Temple, that it was a Pe­riod of 479 years compleat, or of 480 current, p. 78
  • CHAP. VIII. Sect. 5. Of the fifth Period, from the foundation of the Temple in the fourth year of King Solomon; to the Desolation thereof by Ne­buchadnezzar. In which is also shewed the true and right account of the 390 and 40 years in Ezekiel, p. 87
  • CHAP. VIII. Sect. 6. Of the sixth Period, from the Destruction of the Temple by Nebuchadnezzar, to the beginning of the building thereof by Zorobabel in the second year of Darius King of Persia. In handling whereof many things of note are discussed, and Scaliger refused upon good and warrantable grounds, both out of Scripture and other good Authours. p. 106
  • CHAP. VIII. Sect. 7. Of the seventh Period, from the second year of Darius Hystaspis, to the twentieth year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, p. 115
  • [Page]CHAP. VIII. Sect. 8. Of Daniels 70 Weekes in the ninth Chapter of his Pro­phecy, at the 24.25, 26, and 27. verses. An exposition of them, to­gether with a Confutation of Master Broughton, and others, concer­ning Olympiads and length of the Persian Monarchy, p. 124
  • CHAP. IX. Of the LXX. years in the Prophecy of the Prophet Jeremy, com­monly called the 70 years of Judahs Captivity, p. 155
  • CHAP. X. Of the time when Tyrus and Egypt were subdued and taken by Nebuchadnessar, according to the Prophecies of Esay, Jeremy, and Ezekiel, p. 159
  • CHAP. XI. Of the number of Kings that reigned in Babylon during the time of the Captivity. In the handling whereof the fragments of Be­rosus and Megasthenes are examined, divers errores of Scaliger discovered, and the truth laid plainly open, p. 164
  • CHAP. XII. Of the first year of Cyrus, and of Darius Medus mentioned in ho­ly Scripture. p. 174
  • CHAP. XIII. Of Alexander the great, signified by the Horne between the eyes of the Goat, Dan. 8.5. p. 176
  • CHAP. XIIII. Of the four hornes which came up in stead of the great horne broken off, as was prophesied in Dan. 8.8, 21, 22. As also of the begin­ning of that Date of the Kingdome of the Greeks so often mentioned in the Books of the Maccabes, and in Josephus, p. 178
  • CHAP. XV. Of the little Horne in the eighth Chapter of Daniel, at the ninth verse. And at the 2300 dayes that were givin it, verse 14. p. 180
  • CHAP. XVI. Of the fourth Kingdome in Daniel, that it signifieth the Monarchy of the Romans, p. 182
  • CHAP. XVII. Of the Times and Distances of the taking of Jerusalem by Pom­pey, [Page]Herod, and Titus, p. 188
  • CHAP. XVIII. Of the time of Herods reigne, and of his Posterity, p. 192
  • CHAP. XIX. Of a true and right year of our Saviours Birth and Baptisme, p. 202
  • CHAP. XX. Of the day of Christs birth that it was kept, and on what Day, both among the Ancients, and in the succeeding Ages, p. 212
  • CHAP. XXI. Of the reigne of Tiberius, and of the beginning and end of Pon­tius Pilat's government. As also of the Year and Day of our Savi­ours Passion, p. 228
  • CHAP. XXII. Of Killing the Paschal Lambs, and whether at Christ's death the Jews and our Saviour kept the Passeover upon one and the same day, p. 237
  • CHAP. XXIII Wherein is shewed the times of Vespasian and Titus, together with the Destruction of Hierusalem. To which Chapter is added a Chronologicall Table, and a Kalender for that very year wherein Hie­rusalem was destroyed by the Romans. p. 241

CALAMƲS MENSƲRANS: OR, The measuring Reed.

CHAP. I.

Gentle Reader:

I Have undertaken a Subject which in it selfe cannot be enough commended: in the handling whereof I have opposed no man out of any Singularity or Spi­rit of contradiction, but onely for the love of truth; which I doubt not but I may do, and yet arrogate to my self nothing more then is meet. History is a Subject commended I know by the most, as being the Herald of Antiquity, the Light of Truth, the Life of Memory, and the Eye of the World: but Chro­nology is little esteemed, few prize it according to the true value, and yet 'tis indeed the very Eye of History. Alter Histo­riae oculus, as one speaketh. And so another, saying, Nulla historia lucem habet sine temporum serie: No history hath Light without a right order of the Times. Nor can it be thought the Holy Spirit of God would be so exact in noting the [Page 2]Times (even to Moneths, Weeks, and Dayes) in the sacred story, if the carefull account of them were not to be regard­ed. Sure I am, it can be no small confirmation of a mans faith, concerning the threatnings and promises of God, and con­sequently of the whole Scripture, when he seeth how the Prophecies at their determined times came to be accom­plished, and how the linking of one period with another makes up such a chaine as cannot but minde us of the Provi­dence of God in his Government of the World, eternally foreknowing, and wisely disposing of what should be acted in future times. Math. 24.15. Our Saviour Christ mentioning the Abomination of Desolation, spoken of by Daniel the Prophet, saith; Let him that read­eth understand. Revel. 13.18. And in the Revelation, He that hath understanding, let him count the number of the Beast. Deut. 4.32. And in the fourth chapter of Deuteronomy, even the conferring the Histories of holy Scriptures, with the Narrations of other credible bookes is commanded, that thereby Gods doings may be compared. Besides which, the exact handling of these things makes it manifest that the Being of the World hapned not by chance, or was from Eternity, but that it had a beginning, and doth tend also towards an ending. So also the Prophecies con­cerning the comming of the Messiah being hereby found to be accomplished, discovers to the Jews their blindnesse, and stirs them up to minde their Conversion: I might say more, and shew how Scriptures seemingly jarring in point of time are here reconciled; many places cleared, especially in the Books of the Judges, Kings, Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel: but let this suffice, and be enough to shew that there is great dignity and worth in Chronologie; I think not my paines therefore to be ill employed, nor shall doubt of their candid accepta­tion among the curteous and ingenuous, to whom I commit them; hoping they may give satisfaction to them, searching for truth as I have done. This is all that in the first Chapter I thought good to mention, having written it on purpose to be a Preface to the rest: Here therefore I put an end to it, and am to proceed now as followeth.

CHAP. II. Shewing in what part of the yeare the world was created.

IN the account of times it is very necessary that there should be a proposed point or marke from whence every reckoning may take beginning; that thereby the years which have severall times of beginning may the more truly be com­puted and compared among themselves. Wherefore it can­not be amisse to set downe something concerning the time of the yeare wherein the world began; especially seeing a­mong Chronologers it is usuall to referre their accounts ei­ther to the current yeare of the worlds Creation, or of our Saviours birth. And now, concerning this, there be chief­ly three opinions.

SECT. I.

For first, Mercator and some others maintaine that the world was created in the very time of the Summer Solstice, and that in the beginning of time, the Sunne entring Leo, gave beginning to the year.

This (as is thought) was first hatched among the Priests of Egypt, who observing the River Nilus to over-flow a­bout the Summer Solstice, adored it for a God, esteeming the time of its inundation for an infallible beginning of di­vine actions in things created; and thereupon, for the be­ginning likewise of the year at the time of the worlds Creation.

But if this were the onely cause, we may not unfitly say, that it was folly and superstition which first set this opini­on abroach, and therefore he is worthy of blame who will goe about to maintaine it. And although Mercator in his Chronologie seems to alleadge some other reasons, there­by to uphold his share in it, yet his chiefe reason is not suffi­cient: for it is grounded upon that which is not granted, [Page 4] viz. that the flood should end about July, because in the ele­venth Moneth, which he supposeth to be May or June, when the Olive beginneth to put forth, the Dove brought greene Olive leaves unto Noah into the Arke.

To which it is answered that the word in Gen. 7.11. which he taketh to signifie green leaves, may (as Expositors wit­nesse) as well be taken for Branches, even such as hath been used to make bowers with: which (according to the transla­tion of the Septuagint) is expressed by a word signifying a dry stalk. Dr. Willet. And so saith a * Doctor in his Hexapla upon Genesis, Chapter the first, question the 17. that the word in the Originall is Gnalce, which (as S. Hierome translateth it else­where) signifies the branches of Olives, and in the Septuagint it is [...] a stalk without leaves.

That therefore which the Dove brought, might be some branch of the Olive tree rather then the leaves, and so might the Flood end at the dead time of the yeer rather then when things were fresh and flourishing.

But admit that the stalke or branch had leaves on it, yet it proves not that it was about May or June, when the Dove found and brought it; because it is Plin. lib. 16. cap. 20. recorded of the Olive, that she Ioseth not her leaves as other trees doe, but is green and flou­rishing all the yeer. Such leaves therefore as it had before the flood, it might have after the flood: for if they were new ones, they must needs spring out in seven dayes; because the Dove was sent out but seven dayes before, returning then as a Creature disconsolate, not finding any thing at all.

SECT. II.

Another opinion, is, that it was created in Autumne, and that the Sunne (who is the Index of time, by whose revolu­tion we account our years) began his course in Libra about the 26. day of October, if the reckoning be reduced to our Ju­lian yeare which is now in use.

Unto which opinion I gave my assent, when I first wrote of these things, and had for it (as I then thought) many strong and forcible reasons, which I did illustrate and lay o­pen [Page 5]at large, building much upon the testimony of Josephus, whom Calvisius and others strengthen from the words of the Chaldee Paraphrast upon the first book of the Kings, the eighth Chapter, at the second verse: But was most of all drawne to be of their side by joyning with them in their understand­ing of those texts of Moses in Exodus, Chap. 23. verse 16. and Chap. 34, verse 22, where first the Israelites are comman­ded to observe the feast of in gathering in the end of the yeare, when they had gathered in their labours out of the field; that is, the feast of Ta­bernacles in the seventh moneth: and secondly are taught, that this feast was in revolutione anni, sive evolvendo anno, in the revlution of the year or when the year is wheeled about. By which a man would think that the yeare both ended and began again, about the feast of Tabernacles: and that though the first moneth of the year mentioned, and so commanded to be called, in Exodus the 12, at the comming out of Egypt, was reckoned from the Spring; yet the yeare naturally did neverthelesse begin from Autumne, in the seventh moneth from that first.

SECT. III.

Howbeit upon more mature deliberation, I think them to be in the right, who reckon from the Spring, and do therefore fairely lay downe my former Tenet. For first, that moneth which began from thence, is (in the 12. chap. of Exodus) ex­pressely called the First moneth of the yeare, as cannot be deny­ed: The first moneth, not as then appointed, but confirmed, for any thing that the text affirmeth to the contrary; for see­ing the Originall doth not say directly, let it be the first moneth; it is every whit as right to understand the verb which is wanting, to be as well a verb of the Indicative, as of the Imperative mood, & of the present as wel as of the future tense. Whereupon it will also follow, that Moses (by Gods appointment) ordaining this moneth to be the first moneth of the year, doth make no new institution, but reneweth the old account of the Patriarchs, which was discontinued in E­gypt, by reason that the Egyptians indeed began their ac­count from their moneth Ptho, in Autumne, when Nilus re­turned [Page 6]againe into his river, as well as from that time which Mercator taketh up, when it first began to overflow: And in­deed this word to you, calls them back from the custome of E­gypt. For that manner of reckoning which they had seen there, was none of theirs: and therefore they being come from thence, must know that it belongs to them to reckon thus, for To you this is the beginning of moneths, Exod. 12.2.

Josephus therefore had small cause to say that Moses al­tered the old ancient order of the year; especially, seeing he himselfe doth likewise (in a manner) affirme, how that the Hebrews reckoning from Autumne, doe but as the Egypti­ans did: Besides, Josephus having an eye to the beginning of the years of Jubilee, which began from the seventh moneth after that moneth which Moses told them was the first month of the year, was the readier to think (as the modern Jews since his time have also done) that in regard of Ecclesiasticall affaires the beginning of the year was altered at the coming out of Egypt; but the old ancient beginning stood still and was regarded in their affaires of civill nature: whereupon he saith that Moses did innovate nothing from the ancient rite concerning the disposing of the year for buyings and sel­lings. In which words (me thinks) he doth a little stumble both himselfe and such as stick to his testimony, in regard that the Nundinations and things of that nature appertained to the Jubilee, which was not instituted untill afterwards. I finde therefore little in Josephus concerning this to build upon.

The Chaldee Paraphrast also is in this the same in effect with Josephus, and is so much the more invalid, by how much the reckoning of the Chaldeans and Persians is against it: both of which Nations accounted from the Spring, and might first learne it from the Patriarchs ( Terah and Abraham) who we are sure lived for a great while together in Ʋr of the Chaldees, and taught them (at least Abraham did) the knowledge of the Stars, for so Berosus mentions: and successively ever since Astrologers have accounted the revolution of the World from the Suns entrance into Aries; where (in token of the beginning of the [Page 7]year) the Persians set their God Mithras holding in his hand a naked sword.

Saint Ambrose saith, to shew that it was Spring when the World was made, the Scripture speaketh thus, Hic vobis initi­um mensium; this is to you the beginning of moneths. Nor doe other of the Fathers ( Eusebius, Basil, Athanasius, Cyrill of Jerusalem, Augustine, Gregorie Nazianzene, Damascene, Beda, Isiodore,) besides late writters ( Luther, Johannes Lucidus, Bun­ting, Lydiat, Polanus, Perkins, Willet, Alstedius and others) but affirme as much. Beda makes mention of a Synod holden in Palestine by Theophilus Bishop of Cesarea, in which was agreed that the World was made in the Spring: yea, and among the Jews, Rabbi Joshua doth earnestly defend the same Tenet a­gainst another great Rabbi, who would that it should be made in Autumne.

And further, whereas God blessed the creatures, and bid them increase and multiply, which blessing presently tooke effect, who knoweth not that for most kinds of creatures, especially the fish and foule, the fittest time to engender and encrease is the Spring?

The time of the creation is also found from the History of the Flood, which began on the seventeenth day of the second moneth of the year; which second moneth agrees not to Au­tumne, but to the Spring: For first, by comparing the or­der of Moneths here specified, with that order which God gave Moses command to put in practice, it will well ap­pear that the first moneth was reckoned from the Spring; because it cannot be shewed in any place of Scripture, when the moneths are reckoned in their orders, (as the first, second, third, fourth, fifth, &c.) that they take beginning from any other time. So that as Moses accounted the first, second, third, fourth fifth, &c. from Nisan which began in the Spring, in like manner did Noah reckon from the same time. And whereas I heretofore thought that this order of the moneths could prove nothing, because not above foure of the moneths were knowne to have names till after the Captivity; and must therefore either not be reckoned at all, or else be reckoned in [Page 8]order according to their number, from whencesoever the reck­oning begun: I finde it since to be no perfect answer: For even those foure are mentioned as well by the order of their number, as by their name, even before the Captivity, when they had names to be called by, 1 Kings chap. 6. and chap. 8. Nor was it but so likewise, afterwards, both with them and some of the rest, 1 Mac. 4.53. and chap. 9.54. as in Josephus, and the books of Maccabees may be seen.

And then secondly, if it had been Autumne when the Flood began, the Flood continuing much about a just and e­ven year, it must needs end at such a time as a man would think should be neither fit for the creatures to encrease and multiply, nor the earth (in those Northern parts of the world where the Ark rested) to be dryed up, no nor for the grasse and herbs to grow for food, the winter comming on so soon. Saint Ambrose therefore is so fully resolved concerning this, that It is not to be doubted (saith he) but that this second moneth was in the Spring timewhen things encrease and grow, the fields bring forth, &c. and that God then sent the flood upon the wicked, when their greif should be the greater, to be punished in their abundance. Which say­ing of that holy Father seems to be warranted from the words of our Saviour, Matth. 24.37. For it is true according to Christs own Testimony recorded there, that they of the old world were taken even in the midst of all their mirth.

And as for the foresaid Texts alledged out of Exodus they may (as some thinke) be answered thus, viz. that the yeare as well as the moneth is naturally divided into two cheife parts: the one whereof is of the year beginning or coming in; the other of the year ending or going out: for by this the year seems to be compared to a Ring, which by a diameter is di­vided into two semicircles, insomuch that when one halfe is ended by the course of the Sun from one point of the di­ameter to the other; the other part must needs be taken for the conversion or returne untill the Sun be come againe to the first point where as one year endeth, the other begin­eth. Now then the seventh moneth is fitly called the con­version or returne; because the first halfe is then at an end, [Page 9]and the year entred upon his revolution or returne, and so the feast of the Tabernacles (kept alwayes in that moneth) was in exitu anni, in the going out of the year.

Which answer to that Text I doe in some sort approve, and could be willing to think it might fully satisfie, if the year consisted of no more then two parts: but because the year is divided into four quarters or Tekupha's, called (as I shall shew you afterward) the returnes of the year, I think it a more perfect answer to say; It is called the end and returne of the year, not because it met then with the naturall head thereof, but because all the fruit of the year was gathered in, and seed time began anew: And so it is with us, the Autumne is counted the beginning of the year for matters of husban­dry; and yet we in the computation of our years begin in the Spring at the Annuntiation. The year of Jubilee indeed began now, I meane at Autumne: but for all that, the moneth wherein it began, is not called the first moneth but the seventh, Levit. 25.10.

And furthermore, whereas it is usually objected that the trees were created with ripe fruits on them, and that the world was therefore made in Autumne: it is answered; that in the Eastern parts of the world, some fruits are ripe in the Spring as well as in Autumne, as is seen by the Harvest of the Jews, which was never long after Easter. And without question Paradise had the preheminence to be the best place that the world afforded, and might therefore have ripe fruits sooner then the Jews had their yearely Harvest. To which may be added, that the Arabians, Syrians, or Assyrians and Chaldeans do not begin their year from Autumn, but from the Spring, as Simplicius witnesseth upon the fifth book of Aristotles Physicks.

But they have further to object, Object. that the Law is divided in­to severall Sections, which were all of them read over once e­very year, the first whereof by an old ancient custome began alwayes from Autumne: which was to shew that there was the right beginning of the year.

But to this learned Langius hath fully answered; saying [Page 10]that neither was it ever defined of Moses, nor of Joshua, nor of any of the Judges, how much of the Law should be read on any Sabbath, nor from what time of the year the reading of the Law should begin againe. It was indeed commanded of Moses that the people of Israel should have the words and book of the Law alwayes before their eyes: but of that pub­lique reading it in the Synagogues, according to severall Sections & Divisions, he spake not a word. King Jehosophat is found to be the first who sent forth his Princes, to whom he joyned Levits in Commission, who going through all the Ci­ties of Judah, taught the people in the Law of God: for they alwayes had the Book of the Law about them, 2 Chro. 17.7, 8, &c. From whence is manifest, that in those times there were no ordinary Praelections or Lectures thereof. But after the Captivity, more like it is, that Esdars (that expert Scribe) divided the Law into parts, and instituted that order of read­ing them which is still observed: and because when he began to read, it was the first day of the seventh moneth, as may be seen, Neh. 8.2. therefore ever after, the reading began from thence: and yet then, to speak truely, it is hard to say what precise proportion Ezra observed for one reading, seeing (as the third verse sheweth) he read therein from morning untill mid-day; and might therefore, rather afterwards then now, proportion the whole into severall parts, if at all it were done by him.

I conclude therefore, that (notwithstanding the strongest and best objections to the contrary) the world began at the Spring time of the year, and that on the fourth day of the first Week the Sun was in the fourth degree of Aries: which fourth day, according to the Julian year, was on the seven and twentieth day of April; on which day the Sun was created, and set in the Firmament of Heaven, as shall be further shew­ed afterwards.

Omnia cum vireant, tunc est nova temporis aetas:
Sic annus per ver incipiendus erit.

CHAP. III. That the Jews, as well of old, as of later Times, accounted their Moneths by the course of the MOON.

IT is a plaine and manifest truth, approved by testimony undeniable, that in that age of the World in which our Saviour Jesus Christ lived, the Jews reckoned their moneths by the course of the Moon; and that on the fourteenth day of that Moone which they accounted for the first moneth, their Pascha or Easter was. This we have recorded by an au­thentique Author, as ancient as those times; I meane Philo Judaeus, in his book of the life of Moses: Who speaking there of the first moneth, and of the Paschal solemnity observed in it, saith, as the words sound in the Latine: Hoc ipso mense, circa decimam quartam diem, cum plenus jam orbis Lunae futurus est, Pas­chatis solemne celebratur; that is, In this very moneth, about the fourteenth day, when the Moon shall be at the full, the so­lemne feast of the Passeover is kept. And in another place, speaking of the time when the Moneths began, he declareth that their beginning was from the first fight or vision of the Moon, viz. cum Sol incipit sensibili splendore Lunam illustrare; When the Sun begins to enlighten the Moon so as she may be perceived. And so also he did in the place first mentioned, calling that the Novilunium, Quod Synodum Lunarem, sive Novae cujusdam Lunae, sequitur.

To this Authour I may joyne Josephus, wherein is recorded that the fourteenth day of the first moneth of the year, cal­led Here Jose­phus acknow­ledgeth Nisau to be the first moneth of the year. Nisan, was evermore while the Sun was in that signe of the Zodiack which is called Aries. Antiq. lib. 3. cap. 10.

And as this was the course and account of the Moneths in those times, so in the dayes before; for when Jesus the son of Syrach lived (which was 230. years before Christ) there was no other Index for the appointed Feasts on certaine and set dayes of the moneth, but what the Moon afforded. He [Page 12]therefore saith, à Luna signum esse diei festi: From the Moon is the signe of a feastivall day, Ecclus 43.7.

The Author of the third book of Esdras, Ch. 1. goeth high­er; for speaking of Josiah's solemne Passeover, he saith it was celebrated on the fourteenth day of the first moneth, accord­ing to the course of the Moon; as in Hieroms Bible may be seen. The like he repeateth afterwards of another Passeover, Chap. 7. verse 10.

Higher then thus goeth Rabbi Moses, Ben Maimon, affirming that the Moneths of the year were the Moneths of the Moon, and that in Moses his time they were so accounted; evermore begining (as Philo before had noted) from the first sight or vision of the Moon. For the antient manner was [...] even till the yeare of Christ 500. about which time the Sapi­entes Gemarae ceased, as Petavius noteth.

And hereupon it is that learned Langius saith, Ritum hunc de sanctificanda Neomenia à temporibus antiquissimis & Mosis ipsius deducit Maimon, quem semper à Judaeis observatum fuisse docet, quamdiu Sapientes erant in terra-Israelis: hoc est, ut ipse explicat, ad tempora Abai & Rabba. Aben Ezra likewise saith, upon Exod. 12. That the Lord gave commandement in the Law of keep­ing the Feast at the appointed time. Dicit enim, Observa men­sem Abib, ut facias Pesah Domino; & si tempus Abib non fuerit in­ventum in medio mensis: faciemus Pascha mense sequente.

But higher then all these, doth the testimony of Elias Scrip­turiarius bring us; who (as he is cited by that famous and illustrious Antiquarie M r. Selden, in his accerptis) saith, Praecep­tum hoc sanctificandi Lunam exstabat seculis antiquissimis, temporibus Noachi & Abrahami patris nostri. That is, This precept of san­ctifying the Moon, was exstant in the most ancient ages; e­ven in the times of Noah and Abraham our Father.

And thus we have testimony for times high enough; even to the times wherein mention is first made of Moneths in holy Scripture, which testimonies will neither allow the Moneths in the history of the Flood to be according to the course of the Sunne, nor grant that the Jewes made use of the Period of Calippus after the times of Alexander, as Scaliger sometimes [Page 13]taught; nor that in Christs time they used a Quaterdenarian Cycle, as Petavius would prove from Epiphanius: For as I said before, according to the witnesse of the forecited authors, the ancient manner was to begin the Moneth from the first sight or vision of the Moon sanctifying that day; Salomon there­fore would not so much as lay the foundation of the Temple on the first, but on the second day of the Moneth, because the first was holy. For as God appointed a time for his day­ly and weekly worship, so he appointed generall Feasts for his monethly and yearly worship: He therefore instituted the New Moons, and first day of every year to be accordingly ob­served. Blow the Trumpet (saith the Psalmist) in the New Moon: in the time appointed, on our solemn feast day. For this was a statute for Israel, and a law of the God of Ja­cob, Psal. 81.3, 4. By which he meaneth the feast of Trumpets, commanded to be celebrated on the first day of the seventh Moneth, Levit. 23.24. And in the Revelation, this is certain, that after Christs time the Moon was trodden under foot by the Woman cloathed with the Sunne, Revel. 12.1. By which is signified That that typicall worship which for the dayes thereof in the law of Moses had been regulated by the course of the Moon, was now in the Christian Church, through the revealing of Christ laid prostrate, abolished and gone: the Woman therefore treadeth the Moon under her feet. Nor doth the Psalmist again but justify this Lunar account, saying; God appointed the Moon [...], for feastivall seasons: as Master Mede, in his Comment upon the Revelation, renders the place; that is, as the Sonne of Syrach before mentioned hath expressed it; from the Moon is a signe of feasts, a light that decreaseth in her perfection: the moneth is called after her name, Ecclus 43.7, 8.

And so indeed it is; For in Scripture a moneth is called in the Hebrew tongue Iaerach, from Jareach Luna. And in Greeke the word is [...], derived from [...] which is Luna also. And so in Job accordingly the moneths are called Moones; as thus, Quis ponetime juxta Lunas: hoc est, Menses antiquos? Job 29.2.

The moneth likewise is somtimes in the Hebrew called Hodes or Chodesch; which word doth properly signifie A renovation: so that Chodesch is as much as Novilunium, or Renovatio lunae, in regard that on the first day thereof the Moon or moneth is renewed; in which sence it is used in 1 Sam. 20.5. and ex­pounded so by David Kimhi in libro Radicum, saying; & voca­tur Hodes sive Novus, quia renovatur Luna in eo die. This word is also used for the whole moneth or space of time that is from one renovation of the Moon to another; and hath ei­ther an adject number of dayes past since the renovation; as prima luna, secunda suna, tertia luna, decima quarta luna, &c. or else all the dayes are spoken of junctim and together; as in Numb. 11.20. ye shall not eat one day, nor two dayes, nor five dayes, neither ten dayes, nor twenty dayes: but even a moneth of dayes together.

This therefore made Kimhi, in the place before mentioned, say; Triginta dies junctim vocantur Hodes, & dies primus solus vo­catur Hodes.

However therefore the Grecians applyed the word [...] or [...], to the first day of their moneth, even when they reckoned them by the light of the Sun; yet it was onely proper & of right belonging to the first day of such months as were rightly called moneths, and accounted by the course of the Moon. And so also Master Lydyat saith, in his book De variis annorum formis, c. 4. where speaking of the word Neo­menia, id est, Nova luna, this he addeth; quae dictio licet demùm translata sit ad significandum initium qualiscunque mensis, non solum lunaris; primo tamen & propriè de mensibus lunaribus, utpote anti­quissimo & naturali genere mensium, accipiendam neutiquam dubitari debet.

And thus are the Moneths fully proved to be Lunar. A­gainst which I meet with three Objections.

The first whereof is, Object. that if the moneths were Lunar, then in some years there must be thirteen moneths by reason of a moneth intercalar, called by the late Jews Veader or another Adar: But the Scripture makes no mention of any such moneth; and therefore it may be concluded that of old there [Page 15]was no other intercalar. Adar indeed is mentioned, both in the book of Hester and elsewhere, but with no note of distin­ction to signifie which Adar it was: whereas if there were two Adars, there would have been something added to know which of them was meant?

Answ. And why so? it needed not, Answ. unlesse there had been two Adars in every yeare: it was onely the Embolismall yeare which had two Adars, and not the Common year: Beside which, know also this; we finde not in Scripture mention made of the thirtieth day of any moneth: shall we therefore conclude that no moneth had thirty dayes.

But that the vanity of this Objection may further appeare, this I say; that though the Scripture give no expresse menti­on of the moneth intercalar, yet some cleare footings of it may be seen there. As for example, in the Prophecy of Eze­kiel at the first chapter, we finde that the Prophet had a visi­on in the fifth year of Jechoniah's Captivity, on the fifth day of the fourth moneth; and that after seven dayes more (as in the Chapters following is mentioned) he was commanded to lie on his left side 390. dayes, and to beare the sins of Israel; after which he must lie on his right side 40. dayes more to beare the iniquity of Judah: and yet in the next year, on the fifth day of the sixth moneth, he is said to sit againe among the Elders of Israel, chap. 8.1. Which could not be, unlesse there were a moneth intercalar. For 40. dayes added to 390. doe make 430. which was a greater space then could be any way from the twelfth day of the fourth moneth in the fifth year, to the fifth day of the sixth moneth in the following year, unlesse there were I say a moneth intercalar. Nor is this a strange collection: for though these things perhaps were done in a vision, yet that the Prophet might not tell the people a vaine vision, nor deliver unto them an unwarran­table Prophecy, he must upon necessity lie hid and be ab­sent from them so long as was the number of those dayes. And indeed by putting this upon tryall by calculation, I find all fully cleared: For in the year of the Julian Period 4119. which was (as shall be afterwards proved) the fifth yeare of [Page 16] Jechoniah's Captivity, the first day of Nisan was on the twentieth day of March; that year therefore must be annus Em­bolimaeus, and have thirteen moneths, or 384. dayes. For if it had been twelve moneths, or 354. dayes, then must the first of Nisan in the following year be on the eleventh of March, which could not be because the fourteenth day thereof must not be before the Vernall Equinox, which then was on the twenty seventh day of March. And therefore the first of Nisan in the first of these two years was on the two and twentieth day of March; and in the next, on the tenth of A­prill: so will there be space enough by the fifth day of the sixth moneth for all the dayes that the Prophet mentioneth to be accomplished; otherwise not. And thus I am glad of this objection, seeing it hath occasioned a further confirmati­on of the moneths mentioned in Scripture to be Lunar.

The next thing objected, Object. is the History of the Flood, in which the moneths are found to be Solar; because from the seventeenth day of the second moneth, to the seventeenth day of the seventh moneth, were an hundred and fifty dayes: that is, five moneths of thirty dayes a peece.

Whereto I answer, Answ. that this hinders nothing, as afterward, when I come to speake of the Flood, shall be plainly shewed. In the meane time this I adde, that twelve moneths of but thirty dayes a peece, amount in the whole to no more then 360. dayes: whereas in a full Solar year are more by five dayes and about six hours.

But to help this, they say that the old Patriarchs had ei­ther an epact of five dayes to be added to every year, or else that in every six years they made of those five dayes an inter­calar moneth, to which also the six houres would reach in one hundred and twenty years: at which time they had also one moneth more then in their ordinary and common years. Now this time Scaliger saith was called by the name of Cheled, but doth very unaptly apply it to his purpose, as Petavius proves against him. For Cheled is no more applyable to an age of an hundred and twenty years, then to any other time or age, be it either more or lesse; and is onely belonging to [Page 17]the time or age of mans life of what length soever it be: as may be seen in Psal. 39.5. where that very word is used. Nor again is that space of an hundred and twenty years, in the sixth chapter of Genesis, spoken for any other purpose then to shew the patience and long suffering of the Lord to the old World; which the Apostle Peter calleth the waiting of God on them in the dayes of Noah, while the Ark was preparing 1 Pet. 3.20. Beside which, this is also certaine; that if the sixth year forementioned, were to have an intercalation in respect of the six hours, there would be two intercalar moneths to­gether; I meane in every one hundred and twentieth year, as is apparant by dividing the said year by six. For 120. divi­ded by six, hath twenty times six in it, and nothing remain­ing: whereupon will further follow, that in every one hun­dred and twentieth year must be 420. dayes; which were ve­ry absurd to grant. Nay further, were it so that the ancient Patriarchs to avoid this absurdity, should be thought to reckon the five dayes at the end of every year, and defer the six houres till the one hundreth and twentieth year, by the which time those houres amount to the space of one mo­neth; yet still is all built but upon conjecture: and that so weakly as there is little or no shew of probability in it; for if there were, then would there be from the Creation to the Flood no odd years, but equall divisions of 120. years apiece: which we know is otherwise, in regard that when we di­vide the year of the Flood by 120. we have 95. remaining. They therefore reckon far better who doe not onely account an Epact of five dayes at the end of every common year, but doe also intercalate a day in every fourth year, making the Epact then to be six, which in the common year was but five. Howbeit this still is no better then meer conjecture, and can­not clearely be affirmed to be so indeed till after ages; and then, not so among the Jews, but among some other Nati­ons: for the moneth among the Jews was Lunar, as by the words used in Scripture for a moneth (beside our other proofes) already mentioned, doth well appeare.

But thirdly, Object. it is objected out of the seven and twentieth [Page 18]Chapter of the first book of the Chronicles, that David ap­pointed twelve Captaines of ordinary Legions to be over the Provinces, into which the whole body of the Kingdome was divided, and these to serve in their courses severally throughout the twelve moneths of the year. Or rather thus; King David appointed twelve Captains of ordinary Legions to be the life-guard of his person, and these to serve severally in their courses throughout the twelve moneths of the yeare; no more moneths being mentioned: for according to the number of the moneths, so was the number of the Captains. Salomon likewise appointed as many Stewards to provide pro­vision for the royal Family, and these (as the former) to serve severally throughout the twelve moneths of the year; as in the fourth Chapter of the first book of the Kings may be seen. The year therefore in those times had no more then twelve moneths: for if there were thirteen, then for one moneths space, both the Kings person must be unpro­vided of a Guard, and the royall Family destitute likewise of Provisions for their sustenance.

Scaliger I remember, Answ. once made this Objection, but afterwards (upon his better thoughts) he cryed out against it, saying; Ridicula est objectio, Scal. in Isag. can. It is a ridiculous objection: and an ob­jection, qua pertinaces contendunt, mensem veterem Hebraeorum lu­narem non fuisse. And indeed, he might well cry out against it: For this objection is the same in effect with that to which I answered first. And therefore this I say, that these Captaines and Officers for their number in relation to the twelve moneths of the year, were according to the course of the common and ordinary years which had no more then twelve moneths: but in the Embolismall year were 13. moneths never­thelesse; and how that odd moneth was supplyed, is not at all in Scripture declared. The Jews say that the moneth in­tercalar was esteemed but as momentum temporis, a point of time, and in it they judged no civill matter: we may therefore be induced to think it probable, that he whose Office fell to the twelfth moneth in the common year, did likewise supply the service of the thirteenth moneth in the Embolismall year, [Page 19]and yet in the institution of their Offices no more be menti­oned then every man to serve his moneth. For as Wolphius speaketh, certè major habenda fuit annorum communium ratio, quia plures sint, quam Embolimaeorum. The like to which is also com­mon with us in our year: for whereas we intercalate a day in every fourth year; the day intercalated, and the day before it, are both esteemed as one, both for matters of Law, Faires, and the like.

And thus is this objection likewise answered: here there­fore I conclude this Chapter.

CHAP. IV. Of the ancient and naturall Year, that it was measured by the course of the Sunne, though the Moneths were reckoned by the course of the Moon

AS the Ancients reckoned their Moneths by the course of the Moon; which I have already proved: so they reck­oned their year by the course of the Sun; qui [...], & proprie annus dicitur, saith Petavius, lib. 1. c. 8. Petav. lib. 2. de Doct. Temp. cap. 27. And in a­nother place, this they doe, saith he, necessario, ut aequinoctia, caeterosque cardines, quas Tekuphas appellabant, observare possent, ut ne XIV. Nisan aberraret. Which is but what the Jews themselves have registred in their Thalmud; for if the Tekupha of Nisan fall into the sixteen day or after, that year must be interca­lar. And so saith R. Moses, Ben Maimon, cap. 4. Kiddusch, §. 2. Petavius thereupon affirmeth further, that the moneth is from the proper motion of the Moon: but the year properly ta­ken, and naturally, is of the Sun; being defined from the simple conversion thereof. Annum cum dicimus, propriè Solarem intelligimus: cum vero Mensem, lurarem. lib 1. c. 8. In which Book and Chapter he also saith, that other Nations as well as the ancient Jews, when they came to the naturall measure of any stable or fixed thing, used the Solar year.

This then is the true and naturall year, and in the Scrip­ture called a year of dayes: as may be seen in Jere. 28.3. For there that which we translate, within two full years; is in the Originall, within two years of dayes. The like to which is also in the eleventh verse of the same Chapter: and in the first book of Maccabees, the first chapter, at the thirtieth verse.

Expositours therefore have observed, See Ainsworth on Gen. c. 1. ver. 14. and Gibbens, c. 5. Quest. 2. that a year hath the name in the Hebrew from Shanah, signifying a changing or Iteration; which is in regard of the Suns returning after a years end, to the same point of heaven where it first began: even as the moneth is derived from Chodesch, which signifieth to Renew; because at the moneths end the Moon is againe renewed; as in the former chapter hath been proved. Nei­ther is it found in any place of Scripture, that these names or words are the one of them taken to signifie the other; but by the one is meant a year, and by the other a moneth. Although therefore the popular or vulgar year might be measured by moneths; commonly twelve, and sometimes thirteen: yet the fixed and naturall year, by which the moneths were al­wayes regulated, was measured by the course of the Sun, and was a year of dayes; as in that before mentioned out of the Prophet Jeremy well appeareth.

Now this year was evermore divided according to the Te­kupha's or Quarters of it; as is still observed by the Jews to this very day: who being zealous to maintaine the Customes of their Ancestors, doe not onely measure their moneths by the course of the Moon, but their year by the course of the Sun, which they divide by four Tekuph's or Quarters. The first whereof belonged to the first moneth, which was Abib, called afterward Nisan: the second to the fourth moneth, called afterward Thamuz: the third to the seventh Moneth, called afterward Tisri; and the fourth to the tenth moneth, called af­terward Tebheth. So that on what day soever of our Julian year that Tekupha hapned which pointed out the Vernall Equi­nox, from thence must the year be reckoned as from its na­turall head; for there the last year ended and the next began.

Nor are these Tekuphah's but mentioned in the Scripture: [Page 21]as the Tekupha of the Spring Quarter at the Vernall Equi­nox when Kings go forth to battel, 2 Sam. 11.1. which as Mo­ses saith, was in the head or first Moneth of the yeare, By which I meane, that the Moneth belonging to that Tekupha is there called the first Mo­neth of the year. Exod. 12.2. The Tekupha of the Summer Solstice, when Jeochniah was carried captive, 2 Chron. 36.10. The Tekupha of the Autum­nall Equinox, at the returne and end of the yeare for Hus­bandry affaires, and beginning of the Jubilee, Exod. 23.16. Lev. 25.10 and Exod. 34.22. Only the Tekupha of the Winter Solstice is not so plainly described; and yet some think it to be in Ezek. 40.1. But however, whether it be or no, it is not much materiall: for having three, the fourth is not to be denied; in regard that as one Equinox is opposite to ano­ther, so is the one Solstice also opposite to the other.

It was sometimes the opinion of Joseph Scaliger that onely one Tekupha could be found in Scripture: but percieving that to be an erronous conceit, he plainly said Judaeos nihil antiquius habere Tekupharum, sive quadrantum quatuor observatione. Against which, though Petavius excepteth, yet thus much I find in him, as a thing which he granteth, saying; Tekupha nihil ali­ud est quam Conversio, sive cardo anni quadruplex, Lib. 2. c. 45. which is as much as he shall need to grant in this particular: for if the Tekupha be cardo anni quadruplex, then may we justly conclude it to be cardo anni, quando Sol primum quatuor signorum ingreditur, Arietis, Cancri, Librae, Capricorni.

These Tekupha's in the beginning of the World, if they be reduced to the course of our Julian yeare, were, the first of them on the 23. day of April in the Evening, when the 24. day was begun according as the Jewes account; the second on the 25. day of July; the third on the 27. day of October; the fourth and the last on the 25. day of January; by which I meane that there the fourth or last Quarter of the yeare be­gan, and was not ended till the 23. day of April next after was finished. And why they be not still on those dayes, is be­cause the Equinoctiall and Solstitiall points have anticipated and not kept their places on those dayes and Moneths they were at the first: which anticipation is not in regard of any errour or irregularity that is in the motion of the Sun, but because the Julian year agreeth not thereunto, but is a little [Page 22]longer then of right it should be: For the true Solar year (in the meane measure thereof) doth not consist of 365. dayes and full six hours; but rather of 365. dayes five hours, 48 minutes, 39 seconds, and 41 thirds. By which length of the Tropicall year, we finde in one year an anticipation of e­leven minutes, twenty seconds, and nineteen thirds: which though it be at the first but a little, will neverthelesse in many years amount to the number of no few dayes, as we see it doth. For by the end of 127 years will be twenty four hours gained, with thirteen thirds: thereby declaring that the day of the Vernall Equinox in the beginning of the World, even till 95 years were ended, was in the common years on the 23 day of Aprill, though it be now on the tenth day of March; and the Autumnall Equinox on the 27 day of October, though it be now on the 13 day of September: Thus I say it was in the common years, though in the Bissextile one day sooner.

And why I allow but ninty five years at the first for the alteration of a day, is not because twenty four houres are gained in that time, but because the time of the first Equinox was at the At wch. time the first day of the World be­gan, reaching the very even­ing of the 2 c. day. evening of the 23 day: And therefore though at the first, ninty five years will bring the Equinox to a new day according to the Julian account, which begins the day from Midnight; yet afterwards we must not reckon that these Tekupha's change their places so as to be on a new day after the same account, till the end of the 127 years after.

I conclude therefore (this rule observed) that the Tekupha's change their places one day by the end of 127 years, and must be therefore set either backward or forward, according to the time propounded wherein we seek them: which the late Jews not observing, have them now not in their right places, although by them they still divide the year into four Quarters.

But of this enough: onely let me adde a Table, therein to shew how much the anticipation commeth to in any year desired, from one to six thousand: And after that another Table for the more ready finding the particular day of ei­ther Equinox.

A Table by which may be found how much the Equinoctiall antici­pateth in any year desired, from one to six thousand.
Years. Dayes. Houres. Minutes. Seconds. Thirds.
1 0 0 11 20 19
2 0 0 22 40 38
3 0 0 34 0 57
4 0 0 45 21 16
5 0 0 56 41 35
6 0 1 8 1 54
7 0 1 19 22 13
8 0 1 30 42 32
9 0 1 42 2 51
10 0 1 53 23 10
20 0 3 46 46 20
30 0 5 40 9 30
40 0 7 33 32 40
50 0 9 26 55 50
60 0 11 20 19 0
70 0 13 13 42 10
80 0 15 7 5 20
90 0 17 0 28 30
100 0 18 53 51 40
120 0 22 40 38 0
127 1 0 0 0 13
200 1 13 47 43 20
300 2 8 41 35 0
400 3 3 35 26 40
500 3 22 29 18 20
600 4 17 23 10 0
700 5 12 17 1 40
800 6 7 10 53 20
900 7 2 4 45 0
1000 7 20 58 36 40
2000 15 17 57 13 20
3000 23 14 55 50 0
4000 31 11 53 26 40
5000 39 8 52 3 20
6000 47 5 50 40 0
Another TABLE more readily to finde the day of either Equinox, by knowing either the year of the WORLD, year of the Julian Pe­riod, or common year of CHRIST.
Year of the World Year of the Julian Period. Vernall E­quinox Autumnall Equinox Yeare of Christ.
1 710 Aprill 23 October 27 0
96 805 Aprill 22 October 26 0
223 932 Aprill 21 October 25 0
350 1059 Aprill 20 October 24 0
477 1186 Aprill 19 October 23 0
604 1313 Aprill 18 October 22 0
731 1440 Aprill 17 October 21 0
858 1567 Aprill 16 October 20 0
985 1694 Aprill 15 October 19 0
1112 1821 Aprill 14 October 18 0
1239 1948 Aprill 13 October 17 0
1366 2075 Aprill 12 October 16 0
1493 2202 Aprill 11 October 15 0
1620 2329 Aprill 10 October 14 0
1747 2456 Aprill 9 October 13 0
1874 2583 Aprill 8 October 12 0
2001 2710 Aprill 7 October 11 0
2128 2837 Aprill 6 October 10 0
2255 2964 Aprill 5 October 9 0
2382 3091 Aprill 4 October 8 0
2509 3218 Aprill 3 October 7 0
2636 3345 Aprill 2 October 6 0
2763 3472 Aprill 1 October 5 0
2890 3599 March 31 October 4 0
3017 3726 March 30 October 3 0
3144 3853 March 29 October 2 0
3271 3980 March 28 October 1 0
3398 4107 March 27 Septemb. 31 0
3525 4234 March 26 Septem. 29 0
3652 4361 March 25 Septem. 28 0
3779 4488 March 24 Septem. 27 0
3906 4615 March 23 Septem. 26 0
4033 4742 March 22 Septem. 25 29
4160 4869 March 21 Septem. 24 156
4287 4996 March 20 Septem. 23 283
4414 5123 March 19 Septem. 22 410
4541 5250 March 18 Septem. 21 537
4668 5377 March 17 Septem. 20 664
4795 5504 March 16 Septem. 19 791
4922 5631 March 15 Septem. 18 918
5049 5758 March 14 Septem. 17 1045
5176 5885 March 13 Septem. 16 1172
5303 6012 March 12 Septem. 15 1299
5430 6139 March 11 Septem. 14 1426
5557 6266 March 10 Septem. 13 1553
5684 6393 March 9 Septem. 12 1680

CHAP. V. Of the Periods of Time by which the Yeares of the World may be truly reckoned. As also of the Jubilees; how to account them, where also to begin and end them.

THe first Period is from the beginning of the Creation, in the latter end of October, to the end of Noah's Flood; and containeth the number of 1657. yeares compleat: the full end not being till the yeare 1658. was begun.

The second is from the end of the said Flood when Noah came out of the Arke, to the promise made to Abraham at the time of his departure from Charran into Canaan; and is a Period of Which in adding the Periods toge­ther must be added to 1658 and not to 1657. 427. yeares almost ended.

The third is from the promise, at Abrahams departure [Page 26]from Charran, to the comming of the Israelites out of Egypt, and doth containe the just number of 430. years.

The fourth is from the comming out of Egypt till King Salomon began the building of the Temple, in the fourth yeare of his reigne; and is a Period of 479. years compleat, or of 480. begunne.

The fifth is from the first founding of the Temple to the destruction thereof by Nebuchadnezzar, in the ninteenth yeare of his reigne almost ended, in the first yeare of the 48. Olympiad; and is a Period of 423. yeares, and about 103. dayes.

The sixth is from thence to the time that Zerobabell began againe to build it, in the second yeare of Darius King of Per­sia; and is a Period of 68. years and some dayes more.

The seventh is from thence to the beginning of Daniels LXX. weeks, in the twentieth yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus, when Jerusalem was againe fully restored, and the wals there­of built up and finished by Nehemiah, in a streight of time: this being a Period of 65. years, as shall be afterwards proved.

The eighth is from thence to the beginning of Christs Ministery, in the seventie and fourth Julian yeare, at the Au­tumne of the yeare of the Julian Period 4742. and is a Peri­od of 483. years: called by Daniel Seven weeks and Sixtie two weeks, as is recorded Dan. 9.25. These seven and sixtie two make sixtie nine, and end at Autumne: but Christ was baptized on the sixth of January before. In the beginning therefore of the seventieth (or last) week exactly, betweene the first and second Passeover after his Baptisme, when his Harbinger John had now finished his message, and was cast in­to Prison, (a time precisely and purposely noted in the E­vangelicall story) Christ first began to preach in Galilee the Gospell of the Kingdome, and proclaimed himselfe to be the MESSIAH. For after John was put in Prison, saith Marke 1.14. Jesus came into Galilee, preaching the Gospel of the Kingdome of God, and saying, [...] The time is fulfilled (that is, as Master Mede expounds it, the last [Page 27]Week of the seventy is come) and the Kingdome of God is at hand. From that time (saith Matthew cap. 4.17.) Jesus began to preach, and to say, Repent, for the Kingdome of Hea­ven is at hand. This was that day whereof Christ himselfe said at Nazareth, that that Scripture was fulfilled: The Spi­rit of the Lord is upon me because he hath annointed me to preach the Gospell to the poore, &c. and to preach the ac­ceptable year of the Lord, Luke 4.18.19. This the time and place whence Saint Peter reckoned the beginning of Christs Prophecy in his Sermon to Cornelius: That word (saith he) which was published through out all Judea, and began from Galilee after the Baptisme which John preached, &c. Acts 10.37. Learned Scaliger also here hath well observed: For though he expound Daniels Weekes otherwise then I have done; yet this he saith, Dimidium autem Septimanae pertinet ad praedicatio­nem Messiae, quod nemo ignorat: Scal. De E­mend. temp. lib. 6. edit. 1. Praedicatio autem non a Baptismo incipit, quod hactenus omnibus persuasum fuit, sed à vinculis Johannis Baptistae. Thus he; Who hereupon accounteth from the im­prisonment of John, to the Resurrection of Christ, three yeares and a halfe; saying, A vinculis Johannis & praedicati­one ad Resurrectionem, anni tres cum semisse. And againe, Male hactenus tempus Praedicationis a Baptismo definitum. Thus in his first Edition: and in his second, thus; Hinc incipit (saith he) praedicatio Christi. Meaning that from the imprisonment of John, between the first and second Passeover, was the begin­ning of Christs preaching.

The ninth is from hence to the Passion of Christ, in the middle of this last week, and is a Period of three years and six moneths: For in the fourth year of this week (three years and an halfe after Christ Jesus began his Prophecie) being made our High Priest, he offered himselfe upon the Crosse a Sacrifice for Sin, was dead, buried, and rose again: Then ascended up into heaven to be installed, and to sit at the right hand of God, and from thenceforth to reigne till he have subdued all his enemies under his feet. The time of this Period is confessed even by some among the Jewes: three years and a halfe the glory of God stood upon Mount Olivet [Page 28]and preached, saying, Seek the Lord while he may be found, call upon him while he is near; as Rabbi Janna noteth.

The next to this is the tenth Period, and is from the Passi­on of Christ to the end of the last Jubilee at the Autumne of the year foregoing the destruction of Jerusalem by the Ro­mans, containing the number of thirty six years and and a halfe, or thereabout.

This Rest or Jubilee was the last that ever the Jews saw in their owne Land: for in the next year after it was ended, their Temple and City was utterly destroyed, and they themselves cast out, even in the year of the World 4074. and year of the Julian Period 4783. Which year was also the se­ventieth year of Christ, according to the common account: the 115. Julian year, the second year of Vespasian, and year of Rome built 822.

And surely the Providence of God herein is clearly seen: for as they began their account for Rests and Jubilees in the last year of Moses, six moneths before they passed over Jordan, when they had conquered and began to possesse a part of that Land which God had given them for their Tribes to inherit: So in like manner this reckoning ended with them when the time was at hand that it should be taken a­way from them, and they cast out till the time of the fulnesse of the Gentiles come, Luke 21.24. And to this, in one place, doth Scaliger well agree: for though in his fifth book De emendatione Temporum, he begins this reckoning in the se­venth year after they came into Canaan; yet afterward in his seventh book, in his notes upon that Kalender called Computus Judaicus, he plainely saith; Ingressus Israelis in terram, est primus annus Septimanae. That is, the entrance of Israel into the Land, is the first year of the Week: And so I account; for the first year of the first Week was not ended untill the Autumne next after Joshua conducted the people of Israel o­ver Jordan.

This last year of Moses was in the year of the Julian Period 3263. Num. 32.33. when the Kingdome of Sihon King of the Amorites, and the Kingdome of Og King of Bashan, was conquered and given [Page 29]to the children of Gad, and to the children of Ruben, and to halfe the tribe of Manasseth the Son of Joseph for a possession: this conquest being about six moneths before Joshua passed over Jordan, as Codoman noteth. The seventh year from hence inclusively, was therefore the beginning of the first year of Rest, in the year of the Iulian Period And was the yeare of the Jews Period 2317. 3269. And the seventh seven in like manner the first Iubilee, in the year of the same Period 3311. and year of the World 2602.

But if it be so, that every Seventh Seven must be a Iubilee, Quest. then how could the Iubilee be the fiftieth year.

Well enough: Answ. For though the Iubilee fell alwayes into the Seventh Seven, yet neverthelesse it was the fiftieth year by including that year from whence the nine and forty exclu­sively were accounted. For if the year of Iubilee be reckoned otherwise, the commandement concerning the years of Rest for the Land could not be observed, but the whole order would be disturbed, and the eighth year in every Iubilee be accounted for a year of Rest, though it were indeed the first year of another Week, and a year in which they were to plow and sow their ground, Levit. 25.22. And that the manner of this reckoning may not seeme strange, I will shew you in a word or two some few other presidents, where­in the accounts are of the same nature. As for example: In Musick we call that an eighth which exclusively is but seven, and no wayes eight but by including the two extream Notes. So also we call a Quartaine Ague, which hath not four dayes but by including the two sick dayes. Christ likewise is said to arise the third day; which could not be but by including as well the day of his death and buriall, as of his Resurrecti­on: for on Friday he suffered; on Saturday was the Jewes Sabbath; and on Sunday in the morning (that being the first day of the week) he arose, Math. 16.21. Marke 16.2. And thus also it must be in the account for the year of Iubilee; which though it fall into the seventh Seven, is neverthelesse the fiftieth year by including the two extreme termes of the reckoning.

But if this be not enough for the cleare understanding of [Page 30]this difficulty, know we that here (as in all numbring) two things are to be considered: The parts numbered, and the manner of numbering. The parts numbered are three: namely, The two extreme termes; and the Middest, or what is between them: The manner of reckoning, that also is three-fold: The first is, when the middle numbers onely are accounted, and the two extreme termes excluded. The other, when the midst with both the extreme termes are in­cluded; and under this manner of reckoning is contained whatsoever is expressed by any Ordinal number. The third and last is, when the midst and one extreme terme onely is in­cluded, the other (which is the first terme) being excluded: and under this forme of reckoning falleth the true account of all such reckonings as are made by Cardinall numbers: For there be Ordinall numbers, and Cardinall numbers: By Cardinall numbers we inquire how many: And by Ordinall numbers we inquire of what Order the thing in question is. As for exam­ple, If the question be first concerning the number of years in a Jubilee; the answer then is, That there are but forty nine. But secondly, If the question be, of what order is the yeare of Jubilee, the answer then is, That it falleth into the fiftieth year: Both which the holy text doth well expresse. For thou shalt number unto thee (saith God unto Moses) seven Sabbaths of years, seven times seven years, and the space of se­ven Sabbaths of years shall be unto thee forty and nine years, Levit. 25.8. In which words we have the first question resolved; namely, of the number of years in a Jubilee, That they are but forty nine. Then for the second, Moses sheweth that also, at the tenth verse, saying, And ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, &c. Now that this fiftieth year was no other then the last year of the seventh Week, is plaine in regard that it is a question whose resolution is by Ordinall numbers, having the middle years with both the extreme termes included. That there­fore which learned Junius hath noted upon this text of Moses, Jun. edit. 2. is worth the marking. [And thou shalt hallow the fiftieth year] that is, saith he, The fiftieth year inclusively considered, as the Jews use to reckon. By which I doubt not but he mean­eth the ancient Jews, who had seen as well the observation [Page 31]of the Jubilee, as of the Passeover, which Maimonides never did: and therefore the lesse reason had Broughton and Ains­worth to follow him in this particular; especially consider­ing that the Period or Cycle of the Jews, Hillel set forth this Pe­riod, anno dom. 358. but Mai­mon was not till about the year of Christ 1180. which they call Aera Mundi (set forth long before Maimon lived) will allow of no interruption of the Sabbaticall years, but granteth them to succeed orderly each to other: the dividing of it else by seven could never shew any one true year of the Rest. And if so, then must the Jubilee necessarily fall into the seventh seven, and not into the year next after it: for if the Iubilee be not till the year next after the seventh seven, then must the year next af­ter that be accounted but for the first year of a new Week, which is manifestly false: for if that supposed first year be divided by seven, it will not have one, but two remaining. The like method is to be observed for finding the Sabbaticall years by dividing the year of the Iulian Period, in any year after the death of Moses, by seven: for if nothing remaine, then doth the Autumne of the year divided begin a year of Rest or Sabbath to the Land: if one remaine, then about Au­tumne the first year of Sowing beginneth; if two, then the second: And so of all the other years, according to what re­maineth. As for example, the 150. year of the Grecians (when Eupator besieged Ierusalem) was in the year of the Iulian Period 4551. which being divided by seven, hath one remain­ing: and therefore that year was Sabathicall unto the Au­tumne thereof, 1 Maccab. 6. Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 14. So also for the year when Simon the Father of Hyrcanus was slain, Joseph ontiq. lib. 13 c. 15. it was in the year of the Iulian Period 4579. before the year of the Grecians 177. was ended: which year of the said Period be­ing divided by seven, hath also one remaining; and was therefore Sabbaticall untill the Autumne thereof. So also for the year when Herod took Ierusalem, it was when M. Agrippa and L. Canidius Gallus were Consuls, in the year of the Iulian Period 4677. the ninth Julian year, and year of the City 716. Now this year of the said Period being like­wise divided by seven, hath also one remaining; and was therefore a Sabbathicall year, or year of Rest, from the Au­tumne [Page 32]before until the Autumn thereof: and so Iosephus shew­eth, in his Antiquities, l. 14. c. 28. By which three examples all the other Sabbathicall years are knowne to be rightly fixed, and may be evermore found by the method aforesaid: yea though the head of their reckoning should not take place, untill either the seventh or fourteenth year of Ioshua.

Some I know (and they no meane Authours) begin this account at that Division of the Land which was in the seventh year of Ioshua, when Caleb was eighty five years old. But because the Land was not fully divided then, nor the Tribes sent home untill Ioshua caused a further Division to be made, and then sent the Tribes home to their possessions, therefore have others deferred the head of this reckoning till then: Bonfrer. in Exod. 23.12. that is, till the fourteenth year of Ioshua. Bonfrerius in his Comment upon Exodus, as he is cited by Philippus in his Chronology, observes the same; saying, Duae fuerunt distributiones terrae, &c. There were (saith he) two Divisions of the Land: the one in Gilgal, about the seventh or eighth year after the entrance thereinto: the other in Shiloh some years after. At the first, the Division was but begun, not fi­nished: yea, for certaine causes put off, and to be accounted as if nothing had been done: From the latter therefore (in his judgement) the Sabbathical year ought to be reckoned. Philip in Chonology Adding moreover, and saying; Hebraei idem sentiunt, qui Sab­bata terrae à decimo quarto anno ab ingressu computant. Hereunto agree sundry others; as Masius, Magalianus, Menochius, and Wolphius in his first book De Tempore, Wolphius De Temp. pag. 61. where he hath words to the same purpose, saying; The Sabbaths of the Holy Land neither were nor could be observed before the possession thereof: which he meanes to be then when it was fully di­vided, and the Tribes brought home to their possessions from helping their brethren, Ioshua 22.4.

All this I know, and finde to be the opinions of Scaliger, Bucholcerus, Calvisius, Alstedius, Armachanus, & of those other Au­thors aforesaid. Howbeit, because the Jubilees doe afford the bestharmony, if they begin when the Jews were ready to passe over Iordan into the promised Land, and end when they were [Page 33]ready to be cast out, I hold me to what I mentioned first. For though they who strive for the fourteenth year of Joshua have said enought to remove the head of this reckoning from the seventh of Joshua, in regard that the Land was not fully conquered then, nor the Tribes sent home till after­ward: yet is not their argument strong enough to six it in the time they strive for. For if the observation of this ac­count had been deferred so long, it had been an argument of great neglect, especially in them who had their Parts or Portions long before. The two tribes and the halfe had their inheritance at the very first on the other side of the ri­ver, before the other passed over Jordan; and there they left their Cattell, Wives, and Children: which happened to­wards the end of the last year of Moses already mentioned. After which, by such time as they were gone over, they had no more Manna, but lived on the annuall fruits of the Land, and did rather (as day by day they came into their hands) husband in common the Fields, Vineyards, and Olive-yards, then spoyle and wast them. And as they husbanded them in common, so by virtue of that Law which belonged to them all, they all of them (as well on the one side of the river as the other) let the Land rest by a joynt consent, in the seventh year after they, or any of them, began to possesse any part of it: and had at that Rest as much particularly divided a­mong some other of the Tribes, as was then conquered: the rest of the Land being as well undivided as fully con­quered untill the seventh year after, which was the second seven, and thirteenth (not fourteenth) year of Joshua.

CHAP. VI. Of the Julian Period, and how to joyn the years of the World thereunto.

THe Julian Period is an Astronomical Cycle artificially composed and invented by Joseph Scaliger, who by a con­tinued [Page 34]multiplication of three Cycles used in the Julian year ( viz. the Cycle of the Sun, Moon, and Roman Indiction) found out a Period of 7980. years, in the which those Cycles returne againe to their first numbers: and though by reason of that artificiall composition of it we finde that it reacheth beyond the first year of the World, yet is it of singular use both for the right computation of the Julian year in all Ages, even before the institution therefore by Julius Cesar, as also to record the allowed and granted distances of all times in Chronological accounts; the 4713. year thereof ex­actly agreeing with the year foregoing the first year of the common account of our Saviours birth; that first year being also the first year of the first Period of Dionysius Exiguus: ac­cording to the beginning of whose first Period, we vulgarly account the year of Christs birth, though it faileth four years of the true time, as afterward shall be shewed. Adding this now as not impertinent, that by putting 709. to any year of the World, we have the year of the Julian Period: so on the contrary, by taking 709. out of any year of the Iulian Period, we have the year of the World as perfectly and exactly as may be; onely with this Proviso, that the year of the Iuli­an Period begins on the first of January, and the year of the World not untill the Vernall Equinox next after.

And know further, that by applying this Rule to the Pe­riods a foregoing, it will appeare that the first year of the World fell into the year of the Iulian Period 710. The Flood into the year of the Julian Period 2366. and year of the World 1657. The Promise into the year of the Julian Period 2794. and year of the World 2085. The comming out of Egypt in­to the year of the Julian Period 3224. and year of the World 2515. The foundation of Salomons Temple into the year of the Julian Period 3703. and year of the World 2994. The de­struction thereof by Nebuchadnezzar, into the year of the Iuli­an Period 4126. and year of the World 3417. The second year of Darius King of Persia into the year of the Iulian Peri­od 4194. and year of the World 3485. The beginning of Da­niels seventy Weeks into the year of the Julian Period 4259. [Page 35]and year of the World 3550. The first year of Christs Mi­nistery into the year of the Julian Period 4742. and year of the World 4033. The passion of Christ into the year of the Julian Period 4746. and year of the world 4037. And last of all the Destruction of Ierusalem by the Romans into the year of the Julian Period 4783. and year of the World 4074.

CHAP. VII. Other Observations concerning the Times in their Periods, untill the Destruction of the Temple by Nebuchadnezzar.

IN the year of the Julian Period 710. the Creation began; The Creation as by the former Periods appeareth: The precise time of which beginning seemeth to be at the evening of the twenty three day of Aprill. For by the primitive practise of Gods owne example, the day was from evening to evening; and was so commanded also afterward by a written Law, in Lev. 23.32. To speak therefore of the divine institution of na­turall dayes, we are to say that the evening as well as the morning, is pertinent to one and the same day, but make not up the whole day: for the whole day naturally, is that which we call in Greek [...], and is a day of day and night together. And therefore in that phrase of Moses [the Evening and the Morning were the first Day] is a Synecdoche, by which the beginning of the night and of the day, is put for the whole night and day; a [...] by that before pointed at in Leviticus may be seen: for there the day is reckoned from even to even, as being that which (if we respect the progresse of the Worlds Creation) naturally and indeed is a true day, although the artificiall day be but from the Sun-rising to the setting thereof.

This being premised, I take the beginning of the Creation to be, according to the Julian account, on the twenty three [Page 36]day of Aprill at evening: so that the first day of the World was not ended till the evening of the twenty fourth day. The second day was after the same manner Aprill the twenty five. The third, Aprill the twenty six. The fourth, Aprill the twenty seventh: On which day the Sun, Moon and Stars were made, and set in the firmament of Heaven: The Sun pro­bably in that part thereof which we now call the fourth de­gree of Aries. The fifth day was Aprill the twenty eight. The sixth, Aprill the twenty nine: that being the very day when the Sun and Moon were first of all in Conjunction: which was therefore the first day of the moneth, and might well by Adam be accounted so, because it was also the very first day that ever he saw. Of Adam and his fall. Now that on this Day Adam sell, divers of the Learned (both Jews and Christians) think: but it is a Tenet scarcely probable, not onely in regard of the multi­tude and variety of things don on the day that he was made, both before and after his Creation; but also because this sixth day concluded by Moses with these words: And God beheld all that he had made, and loe it was exceeding good: So the Evening and the Morning were the sixth day, Gen. 1.31. More like it is that Adam fell on the twelf day of May to­ward Gen. 3.8. Evening, when the fourteenth day of the first moneth was ending, and the fifteenth (which was on the sixth day of the week) ready to begin: which time and day agree very well to the institution of the first Passeover, Exod. 12. as al­so to the eating of the last Passeover and crucifying of Christ on the sixth day of the Week, and fifteenth day of the moneth: For on that day Christ dyed, even as on that day (4037. years before) Christ was promised to Adam, who had fallen as it were the day before, towards evening; as already hath been said. In this year the Cycle of the Sun was ten, the Dominicall letter B. the Cycle of the Moon seven, the Equi­nox at evening on the twenty three day of Aprill when the creation began, and the New Moon (or first day of the first moneth) on the nine and twenty day of Aprill feria sexta, which was the sixth day of the Week as hath been said, and is exactly true according to Calculation.

Also, to the year of the Julian Period 2366. The Flood. when the Flood came, the Cycle of the Sun was 14. the Dominicall letter D. and the Cycle of the Moon ten: The Vernall Equinox was on the tenth of Aprill, and the Autumnall on the four­teenth of October. By which is gathered that the first day of the first moneth, in this year of the Flood was on the twenty one day of Aprill, feria tertia: the beginning of every moneth ordinarily being according to the Phasis or first vision of the Moon, which in the Land of Israel (and the parts there­about) might for the most part be by eleven hours and thirty minutes after the time of the mean Conjunction.

And at no time could she be hid longer then 28. hours and 30. minu. as the learned Jews have told us. Now the first day on the first Moneth being on the 21 day of Aprill, sheweth that the 17. day of the second Moneth when the Flood began, was on the fifth of June feria sexta, even on the same day of the weeke on which the Beasts and Man was made. So that as on the sixth day of the week both Man and Beast were crea­ted, in like manner on the very same day of week the Flood began by which they were destroyed.

Know also that this first Moneth, or the first Moneth of this yeere, had but 29. dayes. The Second, third, fourth, fifth and sixth had 30 dayes a peice. The seventh 28. the last of which was on the 13 day of October. The eighth had 30. The ninth 29. The tenth 30. The eleventh 29. And the twelfth 30. the last of which was on the tenth day of Aprill in the yeare of the Julian Period 2367. So that the 27 day of the second Moneth in the said yeare, was on the same day that the Flood began in the yeare before; even on the fifth of June, which now was Sabbath day, on the which Noah came out of the Arke and offered Sacrifice, at the very time of a full year of dayes after the Flood began, Gen. 8.14.

The reason of which reckoning thus, is this: namely, Note this; it is no meane Character of a right time. That though the Ancients even in the times of Noah and Abraham used to begin their Moneth à prima [...], or from the 1. sight of the Moon; yet if the Moon could not be seen by reason of clouds, they then accounted 30 dayes for every such Moneth, though to some of them there would have been but 29 if the [Page 38]first sight of the Moon had been hindred.

Now in such a wet cloudie time as we may certainly con­ceive it to be when the Flood came, the Moon must needs be obscured and hid for many dayes; not only the 40 dayes and nights when it rained continually, but even to the end of the CL. on which if some raine had not fallen, but that the skie had been clear & without clouds, there would in all probabi­lity have been an abatement of the waters before those 150. dayes were ended: but no abatement was till then, if the words be taken as they Originally signifie in Gen. 8.3.

And now why the seventh Moneth here mentioned had but 28 dayes, is because after the 150. dayes were ended, the Aire began to be cleare, insomuch that Noah knew when to begin the next Moneth by sight of the Moon: upon which I believe it was that Berosus said, Noah ordered the yeare to the course of the Sun, and the Moneth to the course of the Moon. For as Wolphius truly gathereth out of Gen. Wolph De Temp. lib. 1. pag. 21. 8.22. Noah was not the first Author of the ancient yeare: but the yeare being somewhat interrupted by the Flood was by him brought backe to the old ancient forme, which he taught his poste­rity.

But now for the finding out of this eighth Moneth, Noah I say knew when to begin it by the first sight of the Moon, which at Babylon and the parts thereabouts was on the 14. day of October in the yeare of the Julian Period 2366, after which Noah was in the Arke untill the 27 day of the second Moneth, and then came forth, even to the fifth day of June which was a Sabbath day and a just Solar year after the Flood began.

And note that the day on which the Arke rested upon Mount Ararat was the second day of November, in the yeare of the Julian Period 2366. for that was the seventeenth day of the seventh Moneth, and the next after the last of CL. dayes that the Waters prevailed. For (I said before) the waters prevailed 150. dayes, of which the 40 dayes of the continu­all rain were part; else how could the Arke rest on the seven­teenth day of the seventh Moneth? we are sure enough it did, Gen. 8.4.

But it is objected, Object. that acording to this rule the Arke must rest the very day the waters began to abate: which is not like, both in regard that they were fifteene Cubits above the highest Mountaines, and likewise in regard that it was above two Moneths after, before the tops of the highest Mountaines appeared. Answ.

Not so. The tops of the Mountaines; but not the tops of the highest Mountaines. For the Mountaine tops appea­ring on the first day of the tenth Moneth, were rather the tops of the Iower and inferiour Hils, then of the highest Mountaines. And for the ark resting on the Ararat two Mo­neths before; to that I answer: namely thus. The Arke was a vast body; and being so vast a body as it was, it could not chuse but draw many Cubits of water. Now suppose this proportion to be XI Cubits (and so many it might well be;) And if XI. then will it follow that the bottome of the Ark could never be more then foure Cubits from the tops of of the highest hils: and in one day (and lesse) those 4 Cubits (and more) might easily be abated. Nor may this seeme strange: for though the depth from the tops of the highest Hils, to the superficies of the Iower grounds, were as great as 30 furlongs (of which height they say Mount Tabor is;) yet by confidering in what time that space was dryed up, and drawing the abatement into a proportion, it will easi­ly appeare that even to the first day may be allowed more by farre then foure Cubits. See Doctor Willet on Genesis, and there you shall find, That some who have proportioned the full time of abatement (which was from the seven­teenth day of the seventh Moneth, to the first day of the first Moneth) with the space from the height to the highest Mountaines, have allowed 37. Cubits and an halfe for every day. But Igrant not every dayes abatement to be alike, because the greatest compasse above must have the lesser abatement; yet neverthelesse the first day might well have so much as would suffer the Arke to rest so soone as it did on the high Mountaines of Ararat: upon which Moses saith it rested on the seventeenth day of the seventh Moneth, CL. dayes after [Page 40]the beginning of the Flood. What more concerns the Flood shall be handled afterward.

Terah dyed in the year of the Julian Period 2794, The Promise. and (as may be conjectured) not many dayes before the Promise was made to Abraham, who hereupon departed out of Haran, from his Kindred and his Fathers house, when he had almost finished the seventy fifth of his age, even in the year of the World 2085. Now in this year the Cycle of the Sun was twenty two, the Dominicall letter A. the Cycle of the Moon one, and the Vernall Equinox Aprill the seventh. By which is gathered that the first day of the first moneth, called after­ward Nisan, was one the 31. day of March, feria sexta. The next moneth began Aprill the twenty nine, feria septima: The Promise might be then. After which Abraham de­parted out of Haran on the third or fourth of May, when the Sun was in the twenty six or twenty seventh degrees of Aries, in which place it was 430. years after on the twenty nine or thirtieth of Aprill, when Israel came out of Egypt, as you shall see by and by in that which I am to mention next.

For in the next place the time of the comming out of Egypt is to be considered. The Exodus or comming out of Egypt This was in the year of the Julian Peri­od 3224. and in the year of the World 2515. In this year the Equinox was on the third day of Aprill, feria septima: The Cycle of the Sun was four, the Dominicall letter C. and the Cycle of the Moon thirteen. By which is gathered that the first day of Abib or Nisan was on the sixteenth day of A­prill, feria sexta: the Israelites therefore killed and eat the Passeover on the twenty ninth day of April, w ch was the four­teenth day of the moneth, feria quinta. After midnight they are driven out of Egypt, and sent away in haste: and therefore their comming from thence is to be reckoned on the thir­teenth day of Aprill, which was the sixth day of the Week; even as on the same day of the Week Christ purchased a bet­ter Redemption by the blood of the Crosse. In all which I doe much admire at the wonderfull Providence of God, in disposing of the times so exactly and harmoniously: For as on the sixth day of the Week Man was made, and Christ suf­fered; [Page 41]So on the sixth day of the weeke Israel was delivered out of the Egyptian bondage, on the very next day after the Passeover, even as on the next day after the Passeover Christ our Passeover was sacrificed for us, 1 Cor. 5.7. to free us from the bon dage of Sinne and Sathan. In this year at this time, the Sunne was in the 27. degree of Aries: Abraham therefore by an exact account (having received the promise) went out of Haran on the fourth day of May 430. yeares before, when the Sunne was also in the same point of Heaven that he was in now. And why on the fourth of May, rather then on the thir­tieth of Aprill, was in regard of the anticipation of the Equi­noctiall; which, if we will reckon precisely, is to be obser­ved, because (as hath been shewed) the Julian yeare agreeth not exactly to the course of the Sunne. But to go on: The History of the Exod. 16.1. Manna doth also well accord to this, viz. that the day of the comming out of Egypt should be on the fixth day of the weeke: and in that is another sparke of Gods Providence; witnesse the fifteenth day of the second Moneth, Another Cha­racter of a right time. which by accounting nine and twenty dayes to the first Mo­neth, fell into the seventh day of the weeke on which the Is­raelites murmured, had Quailes at even, and on the morrow morning Manna; which they gathered six dayes, but on the seventh day they found none, Exod. 16.26. By which we see not onely the two and twentieth day of the second mo­neth was Sabbath day, but also that the first Manna fell on the first day of the Week, now called the Lords day in me­mory of our Saviours Resurrection, and hath been the Christians Sabbath ever since: and for the first moneth to have but 29 dayes, Let this be re­membred: for it is a Rule to me in all the moneths in e­very year. is more consentaneous to the motion of the Moon, then to have 30 before the odd houres arise to a day, which is not till the second moneth: The first moneth therefore hath but 29 dayes, though the second hath 30. For in one moneth (according to the meane motion of the Moon, from one Conjunction to another) we have but 29 dayes, 12 houres, 44 minutes, three seconds, and 12 thirds. I account therefore that the Israelites came out of Egypt when the nine and twentieth day of April was ending, and the thir­tieth [Page 42]beginning. I account likewise that the first Manna fell on the thirtieth day of May, feria prima: and consequently that the nine and twentieth day of May and fifth of June were Sab­bath dayes; the one on the fifteenth day of the second mo­neth, and the other on the two and twentieth.

That which I shall mention next is the year of the Julian Period 3703. The Temple founding. and year of the World 2994. in which year King Salomon laid the foundation of the Temple on the se­cond day of the second moneth. The Cycle of the Sun was seven, the Dominicall letter F. the Vernall Equinox upon the one and thirty day of March, and the Cycle of the Moon seventeen. By which is gathered that the first day of Nisan was on the last day of March, feria prima: and consequently that King Salomon began to build the Temple on the last day of Aprill, which was the second day of the second moneth, feria tertia: for on the second day of the second moneth this great work was begun, as may be seen in 2 Chronicles 3.2. This was the fourth year of King Salomon, and after the com­ming out of Egypt the 480. not compleate but current. For indeed there were but 479. years fully finished, which with respect had to the place of the Sun at both times, and the anticipation of the Equinoctiall from the comming of Egypt to this time of the Temple, doth shew the end of their reck­oning to be on the twenty six or twenty seventh day of A­prill, three or four dayes and no more before the Temple was founded. Thus then from the comming out of Egypt to the beginning of the building of the Temple were 479. years and about four dayes: it was founded therefore in the 480. year after the comming out of Egypt, as is mentioned in 1 Kings 6.1.

The next that I shall mention is the year of the Julian Pe­rion 3710. The Temple dedicated. It was the eleventh year of King Salomon, and year when the Temple was dedicated, 1 Kings c. 6. ver. 38. and Chap. 8.2. The Cycle of the Sun was 14. the Dominical letter D. the Cycle of the Moon five, the Vernall Equinox March the 31. and the Autumnall Equinox October the fourth. By which is gathered that the first day of the seventh moneth [Page 43]called Tisri was on the fifth day of October, feria secunda; and that the Dedication began Octob. the eleventh, feria prima. This was 3000. years after the Creation, even in the year of the World 3001. The Kalender of which Moneth is as followeth.

TISRI. October. Tisri, the seventh moneth, An. Mundi 3001. & anno Per. Jul. 3710. Cyclo ☉ 14. ☽ 5. In which Yeer and Moneth the Temple was dedicated, 1 Kin. 8.2.
1 5   E  
2 6   F  
3 7   G  
4 8   A  
5 9   B  
6 10   C Sabbath-day:  
7 11   D 1. The first day of the Dedication.
8 12   E 2. The second day.
9 13   F 3. The third day.
10 14   G 4. The fourth day. This (being the 10. day of the moneth) was the Ex­piation day.
11 15   A 5. The fifth day.
12 16   B 6. The sixth day.
13 17   C 7.
The 7 th d. of the Dedicat. W ch was also Sab. Day
14 18   D 8. The 8 th d. on w ch was a solemn Assembly, 2 Chr. 7.9
15 19   E 1. ¶ The first day of the Feast of Tabernacles, Le­vit. 23.24.
16 20   F 2. The second day.
17 21   G 3. The third day.
18 22   A 4. The fourth day.
19 23   B 5. The fift day.
20 24   C 6. The sixt day of the Feast, which was now Sab­bath-day.
21 25   D 7. The seventh day.
22 26   E 8. The last and great day of the Feast.
23 27   F On this day (being the 23. of the moneth) Salomon sendeth the People away, 2 Chron. 7.10.
24 28   G  
25 29   A  
26 30   B  
27 31   C  
28 1 Novemb. D  
29 2 E  

This seventh Month being ended there was nothing wan­ting to the Temple for the quite compleating of it where­upon it is (as Codoman noteth) that in 1 Kings 6.38. the Tem­ple is said to be finished in the eighth Moneth, in the eleventh year of King Salomon: That is, It was then finished in all the parts thereof, and according to all the fashion and Ordi­nances of it both within and without. Or as the marginall reading in our last translation expresseth, It was then finished with all the appurtenances, and with all the Ordinances ther­of. Which is as Bucholcerus observeth. It was dedicated (saith he) in the Moneth Ethanim; and in the following Moneth Bul it was finished with all the Ʋtensils thereof.

All which considered, we shall not need to drive the dedica­tion into the twelfth yeare of King Salomon, as some have done: for if it were not dedicated till then, it must necessari­ly follow that it lay void for a whole year together after it was finished, which is very unlike.

Beside, that this was the right year of the dedication, I can further demonstrate by the courses of the Priests which ser­ved in the Temple till Nebuchadnezzar destroyed it: for we may easily beleeve that in the first Sabbath of the dedication, the course of Joarib began, which we here see to be on the seventeenth day of October. To which time if we add 224. Julian yeares (in which space the courses returne to the same day againe) we shall come to the year of the Julian Period 3934. on the seventeenth day of October. After which we have 192. years more before we can come to the year of the Julian Period 4126. in which the Temple was destroyed; noting these 192. yeares to end on the seventeeenth day of October likewise. And in 192. yeares we find 417. courses with 72. dayes over and above: which 72 dayes being taken out of the number of dayes which were from the beginning of that year of the Julian Period to the said seventeenth day of October, do direct us to the sixth day of August which then was Sab­bath day and the course of Joarib: even that course of his in which the Temple was destroyed.

For when the Temple was destroyed it was the watch and [Page 45]course of Joarib, as the Jews have told us in their Seder Olam rabba: the course I say of Joarib: and IX. of Ab; which day is noted by them to be the next after the Sabbath, and the next after the Weekes end, as Master Livelie expoundeth the Hebrew text of that testimony.

And thus having done with this, The Temple destroyed by Nebuchadnez­zar. I go on to the year of the Julian Period 4126, which was the nineteenth yeare of Nebu­chadnezzar when the Temple and City were destroyed. The Cycle of the Sun was 10. the Dominicall letter B. the Cy­cle of the Moon 3. and the Vernall Equinox on the 27 day of March. Calvisius I am sure, and Scaliger as I remember, reckon this Destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, to be in the year of the Julian Period 4124. But they faile of the true time. For in that yeare the first day of the first Moneth could not be any day later then the 27. day of March, and that was feria quinta: whereas if it be the true time, it should be rather feria prima. Petavius is for the next yeare, viz. 4125. But in that year take either the Conjunction in March, or in Aprill, and neither will serve. For the one conjunction casts the first of Nisan into the fifteenth of March, feria secunda; and the o­ther into the thirteenth of Aprill, feria tertia: This therefore could not be the yeare neither, as appeareth by the day of the weeke before mentioned on which the IX. day of A [...] must be.

Langius, in his booke De annis Christi, pitcheth upon the yeare of the Julian Peried 4117: but therein hath also failed of the true time; not only because he is thereupon inforced to alter the reigne of Nabopollassar; but also because the 40. yeares that Ezekiel saith Egypt was under Babel, will thereby be ended before their right time. For Egypt had not shaken off that yoke till after Cyrus had conquered Babylon, as is more then once recorded by Xenophon, and approved therein by men of no meane learning, and particularly by Jacobus Armachanus in his Annals of holy Scripture.

I do undoubtingly therefore conciude the right yeare to be the year of the Julian Period 4126. in which year the first of Nisan was on the third day of Aprill feria prima: and the IX. of Ab. on the seventh day of August, which was also feria [Page 46]prima: at which time Joarib was in his course, having en­tred on it August the 6. feria Septima, for that the IX. of Ab was on the Eve of the Sabbath; I do not understand it other­wise then of the Eve ending the Sabbath; at which time the Enemie entred into the Temple to destroy it; even in the Course of Joarib. And thereupon it is that the Jewes in mournfull manner (according to the institution of their great Synedrion) use to sing thus:

Die nona mensis Ab, bora Vespertini temporis,
Quum essem in Ʋigilia mea, Ʋigilia Joarib,
Introiit hostis, & Sacrificia sua obtulit,
Ingressus est in Sanctuarium injussu Dei.

Thus they, as their words sound in the Latine. But in this we are to note, that albeit the enemy entred into the Temple to destroy it on the ninth of Ab and course of Joarib, yet the said Temple was not burnt untill the next day: for it was on the tenth day of the fifth moneth; as the Pro­phet sheweth, in Jerem. 52.12. And note also that on some part of Jerusalem the fire was kindled sooner, even three dayes before, 2 Kings 25.8. burning from the seventh day untill the tenth. For so those two texts (in Jeremiah and the second book of the Kings) may well enough be reconciled. And note last of all, that the City was broken up and Zede­chia taken a full moneth before: viz. on the ninth day of the fourth moneth, 2 Kings 25.3. which (according to our Julian Kalender) was this year on the eighth day of Iuly, fe­ria sexta. So then, the City was broken up on the eigthh of Iuly; and the Temple burnt on the eighth of August.

And as for that which Scaliger alledgeth out of that book of the Jews which they call Liber Angariarum, wherein is written that they fast on the fifth day of the week, as if on that day of the week the Temple was burnt by the Chal­deans. To that I answer, that as in speaking of the ninth of Ab, they doe one day antedate the account of the Prophet Ieremiah for the day of the moneth: so in like manner they doe here antedate one day of the week, and make that to be on the fifth day of the week, which by comparing their [Page 47]testimony with another Scriptures) appeareth to be on the 6th day of the Weeke. For if according to the Seder Olam, the ninth of Ab were on the first day of the week, then must the seventh of Ab be on the sixth day of the week, and to be that day on which the Chaldeans began to set fire on some part of Ierusalem; as already hath been shewed out of 2 Kin. 25.8.

Moreover Sealiger and some others have supposed that this year of the destruction of the Temple by Nebuchadnezzar must be Sabbathicall from the Autumne before: and this they say the Prophet Jeremy confirmeth, in the 28. chapter of his prophecy, at the first verse: where he sheweth that when Ze­dechia began to reign, it was the fourth year; which they take to be the fourth year of a week from the Autumne be­fore. And if so, then will the fourth year of his reigne be Sabbathicall till the Autumne thereof: and if his fourth year, then his eleventh or last year in like manner. Nor was this (say they) but that year of Rest which the same Prophet men­tions in the 34 chapter of his prophecy, where we read that when Nebuchadnezzar had raised his seige from Jerusalem to goe against the King of Egypt, the Jewes took againe their Man-servants and Maide-servants, which they had a little before set at liberty, because it was a Sabbathicall year, and would not let them goe free as the Law required in Deut. 15.12.

To which I answer, that the clearing of this dependeth upon the resolution of that doubt which concerneth that year in which the false Prophet Hananiah resisted Jeremiah, and dyed because he taught rebellion against the Lord, and perswaded the people (contrary to the prophecy of Jeremiah) that Nebuchadnezzars yoke must not be endured 70 years, but that within two full years it must be broken. Which story is at large set downe in the 27 and 28 Chapters of Ieremiah, and by Scaliger referred to the first year of Zedechia, who in­deed supposeth it to be the fourth year after a year of Rest: of which I see no reason, because the whole scope of the four and thirtieth Chapter doth demonstrate that year to be a [Page 48]year of Rest when Nebuchadnezzar laid his seige against Ieru­salem; which we know to be the ninth year of Zedechia, and tenth day of the tenth moneth, Ier. 52.4. Now this was in the year of the Julian Period 4124. on the seventh of Ianuary feria tertia; at which time the ninth of Zedechia was still running on, and was not ended till about the beginning of the fourth moneth next after. Nebuchadnezzar therefore be­gan to beseige Ierusalem on the seventh day of Ianuary in the year of the Julian Period 4124. which year was Sabbathicall from the Autumne before till the Autumne thereof, and was that Sabbathicall year in which the Jews let their servants goe free in the beginning thereof, thereby encouraging them to fight against the Chaldeans who then were come into the confines of Iudea, ser. 34.1. and fought againg the Cities thereof, Ierusa­lem not excepted, but had not yet laid their seige against it: for that was not untill the time before mentioned. How long this continued before the Egyptians came with an Army to succour Zedechia, by raising this first seige, is not expres­sed: Jer. 37.5. but that they came, and that the seige thereupon was raised, is certaine. This when the Jews perceived, and saw that the Chaldeans were gone from them to fight against the Egyptians, Jer. 37.10. they took their freed servants againe into bondage, vainely perswading themselves that the Chaldeans would come back no more, which proved farre otherwise. For Ne­buchadnezzar having put to flight the Army of Pharaoh, returns againe to Ierusalem, and on the fourth day of May, in the year of the Julian Period 4125. renewes his seige against it, viz. by reck­oning, first 390. and then forty dayes, Ezek. 4.5.6. for these put together doe make 430. & end on the eighth day of July: they must therfore begin on the fourth of May in the year next before that year in which they ended. 430. dayes before the City was broken up, as may be gathered out of the fourth Chapter of Ezekiel. This fourth day of May was on the two and twenty day of the second moneth, feria tertia: from whence the seige continued with­out any further interruption untill the City was taken, which was (as I said before) on the eighth day of July. When therefore we read in Ier. 32.1.2. that Nebuchadnezzars Army lay before Ierusalem in the tenth year of Zedechia, and eighteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar, it is to be understood of his lying against it after this renewing of his seige, and [Page 49]before the beginning of the fourth moneth: for about the end of the third moneth, or beginning of the fourth, was the beginning of Zedechia's eleventh year, and likewise of all the other years of his reigne; insomuch that his ninth year began at the same time, in the year of the Julian Period 4123 and was Sabbathicall from the Autumne thereof, untill the Autumne next after. From whence I conclude that if any part of Zedchia's ninth year was Sabbathicall, then could to his first year be the fourth after a Rest, but the sixth. Hananiah therefore dyed in no other then the fourth year of Zedechia, having resisted the Prophet Ieremiah from the begin­ning of Zedechia's reigne till then; as Iearned Iunius, in his Annotations upon the place, well observeth.

And as for the burning of the Temple, take this note fur­ther; viz. that the Temple was burnt before the full end of Nebuchadnezzars ninteenth year. 2 Kin. 25.8. For though at that time Zedechia had reigned eleven years compleat, yet was not Nebuchadnezzars ninteenth year fully finished, in regard that Nebuchadnezzar began his reigne something later in the year then Zedechia did: for Zedechia began about the begin­ning of the fourth moneth, and Nebuchadnezzar began not till after the seventh day of the fifth moneth at the soonest, whose first year was in the end of Jehoiakims third year and beginning of his fourth, in the year of the Julian Period 4107. at the Summer time of that year: For in the Spring time of the year of the Julian Period 4104. towards the end of the second moneth, Iosiah was slain; Dan. 1.1. Jer. 25.1. Towards the end of the third the seige began: but not till the fourth was en­tred did God give Jehoia­kim into the hands of Ne­buchadnezzar. 2 Chro 36.6. after whom Iehoahaz reigned three moneths: Then, in the Summer time of the same year, Iehoaikim began; in the end of whose third year, and beginning of his fourth, was the first year of Nebuchad­nezzar, as comparing the Prophet Daniel to the Prophet Ie­remy may be seen: at which time his Father was alive, as Berosus sheweth. Moreover, in this year in the ninth moneth (and thats the reason why the Jews fast then) God gave Ie­hoiakim into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar: he was thereupon his prisoner, and bound in chaines to be carryed to Babylon, but went not; for afterwards, by an argreement of servitude, [Page 50]he was released and sent home, viz. in the But not till near the en­tring of the Spring quar­ter. beginning of the year of the Julian Period 4108. and so became his ser­vant 2 Kings 26.1. from whence the 70 years in Ieremy do undoubtedly take their beginning, Ier. cap. 25.2. and cap. 29.10. After this, Nebuchadnezzar prosecuting his victories, takes all that belonged to the King of Egypt, between the ri­ver of Egypt to the great river Euphrates: and in the mean while his Father dyed, after he had reigned one and twenty years, as Berosus and Ptolomy in his Mathematical Canon have declared. And now upon this Nebuchadnezzar is sent for home into Babylon, where he takes the whole Empire upon him, and reigneth from hence 43 years, as is testified by the Authours aforesaid: of which, more shall be spoken viz In cha. 11. An Eclipse in the fifth year of Nabopollas­sar. afterward.

And note that in the Julian Period 4093. was an Eclipse of the Moon, noted by Ptolomy to be in the year of Nabonassar 127. and fifth year of Nabopollassar; and so indeed there was. For though in this year of the Julian Period the sixth year of Nabopollassar began, yet the Eclipse was whilst the fifth year was still running on: for the Eclipse was on the 23 day of Aprill, 29 minutes past five in the morning; the sixth yeare not beginning untill some time after.

Shall I add any thing more? A list of the Kings of Ba­bylon from the beginning of Nabonassar. then take a list of the Kings of Babylon and their years from the beginning of Nabonassar, till the death of Nebuchadnezzar; which is as followeth.

Nabonassar began in the year of the Julian Period 3967. and reigned 14 years. Nadius two, Chozirus and Porus five, Ilulaeus five, Mardokempadius 12. Arcianus five. An Interregnum two, Belithus three; Apronadius six, Regebelus one, Mesessimorda­chus four; An Interregnum eight; Assaradinus 12 compleat, or 13 current. Saosduchaeus 20: his first was in the thirteenth or last of Assaradinus. Then Chyniladanus 22, Nabopollassarus 21. And after him Nebuchadnezzar 43. He reigned as it were Or one year and some odd moneths. two years with his Father; which, with the 43 after him, am­mount to 44 and some odd moneths.

The rest of the Kings after Nebuchadnezzar untill Cyrus shall be mentioned afterwards. Here therefore now is the end of this Chapter.

CHAP. VIII. The Periods againe considered, and all such doubts and scruples cleared as may arise concerning the just length of any of them: together with An­swers to certaine other Questions not imper­tinent.

SECT. I. Of the time from the Creation to the end of the Flood.

THat the Flood came in the year of the World 1656. is granted by almost al Chronologers: only some few have cast it into the year 1657. which I also take to be the right yeer, and have so accounted it: And that for these reasons.

First because it came not till Methuselah was dead; who be­ing born in the year of the World 688. (as by the ages of the Patriarches well appeareth) and living 969. years, must needs be a live till the year of the World 1656. was ended: The Flood therefore came not till the year of the World 1657. It is but a fabulous fancy to say that this Patriarch was alive and taken into Paradise: for unlesse his abode were with Noah in the Ark, the Waters of the Flood could not but drowne him. But as his name in the Hebrew signifieth, He dyeth, and the Emission or Dart (meaning the Flood) cometh.

Secondly, Noah was born (as doth also well appear by the ages of the Patriarchs) in the year of the World 1057. and lived 950 years: he dyed not therefore till the year of the World 2007. was begun. Out of which take 350. (for so long Moses saith Noah lived after the Flood) and there will remaine 1657. for the year when the Flood began.

And thirdly, the Mathematicall calculations already men­tioned agree well to that year.

But it is objected: If the Flood came not in the year of the World 1656. how then could it come in the six hun­dredth year of Noah; as Moses (in Gen. 7.11.) saith it did.

Well enough, For though the Six hundreth year of Noah was not ended till after that Moneth in which the Flood be­gan; yet it might be ended within some short time after. For though the years of the Patriarchs (both when they begat their children, and also when they themselves died) were full and compleat yeares: yet who can clearly prove that they were all born at one and the same time of the yeare. It is therefore to be observed that Moses beginns not his account of their yeares from the punctuall day of their Nativity, but rather from the beginning of the naturall yeare nearest and next af­ter the day of their birth, as learned Langius noteth. Patet id. (saith he) in Noacho. Anno namque quo diluvium finitum est ineun­te, primo die primo mensis, statim incipiti 601 Noachi, cum tamen mi­nime certum sit Noachum isto die aut tempore fuisse natum. Lang. l 2. pag. 253.

Reckon therefore thus: viz. That Seth was borne to Adam when Adam was fully and compleatly 130. yeares old: that is in the yeare of the world 131. Gen. 5.3. To which add 105. (theage of Seth when Enos was borne) and so will the birth of Enos be in the year of the world 236, Gen. 5.6. To which add 90. (the age of Enos when Kenan was born) so shall the birth of Kenan be in the yeare of the world 326. Gen 5.9. To which add 70 (the age of Kenan when Mahalaleel was borne, so shall the birth of Mahalaleel be in the yeare of the World 396. Gen. 5.12. To which add 65 the age of Mahalaleel when Jared was borne) so shall the birth of Jared be in the year of the world 461. Gen. 5.15. To which add 162. (the age of Ja­red when Henoch was born) so shalll the birth of Henoch be in the yeare of the World 623. Gen. 5.18. To which add 65. (the age of Henoch when Methuselah was born) so shall the birth of Methuselah be in the yeare of the world 688. Gen. 5.21. To which adde 187. (the age of Methuselah when Lamech was born) so shall the birth of Lamech be in the yeare of the World 875. Gen. 5.25. To which add 182. (the age of Lamech when Noah was borne) so shall the birth of Noah be in the year of the world 1057. Gen. 5.29. To which add 600 years of Noah, so shall the year of the world be 1657. in the begin­ing [Page 53]whereof the six hundreth yeare of Noah was not quite fi­nished, as already hath been shewed. And thus we see the year of the Flood to be in the yeare of the World 1657, which ended not untill the year 1658. was begun.

And now for the time of the yeare when it began, Moses saith that it was in the second Moneth and seventeenth day of the Moneth when all the fountaines of the great Deepe and Windowes of Heaven were opened: which second Mo­neth must be reckoned from the Spring, and not from Au­tumne; as in the second Chapter I have already proved. Bero­sus the Chaldean agreeth thereunto, saying that the Flood be­gan on the fifteenth day of that Moneth, which with them was called by the name of Desius, which Moneth Desius is confessed by Scaliger in his Notes, page 44. to agree to that which Moses calleth the second Moneth: The lesse reason therfore had Scaliger to decline it; only he might have held to this, that though the Moneth were right, yet the day was wrong; for if Desius were alltogether the same with that which was the second Moneth among the Jewes, then should not the day mentioned be the fifteenth, but seventeenth, Gen. 7.10.

Or if the Moneth were not alltogether the same, but must have a fixed time of beginning, which Langius proveth to be on the 25 day of May; then must the Flood begin, not on the fifteenth day thereof, but on thr twelfth: which day of Desius I take to be the first day of the Flood, in regard that in this year it agreeth both to the fifteenth day of the second Moneth mentioned by Moses, as also to the fifth day of June when the Flood began.

But of this I shall need to say no more. That which is next, shall be an Hebrew and Iulian Kalender for the whole time of the Flood, accounting the beginning thereof to be in the yeare of the Julian Period 2366. on the fifth day of June, feria sexta.

An Hebrew and Julian Calender for the Yeer of the Ʋniversal Deluge or Flood, beginning in the yeer of the Iulian Period 2366. and yeer of the World 1657. The Cycle of the Sun Wat 14. Teh Dominicall Letter D, and the Cycle of the Moon 10.
The first Moneth. APRIL. The first Moneth, Anno Mundi 1657.
1 21   F  
2 22   G  
3 23   A  
4 24   B  
5 25   C  
6 26   D The first day fo the Week.
7 27   E  
8 28   F  
9 29   G  
10 30   A  
11 May. B The first day of MAY.
12 2 C  
13 3 D The first day of the Week.
14 4 E  
15 5 F  
16 6 G  
17 7 A  
18 8 B  
19 9 C  
20 10 D The first day of the Week.
21 11 E  
22 12 F  
23 13 G  
24 14 A  
25 15 B  
26 16 C  
27 17 D The first day of the Week.
28 18 E  
29 19 F  
An Hebrew and Iluian Calender for the Yeer of the Ʋniversall Deluge or Flood.
The second Month MAY. The second Moneth, Anno Mundi 1657.
1 20   G  
2 21   A  
3 22   B  
4 23   C  
5 24   D The First day of the Week
6 25   E The frist day of JUNE.
7 26   F  
8 27   G  
9 28   A  
10 29   B ¶ On this day the Flood began, Gen. 7.11.—It was the very same day of the Week on which Man was made: which circumstance of time is worth the marking; for as on the sxth day of the Week God made both Man ad Beast, so on the same day of the Week he sends a Flood of Waters to destroy them.
11 30   C  
12 31   D  
13 1 June. E  
14 2 F  
15 3 G  
16 4 A  
17 5 B  
18 6 C  
19 7 D  
20 8 E  
21 9 F  
22 10 G  
23 11 A  
24 12 B  
25 13 C  
26 14 D  
27 15 E  
28 16 F  
29 17 G  
30 18 A  
An Hebrew and Julian Calender for the Yeor of the Ʋniversall Deluge or Flood.
The third Moneth JUNE. The third Moneth, Anno Mundi, 1657.
1 19   B  
2 20   C  
3 21   D The first day of the Week.
4 22   E  
5 23   F  
6 24   G  
7 25   A  
8 26   B  
9 27   C  
10 28   D The first day of the Week.
11 29   E  
12 30   F  
13 1 July. G The first day of JULY.  
14 2   A  
15 3   B  
16 4   C  
17 5   D The first day of the Week.
18 6   E  
19 7   F  
20 8   G  
21 9   A  
22 10   B  
23 11   C  
24 12   D The first day of the Week.
25 13   E  
26 14   F * This was the last day of the forty dayes that it rained.
27 15   G On this day the forty dayes that it rained were ended, but the Waters are still to prevail untill these forty be 150. Gen. 7.24. Dies enim pluviarum hisce 190. diebus includen­dos esse, ex eo patet quod Arca quievit die xvii. Mensis sep­timi. Calvis. in Chronol.
28 16   A  
29 17   B  
30 18   C  
An Hebrew and Julian Calender for the Yeer of the Ʋniversall Deluge or Food.
The fourth Month JULY. The fourth Moneth, Anno Mundi 1657.
1 19   D The first day of the Week.
2 20   E  
3 21   F  
4 22   G  
5 23   A  
6 24   B  
7 25   C  
8 26   D The first day of the Week.
9 27   E  
10 28   F  
11 29   G  
12 30   A  
13 31   B  
14 1 August. C The first day of AUGUST.
15 2 D The first day of Week.
16 3   E  
17 4   F  
18 5   G  
19 6   A  
20 7   B  
21 8   C  
22 9   D The first day of the Week.
23 10   E  
24 11   F  
25 12   G  
26 13   A  
27 14   B  
28 15   C  
29 16   D The first day of the Week.
30 17   E  
An Hebrew and Iulian Calender for the Yeer of the Ʋniversall Deluge or Flood.
The fifth Month. AUGUST. The fifth Moneth, Anno Mundi 1657.
1 18   F  
2 19   G  
3 20   A  
4 21   B  
5 22   C  
6 23   D The first day of the Week.
7 24   E  
8 25   F  
9 26   G  
10 27   A  
11 28   B  
12 29   C  
13 30   D The first day of the Week.
14 31   E  
15 1 September. F This was the first day of SEPTEMBER.
16 2 G  
17 3 A  
18 4 B  
19 5 C  
20 6 D The first day of the Week.
21 7 E  
22 8 F  
23 9 G  
24 10 A  
25 11 B  
26 12 C  
27 13 D The first day of the Week.
28 14 E  
29 15 F  
30 16 G  
An Hebrew and Julian Calender for the Yeer of the Ʋniversall Deluge or Flood.
The sixe Moneth. SEPTEMBER The sixth Moneth, Anno Mundi 1657.
1 17   A  
2 18   B  
3 19   C  
4 20   D The first day of the Week.  
5 21   E  
6 22   F  
7 23   G  
8 24   A  
9 25   B  
10 26   C  
11 27   D The first day of the Week.  
12 28   E  
13 29   F  
14 30   G  
15 1 October. A The first day of OCTOBER.  
16 2 B  
17 3 C  
18 4 D The first day of the Week.  
19 5 E  
20 6 F  
21 7 G  
22 8 A  
23 9 B  
24 10 C  
25 11 D The first day of the Week.  
26 12 E  
27 13 F  
28 14 G On this day was the Autumnall Equinox.
29 15 A  
30 16 B  
An Hebrew and Iulian Calender for the Yeer of the Ʋniversall Deluge or Flood.
The seventh Month OCTOBER. The seventh Moneth, Anno Mundi 1657.
1 17   C  
2 18   D The first day of the Week.
3 19   E  
4 20   F  
5 21   G  
6 22   A  
7 23   B  
8 24   C  
9 25   D The first day of the Week.
10 26   E  
11 27   F  
12 28   G  
13 29   A  
14 30   B  
15 31   C  
16 1 November. D The last of the hundred and fifty dayes, Gen. 7.24.
17 2 E ¶ On this day the Ark rested on Mount Ararat; from whence the Waters decreased day by day, untill they were quite dried up and gone, Gen. 8.4, 5.
18 3 F
19 4 G
20 5 A
21 6 B  
22 7 C  
23 8 D The first day of the Week.
24 9 E  
25 10 F  
26 11 G  
27 12 A  
28 13 B  
An Hebrew and Julian Calender for the Year of the Ʋniversall Deluge or Flood.
The eighth Month. NOVEMBER The eighth Moneth, Anno Mundi, 1657.
1 14   C  
2 15   D The first day of the Week.
3 16   E  
4 17   F  
5 18   G  
6 19   A  
7 20   B  
8 21   C  
9 22   D The first day of the Week.
10 23   E  
11 24   F  
12 25   G  
13 26   A  
14 27   B  
15 28   C  
16 29   D The first day of the Week.
17 30   E  
18 1 December. F The first day of DECEMBER.
19 2 G  
20 3 A  
21 4 B  
22 5 C  
23 6 D The first day of the Week.
24 7 E  
25 8 F  
26 9 G  
27 10 A  
28 11 B  
29 12 C  
30 13 D The first day of the Week.
An Hebrew and Julian Calender for the Yeer of the Ʋniversall Deluge or Flood.
The ninth Moneth. DECEMBER. The ninth Moneth, Anno Mundi 1657.
1 14   E  
2 15   F  
3 16   G  
4 17   A  
5 18   B  
6 19   C  
7 20   D The first day of the Week.
8 21   E  
9 22   F  
10 23   G  
11 24   A  
12 25   B  
13 26   C  
14 27   D The first day of the Week.
15 28   E  
16 29   F  
17 30   G  
18 31   A  
19 1 January A On this day the Yeer of the Julian Period 2367. began, and now the Cycle of the ☉ was 15. the Dominicall Letter C, and the Cycle of the ☽ 11.
20 2 B
21 3 C
22 4 D  
23 5 E  
24 6 F  
25 7 G  
26 8 A  
27 9 B  
28 10 C the first day of the Week.
29 11 D  
An Hebrew and Julian Calender for the Year of the Ʋniversall Deluge or Flood.
The tenth Moneth. JANUARY. The tenth Moneth, Anno Mundi, 1657.
1 12   E On this day (being the first day of the tenth Moneth) the Mountain tops appeared; which must be meant of the lower sort of Hils, how else could the Ark rest upon Mount Ararat above two moneths before? see Gen. 8.4, 5.
2 13   F  
3 14   G  
4 15   A  
5 16   B  
6 17   C The first day of the Week.
7 18   D  
8 19   E  
9 20   F  
10 21   G  
11 22   A  
12 23   B  
13 24   C The first day of the Week.  
14 25   D  
15 26   E  
16 27   F  
17 28   G  
18 29   A  
19 30   B  
20 31   C The first day of the Week.  
21 1 February D The first day of FEBRUARY.  
22 2 E  
23 3 F  
24 4 G  
25 5 A  
26 6 B  
27 7 C The first day of the Week.
28 8 D  
29 9 E  
30 10 F  
An Hebrew and Julian Calender for the Yeer of the Ʋniversall Deluge or Flood.
The 11th Moneth. FEBRUARY. The eleventh Moneth, Anno Mundi 1657.
1 11   G  
2 12   A  
3 13   B  
4 14   C The first day of the Week.
5 15   D  
6 16   E  
7 17   F  
8 18   G  
9 19   A  
10 20   B ¶ On this day (being Sabbath day, and forth dayes after the appearing of the Mountain tops) Noah sendeth forth a Raven out of the Ark, which flyeth up and down till the Waters were abated, and returneth into the Ark no more, Gen. 8.6, 7.
11 21   C  
12 22   D  
13 23   E  
14 24   F  
15 25   G  
16 26   A  
17 27   B On this day Noah sendeth forth a Dove, and she (finding no rest) returneth again, Gen. 8.9.
18 28   C  
19 1 March. D  
20 2 E  
21 3   F  
22 4   G  
23 5   A  
24 6   B On this day he again sendeth forth a Dove, and she reutrned to him with an Olive branch (or stalk) in her mouth; which shewed the falling of the Waters, Gen. 8.10, 11.
25 7   C  
26 8   D  
27 9   E  
28 10   F  
29 11   G  
An Hebrew and Iulian Calendar for the Yeer of the Ʋniversall Deluge or Flood.
The second Month MAY. The second Moneth, Anno Mundi 1658.
1 10   D  
2 11   E  
3 12   F  
4 13   G  
5 14   A  
6 15   B  
7 16   C The first day of the Week.
8 17   D  
9 18   E  
10 19   F  
11 20   G  
12 21   A  
13 22   B  
14 23   C The first day of the Week.
15 24   D  
16 25   E  
17 26   F  
18 27   G  
19 28   A  
20 29   B  
21 30   C The first day of the Week.
22 31   D  
23 1 June. E The first day of JUNE.
24 2 F  
25 3   G  
26 4   A  
27 5   B ¶ On this day (being Sabbath day) NOah came forth from the Ark, and offered Sacrifice, Gen. 8.14, 15. This was a full yeer of dayes after the Flood began.
28 6   C  
29 7   D  
30 8   E  

SECT. II. Of the Second Period from the end of the Flood when the face of the ground was drie, to the Promise at the time of Abraham's departure from Char­ran into Canaan, that it was a Period of 427. yeares almost ended.

THis Period is proved by the age of the Patriarchs after the Flood, as that before it was proved by the age of the Pa­triarchs before the Flood.

The Flood (as we have already seen) began in the yeare of the world 1657. and continued a yeare; so that it was not ended untill after the yeare of the World 1658. was begun: for on the 27 day of the second Moneth, was the full end thereof. Two yeares after which Arphaxad was borne, that is, in the yeare of the world 1660. Gen. 11.10. To which yeare of the World add 35 (the age of Arphaxad when Salah was borne) so shall the birth of Salah be in the yeare of the world 1695, Gen. 11.12. To which add 30 (the age of Salah when He­ber was born) so shall the birth of Heber be in the year of the world 1725. Gen. 11.14. To which add 34 (the age of Heber when Peleg was born) so shal the birth of Peleg be in the year of the world 1759. Gen. 11, 16. To which add 30 the age of Peleg when Reu was borne, so shall the birth of Reu be in the yeare of the world 1789, Gen. 11.18. To which add 32 (the age of Reu when Serug was borne (so shall the birth of Serug be in the year of the world 1821. Gen. 11.20. To which add 30 (the age of Serug when Nahor was borne) so shall the birth of Nahor be in the yeare of the world 1851. Gen. 11.22. To which add 29 (the age of Nahor when Terah was borne) so shall the birth of Terah be in the yeare of the world 1880. Gen. 11.24. To which add 130. (the age of Terah when Abraham was borne) so shall the birth of Abraham be in the yeare of world 2010. To which add 75 (the age of Abraham soon after the death of [Page 69] Terah) so shall we come to the yeare of the world 2085. and year of the Julian Period 2794: in which yeare, about the be­ginning of May, Abraham having received the promise depar­ted out of Haran, and was a Son of seventie five years old; Gen. 12.4. that is, he was going on in his Seventie and fifth yeare, which not long after was accomplished, the reckoning being here as before in the 600. yeare of Noah when the Flood be­gan.

Quest. The true time of Abrahams birth. But why is it that Abraham is reckoned to be borne when his Father was 130. yeares old, and not rather when he was seventie as the text seems to intimate Gen. 11.27?

Answ. Because Abraham, who was a Sonne of Gen. 12.4. 75 yeares at his departure from Haran, departed not thence untill his Fa­ther was dead; as Saint Stephen witnesseth, Act. 7.4. Now we know that his Father lived Gen. 11.32. 205. yeares; from whence if we take 75, it will appeare that Abraham was not borne when Terah was Seventie, as the text seemeth to intimate, but when he was 130. because 75. taken out of 205, leaveth for the re­mainder 130.

Secondly, it is witnessed by the ancient testimony of the true, not forged Philo, who being a Jew, was Ambassadour from his owne Nation to Caius Caligula; witnessed I say by him, that Abraham went not from Haran (otherwise called Charran) untill his Father was dead. For it is not like (saith he) that any who have read the Law can be ignorant how Abraham removing from the Chaldean Land stayed in Charran: and when his Father dyed there, he removed also from that Land. And againe, He leaveth it being seventie five years old, which Moses also saith in Gen. 12.4.

This of Philo is a cleare testimony, and well worthy of our serious acceptation: for he was as ancient as the Protomar­tyr Stephen, and understands Moses no other way then he had done.

Thirdly, Rabbi Menasseh (in his Conciliator) declareth the same; shewing there, that their best learned Interpreters un­derstand it so.

Fourthly, The age of Abraham bring expressed when he [Page 70]came from Charran, and not when he removed from Ʋr, was for no reason but to guid us to the time his of birth by being joyned to the time of Terah's death, who dyed in Charran and not in Ʋr, Gen. 11.32. And further note, that in Chaldea God appeares to Abraham, and bids him, Get thee out of thy Country and from thy kindred, but maketh no mention of leaving his Fathers house, for that he took along with him, Gens 11.31. But when God cals him from Haran or Char­ran, he then bids him depart from his Father house as well as he had done from his Country and kindred before; for now he left his brother Nahor and all his Fathers house behinde him. In the first Call Terah was alive, & to him is ascribed the conduct of that Journey from Ʋr to the Chaldees, as if he had received the Call, and had been the chiefe mover in the busi­nesse; but it is onely to shew his Ioshua 24.2. Conversion and readinesse to goe with Abraham, to whom God appeared whilst he was in Ʋr of the Chaldees, Gen. 15.7. saying, Get thee out of thy Country, and from thy kindred, Acts 7.2.3. See also Josh. 24.2. But in the second Call Terah was dead, and Abraham was 57 years old, Gen. 12.1.4. Acts 7.4. And as he was 57, so his Father was 205. which sheweth still that Abraham was borne when Terah was 130. For the story in Genesis runs cur­rent and in a continuation, this being the order of the words: And the dayes of Terah were 205 years, and he dyed in Char­ran; and God said unto Ahraham, Get thee from thy Fathers house: and in thee all the Nations of the Earth shall be bles­sed: and Abraham was 75 years old when he departed from Charran.

To illustrate then the whole by way of paraphrase: God in Ʋr of the Chaldees appeared to Abraham and said unto him, Get thee out from thy kindred, but take thy Fathers house with thee, and goe to to a Land which I shall shew thee: And when Abraham told Terah of his command, Terah condescended and consented; And Terah took Abraham, and Lot and Sarai, and they went away together from Ʋr to Ha­ran, and dwelt there. And Terah dyed in Haran; And then God saith to Abraham, Get thee out of thy Country and from [Page 71]thy kindered, and from thy Fathers house also now, and goe into the Land that I shall shew thee: that is, into Canaan; whether Abraham went so soon as he departed from Charran, which was in the Land of Chaldea also, and not far from Ʋr; wherefore God againe called Abraham thence to goe into Ca­naan, Gen. 12.1. And although there was a nearer way from Ʋr to Canaan, than to goe By Charran (as in the Maps of those Countries may be seen) yet because the nearest way was most dangerous and troublesome, God led them about by an in­habited and safe way, providing so for their infirmities, as he did the like afterwards for Abrahams children, Exodus 13.11.18.

Beside, when Joshua saith: Ioshua 24.2. Our fathers beyond the River worshipped strange Gods, even Terah the Father of Abraham: he maketh Moses more clear and manifest; viz. that to Abra­ham in Ʋr God appeared, by whom Terah was moved to goe with Abraham. Now Moses mentioneth onely the appearing to Abraham, and the bringing of him out of Ʋr; but leaveth the speech to be gathered by the like in Genesis the twelfe, from whence Saint Stephen frameth it; saying, that after Te­rah's death, God biddeth him leave his Fathers house, and not his Land and kindred onely. And note that the family of Terah was in his house: out of which Abraham could not depart while Terah is with him, as principall of the journey. Nor doth the Hebrew text in Genesis, Chap. 12. vers. 1. but run on in plainnesse, thus: And God said unto Abraham. Not, for God had said. And therefore when Terah dyed in Haran, God said unto Abraham, Get thee out of thy Country and from thy kindred, and from thy Fathers house, unto the Land that I will shew thee. And in a word, to take away all further ca­vill about these two callings of Abraham, let it be againe ob­served that he was in his Country whilst he was at Haran as well as when he was at Ʋr of the Chaldees: for both these places were in one Country, in Mesopotamia, the Country be­tween the viz. Chabo­ra & Euphra­tes. See Wil­let on Gen. c. 25. Quest. 22. rivers, containing both Syria and Chaldea. And in that regard Abraham afterwards sending to Haran for a wife for his Son Isaac, called it his Country, and the place of his [Page 72]kindred, as is recorded in Gen. 24.2.10. See also Codoman in his Chronologie, Note this, that as it was in the birth of Noahs Sons: so also in the birth of Thares Sons. lib. 1. cap. 3.

But to goe and give truth the more perfect lustre, let this be likwise known & wel observed, that Thare (or Terah) being 70 years old begat the eldest of those three Sons ( Abram, Na­hor, and Haran) and not all of them: even as Noah had done before, who begat the eldest of his three [ Sem, Ham, and Ja­phet] when he was 500. The eldest of them I say, and not any of them before that year: So that if Noah begat the eld­est of his three, when he was 500. then Terah begat the eldest of his three when he was 70. The eldest of Noah's three, was not Sem: neither could the eldest of Terah's three, be Abra­ham; because the manner of speaking is used in the Genealo­gies of the one, which is in the Genealogies of the other. If therefore it could be proved that Sem were the eldest of Noah's children, it would be the more easily granted that Abraham was the eldest of Terah's children: but the one cannot be proved, and therefore the other may not be granted. The contrary may be found and made apparent, viz. that Sem was not the eldest, nor that any of the three was borne before Noah was 500. which being so, the like must be in the begetting of Terah's Sons; namely, that Abra­ham was not the eldest (though first named) nor that any of the three was borne before Terah was 70. The nameing of Sem first, and of Abraham first, doth nothing prove their Eldership: For it is no necessary consequence to say the first named in Scripture were alwayes the eldest in blood and birth; then should Iacob be elder then Esau, and Ephraim elder then Ma­nasses: which we know to be otherwise, Gen. 28.5. and chap. 48.20. It is therefore well observed that Moses doth neither reckon the Sons of Terah, nor those of Noah, according to their Eldership, but according to their Dignity: and although they who be first named, had not the priority of Birthright; yet the Dignity of it is bestowed on them, as it was upon Ia­cob and others: because the Scriptures honour the blessed seed and line of Christ above the rest. For in Scripture there is a three-fold order of numbring men: the first is Naturall; the [Page 73]second Personall, or of Dignity; and the third Historicall. Now hereupon it was that Saint Austin said: Piety (saith he) or rather divine Election, which evermore doth carry piety and the feare of God along with it, was the thing which gave place and precedency to Sem among the children of Noah, and to Abraham among those of Terah. And indeed Abraham be­ing the Father of the faithfull, in whom all the Nations of the Earth should be blessed, was in that respect preferred be­fore his other brethren. When therefore Moses comes at Te­rah, he then ends his Genealogie, and reckons three together, as he did before when he came at Noah; onely setting downe the time when either of them begat the eldest of the three: And lest it might be thought that the first named was the first born, he doth shew that to be otherwise; as in Sem when he begat Arphaxad two years after the Flood, for then was Sem but an hundred years old; and in Abraham when his Father dyed, for then was Abraham but 75 years old. The elder­ship among Noah's three belonged to Iapeth, but the dignity and prerogative belonged to Sem. For this is certaine: The Flood began in the 600 year of Noab's life; and Sem two years after that was but an hundred yeares old, Genesis 11.10. Which being so, two must be added to 600. and then taking Sems 100 out of 602. the remainder will not be 500, but 502, which was the true and right age of Noah at Sems birth. The 500 year therefore is assigned for the birth of his eldest, which Moses more expresly saith was not Sem but Japhet; calling Sem the Father of the Sons of Heber, and brother of Iapeth the el­der: Not the elder brother of Iapeth; as may be seen, Gen. 10.21. And of Cham (or Ham) he likewise saith, that he was a younger Son: For when Noah awoke from his wine, he knew what Cham his yonger Son had done, Gen. 9.24, In which place the word younger hath relation to the other two Sons who were free from the fact: and therefore this Cham was the youngest of them all; for (as we see) it was in respect of his other brethren that he is called the younger son. And note that this also sheweth, that till Noah was 500, none of all the three was born. Norwil the true reading of the text suffer it to [Page 74]be otherwise: For thus stand the Words. And Noah was 500 years old: and Noah begat Sem, Ham, and Iapeth. By which it appeareth, that unlesse he had lived no longer then 500 years, not any of them all could be born before that time. Draw then the Parallel, and the like will be in the children of Terah which was in those of Noah; viz. that the eldest of the three was born when their Father was 70, and this (as far as I can see any probability in the matter) must needs be Haran, who dyed before Terah, and had children marriageable for his two brethren; namely Milcha for Nahor, and Ischa (if she were Sa­rai) for Abraham. But however, whether she were Sarai, yea or no, it makes no matter: for this is certaine, Lot was the Son of Haran, and not much younger then Abraham. For at the destruction of Sodome ( Abraham being then At which time Abrahams body was said to be dead, but was revived by the power of God, not onely for the generation of Isaac, but for further pro­creation; as appeareth, Gen. 25. 99 years old) when the daughters of Lot lay with their Father, they said of him that he was an old man. Set then the birth of Abraham before Harans, and how can any of these things be?

Beside, the time from the Flood to Terah's seventieth year was too short to have the world so full of People and King­domes as it was in Abrahams time: Hist. of the World, lib. 2. page 190. For in Abrahams time, and long before (as it is excellently observed by Sir Walter Raleigh) all the then known parts of the World were peopled: All regions and countries had their Kings. Egypt had many mag­nificent Cities: and so also had Palestine and all the bordring Countries; yea and all that part of the World beside, as farre as India: And those not built with sticks, but of hewen stones, and defended with wals and Rampires: Which mag­nificence needed a Parent of more Antiquity then they have supposed, who place the birth of Abraham so near the Flood as Terah's seventieth year. For that time, even in reason, is not sufficient, being It was no more then 292 lesse then 300 years.

All therefore considered doe make me conclude that Abra­ham, undoubtedly, was borne when Terah was 130 years old. For though some frivilous objections may be made to the contrary, yet it is in vaine to object against such testimonies and proofes as will passe for current any where but among the Singular and inconsiderate, who are rather willing to [Page 75]wrangle for the upholding of their opinions, then to yeeld or give over from what they first tooke up to be true. For as there be some who love to keep to that which best fits their fancy: so there be others who think it a discredit to let goe what they at first maintained.

SECT. III. Of the third Period, from the Promise at Abra­hams departing out of Haran, to the comming of the Israelites out of Egypt, that it was a Period of four hundred and thirty years.

THis is proved by texts and testimonies out of Scripture. For first Saint Paul saith expresly, That the Law began There were some odd mo­neths more. But the A­postle leav­eth out the moneths as an imperfect number. 430 years after the Promise, Galat. 3.17. Which that it was the same promise of Christ that Abraham had in Gen. 12. is manifest by what the same Apostle said before, at the eighth verse, viz. That in thee shall all the Nations of the Earth be sed: agreeing therein to Moses, Gen. 12.3.

Now this directeth to the right reckoning, but is not alto­gether so precise as that which we have in Exod. 12.40. For there we may perceive that the precise and exact ending of these years was not on the day that the Law was given, but on the day that the Israelites came away out of Egypt. The words of which Text be these; And the sojourning of the Children of Israel, whereby they sojourned in Egypt 30 years, and 400 years. which speech is altogether Elliptica oratio, or a defectve speech: and is thus to be supplyed; namely, And the sojourning of the Children of Israel, whereby they so­journed in Egypt, was to the end of 430 years. Not that they were in Egypt so long, but that they were a sojourning Nati­on so long: the beginning whereof was in the dayes of A­braham, at the time when he received the Promise, as by that of the Apostle before mentioned may be seen. The word So­journing therefore (here used by Moses) hath relation to that [Page 76]time of the Promise when Abraham left his Fathers house and became a sojourner in a strange Land, even the Land which God had promised to shew him, and which he afterwards gave to him to be possessed by his posterity in the fourth ge­neration after him, Gen. 15.16.

And now that these years are precisely and exactly so many and no more, appeareth by what followeth in the next verse, viz. Exod. 12.41. wherein it is said, That when the 430 years were finished, even on the same day, all the hosts of the Lord went out from the Land of Egypt.

They therefore that begin this reckoning at Jacobs going thither are deceived. For first Koath was one who went when Jacob went, Gen. 46.11. His son was Amram, Exod. 6.18.20. and Amrams son was Moses, Num. 26.59. Wherefore seeing Koath was the enterer, and Moses the departer, the time from thence could not extend to 430 yeares; for Koath lived but 133 years, Exod. 6.18. Amram but 137, vers. 20. and Moses was but 80 at the departure, Exod. 77. All which added to­gether make but 350. and yet some of those years must be de­ducted, because they were not born one at the just end of ano­thers life, but lived some while the father and the son toge­ther: which deduction being made, the years remaining will be yet fewer and want still more of 430.

Secondly, Jochabed was the mother of Moses, and immedi­ate daughter of Levi, born to him in Egypt; as it is, Num. 26.59. Take then for a tryall the age of Moses at the departure, which was Exod. 7.7. 80 years; and the whole age of Levi was Exod. 6.16. 137. years: and add them together, so shall you have 217. Unto which number must be added 213 for the age of Jochabed, or else there cannot be 430. But that this should thus hang toge­ther, is impossible: for Levi was born 43 years before he came into Egypt, and living but 137 in all, there can be but 94 taken from him, and but 80 from Moses; which added together make but 174. Now then supposing that the abode in Egypt, from Jacobs going thither, was fully 430 years, it must needs be that Jochabed lived 256 years, although her age be accounted but from the day of her fathers death unto the day of her sons [Page 77]birth: But to say there is likelyhood in this, were extreme madnesse. For who thinks it probable that a woman (in those dayes) could be 256 years, and yet bear a childe? or that a Kings daughter would make choyce of one so old to be her Nurse? Beside, this womans age must be yet longer: for it is not like that she was born just at her fathers death, neither is it true that she dyed at her sons birth, because she was chosen (by Pharaoh's daughter) to be his Nurse.

And as for Levi, to prove that he was 43 years old (as hath been mentioned) this is well known; viz. that Joseph was but four years younger then he, and when Iosephs brethren came into Egypt, Ioseph then was but 39 years old: Levi therefore must needs be 43 at the same time (because four and 39 make 43) and not live his whole time after the descending of Iacob thither. Se Gen. 41.46. and compare it with Gen. 45.6.

Thus we see how Moses is to be understood in Exod. 12.40. and consequently to account the 430. years of this Period. For the dwelling of the children of Israel who dwelled in Egypt, was 430. yeares: that is, Their peregrination, or their dwel­ling as strangers. And so the Greeke translateth; which the Apostle also confirmeth, in Act. 13.17. Their dwelling (I say) as strangers, begun from the time that Abraham left his kin­dred and his Fathers house, as already hath been proved. For though this people were not called Israelites in Abrahams time, but afterwards: N. B. yet because they proceeded out of Abrahams loynes, and did evermore boast of him as their Father, and because he also (the thing which Moses aymes at) was the first in their generation who sojourned in a strange land, the foresaid Text in Exodus puts no difference, but speaks of them all according to that name by which they were then called when Moses brought the seed of Abraham out of Egypt, even in the fourth generation, as God himselfe had formerly spoken and told it to Abraham in particular long before. And thus we have hitherto the right meaning of that text.

Quest. Quest. But how is Moses to be understood in his number of 400. yeares in Gen. 15.13? doth not that crosse the for­mer account.

Answ. Nothing at all. For there is a double summe of yeares mentioned concerning the seed of Abraham sojourning and afflicted; viz. 400. Gen. 15.13. and 430. Exod. 12.40. The 430. yeares was from Abrahams departing out of Haran to the comming of the Israelites out of Egypt, as hath been proved. And the 400 was from the fifth of Isaac to that time also: for both these reckonings have both one time of ending, but be­gin not both at once; the latter not beginning till Ismael (who was borne of the Egyptian woman Hagar) mocked Isa­ac, and was cast out of Abrahams house. The Apostle makes this manifest, by calling Ismaels mocking of Isaac persecution, Galat. 4.28. So also Moses, in saying that Abrahams seed should be evill entreated. For know this of a surety, that thy seed shall be a stranger in a land not theirs: and shall serve them, and they shall entreat them evill 400. yeares, Gen. 15.13. mea­ning, that from the beginning of this affliction should be 400. years before the end of their affliction from the Egyptian bon­dage. For as the first manifest affliction of Ahrahams seed began now when this son of the Egyptian woman in a strang land mocked Isaac, so it ended at the bringing of the same out of E­gypt 400. yeares after. Not that they were afflicted all that time, but that their affliction which began now in a strange land should not be ended, nor they brought into their pro­mised land, untill the end thereof.

SECT. IIII. Of the fourth Period, from the comming out of Egypt to the beginning of the building of King Sa­lomons Temple, that it was a Period of 479. yeares compleat, or of 480. yeares current.

THis is proved by a plaine Text, in 1 King. 6.1, where we read thus; And it came to passe in the foure hundredth and fourescore yeare, after the children of Israel were come out of the land of Egypt, in the fourth yeare of Salomons reigne over Israel, in the moneth of Zif which is the second Moneth, [Page 79]that he began to build the house of the Lord.

In which Text we have the whole summe in grosse, but must finde the particulars elsewhere: and they are found as followeth.

First, 40. yeares in the wildernesse after the Israelites came out of Egypt, Deut. 1.3. Deut. 34.4.5. Josh. 1.2. Psal. 95.10. Act. 13.18.

Secondly, 17 to the death of Joshua after Moses. For see­ing all the other numbers but this may be found expresly written, this must needs be as much, as all the other (when they are gathered together) shall want of 480.

Thirdly, from the death of Joshua to the death of Othniel, 40. Jud. 3.11.

Fourthly, 80. after that to the death of Ehud, Jud. 3.30.

Fifthly, 40. from thence to the death of Deborah, Jud. 5, 31.

Sixthly, 40. after that to the death of Gideon, Judg. 8.28.

Seventhly, Abimelech 3 yeares after Gideon, Judg. 9.22.

Then Thola 23, Judg. 10.2. Jair 22. Judg. 10.3. Jeptha 6. Judg. 12.7. Ibsan 2. Judg. 12.9. Elon X. Judg. 12.9. Abdon VIII. Judg. 12.14. Sampson. XX. Judg. 16.31. Heli 40. 1 Sam. 4.18. Samuel and Saul 40.10 Act. 13.21. David after Saul 40.2 Sam 5.4. Salomon af­ter David till the founding of the Temple 4 current: for in the fourth yeare of his reigne the Temple was founded, 1 King. 6.1.

All which Summes being added together, amount to 480. To which I add this note, that if Salomon began in the last yeare of King David, as some men thinke, then must Joshua have 18 yeares for the time that he had ruled after Moses: which I also thinke he had.

Quest. But if this account be true, Quest. how must we understand the 300. yeares in Judg. 11.26. where Jeptha saith, That the children of Israel dwelt in Heshbon and her Townes, and in Aroer and her Townes, and in all the Cities that be along by the coasts of Arnon, three hunded years. By which it seemeth to be gathered that Jeptha judged not till 300 yeares after the children of Israel came out of the wildernesse into the land of Canaan, at the death of Moses. And if the time [Page 80]from thence thither, were 300. yeares then must the time from the comming out of Egypt to the Temple, be more then 480. For from the first yeare of Jeptha to the fourth yeare of King Salomon, were 175. years: which added to the 40 yeares of the wildernesse, and to the 300. after that to Jeptha, doe make in all 515.

But I answer that these 300. Answ. yeares are not to be reckoned from Moses death, but from the time mentioned in the begin­ning of Jeptha's narration, ver. 16. where the words are, But when Israel came up from Egypt, &c. From whence to the dayes of Jeptha were 306. years, which 6 odd yeares Jeptha omitted, it being not greatly materiall to account them so precisely; thus doth Luther understand the place, Iunius, Brough­ton and others. Broughtons observation being this; Note (saith he) that the 40 yeares in the wildernesse are joyned as one time here, that things done in sundry parts of it be reckoned from one beginning.

Or (as a late writer answereth) About 34 years after that Sihon King of the Amorites had fought against the predecessour of Balack the son of Zippor King of Moah, and had taken all his Land, even unto Arnon; Israel smote Sihon and all his people, & possessed his Country: Which was in the last year of Moses. From whence unto Ieptha were but 266 years current; yet by adding the years of their owne possession unto Sihon's whose right they had by the Law of Conquest, Ieptha did justly say, that they had dwelt in or possessed those Countries 300 years. Which indeed is the same answer that Sir Walter Ra­leigh giveth in his History of the World, lib. 2. cap. 13. sect. 8. But I take the first answer to be the best: leaving the Reader neverthelesse to make choyc of which he pleaseth.

Qust. Quest. But what shall we think of Saint Pauls number mentioned in Acts 13.20. where we read that after the Land was divided, God gave his people Judges by the space of 450. years till Samuel the Prophet? Verily if that time were a space of 450 years, then (what with the forty years in the Wildernesse, the whole time of Ioshua, the forty years of Sa­muel and Saul, the forty of David, and the four of Solomon) [Page 81]the whole time from the comming out of Egypt to the Tem­ple, will be almost 600 years.

Answ. No, it will not: For it is answered, either that the word [...], which signifieth 400, was mistaken by the scribe and put for [...], which is but three hundred: or else that Saint Paul reckoned as they did who reckoned the years of the Oppressours so as they added them to the years of the Judges, and not included them.

As for the first, Beroald. lib. 3. Chronol. c. 4. it might be granted were it not that all Copies have 450. For we doe not know (saith Beroaldus) of any Copy, either Greek or Latine, which hath 350, but (as the ordinary reading is) 450. And therefore we cannot think either that there was a fault in the scribe, or that after the A­postles time some one or other Master Per­kins thinketh so, in his Har­mony of Scrip­ture. took in hand to correct the text, according to their understanding of the Book of Judges, as Master Perkins supposeth. For (as another speaketh) Non est cur dicamus omnes Codices Graecos & Latinos esse corruptos: cum suppeditat expedita conciliationis ratio.

And therefore (according to the second solution) we may rather think that Saint Paul reckoned as they did, who took the years of the Oppressours and added them to the years of the Judges: accounting those times apart, which are of right to be included.

As for Example: When Jabin oppressed Israel, Deborah was one who Judged at the same time, Judges 4.4. And when the Philistines oppressed, then was Sampson a Judge: For (saith the text) He judged. Israel in the dayes of the Phili­stines, twenty years, Iudges 15.20. By which two places I doubt not but we are taught how to account the rest.

The maine objection is, how the Land can be said to have rest 40 years after the overthrow of Chusan by whom they were afflicted eight years, or eighty after the overthrow of Eglon, if part of those years it were vexed with war, and the people held by their oppressours under a miserable bon­dage.

But to this I finde a late writer, in his Annotations upon the place, give a fair answer; viz. That it is not unusuall in [Page 82]the Scripture to denominate a full number of years, from that which is properly true onely of the greater part of that num­ber; as we see Gen. 35.26. Where after the naming of the twelve sons of Iacob, this clause is added, These are the sons of Iacob that were born to him in Padan-Aram, and yet Benja­min is mentioned amongst them, who was not born in Padan-Aram, but in the Land of Canaan; and so likewise, Acts 7.14. where it is said, that Ioseph sent and called his Father and all his kindred, threescore and fifteen souls, and yet indeed there went but threescore and ten of them at that time into Egypt, Gen. 46.27. And so againe, Exod. 12.40. where it is said, that the sojourning of the children of Israel, who dwelt in E­gypt, was four hundred and thirty years, and yet they were not in Egypt after Iacobs going thither above two hundred and fifteen years. And therefore in that it is said, And the Land had rest forty years, the meaning may well be, that the Land had rest to the end of forty years, to wit, counting the forty years from the death of Ioshua, to the death of Oth­niel; and so of the rest where the like phrase is found. And so indeed Tremelius translates these words, usque ad quadragesi­mum annum, unto the expiration of forty years. Which is fur­ther confirmed by the like expression, in the fourteenth Chap. at the seventeenth verse, where it is said of Sampsons wife, that she wept before him the seven dayes while the feast lasted: and yet the meaning is onely, that she wept to the ending of those seven dayes, to wit, from the time he refused to tell her the meaning of his Riddle.

Furthermore, Saint Matthews Genealogies from Rahab to David, doe make it yet more manifest. For Rahab hid the spies; She was the mother of Boaz; He the father of Obed; and Obed of Iesse; and Iesse of David. Now though Rahab should bring forth Boaz at 80; and Boaz beget Obed at 120; and Obed Iesse at 120; and Iesse David at 120: yet all these far stretched ages would fall short of 450.

How Saint Paul therefore reckoned, is apparent: and his true meaning is explained, without wrong to any text. For in mentioning 450, it is with a clause of Proviso; saying, not [Page 83]absolutely God gave them Judges 450 years, but as it were (or after a sort) 450 years. Which is as if it should be said, they were 450 years by adding the Judges and Opres­sours years together: Joseph Antiq. lib. 9. c. 11. after which manner the Jews (as we see by Josephus) used to reckon these times. For Josephus setteth the building of the Temple, five hundred ninty years and one, after the departure of the Israelites out of Egypt: which in an expresse text of Scripture, is but 480; as at the first I shewed, out of the 1 Kings 6.1. and have hitherto cleared it to be so, against all objections made to the contrary.

Howbeit, some perhaps may not as yet be fully satisfyed untill I further speak my minde concerning the opinions of Codoman and Petavius, who have declined the common path, and pitched upon an Interpretation serving rather to enlarge this Period, then to open the truth of the reckoning.

And as for Codoman, Codom. Chro. lib. 1. c. 17. and lib 2. quest 27 20. he reckoneth from the death of Joshua to the death of Eli 430 years, not accounting Sampsons 20 years, but under the 40 years of the Philistines. And whereas Saint Paul nameth 450, he findes 20 years to make up Saint Pauls number, to have been spent after the death of Joshua by the Seniours, before the Oppression under Chusan. After which to make all this reconcilable with the account of the 480 years in the 1 Kings 6.1. he saith we must begin to reck­on them, not in the beginning, but in the ending of the jour­nying of the Israelites from Egypt, which he makes to be 25 years after the beginning of Othniels government; from whence if we cast the years of the Judges with the years of Servi­tude, and so to these years add the 40 of Samuel and Saul, the 40 of David and the three of Salomon, we shall have the just sum of 480 years. Some texts he bringeth to prove that the Annus egressionis ex Egypto, be egressionis non incipientis, sed finitae: as in Deut. 4.45. and Psal. 114.1.3.

And next, how their journying should be said to have had an end, not till the 25 year after the victory of Othniel, is (saith he) because all the Tribes had not obtained their possessions till then; at which time the Danites at length seated them­selves, as is declared, Judg. 18.

And finally, whereas it is said the expedition of the Dani­tes was when there was no King in Israel, it is because either Othniel might be dead by that time, or else that he might have refused all Soveraignty, and have betaken himselfe to a pri­vate life.

But (as is excellently answered by Sir Walter Raleigh) what help of authority hath Codoman for this? Histor [...] of the World, lib. 2. c. 13. sect. 8. Or who did ever tell him that the conquest of Laish by the Tribe of Dan was performed in the 25 year of Othniel? Or what more hath he then his owne conjecture, to shew that Othniel did so re­nounce the office of a Judge after 25 years, that it might be truely said that there was then no King in Israel, but that every man did what was good in his owne eyes? Nor is it but most improper to give date unto actions commenced long after, from an expedition finished long before. Or who will not think it strange, that the most notable account of time, serving as the onely guide for certaine ages in sacred Chrono­logie, should not take name and beginning from that illustri­ous deliverance out of Egypt rehearsed often by God himselfe as the principall of his benefits to Israel; but should rather have reference to the taking of a towne by 600 men that rob­bed a Chappell by the way, and stole from thence Idols to be their guides, as not going to work in God's name? Surely this accident upon which Codoman buildeth, hath either no time given it, or a time farre different from that which he supposeth, and is indeed rather by him placed in such a year, because it best stood with his interpretation so to have it, then for any certainty or likelihood of the thing it selfe.

Nor be there but certaine ages in Scripture which (as I shewed before) will make against this large account.

Beroaldus likewise hath sufficiently justified the words of Saint Paul, Beroald. in his Chronol. lib. 3. c. 4. as having reference to a common opinion among the Scribes in those dayes, that the hunded and eleven yeares of the servitude, were to be reckoned apart from the 339. yeares ascribed to the Judges; which account the Apostle would not stand precisely to contradict, but rather chose to speak as the vulgar, qualifying it with a quasi, where he saith [Page 85] quasi quadringentis & quinquagentis annis, as it were 450. years. But Codoman not being thus contented, would needs have it to be so indeed, and therefore disjoynes the members to make the account even: although in so doing he dasheth himselfe against a notable Text, on which all Authours have builded for the true account of the times from the departure out of Egypt to the foundation of Salomons Temple. This (for the most of it) is the answer of Sir Walter Raleigh to Codomans o­pinion: an answer full and home enough, and doth strike to the root also of Petavius his Tenet, by whose account were 520. yeares from the comming out of Egypt to the Temple. Petav. in his Rat. Temp. par. 2. l. 2. c. 6. See him also lib. 9. c. 33. De Doctr. Tempo.

I come therefore now to him who in answer to that in the 1 K. 6.1. saith (as Codoman before him) the Annus egressionis latè su­mitur. Nos (saith he) egressionem ex Egypto pro anno illo accipimus, quo post quadragenariam in Arabiae solitudine mansionem, Chananaeam in­gressi sunt Jordane trajecto. Ita enim solet interdū in sacris literis usur­pari; ut Deu. 4.45.46. Ps. 114 &c. Thus Petavius in his Rationario Temporum, and in his Ninth book and 33 Chapter De Doctrina Temporum, who giveth to Joshua 14 yeares, to the Seniours af­ter him 10. and includes the yeares of the fifth and Sixth Ser­vitude within the yeares of the Judges, as not being expresly severed from them: so also Heli hath 20 of his 40 yeares in­cluded within the times of Sampson; and in that he followeth the Septuagint, wherein Heli hath but 20 yeares. But the He­brew (text which is the Originall) spoyleth the account of this great Chronologer, in which Heli hath not 20 but 40 yeares; and therefore though he be excellent in many things, yet here he must give us leave to decline him; yea, though he cites Saint Austin to defend him: for the Original is to be followed, and not the translation; all men of any learning knowing how corrupt the Septuagint is in numbers, and how differing from the Hebrew text.

But if he will be ruled by the Septuagint for Heli, why not also for Elon the tenth Judge, who though he be in the Ori­ginall Hebrew text (as may be seen, Judg. 12.11.) is not at all to be found in their translation?

And as for Saint Austin though in the place viz. lib. 17. de civit Dei. c. 13. quoted by Pe­tavius [Page 87]in his Rationario Temporum, he reckoneth the whole time of Ehud ( viz. 80 yeares) apart, and doth not include the 18. yeares Oppression under Eglon within the compasse thereof: yet in viz. lib. 18. de civit Dei c. 22. another place he reckons otherwise; accounting 27. yeares for Joshua, and after him 329. more for the Judges till Samuel and Soul: which could not be but by including the Oppressors yeares within the years of the Judges, there be­ing nothing wanting but the 10 yeares of Elon to make all right, which Judge Saint Austin (by following the Septuagint) hath left quite out, though it be contrary to the truth, as I have already shewed ont of Judg. 12.11. For if those 10 yeares were added to 329, they then would make 339. which is in­deed the whole time of the Judges, that being the time which the Scripture allowes them after Joshua.

And thus we see how Petavius also as well as Codoman, goes a wrong way to worke: of whom I shall need to say no more; neither had I said so much in the contradicting so eminent a man, had it not been for the love of truth.

SECT. V. Of the fifth Period, from the foundation of the Temple in the fourth yeare of King Salomon, to the Desolation thereof in the nineteenth yeare of Ne­buchadnezzar. In which is also shewed the true and right account of the 390. and 40 yeares in Ezekiel.

THis next Period is the time that the Temple stood, and is a Period of 423. yeares, three Julian Moneths, and about eight dayes; beginning in the year of the Julian Period 3703. and ending in the yeare of the same Period 4126. which space is thus gathered; namely by the time after the fourth yeare of King Salomon to the first yeare of Jeroboam the sonne of Ne­bat who made Israel to sinne: Ezek. 4.5. after which were 390. yeares taught us by Ezekiel in the fourth Chapter of Ezekiel his Pro­phecie: [Page 86]at the end whereof the Land is left desolate of all her Inhabitants, in the three and twentieth yeare of Nebuchadnez­zar, almost 427. yeares after the Temple began to be built. For the first yeare of Jeroboam was Because K. Salomon reig­ned 40. years and but 3, be­fore he began to build the Temple. 37 yeares after King Sa­lomon began to lay the foundation: to which if we add 390. we have 427. Now out of this number we must deduct 4 (be­cause the Temple was burnt in the nineteenth yeare of Nebu­chadnezzar as appeares 2 King. 25.8.9.) and then there will re­main 423. the whole time of the years that the Temple stood. And as for the Moneths and dayes that were more, they were I say three Iulian Moneths and about eight dayes: for King Salomon laid the foundation on the last day of Aprill, and on the eighth of August it was destroyed. And then againe, that there were 37 years from the fourth of King Salomon to the be­ginning of the 390. yeares of Ezekiel in the first yeare of Iero­boam when he concluded for the setting up of his Idolatry, is true: for indeed there were 37 yeares, threesore dayes and one: For (as I said before) King Salomon laid the foundation of the Temple on the last day of Aprill in the yeare of the Iulian Period 3703. and Ieroboam concluded with his Councill for the the setting up of his Idolatry on the last day of Iune, which was the three and twentieth day of the third month in the year of the Period Iulion 3740: from whence to the last of June in the year of the Iulian Period 4130 were 390 years. In that year therefore 4130, about the later end of Iune, before the full end of the 23 year of Nebuchadnezzar, the 390 years of the sin of Israel, and the 40 years of the sin of Iudah ended. For we may not think that these 390 began precisely on the fifteenth day of the eighth moneth, when Ieroboam instituted a Feast for the worship of his golden Calves, but rather be­fore in the same year, viz. when he and his Councill had concluded for the making of them, or being made when he first set them in open view, and said, Behold thy Gods O Israel, which brought thee up out of the Land of Egypt, 1 Kin. 12.28. which without scruple I take to be on the 23 day of the third moneth, as is aforesaid; on which day the Jews fast, because of this which Ieroboam did.

And note further, that the reason why I say these 390 years end not untill near four years after the Temple was de­stroyed, is because Nebuchadnezzar had not done all that he was to do against Ierusalem, untill the 23 year of his reign, at which time that small remnant which was left in the Land with Gedaliah, Joseph Antiq. lib. 10. c. 11. was carryed away, the number then carryed being 745, as is recorded, Jer. 25.15. For now at this time (being about four years after the Temple was burnt) Nebuza­radan a Captain of the guard was sent by Nebuchadnezzar to carry all away; which he did: and so there was none of the posterity of Israel left remaining in the Land to provoke the Lord, either by their sins which they learned of Manasses, or by their sins of that Idolatry which they learned of Ieroboam 390 years before. For albeit the Kingdome of Israel ceased to be in the ninth year of Hoshea, yet there this reckoning of 390 may not end, but is still accounted till a full end be made, and that the Lord 2 Kin. 23.27. remove Iudah out of his sight as well as Israel; some reliques of Israel remaining among those of Iudah till the whole number of 390 was accomplished: be­yound which time, God in that holy Land of Promise would not endure the sin of Israel any more, which comming from Ieroboam had infected even them of Iudah too, 2 Kings 17.16.19. and therefore could not be throughly rooted out untill all (as well of Iudah as of Israel) were carryed out of that good Land given to their Fathers many hundred yeares be­fore.

This againe is proved by another number; Ezek. 4.6. a number of 40 years, taught us also by Ezekiel. For albeit the number of 390 (as it is whole) hath relation to both houses, yet 40 years of that reckoning are in more particular, pertinent onely to the house of Iudah, the thirtieth year whereof agreeth with the fifth year of Zedechia, Ezekiel 1.1. and therefore the last must needs reach to the 23 of Nebuchadnezzar, and the first be­gin in the eighteenth of Iosiah: from which year the whole number of these 40 years are undoubtedly to be accounted. For in that year Huldah the Prophetesse did foretell the ine­vitable destruction of Iudah, 2 Kin. 22, 3, 15, 16, &c. Then [Page 89]did Iosiah celebrate a solemne Passeover; then was it that the book of the Law, which had been lost, was found and read: at the hearing whereof the good King wept, the people (for their Sins) being threatned with Captivity. But from that evill to come Josiah had a promise to be taken away before it came: whose Godly courses should have moved his godlesse Subjects; But they (though bad before) growing then to be worse and worse, are fitly said to begin this burden of their 40 years sin, declining so far from a wished Conversion, that finally they fell into a dismall destruction. Yea then was it that the Altar in Bethel was destroyed; and so, as the 390 years began in that year when Jeroboham caused the said Altar to be built: in like manner these 40 years began in that year wherein Josiah caused it to be beaten down. For though it were a time of Reformation in respect of what Josiah did, yet not being followed on by the people and Kings after him (though threatned by Huldah with destruction) it is of all things herein the most probable that Ezekiel was moved to have respect thereunto, when he was commanded to set apart 40 years from his 390, and appropriate them to Judah in more particular then when he joyned the sins of Israel and Judah both together.

All which is likewise seen in the fifth Chapter of Ezekiel: for the Prophet there by shaving his head, and parting the haire, sheweth Judah's case. One part he burnt with fire: a­nother part he cut with a sword: a third part he scattered into the winde: One part he bound up; and soone after he burnt even that part also. So Jerusalem with her Inhabitants should perish by fire & sword, with other miserable destructi­ons: And albeit a small remnant was left for a while with Gedaliah, yet soone after they also shall be brought to no­thing; which accordingly came to passe in the three and twentieth year of Nebuchadnezzar, when cleane riddance is made of all out of their owne Land, signified by that part of haire which for a time was bound up, and at the last taken and burnt.

Finally, the length of this Period is likewise proved by [Page 90]two Sabbathicall years; the one in the dayes of Hezekia, the other in the dayes of Zedechia Kings of Judah: and both these noted in Scripture; the one by the Prophet Esay, Chapter 37. verse 30. The other by the Prophet Jeremiah, Chapter 34. verse 8.

That which the Prophet Esay mentions began in the eigh­teenth yeare of Hezekia, in the yeare after the Temple was founded 302, and yeare of the Julian Period 4004, and was Sabbathicall till the Autumne next after: at which time they sowed their fields which had rested from the Autumn before, as the law required. For this we are to note, That that expe­dition which Senacharib began against the Kingdome of Iudah and Jerusalem in the latter end of the 14 year of Hezekia was an expedition of Esay 20.3.4. three yeares, and intended chiefly the in­vading of Egypt: and therefore ended not till after the har­vest time of the year of the Julian Period 4004 when his host was slain by an Angell. For in the year of the same Period 4001 (the fourteenth year of Hezekia tending towards an end) Senacharib began it, and invaded some part of the King­dome of Judah first, where he took no few of the defenced Ci­ties thereof, Esa. 36.1. About which time Hezekia fell sick, and upon his recovery had a promise not onely that his life should be prolonged for fifteen years, but also that he and his City should be delivered out of the hand of the Assy­rian, Esay 38.5.6. Which story is indeed mentioned after the death of Senacharib, but in generall termes in respect of the time; as thus: In diebus illis, In those dayes: Petavius therefore had no just cause to blame Torniellus for his account herein. And as God had made this promise, so he accom­plished it, and drew away Senacharib into Egypt, where he in­countred with Sethon the King thereof in the year of the Ju­lian Period 4002, and came not into Judea againe untill the year 4004: the harvest of which year was thereupon spoyled and troden out in the fields. The next year had no harvest at all by reason of the year of Rest which began at the Autumne before. But in the year 4006 there was an harvest again: as was foretold in Esay 37.30. And thus is that place in Esay to be understood.

The other Sabbathicall year began in the ninth year of Ze­decbia 119. years after the former: This was in the year of the Julian Period 4123. In the next year the tenth of Zedechia be­gan: In the next after that ( viz. in the year of the Julian Peri­od 4125.) his eleventh, & ended not till about the beginning of the fourth Moneth in the yeare after, viz. in the year of the Julian Period 4126. in which year, before the full end of Nebuchadnezzars nineteenth year of reigne, and soon after the end of Zedechias eleventh year, the Temple was burnt, having then stood 423. yeares, three Iulian Moneths and about eight dayes. And why I say were 119 yeares from the eighteenth of Hezechia to the ninth of Zedechia, is because Hezechia (who reigned 29 years) reigned 11 after his eighteenth yeare, Ma­nasses 55. Amon 2. Josiah 31. Jehoahaz 3. Jehoiakim 11 years. Je­choniah 3 Moneths, and Zedechia 11 years: whose last year was (as I have already said) fully finished before the fifth moneth, in the which the Temple was burnt. And why also from the fourth of Salomon to the eighteenth of Hezechia were three hundred years and one compleat, is in regard that the reigns of the Kings of Judah and Israel (rightly compared each with other) do make it so, as in the following Table may be seen.

Years of the Iu­lian Period. Yeers of the World. Ye. Of rest & Jubilees Yeers of the Temple. A Table of the Yeers of the Kings of Ju­DAH and ISRAEL, during the time that the Temple stood.
3703 2994 7 7 1 4 ¶ In this Yeer, on the second day of the second Moneth, King Salomon began to build the Temple. At the seventh Moneth the ninth Jubilee began: See 2 Chron. 3.2.
3704 2995 1 Jub. ix. 2 5
3705 2996 2   3 6
3706 2997 3   4 7
3707 2998 4   5 8  
3708 2999 5   6 9  
3709 3000 6   7 10  
3710 3001 7 1 8 11 In this Yeer (at the seventh moneth) the Tem­ple was Dedicated, 1 Kings 8.2. It was in the be­ginning of a Yeer of Rest.
3711 3002 1   9 12
3712 3003 2   10 13
3713 3004 3   11 14  
3714 3005 4   12 15  
3715 3006 5   13 16  
3716 3007 6   14 17  
3717 3008 7 2 15 18  
3718 3009 1   16 19  
3719 3010 2   17 20  
3720 3011 3   18 21  
3721 3012 4   19 22  
3722 3013 5   20 23 About this time King Salomon finished the Build­ings of his own House, 2 Chron. 8.1.
3723 3014 6   21 24
3724 3015 7 3 22 25
3725 3016 1   23 26  
3726 3017 2   24 27  
3727 3018 3   25 28  
3728 3019 4   26 29  
3729 3020 5   27 30  
3730 3021 6   28 31  
3731 3022 7 4 29 32  
3732 3023 1   30 33 About this time (as is supposed) Salomons strange Wives & Concubines entice him to Idolatry; but before he died he re­pented, and (among his other Books) writeth that of the Preacher, as a recantation for his former errours and sins that he had committed: and having reigned forty yeers, died in the yeer of the World 3031.
3733 3024 2   31 34
3734 3025 3   32 35
3735 3026 4   33 36
3736 3027 5   34 37
Yeers of the Ju­lian Period. Yeers of the World. Ye. Of rest & Jub. Ye. Of the Temple A Table of the Kings of JUDAH and ISRAEL, during the time that the Temple stood.
3737 3028 6   35  
3738 3029 7 5 36      
3739 3030 1   37  
The KINGDOM divided.
  Kings of Judab. Kings of Israel.
3740 3031 2   38 1 Rehoboam the son of Salomon reigned over Judah 17. yeers, 1 Kin. 24.21.   1 Ieroboam reigned over Israel 22. yeers, 1 Kin. 14.20. the last of w ch yeers was incompleat as appeareth by the reign of his son Nadab. Salomons idolatry cau­sed by his strange Wives & Concubines together with Rehobo­ams tyranny, was the cause of this rent or division.
3741 3032 3   39 2   2
3742 3033 4   40 3   3
3743 3034 5   41 4   4
3744 3035 6   42 5 In this year Sesac King of Egypt made an inroad to Jerusalem, and spoil­ed the Temple, carry­ing from thence the Treasures, the golden Shields, &c. as it is in 1 Kin. 14, 25, 26. and in 2 Chron. 12.9.   5
3745 3036 7 6 43 6   6
3746 3037 1   44 7   7
3747 3038 2   45 8   8
3748 3039 3   46 9   9
3749 3040 4   47 10   10
3750 3041 5   48 11   11
3751 3042 6   49 12   12
3752 3043 7 7 50 13   13
3753 3044 1 Jub. x. 51 14   14 At the 7 th moneth of this yeer the tenth Iubilee began.
3754 3045 2 52 15   15
3755 3046 3   53 16   16
3756 3047 4   54 17   17  
3757 3048 5   55 1 Abiah the son of Raho­boam reigned three yeers compleat, 1 Kin. 15.1.   18  
3758 3049 6   56 2   19  
3759 3050 7 1 57 3   20  
3760 3051 1   58 1 Asa the son of Abiah reigned 41 years, 1 Kin. 15.9. He began in the latter part of Jerobeams 20 th yeer, as appeareth   21  
3761 3052 2   59 2   22 Nadab began in the second of Asa, and reigned two yeers, 1 King. 15.25. Baasa
3762 3053 3   60 3 1 1
3763 3054 4   61 4 2 2
3764 3055 5   62 5   3
Yeers of the Ju­lian Period. Yeers of the World. Ye. Of Rest & Jub. Ye. Of the Temple. A Table of the Kings of JUDAH and ISRAEL, during the time that the Temple stood.
Kings of Judah. Kings of Israel.
3765 3056 6   63 6 by the reign of Nadab, which else would have ended as soon as his fa­thers: and yet the Text saith he reigned 2 yeers after him; and so he did, viz. 2 yeers current, which is to be a rule for some of the rest. 4   killeth Nadab in the third of Asa, & reign­ed 24 yeers, 1 Kings 15, 28, 33.
3766 3057 7 2 64 7 5  
3767 3058 1   65 8 6  
3768 3059 2   66 9 7  
3769 3060 3   67 10 8  
3770 3061 4   68 11 9  
3771 3062 5   69 12 10  
3772 3063 6   70 13 11  
3773 3064 7 3 71 14 12  
3774 3065 1   72 15 * This was that famous yeer of Asa, where in he demolished the Idols, and restored the true worship of God in his Land, 2 Chron. 15.10. 13  
3775 3066 2   73 16 14  
3776 3067 3   74 17 15  
3777 3068 4   75 18 16  
3778 3069 5   76 19 17  
3779 3070 6   77 20 18  
3780 3071 7 4 78 21   19  
3781 3072 1   79 22   20  
3782 3073 2   80 23   21  
3783 3074 3   81 24   22  
3784 3075 4   82 25   23  
3785 3076 5   83 26   24. 1 Ela 2. he beg. In 26. Asa
3786 3077 6   84 27   1 2 Zimri,
3787 3078 7 5 85 28   2   Tibni, See 1 K. 16.10
3788 3079 1   86 29   3   Omri,
3789 3080 2   87 30   4  
3790 3081 3   88 31   5   In this yeer (being the 31 of Asa) Omri begins to reign alone; he build­eth Samaria, and keeps his Court there, as did al­so the other Kings of Is­rael after him [...] See 1 Kin. 16.23.
3791 3082 4   89 32   6  
3792 3083 5   90 33   7  
3793 3084 6   91 34   8  
3794 3085 7 6 92 35   9  
3795 3086 1   93 36   10  
3796 3087 2   94 37   11  
3797 3088 3   95 38   12. 1 Achab 22. he began in the 38. of Asa, 1 Kin. 16.29. in his time Jericho was built.
3798 3089 4   96 39   2
Yeers of the Ju­lian Period. Yeers of the World. Ye. Of Rest & Jub. Ye. Of Rest & Jub. A Table of the Kings of JUDAH and ISRAEL, during the time that the Temple stoood.
Kings of Judah. Kings of Israel.
3799 3090 5   97 40   Jehosaphat 25. yeers, 1 Kin. 22.41. He be­gan in the 4 th yeer of Achab, viz. in the latter part thereof, 1 Kin. 22.41.   3  
3800 3091 6   98 41     4  
3801 3092 7 7 99 1     5  
3802 3093 1 Jub. 100 2     6  
3803 3094 2 xi. 101 3     7  
3804 3095 3   102 4     8  
3805 3096 4   103 5   9  
3806 3097 5   104 6   10  
3807 3098 6   105 7   11  
3808 3099 7 1 106 8   12  
3809 3100 1   107 9   13  
3810 3101 2   108 10   14  
3811 3102 3   109 11   15  
3812 3103 4   110 12   16  
3813 3104 5   111 13   17  
3814 3105 6   112 14   18  
3815 3106 7 2 113 15   19  
3816 3107 1   114 16   20  
3817 3108 2   115 17   Jehosaphat decreeth that the Kingdom sal be Jo­ram's, because he was his eldest; but to his other Sons he given Gifts, 2 Chron. 21.3.   21  
3818 3109 3   116 18   1 22 Achazia two yeers, 1 Kin. 22.51.
3819 3110 4   117 19   2 1
3820 3111 5   118 20     2 Iehoram 12. he began in the eighteenth ve. Of Jebosaphat, viz. in the latter part there of, 2 Kin. 3.1.
3821 3112 6   119 21     3
3822 3113 7 3 120 22   4
3823 3114 1   121 23 1 Jehoram 8. he began in the fift yeer of Je­horam King of Israel, 2 King. 8.16.   5
3824 3115 2   122 24 2   6
3825 3116 3   123 25 3   7  
3826 3117 4   124   4   8  
3827 3118 5   125   5   9  
3828 3119 6   126   6   10  
3829 3120 7 4 127   7   11  
3830 3121 1   128 1 8 Achaziah, 2 Kin. 8.25 26. Athalia seven yeers current: see 2 Kin. 11.4   12  
3831 3122 2   129   1   1 Jehu 28 yeers, 2 Kin. chap. 9. he and Athalia began both in one yeer.
3832 3123 3   130   2   2
Yeers of the Julian Period. Yeers of the World. Yeers of Rest and Jubilees. Yeers of the Temple. A Table of the Kings of JUDAH and ISRAEL, during the time that the Temple stood.
          Kings of Judah. Kings of Israel.
3833 3124 4   131   3   3  
3834 3125 5   132   4   4  
3835 3126 6   133   5   5  
3836 3127 7 5 134   6   6  
3837 3128 1   135 1 7 joash 40. he began in the seventeenth of jehu king of israel, 2 kings 11.4. 7  
3838 3129 2   136 2   8  
3839 3130 3   137 3   9  
3840 3131 4   138 4   10  
3841 3132 5   139 5   11  
3842 3133 6   140 6   12  
3843 3134 7 6 141 7   13  
3844 3135 1   142 8   14  
3845 3136 2   143 9   15  
3846 3137 3   144 10   16 Carthage built. Ioseph.
3847 3138 4   145 11   17  
3848 3139 5   146 12   18  
3849 3140 6   147 13   19  
3850 3141 7 7 148 14   At the Autumn of this yeer the twelfth Jubilee began. 20  
3851 3142 1 Jub. xii. 149 15   21  
3852 3143 2 150 16   22  
3853 3144 3   151 17   23  
3854 3145 4   152 18   24  
3855 3146 5   153 19   25  
3856 3147 6   154 20   26  
3857 3148 7 1 155 21   27  
3858 3149 1   156 22   28  
3859 3150 2   157 23   1 Jehoahaz 17. he be­gan in the 23 yeer of Ioash K. of Iudah, 2 K. 13.1. the Syrians vexed him very much.  
3860 3151 3   158 24   2  
3861 3152 4   159 25   3  
3862 3153 5   160 26   4  
3863 3154 6   161 27   5  
Yeers of the Julian Period. Yeers of the World. Yeers of Rest and Jubilees. Yeers of the Temple. A Table of the Kings of JUDAH and ISRAEL, during the time that the Temple stood.
        Kings of Judah. Kings of Israel.
3864 3155 7 2 162 28   6  
3865 3156 1   163 29   7  
3866 3157 2   164 30   8  
3867 3158 3   165 31   9  
3868 3159 4   166 32   10  
3869 3160 5   167 33   11  
3870 3161 6   168 34   12  
3871 3162 7 3 169 35   13  
3872 3163 1   170 36   14  
3873 3164 2   171 37   15  
3874 3165 3   172 38   16 1 Joash 16. he began in the latter part of the 37. yeer of Joash King of Judah, 2 Kin. 13.10.
3875 3166 4   173 39   17 2
3876 3167 5   174 40 1 Amaziah began in the latter part of the second yeer of Joash King of Is­rael, and reigned 29 yeers 2 King. 14.1. at the end whereof he is slain by the People of Lachish, 27. yeers currant after Jeroboam's Father recovered the Kingdom of Israel from the Syrians; and in that regard Azariah (the son of this Amaziah) is said to begin his reign in the 27 yeer of Jeroboam, 2 K. 15.1, 2. that is, in the 27 yeer of Jeroboams King­dom recovered, w ch his fa­ther recovered from the Syrians about the sixt yeer of his reign, according to the saying of Elisha, 2 K. 13.14. Like to this is that   3
3877 3168 6   175 2   4
3878 3169 7 4 176 3   5  
3879 3170 1   177 4   6 Here Joash recovers his Kingdom from the Syrians, 2 K. 13.25. 'tis thought that going to this War he took in his son Jeroboam as part­ner with him in the Em­pire: whereupon it came to passe that Azariah is said to begin his reign in the 27. yeer of Jeroboam, 2 Kin. 15.1. Thus some. But see the other column.
3880 3171 2   178 5   7
3881 3172 3   179 6   8
3882 3173 4   180 7   9
3883 3174 5   181 8   10
3884 3175 6   182 9   11
3885 3176 7 5 183 10   12
3886 3177 1   184 11   13
3887 3178 2   185 12   14
3888 3179 3   186 13   15
3889 3180 4   187 14   16  
3890 3181 5   188 15 1   Jeroboam the second 41 he began in the 15 yeer of Amaziah King of Ju­dah, 2 King. 14.23. from which yeer he reigned
3891 3182 6   189 16 2  
3892 3183 7 6 190 17 3  
3893 3184 1   191 18 4  
3894 3185 2   192 19 5  
Yeers of the Julian Period. Yeers of the World. Yeers of Rest and Jubilees. Yeeers of the Temple. A Table of the Kings of JUDAH and ISRAEL, during the time that the Temple stood.
Kings of Judah. Kings of Israel.
3895 3186 3   193 20 of the 36. yeer of Asa, men­tioned in the second Book of the Chronicles, chap. 16 ver. 1. where Baasa is alive, and diverted from building of Ramah: which if it be understood properly, can­not be true. 6 his 41. yeers, ibid. See also Petav. De Doctr. Temp. l. 9. c. 55.
3896 3187 4   194 21 7
3897 3188 5   195 22 8
3898 3189 6   196 23 9  
3899 3190 7 7 197 24 10 The XIII. Iubilee.
3900 3191 1 Jub. xiii. 198 25 11  
3901 3192 2 199 26 12  
3902 3193 3   200 27   13  
3903 3194 4   201 28   14  
3904 3195 5   202 29   15  
3905 3196 6   203 1 Azariah began in this yeer; he was otherwise called Ʋzziah, and reigned 52. yeers, 2 Kin. 15.1. 16  
3906 3197 7 1 204 2 17  
3907 3198 1   205 3 18  
3908 3199 2   206 4 19  
3909 3200 3   207 5 20  
3910 3201 4   208 6   21  
3911 3202 5   209 7   22  
3912 3203 6   210 8   23  
3913 3204 7 2 211 9   24  
3914 3205 1   212 10   25  
3915 3206 2   213 11   26  
3916 3207 3   214 12 If the 27 th yeer of Ie­roboam, for the begin­ning of Azariah, be ta­ken properly for the 27 th yeer of his own reign, then must Azari­ah be 11 yeers of his 52 under tutours before he took upon him the administration of the 27  
3917 3208 4   215 13 28  
3918 3209 5   216 14 29  
3919 3210 6   217 15 30  
3920 3211 7 3 218 16 31  
3921 3212 1   219 17 32  
3922 3213 2   220 18 33  
3923 3214 3   221 19 34  
3924 3215 4   222 20 35  
3925 3216 5   223 21 36  
Yeers of the Iulian Period. Yeers of the World. Yeers of Rest and Jubilees. Yeeers of the Temple. A Table of the Kings of JUDAH and ISRAEL, during the time that the Temple stood.
Kings of Judah. Kings of Israel.  
3926 3217 6   224   22 Kingdom; and so Co­doman in his Chrono­logy, lib. 3. cap. 7. 37  
3927 3218 7 4 225   23 38  
3928 3219 1   226   24 39  
3929 3220 2   227   25   40  
3930 3221 3   228   26   41  
3931 3222 4   229   27   1 After the death of Je­roboam there was no King in Israel till the 38. yeer of Azariah King of Ju­dah, 2 King. 15.8. and therefore here must be an interregnum of twelve yeers: Hoseae the pro­phet speaks of it in the tenth chapter of his pro­phesie, at the first and third verses.  
3932 3223 5   230   28 Esay began to Pro­phesie. 2  
3933 3224 6   231 Olympiads.   29 3  
3934 3225 7 5 232   30   4  
3935 3226 1   233   31   5  
3936 3227 2   234   32   6  
3937 3228 3   235   33   7  
3938 3229 4   236 1. 1 34 the first yeer of the first Olympiad. 8  
3939 3230 5   237 2   35 9  
3940 3231 6   238 3   36   10  
3941 3232 7 6 239 4   37   11  
3942 3233 1   240 1 2 38   12  
3943 3234 2   241 2   39   1 Zachary and Shallum. Menahen began in the latter part of the 39. yeer of Azariah, after he had slain Shallum; he reigned ten yeers, 2 Kin. 15.14, 17.  
3944 3235 3   242 3   40   1  
3945 3236 4   243 4   41   2  
3946 3237 5   244 1 3 42   3  
3947 3238 6   245 2   43   4  
3948 3239 7 7 246 3   44 The XIV. Jubilee. 5  
3949 3240 1   247 4   45   6  
3950 3241 2   248 1 4 46   7  
3951 3242 3   249 2   47   8  
3952 3243 4   250 3   48   9  
3953 3244 5   251 4   49   10 Pekaia 2. he began in the 50 yeer of Azariah, 2 Kin. 15.27.  
3954 3245 6   252 1 5 50   1  
3955 3246 7 1 253 2   51   2  
3956 3247 1   254 3   52   1 Peka 20. he began
Yeers of the Julian Period. Yeers of the World. Yeers of Rest and Jubilees. Olimpiads. Yees of the Temple. A Table of the Kings of JUDAH and ISRAEL, during the time that the Temple stood.  
  Kings of Judah. Kings of Israel.  
3957 3248 2   4   255 1   Jotham the son of A­zariah begā his reign in the second yeer of Peka King of Israel, & reigned sixteen yeers, 2 Kin. 15.33. 2 in the 52. yeer of Azariah, 2 Kin. 15.27.  
3958 3249 3   1 6 256 2   3  
3959 3250 4   2   257 3   4  
3960 3251 5   3   258 4   5  
3961 3252 6   4   259 5   6  
3962 3253 7 2 1 7 260 6   7 In this yeer begā the Building of Rome by Romulus, on the 21. day of April; and on the 27. of July next af­ter, the seventh O­lympiad began.  
3963 3254 1   2   261 7   8  
3964 3255 2   3   262 8   9  
3965 3256 3   4   263 9   10  
3966 3257 4   1 8 264 10   11  
3967 3258 5   2   265 11   This was the first yeer of the Aera of Nabonassar: he reign­ed fourteen yeers. Ptol. 12  
3968 3259 6   3   266 12   13  
3969 3260 7 3 4   267 13   14  
3970 3261 1   1 9 268 14   15  
3971 3262 2   2   269 15   16  
3972 3263 3   3   270 16 1 Achas began in the seventeenth yeer of Peka King of Israel, and reigned sixteen yeers, 2 King. 16.1. 17  
3973 3264 4   4   271 2   18  
3974 3265 5   1 10 272 3   19  
3975 3266 6   2   273 4   20  
3976 3267 7 4 3   274 5   1 Hoshea killeth Peka in this yeer, being the fift yeer of Achas, and the twentieth yeer since the beginning of Jotham's reign; from which time till the twelfth of Achas, he was unsetled in his Kingdom, and no abso­lute King till then: See 2 Kin. 15.30. & ch. 17.1. Egypt.  
3977 3268 1   4   275 6   2  
3978 3269 2   1 11 276 7   3  
3979 3270 3   2   277 8   4  
3980 3271 4   3   278 9   5 41  
3981 3272 5   4   279 10   6 42  
3982 3273 6   1 12 280 11   7 43  
3983 3274 7 5 2   281 12   8   44  
3984 3275 1   3   282 13   1 ¶ Here Hoshea began to reign, viz. in the latter part of the twelfth yeer of Achas, and reigned nine yeers, 2 Kin. 17.1. 1 Sabaccon 8.  
3985 3276 2   4   283 14   2 2  
3986 3277 3   1 13 284 15   3 3  
3987 3278 4   2   285 16 1 Ezekias began in 4   4  
Yeers of the Julian Period. Yeers of the World. Yeers of Rest and Jubilees. Olympiads. Yees of the Temple. A Table of the Yeers of the Kings of JUDAH and ISRAEL, during the time that the Temple stood.
  Kings of Judah. Kings of Israel.
3988 3279 5   3   286 2 the end of Hoshea's third yeer, and reign­ed 29. yeers, as may be seen in the second Book of Kings, chap. 18. 5   5  
3989 3280 6   4   287 3 6   6  
3990 3281 7 6 1 12 288 4 7   7  
3991 3282 1   2   289 5 8   8  
3992 3283 2   3   290 6 9 Here the Kingdō of Israel ended. 1 Sethon or Sevechus 14.
3993 3284 3   4   291 7   2
3994 3285 4   1 13 292 8   3
3995 3286 5   2   293 9   4
3996 3287 6   3   294 10   5
3997 3288 7 7 4   295 11 At Autumn the XV. IUbilee began. 6  
3998 3289 1 Jub. xv. 1 14 296 12   7  
3999 3290 2 2   297 13   8  
4000 3291 3   3   298 14   9  
4001 3292 4   4   299 15 Sennacharib invades Judea, the 14 yeer of Ezekia almost ended 10  
4002 3293 5   1 15 300 16 In this yeer he invades Egypt, viz. in the 11. yeer of Sethon King of Egypt. 11  
4003 3294 6   2   301 17 12  
4004 3295 7 1 3   302 18 In this yeer he returns into Judea again, and hath 185000 of his Souldiers slain by an Angel, 2 Kin. 18.13. & chap. 19.35. He­rodotus heard of these things in Egypt, but they were greatly corrupted, telling us how a great multitude of Mice came into the Army of Sennacherib in the night, and did so gnaw the Bows, Quivers and straps of his mens Armour, that they were glad to fly away the next morning, &c. Herod. lib. 2. 13  
4005 3296 1   4   303 19 14  
4006 3297 2   1 16 304 20 1 Tharachus 18.
4007 3298 3   2   305 21 2
4008 3299 4   3   306 22 3
4009 3300 5   4   307 23 4
4010 3301 6   1 17 308 24 5  
4011 3302 7 2 2   309 25 6  
4012 3303 1   3   310 26 7  
4013 3304 2   4   311 27 8  
4014 3305 3   1 18 312 28 9  
4015 3306 4   2   313 29   10  
4016 3307 5   3   314 1 Manasses 55. yeers, 2 Kin. 21.1. he was one while a very wicked King, but repent­ed 11  
4017 3308 6   4   315 2 12  
Yeers of the Julian Period. Yeers of the World. Rests and Jubilees. Olympiads. Yeers of the Temple. Kings of Judah. Fgypt. Things of Note in the continua­tion of the TABLE.            
4018 3309 7 3 1 21 316 3 13   Me [...] Baby­lom. afterwards, 2 Chr. 33.11, 12. The Jewes say that he caused the Pro­phet Esay to be sawen asunder in the twelfth yeer of his reign.  
4019 3310 1   2   317 4 14    
4020 3311 2   3   318 5 15   17 6    
4021 3312 3   4   319 6 16   18 1   Rigebelns 1.  
4022 3313 4   1 22 320 7 17   19 1 Mefessimordachus 4. Rigebelus in Babylon one yeer. Ptol.  
4023 3314 5   2   321 8 18   20 2 Mesessimordachus in Babylon 4 yeers. Ide.
4024 3315 6   3   322 9   Anarchia 2. XII. Captains 15. 21 3  
4025 3316 7 4 4   323 10 2 22 4  
4026 3317 1   1 23 324 11 1 23 1   An Interregnum 8. An Interregnum in Babylon, which laster eight yeers. Ide.  
4027 3318 2   2   325 12 2 24 2    
4028 3319 3   3   326 13 3 25 3    
4029 3320 4   4   327 14 4 26 4    
4030 3321 5   1 24 328 15 5   27 5   Bellarmine setteth the imprisonment of Manasses in this yeer.  
4031 3322 6   2   329 16 6   28 6    
4032 3323 7 5 3   330 17 7   29 7  
4033 3324 1   4   331 18 8   30 8  
4034 3325 2   1 25 332 19 9   31 1 Asaradinus 13. currant. At the end of the interregnum in Babylon, Assaradinus began, having reigned before in Nineveh, and was (as is probable) Asser­haddon the son of Sennacharib.  
4035 3326 3   2   333 20 10   32 2  
4036 3327 4   3   334 21 11   33 3  
4037 3328 5   4   335 22 12   34 4 In this yeer according to the Seder Olam Rabba (cited by Kimchi on the fourth chapter of Ezekiel) Manasses was led into Captivity.  
4038 3329 6   1 26 336 23 13   35 5  
4039 3330 7 6 2   337 24 14   36 6  
4040 3331 1   3   338 25 15   37 7  
4041 3332 2   4   339 26 1 Psammiticus 54 38 8  
4042 3333 3   1 27 340 27 2 39 9 The Author of the great Hebrew Chrono­logie (cited by Sir Walter Raleign) saith, Manasses was imprisoned in this yeer, be­ing the 27 th. yeer of his reign.  
4043 3334 4   2   341 28 3 40 10    
4044 3335 5   3   342 29 4 41 11    
4045 3336 6   4   343 30 5   42 12    
4046 3337 7 7 1 28 344 31 6   43 13 Saosduchinus in the Book of Judith
Yeers of the Julian Peried. Yeers of the World. Rests and Jubilees. Olympiads. Egypt. Medes. Babylon. Yeers of the Temple. Kings of Judah. Things of Note in the continuation of the TABLE.  
4047 3338 1 Jub. xvi. 2   7 44   2 Saosduchinus 20. 345 32   is called Nabuchadonosor, as by the ve­ry time of his reign appeareth.  
4048 3339 2 3   8 45   3 346 33    
4049 3340 3   4   9 46   4 347 34  
4050 3341 4   1 28 10 47   5 348 35  
4051 3342 5   2   11 48   6   349 36  
4052 3343 6   3   12 49   7   350 37  
4053 3344 7 1 4   13 50   8   351 38  
4054 3345 1   1 29 14 51   9   352 39  
4055 3346 2   2   15 52   10   353 40  
4056 3347 3   3   16 53   11   354 41  
4057 3348 4   4   17 1 Phraortes 22. 12   355 42   Dioces (otherwise called Arphauad) slain this yeer.
4058 3349 5   1 30 18 2 13   356 43   Holophernes slain in this yeer, being the next after the death of Dioces.  
4059 3350 6   2   19 3 14   357 44    
4060 3351 7 2 3   20 4   15   358 45  
4061 3352 1   4   21 5   16   359 46  
4062 3353 2   1 31 22 6   17   360 47  
4063 3354 3   2   23 7   18   361 48  
4064 3355 4   3   24 8   19   362 49  
4065 3356 5   4   25 9   20   363 50  
4066 3357 6   1 32 26 10   1 Chyniladanus 22. 364 51  
4067 3358 7 3 2   27 11   2 365 52  
4068 3359 1   3   28 12   3 366 53  
4069 3360 2   4   29 13   4 367 54  
4070 3361 3   1 33 30 14   5   368 55  
4071 3362 4   2   31 15   6   369 1 Amon 2. Amon the son of Manasses two yeers 2 Kings 21.19.  
4072 3363 5   3   32 16   7   370 2  
4073 3364 6   4   33 17   8   371 1 Jostah 31. Josiah succeeded his Father Amon, and reigned after him 31. yeers, 2 Kings 22.1.  
4074 3365 7 4 1 34 34 18   9   372 2  
4075 3366 1   2   35 19   10   373 3  
Yeers of the Iulian Period. Yeers of the World. Rests and Jubilees. Olympiads. Egypt. Medes. Babylon. Yeers of the Temple. Kings of Judah. Things of Note in the continuation of the TABLE.
4076 3367 2   3   36   20   11   374 4  
4077 3368 3   4   37   21   12   375 5  
4078 3369 4   1 36 38   22   13   376 6  
4079 3370 5   2   39   1 Cyaxares 40. 14   377 7  
4080 3371 6   3   40   2 15   378 8   In this yeer Josiah is said to seek after the God of David, and did o­penly shew his zeal, though he were but young, 2 Chron. 34.3.  
4081 3372 7 5 4   41   3 16   379 9    
4082 3373 1   1 37 42   4   17   380 10    
4083 3374 2   2   43   5   18   381 11   Ezekiels 40. yeers.    
4084 3375 3   3   44   6   19   382 12     In this yeer Iosiah began to sup­presse Idolatry, 2 Chron. 34.3.  
4085 3376 4   4   45   7   20   383 13      
4086 3377 5   1 38 46   8   21   384 14    
4087 3378 6   2   47   9   22   385 15    
4088 3379 7 6 3   48   10   1 Nabopollassar 21. 386 16     Nabopollassar (the Father of Ne­buchadnezzar) began in this yeer.  
4089 3380 1   4   49   11   2 387 17      
4090 3381 2   1 39 50   12   3 388 18   1   In this yeer was Iosiah's solemn Passover, 2 Kin. 23.22.  
4091 3382 3   2   51   13   4 389 19   2    
4092 3383 4   3   52   14   5   390 20   3  
4093 3384 5   4   53   15   6   391 21   4   In this yeer an Eclipse of the Moon on the 23. day of April, 29. min. past 5. in the morn­ing, at which time the fifth yeer of Nabopollassar was not ended, as is noted by Ptolo­mey.  
4094 3385 6   1 40 54   16   7   392 22   5 Ezekiels 390.  
4095 3386 7 7 2   1 Necho 17. 17   8   393 23   6  
4096 3387 1 Job. xvii. 3   2 18   9   394 24   7  
4097 3388 2 4   3 19   10   395 25   8  
4098 3389 3   1 41 4   20   11   396 26   9  
4099 3390 4   2   5   21   12   397 27   10  
4100 3391 5   3   6     13   398 28   11 361  
4101 3392 6   4   7     14   399 29   12 362  
4102 3393 7 1 1 42 8     15   400 30   13 363  
4103 3394 1   2   9     16   401 31   14 364  
4104 3395 2   3   10     17   402 1 [...] 15 365 Iosiah slain in the spring, Iehoahaz
Yeers of the Iu­lian Period. Yeers of the World. Iudah. Babylon. Egypt. Rests and Inbilees Ezekiel's 390. Ezekiel's 40. Yeer of the Temple Things of Note in the continuation of the TABLE. Olympiads.
4105 3396 2 Jehoiakim 11. 18   11   3   366 16 403 succeedeth, & reigned three moneths: then Jehoiakim 11 yeers, 2 Kin. 23.36 4  
4106 3397 3 19   12   4   367 17 404 1 43
4107 3398 4 20 1 Nebuchadnezzar. 13   5   368 18 405 Nebuchadnezzar begins in the end of Iehoiakims third yeer, and beginning of his fourth, Dan. 1.1. & Ier. 25.1. at which time his father was alive, as Iosephus out of Berosus sheweth. 2  
4108 3399 5   21 2 14   6   369 19 406 3  
4109 3400 6   3 15   7 2 370 20 407 4  
4110 3401 7   4 16   1   371 21 408 1 44
4111 3402 8   5   17   2   372 22 409 2  
4112 3403 9   6   1 Psammis 6. 3   373 23 410 3  
4113 3404 10   7   2 4   374 24 411   4  
4114 3405 11   8   3 5   375 25 412   1 45
4115 3406 1 Zedechiah 11.   9   4   6   376 26 413 Zedekiah began about the be­ginning of the fourth moneth, and reigned eleven yeers com­pleat, and some few days more, Ier. 52. 2  
4116 3407 2   10   5   7 3 377 27 414 3  
4117 3408 3   11   6   1   378 28 415 4  
4118 3409 4   12   1 Apries 25. 2   379 29 416 1 46
4119 3410 5   13   2 3   380 30 417 2  
4120 3411 6   14   3 4   381 31 418   3  
4121 3412 7   15   4   5   382 32 419   4  
4122 3413 8   16   5   6   383 33 420   1 47
4123 3414 9   17   6   7 4 384 34 421 At Autumn a yeer of Rest be­gan, and was that Rest metion­ed Ier. 34.8. 2  
4124 3415 10   18   7   1   385 35 422 3  
4125 3416 11   19   8   2   386 36 423 4  
4126 3417 * ¶   20   9   3   387 37   * ¶ In this yeer the Temple destroyd by Nebuchadnezzar before the ful end of his 19 th yeer, 2 Kin. 25.8. It was is the first yeer of the 48. Olympiad. 1 48
4127 3418   21   10   4   388 38   2  
4128 3419   22   11   5   389 39   3  
4129 3420   23   12   6   390 40   4  
4130 3421 **   24   13   7 5   ** In this yeer (before the beginning of the four and twentieth yeer of Nebuchadnezzar) the 390. and 40. yeers of Ezekiel ended, Ezek. chap. 4. & Ier. 52.30.   49

SECT. VI. Of the sixth Period, from the destruction of the Temple by Nebuchadnezzar, to the beginning of the building thereof againe by Zorobabel in the second year of Darius King of Persia.

THis next Period is the time that the Temple lay wast, and is a Period of 68 years compleat; the first whereof began in the year of the Julian Period 4126, and the last was ended in the year of the same Period 4194, which was the first year of the 65 Olympiad, the 228 of Nabonassar, and second of Darius the son of Hystaspis.

This the Prophet sheweth, Zach. 1.12. Where he telleth that the second year of that Darius who gave order by his E­dict for the building again of the Temple, was the seventieth year from the desolation of the Cities of Judah and Ierusalem. For Oh Lord of Hosts (saith he) how long shall it be before thou ta­kest pitty on Hierusalem, and on the Cities of Judah, with which thou hast been angry: This is the seventieth year. Thus that Pro­phet: In which words we are to note, first that these 70 years, at the time mentioned, were not compleate, but current; And secondly that they are to begin at the demonstration of Gods wrath fully and firmely fixed against the Cities of Iu­dah and Ierusalem: which I take to be then when the Jews were made to see and perceive that their great hopes of helpe from Egypt were become frustrate and void, Pharaoh's Army being beaten back from the succour of Ierusalem by the Chalde­ans, who put that Army to flight, and then returned againe to Ierusalem, against which they then laid that siege, which from thenceforth continued without any further interrupti­on untill the City was taken. Now this returne I have al­ready noted to be on the fourth day of May, in the year of the Julian Period 4125: from whence to the fourth of May in the year of the same Period 4195 are fully 70 years. But [Page 107]because these years were not compleat at the time when the Angel made mention of them, we shal not need to descend so low as the fourth of May on which they were ended, but ra­ther and indeed have recourse (as the seventh verse sheweth) to the 24 day of the eleventh moneth, whilst the second year of Darius was still running on: and so doing we shall come as I take it, to the twelfe day of February which was before the fourth day of May before mentioned; at which time not only was the seventieth year unfinished, but also the second of Da­rius was not ended: for the years of Darius did so begin and end, as one year of his reigne did certainly partake with two years of the Julian Period. And therefore though the second year of Darius here mentioned began in the year of the Juli­an Period 4194, yet it was not ended in that year, but at the least did reach beyond March in the year 4195; as ap­peareth by the third day of Adar which was about the tenth day of March in that yeare when this Temple was finished. See Ezr. 6.15.

And thus is this a plain proofe: howbeit I finde it con­tradicted by Joseph Scaliger, not onely in his Animadver­sions upon Eusebius, but lib. 6. De E­mendat. Tem­por. elsewhere; affirming that the Tem­ple was not restored untill the second year of Darius Nothus, near an hundred years later then this second of Darius Hystas­pis.

But what though Joseph Scaliger thinketh so? Josephus the Jew thought otherwise; so did the ancient Christian Fathers, Clemens, Eusebius, Augustine, Hierom, and others. Severus Sul­pitius indeed is of Scaligers side, and so doth Tertullian also confusedly seem to be, beside many other late writers, who take part with Scaliger: but we may justly call them all into question with him in this particular; not out of any Spirit of contradiction, but for the advancement of a more likely truth. For what saith the Prophet Haggai, c. 2. v. 3? Who is he among you who saw this House in her first glory? and how doe ye see it now? Is it not in your eyes, in comparison of it, as nothing? yet now be strong, &c. By which words we see that both Houses must be in the memory of a man, [Page 108]and some must be then alive who saw both: which in the se­cond of Nothus, upon due consideration, will be scarce thought probable.

The like may be also thought concerning the ages of Zo­robabel and Joshua, who were in office in the first year of Cyrus, and so continued till the Temple was built, and after: but from the first year of Cyrus to the second of Darius Nothus, were an hundred and thirteen years; and from the destructi­on of the Temple in the nineteenth of Nebuchadnezzar, to the same time, an hundred sixty and five years: to which must be added such a competent number of years more as shall make them who are officers capable of office, and the other apt to remember from the time that we account; and so to remember, as that they be able to judge between the glory of the one House, and the glory of the other House, which a childe of few years could not doe. And note that these distan­ces are thus, in regard that the ninteenth of Nebuchadnezzar was in the year of the Julian Period 4126; the first of Cyrus over Babylon, in the year of the Julian Period 4178; and the se­cond of Darius Nothus, in the year of the Julian Period 4291.

But the adverse party have answered. And first (say they) we mistake the Prophet Zachary. For although he speaketh of 70 years in the dayes of Darius, yet he doth not meane that those 70 years ended but then. His meaning rather is, that the Jews had endured the 70 years of Captivity which were prophecyed of, and yet they saw not the full restitution of their City and Country: and therefore saith the Angel, Domine, quousque? Lord, How long? &c. As if he should say, The 70 years for the desolation of Jerusalem are long since ended, and wilt thou still be angry with thy people?

Which answer though it may a little colour the businesse, is nothing at all convincing: for the words of the Text doe plainely shew that the last of those years was but then when the Prophet had his vision: and therefore saith the Angel, This is the seventieth year. Which (as at the first verse ap­peareth) was even then when the word of the Lord came to Zedechiah in the second year of Darius. To which reply [Page 109] lib. 12. De Doctr. Temp. cap. 24. Petavius well accordeth, saying; Haec est certissima loci hujus in­terpretatis, This is a most certaine interpretation of the place. And so also Cluverus, in his Computo Chronologico. Nor is this but confirmed further out of Zach. 2.4. where the said Prophet Zachary is called a young man, even in the dayes of that Darius who made an Edict for the building of the Templ; eand yet this Zachary was one who prophecyed before, among them that prophecied in the second year of Cyrus, when the foundation first was laid, after the Captivity, that it might be built; as may be gathered out of the eighth Chapter of the same Prophecy, at the ninth verse. And if but a young man in Darius his time, and yet a Prophet before when Cyrus reigned, in whose second year the foundation of this Temple was laid, how can it be that the time for the building of it should be so late as the reigne of Darius Nothus? for if Zachary lived till then, he must not be young, but very old, Zacha. 8.9.

Beside, in the seventh chapter of the same Prophecy, at the first and fifth verses, the Prophet againe speakes of 70 years in the fourth year of Darius, which being accounted from the year of the Julian Period 4126. (when both City and Tem­ple were destroyed) doe end exactly in the fourth year of Darius, as is required, not Nothus, but Hystaspis.

2. Go we on therefore to the next, Neither is it granted (say they) that the Prophet Haggai speaketh of any who had seen both Temples. For by an usuall manner of speaking the phrase of the Prophet imports but this: namely, That if any were alive who had seen the former Temple, he would take this latter as nothing to that. For when the Prophet saith, who is he among you, &c. he doth but expresse himselfe as our Saviour did in the Parable of the lost sheepe, Luke 15.4. saying, which of you having an hundred sheepe, &c. that is, If any among you having an hundred sheepe, Matth. 18.12. Thus they answer. But here is no Parable; nor will the words ad­mit of any such glosse. For the Prophet speaketh to them in the second person, saying: Is it not in your eyes? that is, In yours which did know and see the other Temple. This is the [Page 110]plain sense without any wresting or flying from that which was spoken properly to what was spoken Parabolically. One therefore saith Sed hoc festivum est; & nulla responsione dignum, quod locum allegatum Haggaei prophetae in modum Parabolae accipiunt. Pawell in his Concil. Chro. pag. 114. 115. And a little after, Nullibi verbum hic substantivum subjunctivi modi in tempore imperfecto, cum particula conditionali. But I can prove it further; For they were (saith Ezra) the children of the Cap­tivity who as soon (as the Temple was built) kept the Passe­over upon the fourteenth day of the first Moneth, Ezr. 6.19. And if the children of the Captivity, then not the children of a new Age; as by and by shall be further manifest. And if not the children of a new Age; then they were such as had seen as well the former as the latter house.

3. Come we then to the next: to which they answer, That the Ages of Joshua and Zorobabel, though extended as far as Darius Nothus, were not so long but that they might live till then.

So say I; they might live so long; But that they did, is ve­ry improbable: and most of all that they should live so long fit for action and publike employment. For by this account they must be in office together 117. yeares at the least, from the first of Cyrus to the sixth of Darius Nothus: but how old they were when they entred on their office, how long in it before the Captivity ended, or at what time they dyed after the Temple was finished, is not declared. And indeed it is too much to grant, without better evidence, that in an hundred & seventeen yeares and more should be but one high Priest, and that in the times following (being about 115. yeares) till the end of this Monarchie there should be five; as may be seen Neb. 12.10. I take therefore this proportion of time to be as true as that other assertion of theirs annexed hereunto, That in 150 yeares (for so long must be by them till Nehemi­ah came up) there should be but one governour, namely Zero­babel; and that Nehemiah was the next after him, none com­ming between: whereas the truth is, there were some between & such as had oppressed the people, mentioned by Nehemiah, though not named who they were, Neh. 5.15.

Beside, in the twentieth yeare of Artaxerxes, Nehemiah de­manded [Page 111]in what case they were at Jerusalem, who were the remnant of the Captivity, Neh. 1.2, 3. And if so long after the building of the Temple, as the twentieth of Artaxerxes a rem­nant of them who went into Captivity were still alive, the difficulty increaseth, and cannot be removed but by yeilding to them who stand (as they ought) for the second yeare of Da­rius the sonne of Histaspis. Which reply I shall confirme yet further by what is afterward mentioned by Nehemiah c. 7. v. 4. where he confesseth that the people in the City, in the twen­tieth of Artaxerxes aforesaid, were but few, and therefore many houses stil unbuilt; giving thereby great suspition stil to this supposed lengeh of time. For when they returned out of Captivity, Ezra 2.64. Ezra saith there were 42360. of them, beside their men-servants and their maid-servants, of whom there were 7337. which added to the other do make 49697 in all. Now that in 150 years (for so long must be to the twentieth of Ar­taxerxes who was after Darius Nothus) this company should be no better increased, but that Nehemiah must complain of an empty City, is a thing very unlike, considering the naturall fruitfulnesse of that Nation, and those infinite multitudes whereunto they grew within 40 yeares after in spight of the continuall wars which dayly did consume them.

But perhaps you wil say, the other Cities had emptied this, and therefore there were but few. Surely no: for (as may be gathered out of the eleventh Chapter of Nehemiah) those Ci­ties about Jerusalem had but 30440. in them; because the Tythe, Neh. 11.1. which was chosen by lot out of every company, amounted but to 3044.

There were therefore before this Tything was made, more in Jerusalem for the part (considering the company which came up at the first) then in the other Cities: which number surely would have been so much increased by Nehemiahs time, that he should not have needed to have complained for lacke of inhabitants, if the time had been so long as Scaliger and his followers would make it.

But they object further concerning the time of this Tem­ple, that it could not be till the dayes of Darius Nothus, because [Page 112]the decree which Cyrus made concerning it was forgotten; witnesse the great search that was made about it, no man a­live being able to remember it.

To which I answer, that the Adversaries of the Jewes would be sure to carry the matter against them as cunningly as they could; and therefore having recourse to a King newly come to his throne, they might and did desire search to be made a­mong the Rols, hoping that either Cyrus had not registred the Decree that he made (especially seeing it concerned not his owne people) or else that it might be lost through negli­gence; or else these might be other and younger Adversaries then those who at the first withstood the building; & therefore on their own knowledge could not remember it. Nay though there might be enough alive who could easily remember the departing of the Jewes home againe into their owne Coun­try; yet that the building of their Temple was granted by Decree, and that Decree registred, but few regarded; and in­deed might rather thinke there was no such thing then that there was, because the building was hindred in Cyrus his life time, as the Prophet Daniel sheweth. For in the third yeare of Cyrus, the Prince of Persia withstood it, Dan. 10.1.13.

But they have this to object, That for all this it must be Darius Nothus who restored the Temple, and not that other Darius the sonne of Hystaspis, because (as Ezra, c. 4.) it must be such a Darius as had an Artaxerxes before him, and an Artaxerxes after him: which none of the Kings of Persia had but Darius Nothus.

To which is answered, that Cambyses succeeding his Father in the throne is called by Ezra, c. 4. vers. 6. by the name of Ahasuerus, which was his Imperial name; and was so called as being the first that obtained the Persian Monarchie by the right of inheritance: for such (saith Master Lydiat) is the signi­fication of the word Ahasuerus or Assuerus. Nor will Scaliger himselfe but confesse that it was ordinary with these Kings to change their names when they tooke the Government of the Empire upon them, as Cluverus observeth in his Computo Chronologico. Cambyses therefore is not unfitly taken for Ahasue­rus, [Page 113]Ezra 4.6. Next after whom was Magus the Magician, who reigned under the name of the brother of Cambyses, the other son of Cyrus, called by Ctesias (not Smerdis, as in Herodotus, but) Tanyoxarces, or Tanyoxerxes: the same sure which Ezra calleth Artaxerxes, or Arthashast, Ezra 4.7. So that thus we have the first Artaxerxes, he who was before Darius. And as for the other after him, we need not make question but he was Artaxerxes Longimanus: For though Longimanus did not immediately succeed Darius, yet was he the first King after him who shewed favour in the restoring Jerusalem.

If they say the reigne of the Magician was too short to have any hand in the hindring the building of the Temple; I an­swer, it was not so short as some may imagine: for though he reigned but seven moneths after the death of Cambyses, yet was not that the whole time of his reigne: for he sat in the throne a good while before, even most of the time that Cam­byses was out of Persia making war in Egypt and in Ethiopia, and against the Ammonians.

To all which, Petavius well accordeth, in his twelfth book and 25 Chapter, De Doctrina Temporum: where noting the Kings of Persia in that order wherein they stand in the book of Ezra, thus he saith; The first is Cyrus, then Assuerus, cap. 4.6. to whom the Jews were accused. Then Artaxerxes, verse 7. who also favoured the Jews enemies, and forbad the building of the Temple. Afterwards Darius, cap. 5. in whose second year the Temple is restored. And after him Artax­erxes.

That Artaxerxes (saith he) who is mentioned next after Assuerus, was not Longimanus; but either the same with Assue­rus, as Josephus thinketh: supposing Cambyses to be signified by both those names; to whom Torniellus agreeth. Or else to speak truely, Assuerus is Cambyses; and Smerdis (the Magician) Artaxerxes, who cunningly held the Empire eight moneths after Cambyses: and hath some of his acts remembred by He­rodotus; as that he should free his subjects from tribute, and grant them a cessation from military employments for the space of three years, yea even for almost six years did this [Page 114]personated brother of Cambyses lie hid saith Ctesias, and car­ryed himselfe so cunningly as if he had been Tanyoxerces in­deed, whom Herodotus call Smerdis. Quare & ad hunc trahi non immerito potest, quod in Esdra legitur; Praefectos adversus Judaeos li­teras ad Artaxerxem dedisse. Petav. De Doctr. Tempor. lib. 12. c. 25. Learned Langius likewise assenteth hereunto, and hath lately declared himselfe against Scaliger in this particular. Quid enim vetat (saith he) reliquorum Regum more, & hos, cum imperium capescerent, nomen mutasse: & ex Cambyse Oxyarem, sive Assuerum; ex Smerde supposititio (quem Ctesias Tanyoxarcen vocat) Artoxarcen factum fuisse? Thus he, with much more to the same purpose, in his second book and ninth Chapter, De annis Christi.

And thus in this Section I have shewed the true time of the building of Zorobabels Temple, and proved it to be (not in the dayes of Darius Nothus, but) in the dayes of Darius the sonne of Hystaspis, who began his reigne in the year of the Julian Pe­riod 4193, which was fifteen years after Cyrus proclaimed li­berty for the Jews to returne home againe into their owne Country: Which account doth exactly agree to the Cae­lestiall Observations of Ptolomie, joyning the twentieth year of this Darius with the 246 of Nabonassar, as also the one and thirtieth with the 257 of Nahonassar: the first whereof was in the year of the Julian Period 4212, and the next in the year of the same Period 4223. In both which years the Moon is noted by him to be Eclipsed: The first, according to our Ju­lian account, was on the nineteenth day of November; And the other on the 25 of Aprill. Before which there is another Eclipse noted by him, in the seventh year of Cambyses, where­to he joyneth the 225 of Nabonassar, and was in the year of the Julian Period 4191. The first of Darius Hystaspis must there­fore needs be in the year of the said Period 4193.

SECT. VII. Of the seventh Period, from the second year of Darius Histaspis to the twentieth year of Artax­erxes Longimanus.

THis seventh Period is a Period of 65 years: which I can­not better demonstrate then by running through the reignes of all the Kings of Persia, from the first of Cyrus to the end of the last Darius whom Alexander conquered.

I begin then with Cyrus, who by the consent of all Au­thours began to reigne in the first year of the 55 Olympiad; viz. in the latter part thereof, which was in the year of the Julian Period 4155, at the Summer time whereof the second year of the said Olympiad began. He reigned 30 years, as Ctesi­as and most Authours write: of which, seven were over Ba­bylon according to Xenophon; or nine according to Ptolomie in his Mathematicall Canon of the Kings of Babylon. But I like best to follow Xenophon.

The next after Cyrus was Cambyses, who had some kinde of Dominion in the third year of Cyrus, as Daniel sheweth; but from his Fathers death (who dyed in the year of the Julian Period 4185) to his owne death, he had but seven years and five moneths, as it is testifyed by Herodotus, and confirmed by Ptolomie. In Ctesias his fragment we finde 18: which I beleeve to be a corruption, and should more rightly be eight; the last of which was incompleat, as by the seven years and five mo­neths noted in Herodotus well appeareth.

This King Cambyses went to war in Egypt in the third year of the sixty third Olympiad, which was in the year of the Ju­lian Period 4188; as Diodorus sheweth, lib. 2. during which time of his war there, and in Ethiopia, and against the Ammo­nians, his Kingdome at home was governed partly by his owne brother Tanyoxerxes, and partly by one of the Magoi of Persia who slew his brother and then counterfeted his per­son, [Page 116]and under the vaile of his name held the Empire til the death of Cambyses and seven moneths after, at which time the chiefe Nobles of Persia discovering the fraud slew him, and advanced Darius the son of Hystaspis to the throne in the year of the Julian Period 4193.

The next therfore that reigned after this counterfeit brother of Cambyses, was Darius the son of Hystaspis; the years of whose reigne are so diversly computed by sundry Authors as that it may seem hard to say how long he reigned: For Tertullian, lib. contra Judaeos, gives him but ninteen years; the Marmora Arun­delliana 28; Orosius 30; Ctesias 31; Julianus Toletanus 34; Hero­dotus 36; and Clemens of Alexandria 46. In which diversity, all the helpe that we have is from Herodotus; who, though he give him 36 years, doth neverthelesse declare that he dyed in the fifth year after the Marathon war: which war was not till the second year of the seventy second Olympiad, in which was the one and thirtieth year of his reigne: And therefore the whole time of his reigne could be but 34 years compleate, as Julianus Toletanus reckoneth; And of these he reigned but 33 before his son Xerxes was taken in to reigne with him, as in Herodotus again appeareth, lib. 7.

Xerxes therfore began in the year of the Julian Period 4226, and (as Diodorus saith) reigned something more then twenty years: after whom Artabanus (by whom Xerxes was slain) continued seven moneths, and at the end thereof Artabanus also being slain, Artaxerxes Longimanus began to reigne a­lone, and dyed not untill the seventh year of the Peloponnesian War in the winter time thereof; viz, in the year of the Ju­lian Period 4289 almost finished; as both Thucidides and Dio­dorus witnesse, Thucid. lib. 4. Diodor. lib. 11. Ctesias therefore was right in giving 42 years to this King after the death of Arta­banus.

But we are to note that this Artaxerxes had a twofold be­ginning to reigne: The one, some years before his Father Xerxes dyed: The other after his Fathers death, when he had slain Artabanus, who slew his Father seven moneths before. From the first he reigned 49 years: and from the second but 42, as hath been shewed. The first began in the year of [Page 117]the Julian Period 4240 towards the end thereof, even before the beginning of the seventh moneth: the other, in the year of the same Period 4247.

Thucidides hath an eye to the first of these, and so have the holy Scriptures in accounting the years of this King: but o­ther old Authours generally account from the latter time, when he began to reigne alone; in which Diodorus a little differeth from Ctesias, and hath therefore but 40 years in the stead of 42.

But now why this King should begin in his Fathers life time, and so soon as I have mentioned, is in regard of what we finde storyed concerning the banishment of Themistocles the A­thenian, who being expelled out of Athens by his unthankfull Country-men and Citizens, fled to the King of Persia for succour in the second year of the seventy seventh Olympiad, as Diodorus casts the time: and then we are sure Xerxes was liv­ing, because the time of his reigne was something more then twenty years. Diodorus hereupon saith that Themistocles came to Xerxes, and so doe some others; but Thucidides who was near those times, as also Plutarch, Charon Lampsacenus, and Aemilius Probus have witnessed that he came to Artaxerxes of late having begun to reigne. And if to Artaxerxes of late having begun to reigne, it must needs follow that Artaxerxes had a beginning before the second year of the 77 Olympiad, which (as appeareth by the account of Daniels 70 Weeks) was in the year of the Julian Period 4240 about the sixth moneth, which among the Jews was called Elul: and living after that till the seventh year of the Peloponnesian War, must needs have a longer time of reigne from this beginning then either forty or two and forty years.

But for a more clear demonstration, and so to reconcile these Authours that they may speak true on either side, let me add out of Petavius, namely, That Themistocles being ba­nished came to come to Xerxes King of Persia, as Diodorus and diverse other Story-writers declare; and finding Xerxes busied in some expedition, or not in the City which was the seate of his Kingdome, he sent letters to his son Artaxerxes who of late had began to reigne, as Thucidides sheweth. For [Page 118]in this respect Story-writers may indifferently relate that he fled as well to the one as the other: and our conclusion from hence may be, that he fled to the Persians, Xerxes yet living, when Artaxerxes was already taken in to reigne with him in the Empire, as being the next that was to reigne alone after him. Thus Xerxes also began to reigne before Darius dyed, as hath been proved out of Herodotus. Petay. lib. 12. cap. 25. For according to a Law among the Persians, when the King went to war abroad, he did for the most part appoint and constitute one of his sons for his successour; from which time some Authours ac­count the years of such an ones reigne, whilest others ac­count but from the time of his Fathers death. And in the Kingdome of Babylon, Nebuchadnezzars reigne began after the same manner, as by Berosus compared with holy Scripture may be seen. This was usuall also among the Kings of Judah and Israel, as by the Scripture alone is: manifest: which not observed, hath caused many grosse mistakes concerning the right reckoning of their reignes.

Eusebius mentions the flight of Themistocles two years sooner then Diodorus doth, who therefore casteth it into the fourth year of the seventy sixth Olympiad, which was in the year of the Julian Period 4241, and then was the first year of Artax­erxes still running on by my account.

This of Eusebius I finde approved by a late learned writer, Jacobus Armachanus in his Annals of holy Scripture; who sayes that it agrees conveniently enough to the tradition of Thucidides, which setteth the comming of Themistocles to Ar­taxerxes between the siege of Naxus and that noble victory gotten by Cimon over the Persians at Eurimedon; and doth withall place the beginning of the reigne of Artaxerxes be­tween those bounds. For viz. Thuci­dides. he said, Themistocles then sent let­ters to Artaxerxes [...], of late having be­gun to reigne; by which he both desired his friendship, and also promised his owne aide to him against the Greekes. From which is found out the true beginning of the reigne of Artaxerxes, and is from hence proved not to be so late by nine years as is commonly accounted. Thus he, in his Annals I say of holy Scripture: which when I saw, I was not a little [Page 119]confirmed in my judgment. For though I accounted thus, long before I ever read any thing of his in this kinde; yet for my better confirmation herein, I was glad to meete with the con­currence of so eminent a man: from whom though I varie much in the ancient account of the Hebrew moneths and year, as also in some other particulars; yet here (as in many things elsewhere) I cannot but embrace him with much glad­nesse, and shall ever esteeme him (as sure enough he is) a man of excellent parts, great industry, piety, and much learning, worthy to be accounted among the number of those whose memories are precious after their deaths.

But to returne: There is moreover a passage mentioned by Petavius, out of Justin, to shew the occasion of this begin­ning, as may be seen in his Doctrina Temporum, lib. 10. c. 25. where he also answereth to what Pererius objecteth against it. And indeed it is probable that when Xerxes (upon the death of Pausanias, who should have betrayed Greece to the Persians, but was discovered) went about to renew his war against the Grecians that then he tooke this his sonne Artaxerxes to reign with him, and to be his next successour, which Artabanus afterwards would have hindered and made void, but could not.

The next after this Artaxerxes was Xerxes the second who reigned two Months, or (as Ctesias saith) 45 days. After whom Sogdianus had seven or eight Moneths more: And when Sog­dianus was dead, Darius Nothus (in the yeare of the Julian Peri­od 4290) began to enter upon those XIX. yeares which Dio­dorus saith was the time of his reigne: according to whom I reckon the yeares of all the other Kings in this Monarchie to the end thereof. And must therefore give to Artaxerxes Mne­mon after the death of Nothus 43 years. To Artaxerxes Ochus af­ter the death of Mnemon 23. To Arses after Ochus 3. And to Darius Codoman after Arses 6.

And thus we have all the Kings of this Monarchie toge­ther with the yeares of their reigne: and do thereby finde the death of the last of them to be in the yeare of the Julian Peri­od 4384. But for a more cleare demonstration, see the Table following.

Y. of the Julian Period. Yeers of the World. Rests & Jubilees Capti­vity. Olympi­ads. Egypt. Babylon Lydians Medes. Persians A Perfect Table for the better understanding of some of the former and following Passages.
4131 3422 1   24 2 14   25   35   13   CYRUS over Persta. *   This was the 24 th yeer of the Captivity, the fourteenth yeer of Apries King of Egypt, the 25 th yeer of Nebuchadnezzar King of Babylon, the 35. of Halyattes King of Lydia, and the thirteenth of Astyages King of Media.
4132 3423 2   25 3 15   26   36   14    
4133 3424 3   26 4 16   27   37   15    
4134 3425 4   27 1 17   28   38   16    
4135 3426 5   28 2 18   29   39   17    
4136 3427 6   29 3 19   30   40   18    
4137 3428 7 6 30 4 20   31   41   19    
4138 3429 1   31 1 21   32   42   20      
4139 3430 2   32 2 22   33   43   21      
4140 3431 3   33 3 23   34   44   22      
4141 3432 4   34 4 24   35   45   23     Tyrus is yeelded to Nebuchadnezzar, and Egypt is conquered soon after, conti­nuing under Babel forty yeers.
4142 3433 5   35 1 25 Amafis 45. 36   46   24    
4143 3434 6   36 2 1 37   47   25    
4144 3435 7 7 37 3 2 38   48   26    
4145 3436 1 Jub. xviii. 38 4 3 39   49   27   1 * Nebuchadnezzar is seven yeers mad.
4146 3437 2 39 1 4   40   50   28   2
4147 3438 3 40 2 5   41   51   29   3  
4148 3439 4 41 3 6   42   52   30   4  
4149 3440 5 42 4 7   43   53   31   5  
4150 3441 6 43 1 8   44   54   32   6  
4151 3442 7 1 44 2 9   45   55   33   7  
4152 3443 1   45 3 10   1 Evilmerodaeh 12. 56   34     Evilmerodach began in this yeer, and reigned twelve yeers. Sulpit.
4153 3444 2   46 4 11   2 57   35    
4154 3445 3   47 1 12   3 1 Crefus 14. 1 Cyaxares secundus.   Astyages being dead, Cyaxares began. Xenoph.
4155 3446 4   48 2 13   4 2 2 1   In this yeer Cyrus is made Generall of the Persian and Median Forces; from which time his thirty yeers of reign are to be accounted.
4156 3447 5   49 3 14   5   3 3 2  
4157 3448 6   50 4 15   6   4   4 3  
4158 3449 7 2 51 1 16   7   5   5 4  
4159 3450 1   52 2 17   8   6   6   5  
4160 3451 2   53 3 18   9   7   7   6    
4161 3452 3   54 4 19   10   8   8   7    
4162 3453 4   55 1 20   11   9   9   8    
4163 3454 5   56 2 21   12   10   10   9    
4164 3455 6   57 3 22   1 Belshazzar 14. 11   11   10   Evilmerodach being slain in battel, Belshazzar began, and reigned 14. yeers. Sulpit.
4165 3456 7 3 58 4 23   2 12   12   11  
4166 3457 1   59 1 24   3 13   13   12  
4167 3458 2   60 2 25   4 14   14   13   In this yeer Cyrus conquers Croe­sus, and possesseth his Kingdom.
4168 3459 3   61 3 26   5   15   14  
4169 3460 4   62 4 27   6   16   15    
4170 3461 5   63 1 28   7   17   16    
Y. of the Julian Period. Yeers of the World. Rests & Jubilees Olympi­ads. Persians Medes. Egypt. Babylon Capti­vity. A Perfect Table for the better understanding of some of the former and following Passages.
4171 3462 6   2   17 18 29 8   64  
4172 3463 7 4 3   18 19 30 9   65  
4173 3464 1   4   19 20 31 10   66  
4174 3465 2   1 60 20 21 32 11   67  
4175 3466 3   2   21 22 33 12   68  
4176 3467 4   3   22 23 34 13   69  
4177 3468 5   4   23 24 35 14 Cyrus 7. 70  
4178 3469 6   1 61 24 25 36 1 Babylon is taken by Cyrus, and the seventy yeers of the Captivity are ended, even in this first yeer of Cyrus, which was also the first of Darius-Medus.
4179 3470 7 5 2   25   37 2
4180 3471 1   3   26   38 3  
4181 3472 2   4   27   39 4  
4182 3473 3   1 62 28   40 5   Egypt shakes off all subjection to the King­dom of Babylon, forty yeers after Nebuchad­nezzar conquered it, Ezek. 29.13. Jer. 46.26.
4183 3474 4   2   29   41 6  
4184 3475 5   3   30   42 7  
4185 3476 6   4   43 1 Cambyses 7. & 5 m. Cyrus being dead, Cambyses began to reign alone, and reigned from hence seven yeers and five moneths. Herodot.
4186 3477 7 6 1 63   44 2
4187 3478 1   2   45 3
4188 3479 2   3   6 4 Cambyses conquers Egypt; and being absent from home, hath his Kingdom governed by the Magoi of Persia, when they had slain his brother.
4189 3480 3   4   m 5
4190 3481 4   1 64   6  
4191 3482 5   2   7  
4192 3483 6   3   8   Magus seven moneths after Cambyses.
4193 3484 7 7 4   1 Darius Hystaspis 34. Darius the son of Hystaspis 34 yeers.
4194 3485 1 Jub. xix. 1 65   2   Haggai and Zachary Prophesie in this yeer and exhort to the building of the Temple.
4195 3486 2 2   3    
4196 3487 3 3   4    
4197 3488 4   4   5    
4198 3489 5   1 66   6  
4199 3490 6   2   7   in this yeer (before the sixt yeer of darius was ended) the building of the temple was finished on the third day of the moneth adar ezra 6.15.
4200 3491 7 1 3   8  
4201 3492 1   4   9  
4202 3493 2   1 67   10  
4203 3494 3   2   11  
4204 3495 4   3   12  
4205 3496 5   4   13  
4206 3497 6   1 68   14  
4207 3498 7 2 2   15  
4208 3499 1   3   16  
4209 3500 2   4   17  
4210 3501 3   1 69   18  
Y. of the Julian Period. Teers of the World. Rests & Jerbilees Olympi­s. Persians. A perfect Table for the better understanding of some of the former and following Passages.
4211 3502 4   2 19  
4212 3503 5   3 20 In this yeer (being the 246 of Nabonassar) Pto­lomy notes an Eclipse of the Moon, which by the Julian Kalender was on the nineteenth of No­vember: It was, as he also saith, in the twentieth yeer of Darius Hystaspis.  
4213 3504 6   4 21    
4214 3505 7 3 170 22    
4215 3506 1   2 23    
4216 3507 2   3 24    
4217 3508 3   4 25  
4218 3509 4   171 26  
4219 3510 5   2 27  
4220 3511 6   3 28  
4221 3512 7 4 4 29  
4222 3513 1   172 30  
4223 3514 2   2 31 Here again Ptolomy notes another Eclipse of the ☽ in the 31 of Darius, and yeer of Nabonassar 257. it was by the Julian Kalender April 25.  
4224 3515 3   3 32    
4225 3516 4   4 33    
4226 3517 5   173 34 1 Xerxes 20. ¶ In this yeer Xerxes began to reign, and reigned somewhat more then twenty yeers. Diod. This King in the Book of Esther is called Ahasuerus, as is supposed, and thought to be the Husband of Esther. Scalig.  
4227 3518 6   2 ARTAXERXES from hence 49.  2  
4228 3519 7 5 3 3  
4229 3520 1   4 4    
4230 3521 2   174 5    
4231 3522 3   2 6  
4232 3523 4   3 7  
4233 3524 5   4 8   In this yeer Xerxes began to move towards Greece.  
4234 3525 6   175 9   In this yeer he cometh into Greece with his huge Army, and is quickly beaten home again. Petav. lib. 13.  
4235 3526 7 6 2 10    
4236 3527 1   3 11    
4237 3528 2   4 12  
4238 3529 3   176 13  
4239 3530 4   2 14  
4240 3531 5   3 1 15   In this yeer (about the sixt moneth) Artaxerxes Longi­manus began first of all to reign; he reigned till the se­venth yeer of the Peloponnesian War, dying in the Win­ter time thereof, and had therefore from hence 49 yeers of reign, though from the death of Artabanus but 42 Ctes.  
4241 3532 6   4 2 16    
4242 3533 7 7 177 3 17    
4243 3534 1 Jub. xx. 2 4 18    
4244 3535 2 3 5 19    
4245 3536 3   4 6 20  
4246 3537 4   178 7 7 m Artabanus (after Xerxes) seven moneths.
4247 3538 5   2 8 1 Artaxerxes 42. In this yeer, befor ethe seventh of Artaxerxes was end­ed, Ezra having obtained a Commission from the King, (who now began to reign alone) beginneth his journey to Jerusalem on the first day of the first moneth, Ezr. 7.9  
4248 3539 6   3 9 2  
4249 3540 7 1 4 10 3  
4250 3541 1   179 11 4  
Y. Of the Julian Peiod. Yerrs of the World. Rests & Iuhilees. Olympi­ads. Persians A perfect tAble for the better understanding of some of the former and following Passages.
4251 3542 2   2 12 5    
4252 3543 3   3 13 6    
4253 3544 4   4 14 7    
4254 3545 5   180 15 8    
4255 3546 6   2 16 9    
4256 3547 7 2 3 17 10    
4257 3548 1   4 18 11    
4258 3549 2   181 19 12   In this yeer, on the sixt day of October (which was the 10th day fo the seventh moneth, the Sun being then in 7th d. of Libra) the first yeer of DAniels Weeks began. For in Dan. 9.25. the Angel sheweth that they were to begin from the executionof the Decree of build again Jerusa­lem; which was not till the twentieth yeer of ARtaxerxes Longimanus, when God stirred up Hanani with certain other men of Judah, to goe up to Shushan to Nehemiah, who related unto him the wofull condition Jerusalem still was in: he thereupon (after he had fasted and pray­ed) besought the King's leave and favour that he might goe and build the City; which was granted. From hence herefore (even from the beginning of the these mens jour­ney to Shusban) the precise accompt of these Weeks be­ginenth, which hereupon casteth the just middle of the last week into the yeer of the Julian Period 4746. and layeth it exactly on the thrid day of April: For form the sixt of October in this yeer, when the Sun was in the se­venth degree of Libra, to the thir dof October in the yeer of the Julian Period 4745. when the Sun was also in the seventh degree of Libra, were 486. yeers; to which adde 182. dayes, and so we come to the third of April in the yeer of the same Period 4746 in which yeer, and on which very day our Saviour suffered.
4259 3550 3   2 20 13    
4260 3551 4   3 21 14    
4261 3552 5   4 22 15    
4262 3553 6   182 23 16    
4263 3554 7 3 2 24 17    
4264 3555 1   3 25 18    
4265 3556 2   4 26 19    
4266 3557 3   183 27 20    
4267 3558 4   2 28 21    
4268 3559 5   3 29 22    
4269 3560 6   4 30 23    
4270 3561 7 4 184 31 24    
4271 3562 1   2 32 25    
4272 3563 2   3 33 26    
4273 3564 3   4 34 27    
4274 3565 4   185 35 28    
4275 3566 5   2 36 29 Yeers of the Peloponnesian War.  
4276 3567 6   3 37 30  
4277 3568 7 5 4 38 31  
4278 3569 1   186 39 32  
4279 3570 2   2 40 33  
4280 3571 3   3 41 34  
4281 3572 4   4 42 35  
4282 3573 5   187 43 36  
4283 3574 6   2 44 37 1 This was the first yeer of the Peloponnestan War; it began at the Spring: witnesse that great Eclipse of the Sun which was on the fourth of August next after. This War lasted 27. yeers.  
4284 3575 7 6 3 45 38 2  
4285 3576 1   4 46 39 3  
4286 3577 2   188 47 40 4  
4287 3578 3   2 48 41 5  
4288 3579 4   3 49 42 6  
4289 3580 5   4 2m 8m 7 Xerxes the 2 d two moneths, after whom Sogdianus 8 m.
4290 3581 6   189 1 8 In this yeer Darius Nothus began, and reigned 19 yeers

SECT. VIII. Of Daniels seventy Weekes, in the ninth Chap­ter of his Prophecy, at the 24.25.26. and 27. Verses.

I Shall need to say nothing of the seventh Period more then what hath been already in the former Section, and Table annexed to it. I come therefore to the eighth which takes be­ginning the 20 th year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, in the year of the Julian Period 4259, and endeth at the beginning of Christs Ministery in the year of the same Period 4742. This is a Period of 69 Weeks, Petavius De Doctr. Temp. lib. 12. c. 35. or of 483 years accounted from the Ex­ecution of the Decree for the restoring and building of Jerusa­lem, unto Messiah the Prince, vers. 25. Of which Petavius speaketh excellently, in these words, saying; Sexaginta novem hebdomades desinunt in Christum Ducem; non nanscentem quidem, sed in lucem apertumque prodeuntem, seque ad [...], atque [...] accingentem; hoc est in Baptismum ipsius, qui anno primo septu­agesimae hebdomadis incurrit. Meaning in effect the same that I doe: for though he applyes the end of the 69 Weekes to the Baptisme of Christ; yet he saith as well that they end at Messiah the Prince: namely, not at the time when he was borne, but when he came abroad and shewed himselfe open­ly, beginning to dispose of his hid treasures, and to preach the Gospel in the Synagogues of Galilee; which was not untill the very end of these 69 Weekes (made up of seven and sixty two) and beginning of the seventieth. For (as before I noted, in the fifth Chapter) after John was put in prison, Jesus came into Galilee preaching the Gospell of the King­dome of God, and saying; [...], The time is fulfilled (that is, the last Week of the seventy is come) and the Kingdome of God is at hand, Mar. 1.14. In the mid­dle of which last week, the Messiah (Christ Jesus our Lord and Saviour) was slain, vers. 26. And by the end of it, the Cove­nant was confirmed with many of the Jews, verse 27. Imme­diately [Page 125]after which time, the Apostles turne to the Gentiles, Acts 10.1. and Acts 11.18.

They were all of them Weeks (not of Days, but) of years; ac­cording to the custome of Prophetical Dayes, and years of Ju­bilee: there being seven Weeks in 49 years, as is seen in Levit. 25.8. Whereupon it followeth, that in seventy Weekes are 490 years. There can be no doubt of this: I may therefore goe on; and for the more cleare understanding of what I have already briefly touched, set downe the words of the text, in each verse, at large.

Ver. 24. Seventy Weekes is cut out upon thy people, and upon thy holy Cities, to finish transgression, and to make an end of sin, and to make reconciliation for iniquity, and to bring in everlasting righteousnesse, and to seale up Vision and Prophet, and to annoint the Most Holy.

Ver. 25. Know therefore and understand, that from the Out-going of the word to returne and to build Jerusalem, unto Messiah the Prince shall be seven Weekes, and threescore and two Weekes: it shall be built againe, Street and Wall, even in the strait of times.

Ver. 26. And after the threescore and two Weekes, shall Messiah be slain, but not for himselfe: wherefore the Princes people to come shall destroy the City and the Sanctuary, and the end thereof shall be with a Flood, and unto the end of the War desolations are determined.

Vers. 27 But in one weeke he shall confirme the Cove­nant with many; and in the midst of the weeke he shall cause the Sacrifice and the Oblation to cease: and by a Wing of a­bominations making desolate, he shall flow upon the deso­late, even untill the Consummation determined.

These be the words of the Prophecie, carefully translated: which in the next place I thinke fit to open and explain, no­ting upon them as followeth.

Vers. 24. [Seventy weekes is cut out] By which phrase is meant, that the full and just number of 70 weekes is cut out. For when a Verb singular is joyned to a Substantive plurall, it teacheth in Hebrew that an exact account is then in every part [Page 126]thereof fully intended.

Thy people] that is, Thy Country men the Jewes; as may be seen in the first Chapter of Ruth, at the tenth verse: where the Jewes are called Naomies people. The like is also in the third Chapter of the Lamentations at the fourteenth verse; where Jeremy complaining, saith, He was a laughing stock to all his people.

Thy Holy City] this meanes Jerusalem, Esa. 52.1. Matth. 4.5. so called because it was the speciall place consecrate to the holy worship of God. This Prerogative of being called The holy City, it was to retaine (as here appeareth) untill the full end of these 70. weekes: And therefore when Christ came, Salvation was first tendred to the Jewes. They in gene­rall made light of it, and put Christ to death: howbeit the covenant of the Gospell was confirmed with many of them during the time of the last week; which being ended, their Pre­rogative ceased, and thereupon the Apostles turne to the Gentiles, to whom the Gospell began not to be preached un­till three yeares and an halfe after Christs Passion, at which time every one of the Seventy weekes were fully ended. Now this holy City was called Daniels City, either because he was born there or because that was the place of his bringing up, or in which he dwelt till he was carryed away Captive. Thus Capernaum is called Christs City because he dwelled in it, Matth. 9.1. and Mar. 2.3. So also Rogelim was the city of Barzil. lai, 2 Sam. 19.38.

To finish transgression and to make an end of sinne] Or as some render it; To consume wickednesse, and to abolish Sinnes: following therein the margent Hebrew, as an exposition for plainnesse. The text is to seale, or to make an end of Sinne ra­ther; Vt finem accipiat peccatum, that sinne may have an end: as Saint Hierom interprets it & is approved, therein by a great Hebrician, who saith that according to the true reading of the words, they signifie properly to consume, finish or end Sin. This was fulfilled by Jesus Christ, who was that Lamb of God which taketh away the Sinnes of the world, Joh. 1.29. To which agreeth that of the Apostle, Being then made free [Page 127]from sinne, ye became the servants of righteousnesse. Rom. 6.18. And againe, But now once in the end of the world hath he appeared to put away Sinne, by the Sacrifice of himselfe, Hebr. 9.26.

And to make reconciliation for iniquitie] This Christ did by appeasing and pacifying the wrath of God against sinne: and it was an effect of his passion. For by his death we are re­conciled unto God, Rom. 5.10. Coloss. 1.20.

And to bring in everlasting righteousnesse] This Christ Jesus also did. For by his owne blood he entred in once into the holy place, having obtained eternall redemption, Hebr. 9 12.

And to seale up vision and prophet] Meaning, that Messiah shall make good, fulfill and performe all the prophecies that were of him, of his Passion and resurrection, putting an end to them all, and that therefore we ought to looke for no other, Luke 18.31. This we are also taught in the first Chapter of the Epistle to the Hebrews, at the first vers. where the Apostle saith, God who at sundry times, and in divers manners spake in time past unto the Fathers by the Prophets, hath in these last times spoken unto us by his sonne.

And to annoint the most Holy] Or the Holinesse of Holinesse: that is, the most holy. This is also meant of Christ, who was endued with the Holy Ghost without measure: even a very fountaine of holinesse was in him, of whose fulnesse we have all received, Joh. 3.34. Joh. 1.16. and 1 Cor. 1.30.

In the time of the Law, the Kings, Priests & Prophets, when they first tooke their Offices upon them, were annointed with holy oyle. And this was the Ceremony of consecrating them to the service of God in those callings. Now Christ was both King, Priest, and Prophet: he had in himselfe alone all those dignities at once together, to the which others were annoin­ted severally; and is therefore called by way of eminencie, [...], The Messias, that is, the annointed. For though he were annointed with no materiall oyle, yet he was spiritual­ly annointed with the oyle of gladnesse above his fellowes, Psal. 45.7. that is, with the holy Ghost. And hereupon it is that Saint John saith, Ye have an ointment from him that is holy, 1 Joh. 2.20, 22.

Neither doth Christ himselfe but say as much: and there­upon when he began to preach, he sheweth how the Prophet Esay pointed at him in this, Luke 4.18. It was an excellent saying therefore of Clemens of Alexandria: Our Lord Christ (saith he) the holy of holies, who came and fulfilled Vision and Prophet, was annointed in the flesh with the Spirit of his Father whose materiall annointings therefore of the Law; were nothing else but types & figures of this spiritual annoin­ting of Christ, as M r Livelie concludeth. And I would to God he had kept him close to this in his interpretation of the next verse: for it is as clear as the Sun at noon that there is but one and the same Messias spoken of through out his Pro­phecie.

And thus have we seen the generality of Daniels weekes. Now followeth a more speciall and particular handling them, divided into three parts in the verses following.

Vers. The begin­ning of the 70 Weekes. 25. From the out-going of the word] This is commonly understood of the publishing or proclaiming of a decree by some of the Kings of Persia (either Cyrus, Darius or Artaxerxes for the restoring and building againe of Ierusalem. But more likely it is, that this out going of the word, should be ren­dred from the executing of the word or Decree for the re­turne and building of Ierusalem; that is (as the Hebrew phrase fignifyeth) for the building againe of Ierusalem. Cyrus made such a decree; in which, though Ezr. 1.2, 3, 4. and Chro. 36.22, 23. Ezra mentions only the Temple, as the chiefe part of the City: yet Esay sheweth, that even the building of the City was included; as is plain by what is written in the four and fortyeth Chapter of his Pro­phecy, at the 28 verse; and in the Chapter next after, at the 13 verse. Darius seconded this, when after Cyrus his time, the building was hindred, making the foresaid decree of Cyrus the ground of his favour and assistance. After which Ezra comes up, and by vertue of a commission granted to him from Ar­taxerxes Longimanus (in the seventh yeare of his reigne) doth much good, Ezr. chap. 6. Ezr. chap. 7. and goeth fairely on in repairing the desolations and wall (as is mentioned Ezr. 9.9.) but could not effect the [Page 129]whole businesse: for the Adversaries of the Iewes prevailed still against them. And therefore 13 yeares after all this, news is brought to Nehemiah at Shushan by Hanani and certain men of Iudah, that the Iewes were still in great affliction and re­proach: for the wall of Ierusalem was broken down, Neh. 1.2.3.4. and the gates thereof burnt with fire. At the hearing whereof Nehemi­ah sat down & wept, and mourned certaine dayes, and prayed before the God of heaven. After which prayer, because he was the Kings Cup-bearer, he was to attend upon his place: Neh. 2.5.6. &c. and being observed to looke heavie and sad in the presence of the King, the King demanded the reason; which he told him: and thereupon obtained leave and authority with letters of Commission from him to go up unto Iudah (the City of his fathers Sepulchers) that he might build it; as may be seen in the first and second Chapters of Nehemiah. This was in the twentieth year of Artaxerxes afore mentioned: at which time Nehemiah came up and prevailed so farre against the Adver­sarie, that the worke went on, and a tythe was taken out of other Cities to come and dwell at Ierusalem, the building whereof was never after hindred any more but by the end of the Seven Weekes (mentioned afterwards) was brought to perfection.

And hereto agreeth Petavius saying; Exitus sermonis non E­dicti solùm pronounciatio est, sed executio, lib. 12. De Doctr. Temp. cap. 35. And in the same book, at the 32 Chapter, speaking first of the common acceptation of the word, and shewing how thereby the beginning of these Weeks is drawne to sun­dry times, by reason of severall goings forth of the Word, he concludeth and saith; At ego vocabulum [...] non solam arbi­tror edicti promulgationem, sed amplius aliquid esse: nempe id quod Latina vox proprie significat, veram ac seriam decreti illius execu­tionem, &c. Meaning, That that which we commonly read from the going forth of the Word, is of larger extent then so; and doth therefore stand to expresse that which the Latine word Exitus properly signifyeth, viz. A true and serious ex­ecution of the Decree for the building againe of Jerusalem. And thus doe I also understand it; onely with this difference: [Page 130]By the Decree I understand that which was first set forth, e­ven by Cyrus; for though it was seconded once and again, yet not fully executed till the dayes of Nehemiah, in the twentieth year of Artaxerxes, as I have already shewed.

Or however, be the reading according to the common ac­ceptation, yet it must be with reference to the building a­gaine of Jerusalem, as the Originall intendeth: and so we are still directed to the twentieth year of Artaxerxes, when Nehe­miah came up and built (not the Temple, but) the City for which he petitioned, even the City of his Fathers Sepulchers, Neh. 2.5. And for this the King sent letters to the Gover­nors beyond the River, and a letter to Asaph the keeper of the Kings Forrest: in which the word may very well be said to goe forth for the building againe of Jerusalem.

So that both wayes we are directed to one and the same time for the beginning of these Weeks.

But for my part I like best of the first exposition. For (as is observed by others, as well as Petavius) it is genuina interpre­tatio, a genuine interpretation: nempe ut dicamus ex quo tempore res illa, quam Deus per Propehtas suos praedixerat, & quam Reges Per­sarum Edictis sanciverant, effecta est reddita, remotis omnibusremoris. So that Ab Exitu Verbi, is as much as Ex quo Verbum prodiit; id est, in effectum producta est.

And thus much for the Out-going of the Word, by which we are taught where to begin the first year of Daniels Weekes.

[To returne and build Jerusalem] that is, To build againe Jerusalem: for so the Hebrew phrase signifieth. As for Ex­ample: Isaac returned and digged the wels of water, which they had digged in the dayes of Abraham his Father: for the Philistines had stopped them after the death of Abraham, Gen. 26.18. By which is meant, that he digged them againe. Rursus fodit: so saith Saint Hierom. To which the word [...] in the Septuagint, well agreeth: and is therefore translated in our Bibles, Isaac digged againe.

So also in the fixt Chapter of Zachary, at the first verse: I returned and lifted up mine eyes and saw; That is, Lifting up [Page 131]mine eyes I saw againe, as Tremelius translates the place.

So also in the first Chapter of Malachie, at the fourth verse, We will returne and build the desolate places: that is, We will build againe the desolate places. And so here. To return and build Ierusalem, is as much as to say, To build againe Ierusalem: and is therefore so interpreted by Saint Hierom, in his Comment upon the place. Which being well observed, will discover the grosse mistake of those Expositors,, who ima­gine that the Angel speakes here concerning the returne of the people out of the Captivity of Babylon, and that therefore the 70 Weekes must begin in the first year of Cyrus. But beside their mistake of the Hebrew phrase, the very time from thence to Christ will be against them.

For should the Weekes begin at the first year of Cyrus his Monarchy, The Weekes begin not in the first yeare of Cyrus. they would be ended long before Christ was born: but that may not be; for they must reach full three years and a halfe beyond his Passion; as is plainly manifest by the verses following.

But to help this, some are bold to cut off at one blow no lesse then near a hundred years from the Persian Mornarchy, as if they had traiterously crept into the Chronology of those times: an easie way to make their accounts even, but no sure stay for truth to rest upon.

I know and have seen their choycest arguments to uphold this tottring building, but by diligent search have found themfrivolous, there being nothing either in Beroaldus, Brough­ton, More, or others of them, but may be easily answered. But I list not to trifle away much time about them: Onely in few words I shall say not onely that the full current of Authours doe begin the reigne of Cyrus over Persia in the 55 Olympi­ed, but even Thucidides (who wrot of the Peloponnesian War, saw it from the beginning to the end, was an Athenian Gentle­man, a Captaine in it, and Authour for certaine truth of History, and perfect reekoning of times most excellent: whose Workes Demosthenes the famous Orator of Athenes Copyed out with his owne hands no lesse then eight times, as Lucian reporteth) he I say reckoneth from the Marathon fight in the [Page 132]latter end of Darius Hystaspis his reigne, to the end of the Pe­loponnesian War 85 years: that is to say, ten to the invading of Greece be Xerxes, and 50 thence inclusively to the begin­ning of the Peloponnesian War, with 27 more to the end there­of. Now, that we may know how to place these in their right times, Xenophon (being the next after Thucidides) hath taught us that the four and twentieth year of the Peloponnesian War must be joyned with the first year of the 93 Olympiad. Where­upon it must needs follow that the firstyear of this War began in the end of the first year of the 87 Olympiad: and the War of Xerxes in the first year of the 75 Olympiad: and the fight at Marathon in the end of the second year of the 72 Olympiad. Nor doth Thucidides but tell us as much; Thucid. lib. 2. For as he declareth, the beginning of the Peloponnesian War was in the fifteenth year of that League which after the taking of the Iland of Eubaea was made for 30 years to come, Aenesias being then Major of Sparta, and Pythodorus of Athens, the year of their Majorality now within two moneths expired, in the begin­ning of the Spring. Now the time of this League is referred by Pausanias (in the first of his Eliaca) to the third year of that Olympiad wherein Criso of Himaera won the race: which (ac­cording to Antiq. Rom. lib. 10. prope finem, & li. 11. in princio. Lib. 2. Dionysius Halicarnasseus) was the eighty third O­lympiad. Account therfore 15 years from the third year of the 83 Olympiad, and the beginning of this War will fall into the latter end of the first year of the 87 Olympiad; where also Perk. Harm. Script. Diodorus Siculus hath placed the Majorality of Pythodorus, in the end whereof Thucidides beginneth that War. Which is also confirmed by an Eclipse of the Sun mentioned by Thuci­dides, and by Mathematical Calculation found to be then; beside other Eclipses, in some of the following years of the said War, fitly agreeing. These Charcters are regarded of the Learned, and not unfitly called Gharecteres infallibilies, & veré Bases Chronologiae fallere nesciae: Of which Master Perkins speak­eth further, saying: Qui haec fictitia putoverit, eundem oportet Astronomiam omnem logisticam à radicibus revellere, &c. And a lit­tle after, Eo hoc mihi (saith he) documento est, initium Hebdoma­dum Danielis haud esse aptanduin annis vel Cyri, vel Darii Hystaspis: [Page 133]quia tunc Historiae humanae fere omnes, & Astronomicae observationes, ut supposititiae, fuerint negandae.

Also, doe not those Marmora Arundelliana, brought out of Asia hither, prove speaking stones to stop the mouths of those who rashly reject the allowed Antiquity of these times, and by proofelesse proofes cut off as many years from this Mo­narchy as they please? The Author of those Marbles was of no small standing, 500 years and more before Eusebius; and none among the Greek Historiographers more ancient then he, excepting Herodotus, Thucidides, and Xenophon, as Master Selden, that learned Antiquary of our times, hath plainly proved. Who, out of the said Marbles hath gathered, that Craejus be­gan his reigne in the first year of the 56 Olympiad; that Cyrus took Sardes in the third year of the 58 Olympiad; that the fight at Marathon (in quo Persarum clades, & Atheniensium victo­ria) was in the second year of the 72 Olympiad; that Xerxes went to War in Greece in the fourth year of the 74 Olympiad; That in the next year he was overthrown at Plataea, the fire of Aetna then first of all breaking out; and that the fight at Leuctra was in the second of the 102 Olympiad.

Men then I see may cavill without cause, and make a dis­turbance in the Chronology of these times, but not prevaile in what they strive for; no not with all the helpe Beroaldus and Master Broughton can afford them. To which let me add, how grosly they have been mistaken, not well observing how childishly they have shrunck the successions of sundry Lives. For when it is said that one man lived in such and such a mans dayes, they presently and rashly take their years and ages to be equall: which is in effect as if they should deny that ayoung man might not live in an old mans time, or that a grave Philosoper might not have a young Pupill, or that an aged Father might not sometimes beget a son in the time of his age, or that it was incredible to grant an hundred years for any man to live. All which are but poore shifts, little or nothing to the purpose, although at the first sight some perhaps may highly prize them.

And so also for Olympiads; Broughton I confesse hath gather­ed [Page 134]together many scattered fragments, cheifly out of Suidas, by which he thinks to overthrow the credit of Olympiads, and cast the hand-maide out of fervice. But I answer, one Swal­low is not enough to proclame a Summer; nor be things done without care, able to prevaile against the truth. Suidas in this deserves no better credit, unlesse we account him an expert Archer who kils a Crow by chance. In a word, most of his numbers were negligently corrupted, or were at the first not carefully gathered. And so also may we say of other Authours, who write of such things as these are, onely by the way, and not on purpose: Neither have some but oftentimes mistaken Suidas, taking his meaning in a wrong sence; cheifly when things are thought to be contemporary, which indeed are very far asunder: or if at all contemporary, but onely in part; as I have already shewed. And further, for Olympiads, that which hath caused others to deliver wrong collections from them, was because they did not follow the common course which was most usuall in that kinde of reckoning: for whilst from the beginning of sundry Games, they had a Series or order of sundry years, the fiftieth from one thing might be the 25th from another thing. And so Pausanias shew­eth, that there were at the least a dozen severall Games, and Game-rulers accordingly, set up at severall times far distant the one from the other: which not well regarded might make a confused Chaos amongst carelesse Authours. The truth therefore is, That that account which was most common, was least faulty: for it had but one head from whence to reckon, & was set forth in Tables by Hyppias of Elis, received also generally in Computations; yea even by Plutarch hims selfe, although in the Life of Numa he moved some scruple a­bout it: in which he seemed to savour of an usuall custome of the Academicall Sect, which was alwayes ready furnished to dispute on either side, either pro or contra, either for or a­gainst the truth.

I grant indeed that the ancientest of Antiquities among humane Authours cannot but be full of errour: but this was rather in the times before the Olympiads then afterwards, as [Page 135] Marcus Varre a learned Roman well observeth; concluding the times after to be more certaine and Historicall, because then the times began to be recorded veris testatisque literarum Monumentis, as one rightly speaketh.

Unto Varro agreed Julius Africanus, another ancient He was a Christian Writer. Au­thour, who in the third book of his Annals (as Eusebius wit­nesseth in his tenth book De praeparat. Evangelica) writeth, that untill the Olympiads there was no sure knowledge in the Greek History, all things being confusedly written without agreement between themselves: but after the Olympiads, be­cause their acts were diligently registred within the limits of every four years space, no confusion of times was found a­mongst them.

After whom Censorinus also saith, that after the first Olym­piad there never was any great dissention or controversie a­mong Writers for Computation of time; except in some six or seven years at the most. Or if in some particular the diffe­rence perhaps might be something more, yet by comparing Authour with Authour, and circumstance with circumstance, I cannot but think that men of judgement may not onely correct corrupted Copies, but even reconcile the most mate­riall disagreements, or at the least shew how and wherein an Authour sometimes hath been mistaken.

In a word, this reckoning by Olympiads hath been allow­ed, followed, and commended by even the very flower and cheife of the ancient Fathers; as by Clemens of Alexandria the Master of Origen, Julius Africanus aforementioned, Fusebius, Hierom, Augustine, Orosius, and others both pious and learned Christians. And among these, let me for a conclusion men­tion what Saint Augustine saith in Commendation of them, in his second, book and 28 Chapter De Doctrina Christiana: shewing, That the observation of Olympiads is a great help for the understanding of many sacred questions, and explanati­ons of matters Ecclesiasticall; Nam & per Olympiadas (saith that Father there) & per Consulum nomina, multa saepe quaeruntur a­nobis. And a little before; Nos adjuvat (saith he) ad Sanctos libros intelligendos.

I would therefore that every man would lay a side all rash and inconsiderate zeale, that so weighing things with an e­quall Ballance, he may no longer be a carelesse disturber of the true and right Computation of these times.

But they have objections out of Scripture.

And first they produce the age of Mordecai, Mordeca's age objected. affirming that he was carried captive with Iechoniah, Esth. 2.5. and there­fore could not live till the dayes of Xerxes: to which time he must live, if Xerxes were that Assuerus who married Esther.

To which is answered, Answ. That Mordecai was not carried cap­tive, but rather Kish the great Grand-father of Mordecai. For thus stand the words in the place objected: There was a certaine Jew at Shushan the Kings seate, sth. 2.5. whose name was Mor­decai the son of Iair, the son of Shimei, the son of Kish, a man of Iemini, who had been carried away from Ierusalem with the Captivity, &c. Where the Relative [who] is to be referred not to the furthest Antecedent, Mordecai: but to the nearest, Kish; as may be seen in an Example much like it, in 1 Chron. 2.7. where the words are, And the sons of Carmi, Achar, the troubler of Israel, who transgressed in the thing accursed.

And indeed to what other end should mention be made of Kish, or why is the Genealogie produced no higher then to him, but that thereby we may be taught, that he, and not Mordecai, went into Captivity? it was to shew by his carry­ing away captive, how Mordecai a Jew, born of him, became Citizen of Shushan. And so also the Apocryphall fragment, in Esth. 11.4. (brought forth by some to prove the contrary) fully sheweth, saying: Erat autem (viz. Mordecai) ex Captiva turba, quam captam Nebuchadnezzar abduxerat: that is, Mordecai arose of that company (or came of that company) which Ne­buchaanezzar carried Catptive. Which well observed, doth ex­cellently confirme the truth of Gods Promise made to his people, Ier. 24.6. namely, That they should returne, be built up, planted, and not rooted out: Whereupon they were commanded tomarry wives & beget children, that they might increase there, and not be minished, Ier. 29.6. From which places itwell appeareth, that the promise was made to [Page 137]them and their posterity: the accomplishment whereof is ex­cellently declared by this of Mordecai and Esther, both of them born in the time of Captivity.

The truth of which is yet further manifest, in regard That that Mordecai which nourished Esther, was not the same who returned in the first year of Cyrus: For he who nourished Esther staid still at Shushan; The other returned with them who went first into the Land of Judea, Neh. 7.7. It is not e­nough to say, he gave his name to goe up, but went not; for what were this but to deny a plaine and expresse testimony, as may be seen also, Ezra 2.2. And therefore these two not being both one, their opinion is still more and more weak­ned, who strive to prove Mordecai and not Kish, to be the man that was carried captive: for it was common and ordinary to call divers men by one and the same name; as afterwards shall be shewed.

Secondly, they object the age of Ezra the son of Seraiah, Ezra's age objected. who was slaine by Nebuchadnezzar in the nineteenth year of his reigne, 2 Kin. 25.18. Arguing from thence that the time of the Persian Monarchy could not be so long as is usually accounted. For Ezra saw well near the whole time thereof, being alive in the dayes of Johanan the father of Jaduah, Ezra 10.6. Which Jaduah was high priest in the reigne of the last Darius, when Alexander conquered the Monarchy and won it wholly from the Persians, Neh. 12.22. See also Joseph. in the eleventh book of his Antiquities, at the seventh and eighth Chapters. Which being so, it will follow that had Ezra been begot but a day before his fathers death, his age must be 250 years or thereabouts, though we account not to the end of this Monarchy by almost ten years.

To which I answer, There is ambiguity in the word Son, Answ. which men take properly, as if Ezra had been the immediate son of Seraiah: whereas he was so Seraiahs son, as the Jews used to call their posterity by the name of Son, even to the fifth or sixt descent. As for example: Josiah is said to be the father of Iechoniah, Matth. 1.11. whereas the father of Ieconiah was Iehoiakim, 2 Chron. 36.8. So also Zedekiah is called in 2 Chron 36.10. one place the brother of Ieconiah, and in 1 Chro. 3.16. in another place [Page 138]the son of Ieconiah, because he reigned next after him; and yet we know, that by propriety of speech he was his uncle, as may be seen in 2 Kin. 24.17. So also Salathiel is called the son of Iechoniah, Mat. 1.12. and yet not only did Ieconiah dye child­lesse, Ier. 22.30. but also Salathiel was indeed the son of Assir, 1 Chron. 3.17. So also Zorobabel is said to be the Ezra 5.2. & Mat. 1.12. son of Sa­lathiel, Matth. 1.12. whereas he was not his immediate son: for Zorobabel was indeed the son of Pedaiah, 1 Chron. 3.19. So also the Prophet Zachariah is called the son of Iddo, Ezra. 5.1. whereas indeed he was the Grandchilde of Iddo, and son of Barachiah, Zachar. 1.1. And more nearly concerning the party objected: it is not manifest that neither was he the proper and immediate son of Seraiah. For though Ezra in the viz. Ezra 7.1.2. &c. place objected made good his purpose, in shewing (for his greater honour and renown) that he came from Aaron: yet he hath not precisely set downe all his Ancestours which were in that line between Seraiah and Aaron, but hath omit­ted viz. Amari­ah, Ahitub, Zadok, Ahima­az, Azariah, and Jonathan: as may be seen by comparing Ezra 7.3. with 1 Chron. ca. 6 ver. 7.8.9.10. six in one place, and might also omit some in that o­ther place between himselfe and Seraiah: for this we finde herein to be true and certaine, that Iehozadak was the imme­diate son of Seraiah, as is expresly mentioned in 1 Chron 6.14. And therefore though Ezra were so near kindred to that stock, yet it might be in a collaterall line by some that pro­ceeded from Seraiah, and yet neverthelesse be reckoned in Genealogy as if he were his son; according to that before mentioned of Salathiel, called the son of Ieconiah; or that of Zedechia, in 1 Chron. 3.16. Where, though Zedechia were the Uncle, yet he stands upon record as if he were the very son of Ieconiah: For thus we see some brought in as sons, which were indeed but near kinsmen.

But for all this some perhaps will say, Object. the difficulty of too long an age is not yet quite taken away. For from the twen­tieth of Artaxerxes Longimanus, to the end of the Persian Mo­narchy, were 122 years or thereabouts: and therefore Ezra living till towards the end thereof, will be still older then can be well allowed, though he were born after the Captivi­ty, and were not the immediate son of Seraiah.

To which I answer, Answ. that he was alive indeed in the dayes of Iohanan, and wrote the Books of the Chronicles to his time; as appeareth, Ezra 10.6. and Neh. 12.23. yet neverthe­lesse he reached not to the end of the Monarchy by farre: not further then the dayes of Darius Nothus, Neh. 12.22. which could not be much more then 50 years after the time that he came away from Babylon to Ierusalem: at which time suppose he were 40 years old, then should his whole time want ten of an hundred; which age no man of judgement would conclude to be improbable, but likely and probable e­nough. And herein Cluverus is to be applauded, who speak­ing of the high priests that were in the times of this Monar­chy, saith thus; Iehoshua was in that office Ezra. cap. 2. and cap. 5. under Cyrus, Cam­byses, and Darius Hystaspis; Ioiakim under Xerxes and in the forepart of Artaxerxes his reigne, Ezra 8.33. Neh. 12.10. Eliashib after him till the twentieth of the same King and something lower, Neh. 3.1. Ioiada after him in the residue of Artaxerxes his reigne, and in the forepart of Darius Nothus. Ionathan after him in the Neh 12.10.23. residue of Darius Nothus, and under Joseph. lib. 11. cap. 7. Artaxerxes Mnemon. And last of all, Iaduah under Ochus, Arses, and Darius Codoman, Joseph. lib. 11. cap. 8. All which proportions are so congruous and well agreeing to the sto­ries of Ezra and Nehemiah, that no man I think who is serious will ever goe about to alter them: except it be to make Ja­duah's time fall also into a part of Mnemon's.

But they have still to urge: Nehemiah's age objected. and in the next place they ob­ject the age of Nehemiah, which must be longer then the length of this Monarchy; because (say they) at the begin­ning of it he was of fit age to be the Jews Captaine and one of their Conductours home from Babylon: and living in the end of it, he wrote of their last Darius, and of Jaduah the High Priest who met and appeased mighty Alexander. For the proofe of which we are directed to Ezra 2.2. Neh. 7.7. Neh. 12.22. and to Josephus, lib. 11. cap. 8.

To which I answer, Answ. That that Nehemiah who was in the beginning of this Monarchy, was not the same who lived something towards the end of it, nor ever was sent to build [Page 140]the Wals of Jerusalem by Artaxerxes. For [first] that Nehe­miah who was in the first of Cyrus, returned home at the end of the Captivity, Ezra 2.2. Neh. 7.7. Whereas this, who was servant to Artaxerxes, went not home till the Wals of Jerusa­lem were to be built, Neh. 2.5.8. Secondly, it was a com­mon thing among the Jews to call more then one by the same name; as is evident almost in every Catalogue where Catalogues are recorded. As for example: In Neh. 12.1. there is an Ezra who returned with Zorobabel; and in Ezra 7.1. a­nother who came not up untill the dayes of Artaxerxes. Also, in Ezra 2.2. and Neh. 7.7. there is a Mordecai who returned in the first of Cyrus; and in Esther 2.5. another who lived at Shushan and nourished Esther: For if Esthers Mordecai had re­turned with Zorobabel, he would not have dwelt at Shushan and trained up Esther among the Heathen but rather in the Holy Land among the people of God. Also, See the first book of the Chronicles, the Catalogues in Ezra and Nehemiah, and then amongst the multitude of persons, many are known by one name. A Jeremiah which (even Speed himselfe will say) was not Jeremiah the Prophet, Neh. 10.2. A Daniel like­wise, though not the same who was cast into the Den of Lyons, Neh. 10.6. A Seraiah also, though not the same who was slaine by Nebuchadnezzar, Ezra 2.2. And in 1 Chron. chap. 6. two Abitubs, two Zadockes, and three Azariabs in one line.

And so also for Nehemiah, he who came up in the first of Cyrus, was not Nehemiah the famous, but another of the same name. For I finde three Nehemiahs in the History of these times: One, mentioned Ezra 2.2. Neh. 7.7. Another who returned in the twentieth year of Artaxerxes, Nehemiah, cap. 1. and cap. 2. And a third differing from all these. Nehe. 3.16. For Nehemiah the great was Nehemiah the sone of Hachaliah; but this other was Nehemiah the son of Azbuck, the Ruler of the halfe part of Beth-zur.

So then Nehemiah was not in the beginning of this Monar­chie. And as not in the beginning, so neither in the end of it he was indeed in the dayes of Darius: but this was not the [Page 141]last Darius, as is commonly supposed. It was rather that Da­rius who reigned next after Artaxerxes Longimanus, as by the course of the History appeareth, and is so understood by Lydi­at, Cluverus, Conradus, Pawell and others.

But this you will say cannot be, in regard that Nehemiah was in the dayes of the High priest Jaduah, who (as Iosephus writeth) met and appeased mighty Alexander comming against Jerusalem, in the year before he conquered Darius Codoman, the last King of this Monarchie.

To which Petavius answereth, Petavil. lib. 12. cap 25. that Nehemiah indeed recor­ded the Priests and Levites so as his times; and then some one or other, comming after him, put in that of Iaduah and the last Darius. The like where of is to be found in other Bookes of Scripture; as in the end of Deuteronomie, where those things that concerne the death of Moses were written by some other. So also in the end of the Bookes of Ioshua, To­bias and Ieremiah, some things are added which were not of the Authours putting in.

But I like not of this answer so well as I like the answer of Master Lydiat in his Booke De emendat Temporum, saying; that though Nehemiah maketh mention of Iaduah in his Catalogue of the high Priests; yet thereby is only gathered, that writing his booke in the dayes of Darius Nothus, and recording the High priests to that time, Iaduah was borne heir to the Priest­hood, and is therefore recorded among them: who after­wards succeeded his Father, and in his venerable old age came and met with Alexander.

Like to which is also that of Cl [...]verus in his Computo Chrono­logico. or Nehemiah (saith he) non dicit se vixisse usq. ad tempus Darii ultimi, sed iste Darius, cujus meminit cap. 12.22. fuit Darius Nothus. Quod vel inde potest intelligi, quod eodem capite, v. 23. subdit, descriptos esse Sacerdotes usque ad tempora Iohannis, summi Pontificis. Is autem non fuit sub Dario ultimo, sed Iaddus ejus filius quem puerum videre potuit Nehemias, sed non summum Pontificem, neque etiam illud asserit. That is, Nehemiah doth not say that he lived to the time of the last Darius, but that Darius which he mentioneth, Chap. 12.22. was Darius Nothus; which we are given to understand even [Page 142]from that which he presently subjoyneth in the same Chap. v. 23. namely, That the Priests were written to the times of Iohanan the chiefe Priest. But he was not under the last Dari­us; it was his sonne Iaduah, whom Nehemiah might see being a child, but not a chiefe Priest: neither doth he say he did.

So then, though Nehemiah might, and did, come low in the times of this Monarchie, yet not to the end of it by farre. For beside all this, Iaduah began to be in the Priests office 32 years at the least, before the last year of the last Darius, although he entred thereon but at the death of Mnemon; whereas no man can tell but he might be in the Priesthood some years before: and so, not only be old when he met Alexander, but also be so high in the Persian times, as Nehemiah might record him heire of the Priesthood. At which time though it were when Nehe­miah was old, yet is not this granted without warrant: For, that Nehemiah lived till he was laden with age, Josephus affir­meth in his Antiquities, at the end of the fifth Chapter of the eleventh booke.

But I do ill, you will say, to mention Josephus: for by him Nehemiah (being of equall time with Sanballat) must be as low as the dayes of the last Darius. Joseph lib. 11. cap. 8.

Whereto Iansw. that though it be cōmonly collected from Iosephus, that he who resisted Nehemiah at the building of the wals of Jerusalem was the same Sanballat who obtained leave of Alexander to build a Temple on mount Garizim for his son in law Manasses; yet by Scripture records compared with his writings, it appeareth otherwise. For in Josephus, Manasses who was then the son in law to Sanballat, and cast out by a tumult of the people through the assistance of the high priest Jaduah, was the brother of Jaduah. But he whom Nehemiah mentio­neth, was not the brother of Jaduah, but the brother of the father of Jaduah; and not cast out by the people assisted by the chiefe priest, but cast out by Nehemiah himselfe, as is manifest in Neh. 13.28.

It can therefore be no absurdity to grant there were two Sanballats; the one in the dayes of Nehemiah, and the other in the dayes of the last Darius, and of Alexander magnus: which [Page 143]last died after the end of the Persian Monarchie, two yeares after the taking of Gaza, Joseph. antiq. lib. 11. c. 8.

And thus having removed all such Scruples as may seeme to hinder the beginning of Daniels weekes in the 20 th year of Artaxerxes Longimanus, I proceed, and go on to interpret the words following.

Vnto Messiah the Prince] This is meant of Christ Jesus our Lord; as may be seen Esa. 55.4. Psal. 2.2. Ioh. 1.41. For this is to be noted, that the word Messiah is never used for an Adjective being set before the Substantive, as here MESSIAH NA­GID, Messiah the Prince. And therefore doth here mean no other then [...], CHRIST THE LORD, as the Angel stiles him, Luke 2.11. and is for certaine a proper name in this text belonging unto him who is the Saviour of the world: who after seven weekes and threescore and two weekes was crucifyed upon the Crosse, even in the last weeke of the Seventy. And note likewise, that when in other texts, it is attributed to other persons, it is then after another manner, having a Pronounce affixed, or a Substantive of the Genitive case: as, Mine annointed, Thine annointed, The annointed of God, his annointed, or The Priest which is annointed. But here is no such thing: and therefore must upon necessity meane CHRIT JESUS our Lord, and no other. Which even Rabbi Judah confesseth, in his Comment upon Daniel: alleadging thereupon that saying of the prophet, in Esa 55.4. Behold I have given him for a witnesse to the people, a Prince and a Commander of the Nations.

Seven weekes, and threescore and two weekes] These put together do make 69. weekes, or 483. years; whose precise end was at the beginning of Christs Ministery: for then did Christ Jesus our Saviour [Messiah the Prince] openly manifest himself, being annointed to that office a little before when he was baptized by John in Jordan, & proclaimed then by a voice from Heaven to be the son of God. Both which fell into the yeare of the Iulian Period 4742. the one on the sixth of January, when he was baptized; the other, on the third of October, when he began his Ministery, 483. yeares from the beginning of the [Page 144]weekes. For in 69 weekes, are 69 sevens of yeares: and they put together do make 483. yeares.

If it be objected, that the Medea distinctio, or the Hebrew point Athnah, standing in the originall next after Seven weekes, are against this interpretation; my answer then is: that though there be indeed such a distinction or point there, yet the sence is not therefore to be suspended at Seven weekes, as if they might not together with the 62 make one whole num­ber of 69. For in the first Chapter of Genesis, at the first verse, thewords and the points stand thus. In the beginning God: crea­ted the Heavens and the Earth. And yet there Athnah hath not so much as the force of a Comma.

It would therefore be observed, that the holy Hebrew (as one saith) hath 19 Kingly accents, and eleven Servants: The Kings stay many times on the chiefe word or number in the sentence, whilst the servants hasten on. And although any King for the most part will make a full sence, as words be pointed in other tongues: yet sometimes not so much as a Comma:

But why is seven seperated from sixty two, Quest. and not rather 69 set downe in whole number? Answ. I answer, the Angel divi­ding these weekes (which were 70) into sixty two, and one; sheweth what was to fall out in every of those parts. This first part thereof is for that which was done first: and because se­ven is farre lesse then sixty two, it is called after a Propheti­call and obscure phrase, Astreight of times. In which first inter­vall most like it is that the City was fully finished and set in order: That is, both publike and private works and buil­dings; as houses, streets and wayes, substituting of right Offi­cers, with other things of the like kind. With which inter­pretation the interlinearie Glosse agreeth, as Petavius no­teth.

Verse 26. And after 62 weekes Messiah shall be slaine] That is, Sixty and two weekes after the Seven: for when the Seven weekes were ended, then were the 62. to take beginning, and the one weeke next after them for the confirming of the Co­venant. In which one weeke it was that the Messiiah was slain: [Page 145]for as the Angel here sheweth, it was after seven and sixty two; and therefore in the seventieth or last Week of the se­venty. And why I say, after seven and sixty two, is because of the division: first seven, then sixty two. Which is all one with after sixty two, accounted from the end of the seven: for so without doubt the Angel meaneth. To which purpose Lansbergius noteth, saying: Non putat Angelus sexaginta duas Septimanas à principio septimanae primae, sed à fine Septimae: ut sen­sus sit, Christum moriturum esse Septimana Septuagesima. That is, The Angel accounteth not the sixty and two Weekes from the beginning of the first Week, but from the end of the se­venth: so that the sense is, Christ was to dye in the seven­tieth Weeke. But in what year of that Weeke, is shewed after­wards.

Shall be slain] The word in the Originall is Carath, which signifyeth to cut off either by banishment, or death. In the first sense Christ was cut off when the Jews said, We have no other King but Caesar, Joh. 19.15. and in the other sense he was cut off, when after their loud cryes of crucifie him, crucifie him, they put him to death.

But not for himselfe] This is likewise true of Christ, as the Prophet sheweth, Esa. 53.4, 5, 6. But whether it be the right reading of this place, some make question: and doe therefore render the words thus: And there shall not be unto him] that is, He shall not be; or not have any being, but be extinct and gone. Meaning, that being slain or cut off by death, he should have no longer being among the living: and so also Esay saith, He was cut off out of the Land of the living, for the transgression of my people was the stroke upon him, Esa. 53.8. All which was certainly fulfilled when Christ tasting death was not onely buried, but by his enemies shut in the Sepulcher, least he should againe be seene in the Land of the living.

And the people of the Prince to come, shall destroy the City and the Sanctuary] This is meant of the Romans under the Conduct of Titus the son of Vespasian Emperour of Rome, by whom the City of Jerusalem and the Temple were destroyed: which is [Page 146]here foretold as a judgement to come upon the Jews for their putting Christ to death.

And the end thereof shall be with a Flood] Meaning, that the Romane Army should be unto them as the overflowing of Waters in a Flood: and should therefore prevaile against all the force that the forsaken Jews could make against them.

And unto the end of the War desolations are determined] By which is meant, that so long as the War continued, should be no­thing but desolations and destructions. Which accordingly came to passe, fast one upon another: first in one place, then in another, till all was wasted; as Iosephus hath at large de­clared, in his seventh book of the Jews War, at the first chap­ter, & in his sixt book at the first chapter likewise; as also in some other places of his writings. Whose relations doe ex­cellently agree with the word desolations in the plurall number, here foretold by the Angel in the words of this prophecy.

Ver. 27. One Weeke] This is the last week of the seventy: in which the Angel sheweth, that though the Jewish Nati­on should be cast off, and their City and Temple destroyed; yet neverthelesse the Messiah should for one whole Week Offer himselfe unto them, and gather many of them into the Co­venant of the Gospel. This Week was therefore wholly spent in preaching to those of the Circumcision: in the fore­part whereof Christ himselfe in his own person preached un­to them; and in the latter part he also preached unto them by his Apostles, who went not unto the Gentiles till this Week was ended. For as the 70 Weekes were cut out over the People of Israel, and over the holy City, but not over the Gentiles: so also the confirming of the Covenant by Christ in this last Week of the 70, was cut out over the people of Israel, and over the holy City, but not over the Gentiles. And that not without cause: For though Christ by his death redeemed as well the Gentiles as the Jews, Ioh. 11.52. yet be­cause he was in the first place promised to the Jewish Nation, and after a peculiar manner their Saviour, it was consentane­ous that in the first place he should offer Salvation unto them, [Page 147]and confirm his Covenant with many of them, before he caus­ed his Gospell to be spread abroad, and to take place among the Gentiles. This appeareth by that Caveat w ch in this Week he gave to his Apostles, when they had their first power to preach; namely, that they should not turn into the way of the Gentiles, Mat. 10.5. It appeareth also by that which himselfe said to the woman of Canaan, That he was not sent but to the lost sheep of the house of Israel, Math. 15.24. And as they had this Caveat, so they heeded it very carefully, even after his death and Passion: insomuch that Peter abstained from preaching to any but the Jews, untill he was taught by Visi­on, that the Gentiles also pertained to the society of the Church, Acts 10.1. In a word, Paul was converted about six moneths after the Passion of Christ; three years after which, he returned to Ierusalem that he might see Peter: from whence (after he had stayed 15 dayes) he went into the regions of Syria, and Cilicia, and preached there to the Gentiles, Gal. 1.18. By which it appeareth, that it was full three years and an half after Christ's Passion before they began to preach to any but the Jews: and at that time this One Weeke was ended. For (as it followeth) Christs death was in the middle of this very Week.

And in the midst of the Weeke he shall cause Sacrifice and Oblation to cease] This was certainly done by Christs death. For in the former verse it was said, That after threescore and two Weeks Messiah should be slain: and now in this verse is shewed the very precise time of his death, viz. That it was in the middle of this Weeke: for then was Christ to cause the Sacrifices and Oblations to cease. Yea, all the Sacrifices of the old Testament, and the whole Legall and Typicall service was then at an end, by that one Oblation of Christ upon the Crosse: for nothing but the death of Christ was of efficacie to abolish the Sa­crifices and Legall figures, which were but figures of him and of his Sacrifice; as may be seen by that which S t Paul writeth to the Hebrewes, in the ninth and tenth Chapters. He taketh away the first, that he may establish the second; saith the Apostle there, Chap. 10. verse 9. Not that the Jewish [Page 148]Sacrifices did actually then cease: Peta De Doct. Temp. lib. 12. cap. 35. but that they were de jure, or in very deed and truth then abolished, as Petavius noteth. Which also not onely the last voyce of Christs dying, say­ing, It is finished, but even the vaile of the Temple being rent in twaine, from the top to the bottome, declared, Mat. 27.51. For by that Symbol Christ witnessed that he by his death abolished all the Sacrifices, and all the legall worship. For (as Lansbergius well observeth) so long as that Shadowie ser­vice of the Jews remained, Lansberg. in his Chronol. lib. 2. cap. 11. the vaile was between in the earthly Sanctuary: but the vaile being rent, the legall Cere­monies were abrogated, and all use of the old Covenant ta­ken away, and a passage opened for us to the Heavenly Sanctuary. But it followeth,

And by a Wing of Abominations making desolate, he shall flow upon the desolate] Here againe after speech of the death of Christ is subjoyned a threatning against the Jews for putting him to death. For by this Wing of Abominations, is meant the Army of the Romans: and that (as will appeare) very significant­ly. For the word in the Original here translated Wing, is de­rived from a verbe (but once found in the Hebrew Scripture) which signifies according to the Chaldee, Master Mede in his exposi­tion of Daniels Weeks pa. 41. To gather together: so also in the Arabick: in which it signifieth also, To envi­ron or compasse about; as is gallantly observed by one upon the place. Both which significations sute well to an Army; and the latter to such an Army as beleagureth a City or Fort.

The w [...]rd Wing therefore used for this Army, is very perti­nent. For, if we looke further we shall finde, shat Saint Luke speaking of that which in Saint Mathewes Gospel is called the Abomination of Desolation, Mat. 24.15. and Mar. 13.14. spoken of by Daniel the Prophet, standing in the Holy place, expoundeth it by compassing Je­rusalem with Armies, Luke 21.20. By which he doth for cer­tain meane the Army of the Romans, called here an Army of Abominations, or a people of Abominations; That is, of Gentles and worshippers of Idols: as is manifest, in re­gard that the Scripture often not onely calleth Idols by the name of Abominations; but useth also to expresse and imply [Page 149]under the names of the Gods, the Nations themselves that worshipped them. Thus Ashtaroth is called the Abomination of the Sidonians, 2 Kin. 23.13. And in another place, The strangers with whom the children of Israel had contracted affinity, are called expresly the people of Abominations, Ezra 9.14. So here, The Army which the Angel foretold should come against Ierusalem, is called a Wing (or an Army) of a people of Abominations: by which the Messiah should flow upon the Desolate; That is, upon the desolate and for­saken Jews. For in this service (though an Army of Abomi­nations) it was the Army of the Messiah: as in a fit Parable, ayming at this Prophecy, our Saviour telleth us, Matthew 22.7.

Even untill the Consummation determined] Meaning, That the Desolation, which this Army of Abominations brought up­on the Jews, should continue till the end of that time which God had determined: that is, untill the times of the Gen­tiles be fulfilled, Luke 21.24. For when the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled (then as Saint Paul tels us) The deliverer shall come out of Sion, and all Israel shall be saved, Rom. 11.25.26.

And thus I have now expounded this sacred Prophecy of Daniels LXX Weekes, then which there is no one Prophecy in all the whole Bible that doth more convince the Jew, nor better confirme the Christian for the comming of Christ. For when the Angel had divided the Weekes into seven and sixty two, which were to end at Messiah the Prince, then pre­sently in the next verse he addeth, saying, And after 62 Weekes Messiah shall be slain: joyning hereunto the One Week remaining; In the middle whereof the Sacrifice and Oblati­on was to cease; that is to be abolished or made void and of none effect by his death and Passion. Quare post sexaginta novem absolutas, in Septuagesima utique, ac postrema, Christus occidendus erat; as saith Petavius. Who hereupon concludeth, that they doe in vaine seek the end of these Weekes who look for it so low as the destruction of the City by the Romans. Or, as his owne Words are; Frustra igitur finis alius Hebdomadibus iisce [Page 150]terminandis quaeritur: frustra longius à Dominica Passione summoven­tur ad excidium urbis, Petav. lib. 12. c. 32.

So also Conradus Pawel, in his Concilio Chronologico; saying, Septuaginta hebdomades in annos resolutae confi ciunt quadringentos nonaginta annos; harumque hebdomadum finis praefinitus est, paucis an­nis post excisionem, hoc est, passionem & mortem Christi. Verba enim O­raculi apud Danielem expresse designant medium ultimae hebdoma­dis.

So also Pontanus, in his Chronologie of Sabbathical years pag. 155. in these words; Quod in dimidio ipsius hebdomadis dicitur Christum facturum ut cessent Sacrificia & Oblationes, hoc dubio procul impletum est, quum ille seipsum in sacrificium offerens legales obla­tiones & sacrificia abolevit, in dimidio, vel circa dimidium il­lius hebdomadis, & de praeciso tempore mortis illius intelligendum est.

So also Lansbergius, in his Chronologie, lib. 2, c. 11. Porro & tempus definit Angelus in quo Christus Sacrificia & Oblationes lega­les per mortem suam abrogaturus sit, nimirum Dimidia Septimanae septuagesimae, hoc est anno quarto ejusdem septimanae vel quando tres anni & sex menses finiuntur.

So also Cluverus, in his Computo Chronologico; where speaking of the last week, and shewing how it is divided into two parts, when he commeth to the last part, he hath these words: Alte­rius Semiquadriennii principium est in abrogatione hostiae & sacrifi­cii, per Crucem & resurrectionem Christi facta: finis verò in abdica­tione gentis Judaicae, & translatione Evangelii ad Ethnicos. Nam sicut priori semiquadriennio Christus in propria persona Judaeos docuerat; sic posteriori per Apostolos suos & alios Doctores itidem solis Judaeis pactum paternum confirmavit. Verum cum illi repudiarent istud, & sacrificiis suis irrationalibus inhaererent, occisis insuper Stephano & aliis Christianis, monstravit Chrstus Petro per visionem, ad gentes transferendum esse regnum suum, Act. 10. & Paulum singulari mira­culo conversum emisit, ut gentibus annunciaret Evangelium regni Dei.

And now if after all this it be objected, Object. that these weekes must therefore end at the destruction of Jerusalem by the Ro­mans, because the Angel saith They be determined or cut [Page 151]out over the people and the holy City: if (I say) this be ob­jected, my answer then is, Answ. That they be indeed determined or cut out over the people and over the holy City; but it was to finish transgression and to make an end of Sinne, to make re­conciliation for iniquity, to bring in everlasting righteous­nesse, to seale up vision and Prophet, and to annoint the most Holy. All which have manifest relation to that which Christ did in or near the last week of the 70: For near the beginning of that week Jesus Christ (that Holy of holies) was annointed with the holy Ghost in populi sui Redemptorem, for a Redeemer of his people. For although Christ alwayes had the Spirit, yet for all that there was to be a kind of solemne annoin­ting him to undertake that Office, witnessed by the Prophet Esa. 61.1. and performed accordingly at his Baptisme when the last weeke was ready to begin: For then the holy Ghost came downe upon him in the likenesse of a Dove, the Heavens being also opened, and a voice from the Father saying, This is my welbeloved sonne in whom I am well pleased, Matth, 3.16.17. Luk. 3.22. After which inauguration, at the beginning of the last weeke, he entred on his Ministry, and began to preach de­liverance to the Captives: and in the middle of the weeke sa­tisfied for us on the Crosse, and by his death made an end of sinne, freeing us from it and putting it away by the Sacri­fice of himselfe: as was before proved, Joh. 1.29. Rom. 6.18. Heb. 9.26

All therefore that shall need to be now observed further, is the method of the Angel in the verse objected; speaking of that last which was done first, and of that first which was done last: which if Calvisius had well observed, he needed not have urged the annointing of the Most holy against the right ending of these weekes.

But perhaps it will be still objected out of the 26 and 27 verses, Object. that the last weeke could not be the weeke of Christs passion, because those verses do expresly mention the destructi­on of the City, and tell us of the Abomination of Desolati­on, which even Christ himselfe would should be regarded [Page 152]as a token or signe of the ruine of the City, Answ. Mat, 24.15.

To which I answer, that although the destruction of the City be there mentioned, yet not because it was within the com­passe of the weekes, or because the end of them must be ex­tended thither, but because the destruction of the City was to follow and fall upon the Jewes as a punishment for their putting Christ to death; as in the Annotations foregoing hath been shewed. It was spoken of to shew the hainousnesse of that sin, and is foreshewed to follow as a just judgement of God for so great a wickednesse, and not because it is to be included within the compasse of the weekes. And of this de­struction, the Abomination of Desolation was but a signe, spoken of by Daniel the Prophet: thats all; and more then that cannot be justly gathered from the places objected.

But they further urge, Object. that though the sinne of the Iewes was the cause of their punishment; yea, and among other sinnes, that of putting Christ to death: yet did not Ierusalem utterly cease to be a City or Church of God till they contra­dicted and blaspemed the Apostolicall Ministery, by persist­ing still in their wickednesse. For when Jerusalem had con­demned and crucified Christ, Saint Peter inspired by the holy Ghost saith still, To you belong the Promises, and to your children, Acts 2.39.

True, Answ. I grant as much: for after Christs Passion there were still three years and an halfe before the 70 Weekes were end­ed; And till then there was no tender of Salvation to the Gen­tiles. For in the last Week, Christ first by himselfe, and af­terwards by his Apostles preached to the Jews; confirming a Covenant with many of them during the time of that Week: which being ended, the Apostles turne to the Gentiles, as al­ready I have most fully and plainly proved.

But perhaps it will be objected out of Beroaldus, Object. that the word in the Original commonly translated Middle, Beroald. lib. 3. cap. 8. must be translated Halfe; and not Middle. So that Christ shall be said to abolish Sacrifice and Oblation, not in the Middle of the Week, but in Halfe of the week: which Halfe was not the first Halfe; because seventy weekes, and not sixty nine and ½ [Page 153]were cut out over the people and the Holy City.

To which is answered, though the word indeed is used as well for Halfe as Middle; yet here it must be rendred Middle and not Halfe. For even in the text it selfe, Christ is said to cause to cease, or to abolish Sacrifice and Oblation. Now this action is not Actio manens and continuata, but cito transiens: for it is meant of the death of Christ, who put away sin by the death or Sacrifice of himselfe, abolishing legall offerings for sin, to establish his owne Sacrifice and Oblation once of­fered upon the Crosse, Heb. 9.26. chap. 10.9. Unlesse there­fore we will make Christs death to be a continued action, and say that he continued in that act of dying for the space of three years and an halfe, we must needs grant (as the truth is) that he was crucified or slaine in the Middle of the Weeke: which the confirming of the Covenant doth fully prove.

But saith Funccius, the Sacrifices were of right abolish­ed when Christ was Baptized: in witnesse whereof there came a voice from heaven saying, This is my beloved son in whom I am well pleased, Mat. 3.17. Quasi dicat: Nulla posthac hostia, nullum Sacrificium Mosaicum mihi placebit. Which is as if it should be said, No offering, no Mosaicall Sacrifice shall henceforwards please me any more.

Whereunto is answered, that the Sacrifices of the Law did never please God otherwise then types and shadowes of Christs owne Sacrifice of himselfe; and in that respect, Moses his Sacrifices and such types of Christ, were as well acceptable to God after his Baptisme till his Passion, as before; which is plain by that in Matthew 8.3. where Christ after his Bap­tisme bids the Leper offer the gift that Moses commanded: which (among other things) was two Hee Lambes, and one Ewe Lamb; as is recorded, Levit. 14.10. So that still I see the former exposition will stand, notwithstanding this Objecti­on.

But however, though their ending may be right, yet their beginning cannot, unlesse they begin in the first year of Cyrus. For if the 70 weeks begin not in the first year of Cyrus, the a­logie [Page 154]of the 70 years of Captivity, and the seven times 70 years of liberty, cannot stand.

To which is answered, Answ. that an analogie is a proportion, similitude, or resemblance which one thing hath unto ano­ther. Now that any intervenient time can destroy an Analo­gie, is (as one truely saith) a meere Paradox. For it is certain, there was a true Analogie between the Paschall Lamb in the first Passeover, and the Passion of Christ in the last Passeover, and yet we know that the one was many hundreds of years after the other. Joh. 3.14. As the Serpent was lift up in the wildernesse, so must the son of Man be lifted up: there was a true analo­gie, but many years between. As Jonas was three dayes and three nights in the Whales belly, so must the son of Man be three dayes and three nights in the heart of the Earth: Mat 12.40. there also was a true analogie, but with many years again between. This objection therefore is no hindrance either to the length of the Persian Monarchy, or to the beginning of the 70 weeks, although they begin not just when 70 years of Captivity were ended.

I conclude therefore that the beginning of the LXX Weeks was in the twentieth year of Ataxerxes Longimanus, in the year of the Julian Period 4259, on the tenth of Tisri which then was on the sixth day of October, the sun being then in the se­venth degree of Libra: From whence to the beginning of Christs Ministery, in the year of the said Period 4742. were 483 years which ended (not on the sixth of October, but) on the third, because the Sun was also then in the same point of heaven that he was at the first: which third of October was now the second day of the Week, and seventh day of the seventh Moneth. After this was the middle of the last Week, on the third day of Aprill, in the year of the same Period 4746; for the third year of it ended on the third of October next before: from whence if we account 182 dayes (which make halfe a year) we shall come to the third of April & just middle of this last Week; on which very day our Saviour suffered, as after­wards shall be more fully proved. And thus, having respect to the motion of the Sun, is this account so exact as I cannot but admire to find it so.

CHAP. IX. Of the LXX years in the Prophecy of the Prophet Jeremiah.

HAving finished the proofes of the severall Periods so far as is necessary, I come now to some other things perti­nent also to Chronologie. And first of the 70 years in Jeremy, commonly called the LXX years of Judah's Captivity, which some begin in the nineteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar, at the destruction of the City and Temple: because then was not onely a desolation of the Kingdome and People, but of the Fields and Grounds which were to lie desolate untill the Land had enjoyed her Sabbaths: for as long as she lay deso­late, she kept Sabbath, to fulfill threescore and ten years; as is recorded in 2 Chron. 36.21.

But against this may be excepted, That they who reckon from hence, may as well account from a time which is foure years after. For if they stand upon it to prove that there must be a Desolation, not onely of the People, but of the Fields and Ground; and that the Land was to lie desolate and keep a Sabbath, free from all Inhabitants, for the full and compleate time of 70 years, and that thereupon the 70 years in Jeremy could not begin till such a Desolation: if so, then this (I say) must needs fall into the three and twentieth year of Nebuchadnezzar, because the Land was not freed from all her Inhabitans till then, nor the Desolations of Judah fully finished untill that year, as may be seen in Jer. 52.30.

Nor secondly, doth that place (in 2 Chron. 36.21.) of keeping Sabbath 70 year, prove a continuall Sabbath of so long time: but rather sheweth, that the Land during the years of her Desolation, beginning from the absence of her inhabitants, kept a Sabbath to fill up the number of 70 years. To fill up the number; that's all. The text therefore mean­eth not, as they would have, that no part of that number was begun till then: but that there should not be any people a­gaine [Page 156]in the Land, untill the whole number of 70 years, for­merly begun, should be fully finished: but where, or when they began, that text mentions not.

Others therefore reckon from the transmigration of Jecho­nia, in the eighth year of Nebuchannezzar: and they build cheifly upon two grounds. The one, because the Prophet E­zekiel accounts from thence, calling the time after it, The time of our Captivity, Ezek. 40.1. The other is a proofe from the Prophet Jeremy, who when he sent an Epistle to those who were carried away with Jechonia, telleth them plainly that when 70 years are accomplished at Babylon, that they shall re­turne againe, Jer. 29.10.

But here also may be excepted, First, that the Prophets did usually date their Prophecies from some remarkable accident or other: and therefore this Prophet Ezekiel, who was car­ried away with Jechonia, and had Visions after he came to Ba­bylon, could doe no lesse then date them from the time of that Captivity. For he not onely began to prophecy in the Land of Chaldea, after he was carried away thither: but also dated his Prophecies with respect to that time, and calleth it Our Captivity; because it had relation to those who were carried away at the same time when he was captivated. This is all: here therefore is no such absolute warrant for the beginning of the foresaid seventy yeares, as some at the first may think.

And secondly, for that Epistle which was sent to the Captives by Ieremiah, it is true indeed that they to whom he wrote were carried away with Iechonia; but for all that there is nothing in it to prove that the 70 years began but then. For the Prophet in the letter to them doth not say that they should returne after they had accōplished 70 years at Babylon: but (without defining any beginning or time from whence) after 70 years were accomplished. By which it appeareth plainly enough, that this alleaged cannot prove the begin­ning of the 70 years: for we see there is no necessity to begin the reckoning of them when that Epistle was sent, but rather from the time when Iudah first began to be a stranger in her [Page 157]owne Land, and to bewaile her case at Babylon, which was not begun in Iechonias, but in Daniel and Iehoiakim, with some other of the Kings seed, together with part of the Vessels of the house of God, Dan. 1.2. Which appeares further to be so, in regard that the whole time of Babels Kingdome was but 70 years, Esa. 23.15. during which time, not onely the Jews, but the other neighbouring Nations were to serve the King of Babylon. These Nations (saith the Prophet Ieremy) shall serve the King of Babylon 70 years: and when seventy years are fulfilled, I will make the Land of the Chaldeans a perpetuall desolation, Ier. 25.11.12. And againe, They shall serve him, and his sons, and his sons son, Ier. 27.7. Which time among these, that it was but 70 years, is cleare by that before; mentioning, not onely how long the Nations were to serve the King of Babylon, but also how long that Kingdome was to stand. Esay therefore saith, And it shall come to passe in that day, that Tyre shall be forgotten seventy years, accord­ing to the days of one King, Esa. 23.15. Which expression [According to the dayes of one King] is meant of one Kingdome, as appeareth by a like phrase in Dan. 7.17.23. And this one Kingdom was sure enough the Kingdom of Babylon, which was Nebuchadnez­zars Kingdom, continued only to him, his son, & his sons son; as already hath been said. Beside, When 70 years are accomplished at Babylon, I will visite you saith the Lord, in Ier, 29.10. And if when 70 years be accomplished at Babylon, then must the beginning be from the time of the Captivity of the first of the Jews that Nebuchadnezzar carried thither, even in the begin­ning of his Kingdome. And when was this, but when God had given Iehoiakim into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar, with part of the vessels of the house of God? at which time not onely was Iehoiakim bound in fetters to be carryed to Babylon, but Daniel, with certaine more of the Children of Israel, and of the Kings seed, and of the Princes were brought thither by Ashpenaz the master of the Eunuches, and taught there the learning and tongue of the Chaldeans, Daniel 1.3, 4.

Nor doth the same Prophet elsewhere but understand the [Page 158]beginning of these yeares thus: For I understood (saith he) by books the number of the yeares, whereof the word of the Lord came to Jeremiah the Prophet, that he would accom­plish 70 yeares in the desolations of Jerusalem, Dan 9.2. In which text the word is plurall, [Desolations:] to shew that the 70 years must include all the Calamities which fell upon Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar King of Babylon, beginning even from the first of them, and were not ended untill the reign of the Kingdome of Persia; namely, when Cyrus King of Persia had conquered Babylon, and thereupon could say, All the Kingdomes of the Earth hath the Lord God of Heaven gi­ven me, and hath charged me to build him an house in Je­rusalem, 2 Chron. 36.20.23.

There is (saith Petavius) a double intervall of 70 yeares expressed in the Scriptures: the one by the Prophet Jeremiah; the other by the Prophet Zachary, and is altogether strange and differing from the former. The first intervall is from the first yeare of Nebuchadnezzar, to the two and twentieth year of Cyrus when he tooke Babylon: The second is from the De­solations of the Temple and City, to the second yeare of Da­rius the sonne of Hystaspis.

Thus he, in his twelfth booke and twenty fourth Chapter De Doctrina Temporum. And certainly he was not farre from truth in all this, as by that which I have already written may be seen. I account I confesse a little otherwise, but decline not his grounds: for in the first seventy I come two years lower then the two and twentieth of Cyrus; and begin not the second when Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the City and burnt the Temple, but when he laid his last siege against Jerusalem in the yeare of the Julian Period 4125. of which see more in the eighth Chapter and sixth Section.

And now of all in this Chapter hitherto, this is the con­clusion: that Nebuchadnezzar being sent by his father upon an expedition into Egypt and Syria, came against Jerusalem and besieged it in the third year of Jehoiakim, & by such time at his third year was ended and his fourth a little entred, the Lord gave Jehoiakim into his hand, with part of the vessels of the [Page 159]house of God. This was in the year of the Iulian Period 4107. in the ninth Moneth: by reason whereof the Jews kept a Fast in that Moneth; as is mentioned, Ier. 36.9. The Scripture accounteth this for the first yeare of Nebuchadnezzars reigne; as well it might: for not only now was Nebuchadnezzar taken in as a consort with his father in the Empire, but also whilst he was employed in this expedition his father died, even in the twentieth year of his reigne, as afterwards shall be proved. And note that Iehoiakim being now taken by this rod of Gods anger, to whom Judah and other Neigh­bouring Nations must be put in Subjection, was bound in fetters to be carried to Babylon among the other Captives [2 Chron. 36.6.] but went not: For afterwards in the way, by an agreement of servitude, he was released and sent home againe, and so became his servant, 2 Kin. 26.1. This was about the Spring time of the yeare of the Julian Period 4108. from whence the 70 years in Jeremy began, as without all further scruple may be freely granted: especially considering that the first draught must be given to Judah, as may be seen in Jer. 25.18.29.

CHAP. X. Of the time when Tyrus and Egypt were sub­dued and taken by Nebuchadnezzar, according to the Prophecies of Esay, Jeremiah and E­zekiel.

THat the Jews and other neighbouring Nations were delivered into the hands of Nebuchadnezzar in the first yeare of his Kingdome, already hath been proved: Jer. 25.9.11. and albe­it they refused to beare his yoake, yet by degrees he brought them all under.

Jerusalem he tooke and destroyed in the nineteenth yeare of his reigne, at which time Tyrus thought her selfe safe and secure enough. She therefore rejoyced at the fall of that [Page 160]great City, and is thereupon threatned with destruction: for the power and might of Nebuchadnezzar was to come against her. This was spoken in the eleventh year of Jechoniah's Cap­tivity, which all men know was the nineteenth year of Nebu­chadnezzar: and therefore till after this time there was no siege laid against Tyrus, witnessed by the Prophet Ezek. 26.1.2. and at the seventh verse most plainly. For thus saith the Lord God: Behold, I will bring upon Tyrus, Nebuchadnezzar King of Babylon. Where note that he was not yet come, but was after this time to come against her. Scaliger therefore casts his account amisse, when he reckoned that Tyrus was besieged and taken before the time of this threatning.

That Tyrus was besieged thirteene years, we have it from Iosephus in his first book against Apion, who had it out of the Annals of the Phoenicians. These eighteen yeares siege were in the reigne of Ithobalus, and began in the seventh yeare of his reigne, which was also the three and twentieth of Nebuchad­nezzar, as appeareth by accounting on to the 14 year of Irom; from the 14 year of Irom must (at least in some part of it) fal into the first year of Cyrus, as Ioseph. here sheweth: that is, into his first year over Babylon, and not into his first yeare over Persia. And thus will this account agree wel with that already mentioned out of the 26. Chapter of Ezekiel, although it differ much from that which Ioseph Scaliger mainly strives for. And note also that from the time at which Tyrus began to be besieged to the death of Irom, are 54 yeares: which by this account is as right as can be.

I conclude therefore that Tyrus was taken in the end of the yeare of the Iulian Period 4141. or in the beginning of the next year whilst the seven and twentieth year of Iechoni­ah's Captivity was still running on: for then doth Ezekiel mention the taking of it: even after a long siege and service against it; as may be seen, Ezek. 29.17.18. After which, Tyrus is to be forgotten till the end of those seventy yeares which were the date of Nebuchadnezzars Kingdome, began from the beginning of the Captivity: as the Peophet meaneth, in Esa 23.15. A like Phrase is in Gen 11.32. and in Exod 12.40. as [Page 161] Philippus in his Chronologie upon that place in Esay hath observed. In oblivione eris ô Tyre, 70 annis] Tyrus dicitur in obli­vione futura 70 annis; non quod totos illos annos oblivio tenuerit, sed terminarit. Thus he, and thereupon referrs us to Gen. 11.32. and to Exod. 12.40.

And thus we have the right time, both for the besieging and taking of Tyrus. A list of them that reigned there is as followeth.

The latter Kings of Tyre out of Josephus exactly accounted, and fixed in their right times.
  years of their reigne. The years of the Julian Period when they began to reigne.
1. Ithobalus 19 — 4123
2. Baal 10 — 4142
3. Ecnibalus M. 2. — 4152
4. Chelbes M. 10. — 4152
5. Abharus M. 3. — 4153
6. Mytgonus 6 — 4153
7. Gerastus 6 — 4153
8. Belatorus 1 — 4159
9. Merbalus 4 — 4160
10. Iromus 20 — 4164

This is the lift. By which it appeareth that Tyrus began to be besieged in the year of the Julian Period 4129. three years after the destruction of Ierusalem, and a little more then 13 yeares before the Conquest of Egypt. For this we are to note, that about the Summer time of the year of the Iulian Period 4142. Nebuchadnezzar conquered Egypt, not many Moneths after Tyrus was taken, Ezek. 29.17, 18, 19, 20. This was the Six and thirtieth yeare of his reigne, or five and thirtieth yeare ending; being also the beginning of the first yeare of his absolute Monarchie: before which time he had his dream of the foure Monarchies. For that dream could not be in the second year of his absolute MOnarchie after he had con­quered Egypt; because Tyrus (as we have seen) was first con­quered, [Page 162]& Egypt given him for his wages: but Daniel was famous before Tyrus was taken, and yet his wisdome not knowne till the expounding of this dreame, Ezek. 28.3. and Dan. 2. In the second year therefore of Daniels service with the King he expounded this dream. For though it be said, In the reigne of Nebuchadnezzar, yet are not those words to be joyned with the former, in the second yeare, as appeareth (saith one) by the Hebrew distinction, rebiah, set over the word shetaim, Second: but to shew that it was not in the Second yeare of Cyrus. For in the last words of Daniels first Chapter, it is said, that Da­niel was to the first yeare of King Cyrus: Now therefore least any should thinke that this was done in the second of Cyrus, direct mention is made of the reigne of Nebuchadnezzar. This I thought good to touch at by the way, in regard of that mistake which is among many who account the time of this dream to be in the second year after the conquest of Egypt. More like it is that in these times Nebuchadnezzar set up his golden Image, was famous for his stately buildings, had his dreame of the Tree, and twelve Moneths after be­gan to be madde: which I take to be about the end of the eight and thirtieth year of his reign. For in that year I ac­count that the first year of his madnesse began, which lasted seven years: at the end wherof he was restored, and died soon after. For if his death had not been soon after the end of his madnesse, it is thought he would have restored the Jews out of Captivity. But because it was not he that must do this, it is like God took him away, and kept them still in Captivity untill the first yeare of Cyrus.

And thus we have the right time also of the conquest of E­gypt.

The King that reigned there then was Apries, or (as he is called by the Prophet) Hophra, Ier. 44.30. in whose two and twentieth yeare I thinke it probable that Amasis rebelled a­gainst him, which thereupon perhaps was the cause why Dio­dorus saith he reigned but 22 years: whereas in Herodotus we finde that he reigned twenty five. And indeed it is not unlike but that Egypt was sore shaken before Nebuchadnezzar [Page 163]came to conquer it, which therefore helped him to effect that he came for the sooner & with the greater ease. For what with the calamity of the Cyrenian warre, and what with the re­bellion of Amasis thereupon, the strength and arme of Egypt was greatly broken, and so faire a way made for Nebuchadnez­zar to come and conquer it, as that he might quickly and with much ease performe the worke, the businesse in a man­ner being done to his hand before he came: which agrees well to the speech and phrase of the Prophet, who saith that this Country was given to him as his wages for that great service which he caused his Army to serve against Tyrus, Ezek. 29.18.19.

And note after all this, that Egypt was not restored untill the end of 40 yeares from hence. Ezek. 29.13. Ier. 46.26. And if so, then shall Amasis have but five yeares reigne after he re­volted from the Babylonian, by whom (as is very probable) he was intrusted with the Lieutenantship of the Country, as a reward for his rebellion against his naturall Prince, in re­gard that he thereby helped Nebuchadnezzar there to fix his throne. For it is without question, that Amasis was neither 44 nor 55 yeares together King of Egypt after Apries, though Herodotus and Diodore tell us so. The truth is, the Priests of E­gypt would not mention any thing of Nebuchadnezzars reign­ing there, but did notably delude Herodotus and Diodorus with lyes, coyned upon a vaine-glorious purpose of hiding their owne disgrace and bondage: and so these two being stran­gers to that which Nebuchadnezzar did there, because they wanted the helpe of holy Scripture, rested satisfied with any thing (though false) that the lying Priests would tell them. But as for us we know the contrary, and may not smother that which the word of God relateth: For thus saith the Lord of Hosts the God of Israel; Behold I will send and take Nebu­chadnezzar the King of Babylon my servant, and will set his throne upon these stones that I have hid, and he shall spread his royall Pavilion over them, Ier. 43.10.

But now see the list of them that reigned.

A List of the latter Kings of Egypt, out of Herodotus and fixed in their right times.
  Years of their reigne. The years of the Iulian Per. when they began to reign.
1. Psammiricus 54 — 4041
2. Pharaoh Necho 17 — 4095
3. Psammis 6 — 4112
4. Apries 25 — 4118

CHAP. XI. Of the number of Kings that reigned in Babylon during the time of the Captivity.

THe fragments of Berosus and Megasthenes, in accounting more Kings then three during the time of the Captivity, agree so ill with the Scripture as I know not how to build upon them. For they tell us of Nebuchadnezzar, Evilmerodach, Naragalrasar, Labosardach, and Nabonidus: whereas in Scripture we find no more named then Nebuchadnezzar, Evilmerodach, and Belshazzar. And as no more named, so no more to be named nor reckoned for Kings of Babylon during these times: For in Scripture this we find; This whole Land shall be a desola­tion, and an astonishment; and these Nations shall serve the King of Babylon 70 years. And it shall come to passe when 70 years are accomplished, that I will punish the King of Baby­lon, and that Nation, saith the Lord, Jer. 25.11, 12. And againe, All Nations shall serve him, and his son, and his sons son, untill the very time of his Land come: and then many Nations and great Kings shall serve themselves of him, Ier. 27.7. And when 70 years are accomplished at Babylon, I will visit you, Ier. 29.10, For I will rise up against them, saith the Lord of hosts, and cut off from Babylon the name and rem­nant, both son and nephew, saith the Lord. Esa. 14.22. And againe, When there commeth a Nation out of the North, and layeth Babel wast, then in those dayes and at that time, saith the Lord, the Children of Israel shall come weeping and [Page 165]enquiring the way to Sion, Ier. 50.4. Now that no part of this could goe beyound the death of Belshazzar the third King, is apparant out of Daniels prophecy. For this (saith he) is the interpretation of the thing: MENE, God hath numbred thy Kingdome, and finished it, Dan. 5.26. Where note, that if Nebuchadnezzars Kingdome were numbred and finished at the death of Belshazzar, then must no part either of his Kingdome, or of the 70 years be after that time: for not onely were the years of the Kingdome, but of the Captivity to end then, their dates by Scripture depending each upon o­ther. It is therefore said in Esay, that Tyrus (w ch we know was one of them that was to bear Babels yoake) shall be forgotten 70 years, according the dayes of one King, Esa. 23.15. Which ex­pression [according to the dayes of one King] is certainly meant of one Kingdome, and is expounded so by a like phrase in Dan. 7.17, 23. Of one Kingdome I say; viz. The Kingdome of Babylon, which was Nebuchadnezzars Kingdome, continued onely to him, his son, and his sons son: as was before menti­oned out of Ier. 27.7. and Esay 14.22.

Upon consideration of which sure it was, Hist. World. lib. 3. c. 1. sect. 4. that Sir Walter Raleigh, in his History of the World could say; They who meerly follow the authority of the Scripture without bor­rowing any helpe from others, name onely three Kings, viz. Nebuchadnezzar, Evilmerodach, and Belshazzar. For which they have not onely the filence of Daniel for their warrant, who names none other; but even the promise of Ieremiah also, precisely and in a manner purposely teaching the same, Jer. 27.7. In which text be words expressing the continuance of the Chaldaean Empire, and number of the Kings, so as will hardly be qualified with any distinction. And indeed I finde no other necessity of qualification to be used herein, then such as may grow out of mens desire to reconcile the Scriptures unto prophane Authours: Which desire were not unjust, if the consent of all Histories were on the one side, and the let­ter of the holy Text were single on the other side. Thus he, very gravely and judiciously: and therefore, without some handsome way of reconcilement, I shall build no more upon [Page 166]the Authority of this Fragment of Berosus, then I have hither­to done.

But perhaps a way may be found. Suppose we then this to be propable, That after Evilmerodach had reigned two years, that then he gave himselfe to sloth and luxury, and thereup­on appointed Naragalrazar (his sisters husband) to be his De­puty, which continued for the space of four years: at the end whereof Evilmerodach either dyed or was slain by his De­buty, who thereupon strove what he could to establish the Kingdome to his owne son Labosardach, albeit he were a child. But Nabonidus (otherwise called Balthasar, or Belshazzar) im­patient of such an injury, prevailes against him: For though for nine moneths space he was a little molested, yet at the end thereof he was quietly possessed of his Fathers throne, which he held for the space of seventeen years; and was then slain at the taking of Babylon by King Cyrus, who in the se­cond year of his expedition took the City, and so ended the time of Babels Kingdome, in which the Nations were to serve Nebuchadnezzar, his son, and his sons son.

This I confesse would seeme something probable, were all things correspondent: but here is so short a time for the reign of these Kings, that they will be all dead and gone before the Captivity was ended: which can by no means be.

I remember therefore what is conjectured by the knight before mentioned, in his History of the World, lib. 3. cap. 1. sect. 13. viz. That the seven years (or six years and nine moneths) given by Berosus to Evilmerodach, Naragalrazar, and Labosardach, are not to be reckoned after the death of Nebu­chadnezzar, but rather before; namely, in the time of his Madnesse, and living Wilde: during which time, Evilmero­dach (having expected the recovery of his Father about some three moneths) reigned two years: then Naragalrazar having put him downe, rules four years: and last of all, Labosardach nine moneths; in the end whereof Nebuchadnezzar is againe restored. Which opinion, though differing from that of Ly­ranus and Pererius, who make Evilmerodach the sole Regent in his Fathers absence; and is also differing from that of Jose­phus, [Page 167]who (speaking of Nebuchadnezzars madnesse) saith, none durst invade the Kingdome all those seven years: yet for all that, I think no wise man will lightly esteeme it; for it serves better to reconcile Berosus to the Scriptures, then any other opinion that hitherto hath been extant.

Scaliger, in his Animadversions upon Eusebius, expounds Berosus otherwise, and saith Evilmerodach succeeded Nebuchad­nezzar, whom Naragalrazar slew, thereby to advance his own son, the nephew of Nebuchadnezzar, to the Septer, which himself swayed as Protectour in the minority of his son who was called Labosardach: But Naragalrazar being dead, and his son more fit for a Chamber then a Throne, Nabonidus con­spired against him & slew him. This Nabonidus (saith Scaliger) is Darius Medus, and Labosardach is that Belshazzar mentioned by Daniel, according to his interpretation of the Prophet out of Berosus and Megasthenes: which indeed is but his interpre­tation; who we know was in all thing singular, and in most things peremptory: and therefore though he scorneth all o­ther Chronologers who subscribe not to his magisteriall Dictates, yet are his bare words no warrant, nor scornes good proofes to make us think his Tenets the onely true ones; no not here, in this now under question: For the Ora­cle of the Prophet points us out no other then Nebuchadnez­zar, Evilmerodach, and Belshazzar; as already hath been proved. Unto which let me add, that Herodotus calleth the last King of Babylon Labynitus: and who was this but Nabonidus in Bero­sus? and who was Nabonidus but Belshazzar, called by the Ba­bylonians Naboandel as saith Josephus? & who was Belshazzar, but he whom Cyrus conquered? as Xenophon plainly, with the Prophet Daniel, beareth witnesse. Note also further that Da­rius Medus was a Mede by birth, and not a Babylonian, being Darius of the seed of the Medes, Dan. 9.1. And if a Mede by birth, then how could Nabonidus be Darius Medus, who even in Berosus himselfe is said to be a Babylonian?

And as Daniel is against him, so also Esay; shewing that he came not to his Kingdom by Election. For behold I will stur up the Medes against thee, Esa. 13.17. The Medes therefore as­saulted [Page 168] Babylon and took it, together with the Persians, not by favour, but by violence, being assisted by Cyrus kinsman to Da­rius, as Josephus writeth. And good reason had Josephus for it: Joseph. antiq. lib. 10. ca. 12. For the fall of Babylon was by the joynt forces of two, as in another Chapter of the same Prophecy may be seen. For thus hath the Lord said unto me; Goe, set a whatchman; let him declare what he seeth: And behold he saw a Charet with a couple of horses, Esa. 21.7. and at the ninth verse; And behold here commeth a Charet of men, and a couple of Horsemen: and he answered and said, Babylon is fallen, is fallen. But by whom is it fallen? this the second verse sheweth, in these words: Goe up, O Elam; besiege, O Media. By which we see that the E­lamites, and Medians (or the Persians and Medes) united into one body, but under two Commanders, were the people foretold to come with joynt forces for the destruction of Babylon: these being that Ram with two hornes, in the eighth of Daniel. For the Ram which thou sawest having two hornes, are the Kings of Media and Persia, Dan 8.20. And hereupon it came to passe that at the taking of Babylon and death of Belshazzar, the Kingdome was divided among the Medes and the Persians, Dan 5.28. Howbeit the chiefe authority and power might be in the Medes: and therefore saith Jeremy, Make bright the arrows: gather the shields: the Lord hath raised up the Spirit of the Kings of the Medes: for his device is against Babylon to destroy it, Jer. 51.11. Which though it were, yet the dexterity in ex­pediting this businesse, and in using that Stratageme of See Xenoph. in his Cyrop. li. 7. and Jer. 51.36. di­viding the great river Euphrates, is ascribed by Xenophon unto Cyrus. Nor doth Herodotus but name him the onely authour and beginner of this War: the reason whereof is, because by his valour and skill the victory was gotten. Which being ob­tained, Cyrus forthwith intitles Darius to the Kingdome, both because he was his Uncle and also his Elder, as Saint Jerom observeth; and as Xenophon likewise gives a touch at: telling us what Cyrus first said to Cyaxares after the taking of Babylon; namely that there was provided for him in Babylon, a choyce Palace with stately Edifices; that if he come thither he might keep his Court there as in his owne, Xenoph. lib. 8. Which is [Page 169]as if it should be said he had now conquered it for him, and he might if he pleased freely receive it: agreeing therein with the Prophet Daniel, who saith that when Belshazzar was slain, Darius Medus received the Kingdome, being about threescore and two year old, Dan. 5.30.31. But then again because at this victory there were [Parsin] parters to share the Empire, not of Madai onely, but also of Elam: we must know that Cyrus King of Paras or Elam, excluded not himselfe, but was fellow in Empire with Darius: and so the Kingdome was divided between the Medes and the Persians, as in the hand-writing upon the wall was declared. And so likewise the Jews which were to serve the Chaldeans during the time of their Kingdome (which hath been already proved tobe 70 years) served them till the reigne of the Persians, 2 Chron. 36.20. Nor was this uniting but known to those Greeks, in whom the Persian Armies are called Medes, as I shall after­wards mention. To whom the seventy Translaters applyed themselves, when they put for the Hebrew text Paras, the terme Medes in this text of the Chronicles.

And further, as for Nabonidas formerly mentioned, questi­onlesse he was the same with Belshazzar: for neither doth Josephus, nor Berosus, attribute to either of them more then 17 years. Nor doth Josephus tell us any other thing then that Belshazzar was by the Babylonians called Naboandel, as before was noted: a name not far differing from Nabonidus in Bero­sus, but differing far enough from Darius Medus. To which Josephus doth once again bear witnesse, in saying, that Darius, together with Cyrus his allie, destroyed the state of the Babylo­nians; as before was also noted: affirming moreover that he was the son of Astyages, and is otherwise called by the Greeks. And therefore in very truth, Darius Medus was not Nabonidus, but Cyaxares the second; as Xenophon plainly and perspicu­ously hath related.

Beside all which, this also may be added, That the Baby­lonians would not be so simple to deliver their Empire to a man who was a Mede, seeing they thought not so well of the Medes as of other Nations, because the bounds of their King­dome [Page 170]were enlarged far, and trenched much upon the Chalde­an greatnesse, which made them therefore fearfull and suspi­cious over them. To which opinion (as saith Pererius) He­rodotus addes no little force; Perer. on Da. Herodot. lib. 1 writing that Nitocris Queen of Babylon, and mother to Labynitus, did greatly fortifie the City of Babylon against the forces and invasions of the Medes. Nay more, when the Lord rendred unto Babylon, and to all the Inhabitants of Chaldea, all their evill that they had done in Sion, he then stirred up the Nations with the Kings of the Medes, and the Captaines thereof, and all the Land of his Dominion, Jer. 51.24, 28. and Esa. 13.17.

There is therefore more in it I see, then the bare delivering of the Kingdome to a man born in Media, and brought up in Babylon: Hist. World lib 3: cap. 2. sect. 2.3. for as Sir Walter Raleigh truely gathered from hence, the Medes were cheife actors in the subversion of the Babyloni­an Empire. And though the Greeks (saith he) ascribe the conquest of Babylon to Cyrus alone, yet the Scriptures teach uss that Darius was not onely King of Media, and had the Persians to be his followers, but that the Army victorious o­ver Belshazzar was his; being compounded of the strength of both Nations, to wit, the Medes and Persians, with other the vassals of Darius, which were all led under the conduct of Cy­rus, who was cheife General of the Army, and had the ho­nour of the victory wholly given to him, who was the instru­ment preordained and forenamed by God himselfe for this action, even for the sake of his Church, Esa. 45.1, 2, 3, 4. And againe, It is not (saith he) more certaine, that Belshaz­zar Iost his life and Kingdome, Ide. lib. 3. ca. 1. sect. 5. then that his Kingdome was divided and given to the Medes and Persians. Neither did the Medes and Persians fall out about it, as by supposing Nabonidus to have been Darius, they should be thought to have done; but these two Nations did compound the body of the Em­pire, and were accounted Lords of the subject Provinces, in­somuch that the Greek Historians did commonly call those Wars which Darius, and after him Xerxes, made upon Greece, The Wars of the Medes; Dan. 8.20. yea to cleare this point (saith the same authour still) even Daniel himselfe resembles that King [Page 171]with whom Alexander fought, unto a Ram with two hornes, calling him the King of the Medes and the Persians. Where­fore (saith he) the whole Nation of Chronologers were not to have been condemned by Joseph Scaliger, for maintaining up­on such good grounds, that Darius of Medes, was partner with Cyrus in his victories, and not a Chaldean King by him subdued. Neither was Josephus to be the lesse regarded, for affirming that Belshazzar was destroyed by Darius of the Medes, and his nephew Cyrus, though herein he varied from Berosus, and others, whose authority elsewhere he gladly citeth. For Josephus had no reason to beleeve any mans faith or know­ledge of those times, halfe so well as Daniels, whom I beleeve that he understood, as was needfull in this case. Lawfull it was for him to alleage all Authours that had any mention, though unperfect, of the same things that were contained in the writings of the Jews, to whose histories thereby he pro­cured reputation in the Roman World, where they were strangers, and might seeme fabulous. Even so Eusebius, and other writers, willingly embrace the testimonies of heathen bookes making for the truth in some particulars; yet will they not therefore be tryed in generall by the same, but leave them where they are against the truth; as Josephus in this case hath left Berosus. Thus that Knight.

And as for Belshazzar: one word againe of him. How is it possible that he could be the Labosardach of Berosus, seeing Labosardach was but a childe, and reigned only nine moneths? whereas those things which are written of Belshazzar by the Prophet Daniel, are pertinent to a man, and one who had reigned severall years: yea, more then three; which is the time that some give him. For first Daniel had visions in the third year of Belshazzar, and was then an officer in the Kings Court, as himselfe declareth, Dan. 8, 1.17. and therefore must needs be knowne to the King. Howbeit in that year which was the last of Belshazzar, he was out of office and for­gotten; as may be seen at large in the fifth Chapter of the same Prophecy, where the Queen first tels the King of him, and the King also questioneth saying, Art thou Daniel? [Page 172]speaking to him as a stranger, or as to one whom some long tract of time had made to be forgotten. And secondly, when this King Belshazzar made his great & fatal Xenophon mentions this Feast, lib. 7. agreeing to Daniel & Je­remiah. Dan. 5. and Jer. 51.39. Herod. lib. 1. Xenoph. lib. 7. Feast, he had his Wives and Concubines present with him: quae Puero minimè competunt, as saith Pererius. Neither doth Daniel obscurely shew that Belshazzar was slain by his owne people, but rather by his enemies: Or if by his owne people, it was by Gadata and Gobryas, who betrayed the City and brought in Cyrus his Army. For the King had offended them before, causing Gadata to be gelded, and the son of Gobryas to be slain in hunt­ing; as Herodotus and Xenophon tell us. And note whereas it is said in Jer. 51.31. that when the City was broken up, there were Posts and Messengers which passed to and fro to inquire and bring the King the certaine newes thereof; note (I say) that this was, not because the King was in some remote place out of the City, as Calvisius thinketh; but because of the distance of the Palace from the place where the enemy en­tred: the noyse of whose comming in was so sudden and unexpected, that it could not be beleeved without posting to and fro to inquire and know it certainly. Which even the Prophets words, in the place alleaged, well marked, do de­clare. For when the Posts and Messengers went to and fro to inquire, it was to shew the King of Babylon that his City was taken at one end. And at the 39 verse, the very drunken feast is foretold; at the which many were so overcome with wine that they slept: yea slept they did and waked not; for they were slain by the enemy before they awaked, and so they slept a perpetual sleepe, as there the Prophet saith. Yea, and to shew that Cyrus had it in his minde to set the Jews free, if once the City was taken, he caused Proclamation to be made at his very entrance into it, that all who could speak the Syriacke tongue (which the Jews could) should keep within doores, and so be safe; as Xenophon sheweth, lib. 7.

By all which I see, that they who reject Xenophon and Josephus in these passages to embrace Berosus and Megasthenes, do runne upon the rocke of many a text in the assured word of [Page 173]God dellvered to us by the Prophets, Esay, Jeremy, Daniel.

There be indeed in Xenophon many things spoken high­ly in commendation of Cyrus, and much Rhetoricke used to garnish and set forth that History, describing in Cyrus the pat­tern of a most Heoricall Prince: yet neverthelesse the body and bulke thereof is founded upon meere Historicall truth. Putting therefore apart the Moral and Politique discours, and examining but the History of things done, it will easily ap­peare, that Xenophon hath handled his undertaken subject in such sort, that by beautyfying the face thereof, he hath not in any sort corrupted the body: as is gallantly observed by Sir Walter Raleigh, in his History of the world, lib. 3. c. 2. Section 3.

I conclude therefore that the last King of this Monarchy was Belshazzar, the first was Nebuchadnezzar, & the middlemost was Evilmerodach: and that the whole time among these three was 70 yeares, beginning from the time of Daniels Captivity, and agreement of servitude which Iehoiakim made with Nebu­chadnezzar, 2 Kin. 26, 1. Ier. 25.2. The first of these had 44 yeares, as may be gathered out of Scripture; the second 12, and the third 14, as Sulpitius Severus hath told us, in the se­cond booke of his sacred History, affirming there, that so he found it an old Anonymus, wherein the times of the Kings of Babylon were recorded. And why I say Nebuchadnezzar had 44 yeares as may be gathered out of Scripture, is, because Je­chonia was carryed away Captive in the eighth year of Nebu­chadnezzar, 2 Kin. 24.12. and in the seven and thirtieth year after Evilmerodach began to reigne: which because it was late in that yeare, might make Nebuchadnezzars reigne to be some odd Moneths more then forty four years; as may be seen 2 Kin. 25.27. Berosus gives to Nabonidus 17 years, and him we have already proved to be Belshazzar: Josephus therefore saith that Belshazzar was slain in the seventeenth year of his reign: and if so, then must Evilmerodach have about 9 years; because 44, 9 and 17 will make the full number of 70.

They that like this last account better then the former, may if they please embrace it. Or whether this or that, it is not [Page 174]much materiall: for the Scriptures have told us that God gave the empire of Babylon for 70 yeares, to Nebuchadnezzar, his son and his sons son: and therefore though there may be some small difference in the particulars, yet doth that hinder nothing from being satisfied in the generall assured summe.

One thing more I would gladly touch at; and this it is: the death of Nabopollassar, who was alive when Nebuchadnezzar began his expedition against Egypt and Syria, but died soone after: probably about such time as Nebuchadnezzar altered his purpose concerning Jehoiakim: For having bound him in fet­ters with an intent to carry him to Babylon, he agreed with him that he should become his servant, and so sent him home to Jerusalem: which I take to be in regard of the newes of his Fathers death. And if so, then will the reigne of Nabopollassar be something short of 20 yeares. For whilst some give him 29 yeares, some Copies of Ptolomey 25, other 21, I should ra­ther thinke 19 to be the truer number, which in Berosus his fragment is corruptly said to be 29. or if 20, it must be but 20 running on: and so shall both the beginning of the Cap­tivity, and the beginning of Nebuchadnezzar after the death of his Father, be at one and the same time, viz. in the year of the Iulian Period 4108. Howbeit the ordinary account of Ne­buch adnezzars reigne is not to be taken from hence, but from the beginning of his expedition.

CHAP. XII. Of the first year of Cyrus, and of Darius Medus mentioned in holy Scripture.

THe first year of Cyrus mentioned in Scripture, was not the first year of his reigne over Persia, but the first year of his Monarchy which began at the conquest of Baby­lon: and was a Date reckoned, not onely by the Jews as an Aera or Epocha first began in honour of their returne out of [Page 175]Captivity, but as the first year of a new Kingdome: in the beginning whereof the Jews indeed came out of Babylon; but the Record bearing date for this was found in a Coffer which was at Achmetha, a Provice of the Medes, in the Palace there, Ezr. 6.2. We may not therefore with Joseph Scaliger begin this Monarchy some certaine years after the taking of Babylon, but at the very time thereof. For first, if there were four Monarchies one to succeed another, as we are taught in the second and seventh Chapters of Daniel: then I ask, from whence shall we reckon the beginning of the second, but from the end of the first which went before it? Or shall we say that when the one was extinguished, the other was not as yet begun? Surely no. For Nebuchadnezzars Image, which represented the four Monarchies, was but one entire body, and withall an entire body: wherefore, as soon as the Head of Gold was cut off (which was at the Nam ante e­jus expugnati­onem populum ibidem capti­vum dimittere non potuit, ne­que pronuncia­re, data sibi esse à Deo caeli omnia regna, terrae. Regnum enim Babyloni­cum erat omni­um potentissi­mum, quo non­dum subacto, ipse Monarcha jure appellari nequibat. vide Cluverum. taking of Babylon, Jer. 27.7. and chap. 50.4.) the power remained in the Armes and Breast of Silver: and well might Cyrus at that time say, All the Kingdomes of the earth were given unto him; be­cause his power was then so great and so much encreased by that conquest (in having wonne the destroyer, and conque­red the conquerour) that other subordinate Kingdomes were as nothing to resist him. Secondly, Daniel was unto the first year of Cyrus, Dan. 1.21. that is, he continued in Babylon till that state was altered, & the Kingdom translated to Cyrus. For upon the conquest Darius took Daniel thence, and car­ryed him to the Medes, as Josep. Antiq. lib. 10. ca. 12. Josehus writeth; in which Coun­try he was had in great honour, & made a chiefe officer in the Kingdome. To which testimony of Iosephus, even Daniel also adds no little light, seeming to point out the place of his own imprisonment among the Lions, to be in Media: For in the sixth Chapter, at the eighth verse, the Law of the Medes and Persians is urged.

Now that this was also the first year of Darius, is apparent out of the two formost verses of the ninth Chapter. For in the first year of Darius, Daniel understood by books that the 70 years were accomplished: which could not be, if this first of [Page 176] Darius had not been likewise the first of Cyrus. For not only upon the immediate dissolution of the Babylonian state did Cyrus begin, as already hath been proved out of Dan. 1.21. but even the 70. years of the Jews servitude was at an end, in which the Jews and the other threatned Nations were to serve Nebuchadnezzar, his son and his sons son; not that they were subdued all at once, but by degrees; and were not deli­sered out of that servitude untill the end of the 70 years, which were not only to end the Captivity, but the time also of Babels Kingdome, as in the former Chapter I have fully proved.

CHAP. XIII. Of Alexander the great, signified by the Horne between the eyes of the Goate, Dan. 8.5.

IN this eighth Chapter of Daniel, the Prophet relateth what he saw in a vision concerning the Persian and Grecian king­domes. The first whereof is described by a Ram verse 4. The second by a Goate, verse 5.

The Ram, saith the Angel, having two hornes, are the Kings of the Medes and Persians, verse 20. The Goate is the King of Grecia, and the great horne which is between his eyes, is the first king, verse 21.

This great horn then was Alexander ille magnus, Alexander the great, born 33 years before the beginning of the 114 Olympi­ad: at the day of whose birth the Temple of Diana at Ephesus was set on fire, which the Magicians interpreted to sig­nifie that one then was borne who should set fire on all Asia.

At fifteen years of age he was committed by his Father to Aristotles tuition, with whom (as Iustin reporteth) he spent five yeares in the learning of Arts and other knowledge meet for a King: and about the end of this time his Father died. Then began he to reigne; and having reigned 6 yeares he [Page 177]prevailed over the Ramme: and by the end of six yeares more he is broken off. This was whē his fortunes were at the great­est, as was signified, vers. 8. for being returned from his con­quest of the Indians, and purposing to passe over into Greece, and the Westerne parts, he died in the way at Babylon, where Embassadours from most parts in the world expected him. Some say he was poysoned: but the most agree that he died of a surfeit which he gat at a Physitians house, where having first of all glutted himselfe with eating, he drowned himselfe in extreame quaffing and carousing; through which distem­per he fell into a burning feaver and so died before he came againe into his owne Country.

His successe in Battell was admirable: for he never encoun­tred enemy but he overcame him, never besieged City but he tooke it; and in three fights he overcame all the power of A­sia, extending his Empire to such a wonderfull largenesse, that he came not only to India and the river Ganges, and to those places where Semiramis, Hercules, and Cyrus had set up Altars before him, but also conquered the more Noble parts of Eu­rope, Syria, and Egypt: and these things done with such cele­rity, that he might well appear to Daniel in one of his Visions, with Quia nihil fuit velocius Alexandri victoria: as Saint Hierom observeth. wings on his backe, Dan. 7.6.

Apelles knew no such Prophecie, and yet (to signifie his great swiftnesse and agility) he added to his Picture a Thunderbolt; and Lysippus another painter, drew him in this fashion, look­ing up towards Heaven, and as it were uttering these words; Jupiter, asserui terram mihi; tu assere coelum, Jupiter, I have taken the earth to my selfe; do thou take the Heaven. Which Poesie pleased him and gave him great content; insomuch that none afterwards might take his Picture except Lysippus: & at length growing to be more and more taken with an itch of vaine glory, he called himselfe the son of Jupiter, arrogating such a worship to be due unto him, as was conferred on the Gods; which when Callisthenes refused to give, he caused him to be killed. Howbeit, before he had glutted himselfe with the plea­sures of Asia, he was more milde and better-minded: for (as Josephus hath recorded) meeting Jaduah the high Priest of the Jewes in his Pontificall robes, Joseph Antiq. lib. 11. cap. 8. he fell down before him and [Page 178]gave him reverence; and being asked by Parmenio why he did so, he answereth: I worship not the man, but God in the man, who in the same habit had appeared to him, and gave him encouragement to go forward in that enterprise concerning the conquest of Asia. And indeed upon this appearance he grew confident, went on couragiously, and with good successe, untill the time came that he must be broken off, which was in the first year of the 114 Olympiad, as most Authours reckon: aster which, foure other hornes sprang up in his stead.

CHAP. XIV. Of the four Hornes which came up in stead of the great Horne broken off, as was prophecyed Dan. 8.8.21.22.

As also the beginning of that Date of the Kingdome of the Greekes so often mentioned in the Bookes of the Maccabees, and in Josephus.

THese foure Hornes were the four successours of Alexan­der, or rather the foure Kingdomes into which his great and mighty Monarchy was divided after him: not instantly or immediately after he was dead, but by the time that his whole stocke and posterity were rooted out. And for this we have the warrant of Daniel, in another place of his prophecy; namely in the eleventh Chapter, at the fourth verse: in which place is said, His Kingdome shall be divided towards the foure windes of Heaven, but not to his posterity. This was not untill twelve yeares after the death of Alexander: for then none of his po­sterity being left alive (neither Mother, Brother, Wife, nor child) his Captaines composed the differences that were be­tween them, by entring into a League among themselves, and began to reigne; bringing the dominion of the whole, for which they strove, into four Heads: and so there were foure Kingdomes, though not according to the dominion which he ruled, nor in such power as he had; Daniel sheweth it, Dan. 8.22. and Dan. 11.4.

The most eminent among these, and which had most to do with the Jews, was the Kingdome of the Syro-Grecians, or the Kingdome of the Greekes in Syria and Babylon. For Ptolomy the sonne of Lagus obtained Egypt, and is called (he and his suc­cessours after him) the King of the South: In the North An­tigonus held Asta minor: In the West Cassander possessed the Kingdome of Macedonia: and in the East Seleucus Nicanor obtai­ned the Kingdome of Babylon and Syria, in whose first yeare that date so often mentioned in the Bookes of the Maccahees, and in Josephus, tooke beginning: That in the first Booke of Maccabees, on the thirteenth day of March in the yeare of the Iulian Period 4402. That in the second Booke of the Maccabees, at the Spring time of the next yeare: between both which was another, beginning on the sixth day of September in the same yeare with the first. And thus we have the severall heads of this Aera of Seleucus.

The first is called Minjan staros, that is Aera Contractuum. Eu­sebius calleth it Aera Edessenorum: and others, the Aera of the author of the first Booke of Maccabees, and is followed by Jo­sephus. They that cast it into the 436. yeare of Nabonassar, are right, if they marke how they account it: which must be thus. The 436. yeare of Nabonassar began in the yeare of the Iulian Period 4401, on the ninth day of November, and on the thir­teenth day of March next after (whilst the same yeare of Na­bonassar was still running on) the first yeare of the Greekes be­gan. This first yeare therefore of the Kingdome of the Greekes began in the yeare of the Iulian Period 4402. (as at the first was said) on the thirteenth day of March: at the Summer time of which, year entred in the first year of the 117 Olympiad.

The second is called Aera Antiochena, seu Alexandrea, sive Id est, a duo­bus co [...]bus seu duobus im­periis, quae ex uno orientali Alexandrino enata sunt. O­rig De temp p. 24. & Lydiat De emend tem. pag. 83.84. Dilkarnaim; beginning on the sixth of September, in the same year with the former.

The third, is Aera Chaldaica seu Macedonica, beginning in the Spring time of the following year, falling therefore into the yeare of the Iulian Period 4403. and is called the Aera of the Author of the second Booke of Maccabees, followed (as I con­ceive) by Ptolomy, Lib. magni operis 11. cap. 7. who beginneth his account in the yeare of Nabonassar 437.

In the 148 year of this Kingdome, according to the first account, Judas Maccabeus purged the Temple and the holy places, which the Heathen had polluted and defiled; building a new Altar, and restoring the Sacrifices, as is recorded in 1 Macc. 4.52, 53. This was in the year of the Julian Period 4549, and year of the World 3840, on the 25 day of Casleu. If this year were annus Embolimaeus, then must the 25 day of Casleu be on the two and twentieth or three and twentieth of November, as Calvisius reckoneth. But as I account, it was not annus Embolimaeus: and therefore the 25 of Casleu was on the Because the first of Nisan was April 6. f. 1. and so it must be by reason of the Equinox. two and twentieth day of December, f. 2. In the year next after was the beginning of a year of Rest on the 21 day of September, and is mentioned after the death of Antiochus, when Eupator beseiged Jerusalem, 1 Macc. 6.48, 49. In the yeare therefore of the Julian Period 4550, this Sabbathical year began, and reached to the seventh moneth of the next year. In the year of the same Period 4578 began another: and in the year 4676, another. All of them spoken of in Josephus; and two of them in the History of the Maccabees.

CHAP. XV. Of the little Horne in the eighth Chapter of Da­niel, at the ninth verse. And of the 2300 dayes that were given unto it, verse 14.

I May fitly make a difference between this little horn, and that mentioned in the seventh Chapter; because this arose out of the third Monarchy; that out of the fourth: this out of a Beast which had but four hornes after the first was bro­ken; that out of a Beast which had ten hornes and trampled the other Beasts under it's feet: this bore rule but 2300 natural dayes; that prevailed for a Time, Times, and halfe a Time. And albeit the third Monarchy be one while expressed by a Leo­pard, another while by a Goate; yet must the Leopard mean the whole Kingdome of Alexander and his successours, as well as the Goate: for the four heads on either of these Beasts [Page 181]proclame as much, as will be seene more plainly afterwards. But in the meane time this I set downe as certaine, That the little horne here mentioned, is no other then Antiochus Epi­phanes, who commited many and sundry outrages both a­gainst other Nations, and also against the people of God, proceeding in prophanesse even against God himselfe.

He is called a little horne, not because his Kingdome was little or meane; but because he was of a base flattring nature, having no true Princely quality or condition in him: and also because he had no title to the Kingdom at the first, being the younger brother, Seleuchus the elder having an issue male alive at the same time when he began to take the Kingdome. This was his beginning: yet afterwards he came to be fa­mous, and was therefore called Antiochus Epiphanes, which is famous or noble; or (as some say) Epimanes, Jun. ex Polyb. which is furious or mad.

Daniel was informed concerning the mischiefe that he should commit; and thereupon he telleth us what he heard one of the Saints say unto another certaine Saint, who was the numberer of Secrets or the wonderfull Numberer, namely, That the Sanctuary and the host should be troden under foot unto the evening and the morning two thousand and three hundred, Dan. 8.13, 14. In which number we are not to understand so many years, but naturall dayes: for albeit a day is to be taken for a year in many reckonings and propheticall pre­dictions in Scripture, yet never when the words Evening and Morning are annexed: for then they meane but such dayes as are in the first Chapter of Genesis, where it is said that the Evening and the Morning were the first day. &c. For that which is a Naturall day comprehendeth the day and night; or, as it is here, the Evening and the Morning.

Howbeit in 2300 dayes there will arise a number of certain years, which (by accounting 365 dayes to a year, and thirty dayes to a moneth) will amount to six years, three moneths, and twenty dayes. And albeit there be no precise point men­tioned from whence to account these six years, three months, and twenty dayes; yet this is certaine, that their end must [Page 182]be fixed at the cleansing of the Sanctuary: which, as Josephus and the Authours of the first book of the Maccabees have re­corded, Josph. Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 11. and Macc. 4.52. was in the hundredth and forty eighth year of the Grecians. For whereas the Maccabees doe expresly name the 148 year, Josephus saith it was three years after the hundredth and five and fortieth, upon the 25 day of the ninth moneth which is called Casleu.

Now then from this time substract six years, three months, and twenty dayes; and the head of your reckoning will fall into the hundreth & two and fortieth year, the sixth moneth, and fifth or sixth day of the moneth: about which time An­tiochus ( 1 Macc. cap. 1. ver. 13.16. and 20. a little before he went into Egypt) gave leave to set up the fashions of the Gentiles in Jerusalem, returning againe (after he had smitten that Country) in the 143 year; at which time he came in his owne person against Israel with a great multitude, and entring proudly into the Sanctuary, tooke from thence the Golden Altar, and Candlestick of light, &c. offring many sundry outrages, as in the first book of Maccabees at the first Chapter doth well appeare.

And thus we have seen this little Horne, together with those yeares wherein it prevailed after it was grown and waxen great. As for that other in the seventh Chapter, it cannot be the same with this, because it arose in the dayes of the fourth Monarchy: of which see more in the following Chapter.

CHAP. XVI. Of the fourth Kingdome in Daniel that it signi­fieth the Monarchy of the Romans.

I Was once almost drawne to think that this fourth Monar­chy ought to be taken for the divided Kingdome of the Sy­rians or Seleucians: but now, upon a more diligent search into the Prophecies concerning the four Monarchies, I have reason to conclude against it.

For first the third Monarchy (being the Kingdome of the Grecians) prevailed greatly over the face of the Earth, Dan. 2.39. Howbeitthe fourth Beast or Monarchy was stronger then the third, as appeareth, Dan. 2.40. where it is compared to Iron which subdueth all things: and in Dan. 7.7. It is said to be exceeding terrible, stamping the residue under its feet: and verse 23, It shall devour the whole Earth, and shall tread it downe and break it in peeces. Which if it be understood of the Seleucian or Sy­rian Kingdoms, is very improbable: for they (put case that we make them no part of the Grecian or third Monarchy) were nothing so strong as it; neither did they trample the residue under their feet, seeing Alexander was not conquered by them; neither did they reigne so much over the whole Earth, as he had done before them, but were a great deale feebler then the Kingdome of Alexander. It is therefore said after the breaking off the great Horne, that there were foure which stood up for it, being four Kingdomes of the same Na­tion, but not in his strength; as it is, Dan. 8.22.

To which some have answered, Object. that this their stamping and treading under feet, is especially meant of the people of God trodden down and persecuted under Antiochus that great tyrant. Answ. But I may well think this to be nothing else but a meere evasion: for it is manifest that there was as much vio­lence offered to Religion before, as in the dayes of Antiochus; witnesse that which Nebuchadnezzar did when he set up his Golden Image, commanding that whosoever would not fall downe and worship it, should be cast into the hot fiery fur­nace: nay, that it must be made seven times hotter then ordi­nary, for Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, Dan. 3.6.19. Be­fide, neither did Antiochus so prevaile against the Jews as if he had stamped them all in pieces: for in the end they resisted him, restored their Religion, and setled the state of their Common-wealth: whereas this strength and stamping is ra­ther meant of the Monarchies, one eating up and subduing another.

Secondly, the Seleucians or Syrians who succeeded Alexander, and Alexander also himselfe, are said to reigne as Grecians, [Page 184]and not as two Kingdomes divers from one Monarchy. Whereupon we read in the eighth Chapter of Daniel, that the two horned Ram is expresly meant of the Medes and Persians, verse 20, and that the Goate fignifieth the whole Kingdome of the Gecians, Dan. 8.20.21.22. viz. of Alexonder and his successours. For, at the one and twentieth verse, The Goate is the King of Grecia, and the great horne which is betwixt his eyes, is the first King. Now that being broken, whereas four stood up for it, four King­domes shall stand up of that Nation, but not in his strength. If then there be a first King, there must be no more then one: and if more then one, the Monarchy could not end in Alexan­der: and if the Monarchy did not end with Alexander, then the Seleucian or Syrian Kings must necessarily be part of the third Monarchy: and they being part of the third Monarchy, the fourth and last is the Monarchy of the Romans.

And now also, lest it should be thought that the third Beast of the seventh Chapter doth not likewise comprehend the whole Kingdome of Grecia, both of Alexander and his suc­cessours, the words of the sixth verse stand thus; After this I beheld, and loe there was another like a leopard which had upon his back four wings of a fowle; the beast had also four heads, and Dominion was given him. These wings were Emblems of Alexanders speedie conquests, together with that suddain division of one body into four parts, soone after the great horne was broken off. The four heads are his four successours; even as is seen in the eighth Chapter, and signified there by the four hornes of a Goate. By which it appeareth, that both Alexander and his suc­cessours, are comprehended under both Beasts; for what the one expresseth by foure heads, is in the other also meant by four horns: then which there can be nothing plainer.

Thirdly, Antiochus Epiphanes is described by that little horn which came fourth of one of the foure hornes of the Goate, Chap. 8.9. Which beast is taken (as hath been already seen) for Alexander and his successours, answering to the third beast of the seventh Chapter. But if Antiochus, belonging to the Seleucian Kingdome, be a part of the third Beast, he cannot also signifie the fourth or any part thereof: for then one [Page 185]Beast should be both the third and fourth Monarchy.

Fourthly, the Kingdome of this fourth Beast endeth with the destruction of that little horne which came up among the ten horns, Chap. 7.11. and then the everlasting Kingdome of Christ succeedeth: but the Kingdome of the Seleucians ended not with Antiochus; many of that line succeeded after­wards: and there was almost as many years from Antiochus Epiphanes death unto the comming of Christ, as there were from Alexanders death to Antiochus.

Fifthly, it is said that the life of each Beast was prolonged for a certaine time and season, Dan. 7.12. But Alexanders reigne lasted no longer then six years and a few moneths, af­ter the destruction of the second Beast, or Persian Monar­chy. And in so short a season, what Periods or conversions of times could be observed?

Sixthly, Saint Johns Beast in the Revelation, is described accor­ding to the pattern of Daniels fourth Beast, having ten horns, and a mouth speaking great things, and reigning also (under the regiment of that blasphemous mouth) for the space of 42 moneths, or for a Time, Times, and halfe a Time; as may be seen in the thirteenth and seventeenth Chapters of the Reve­lation. Wherefore seeing one and the same Beast is described in both Prophecies, neither in Daniel, nor in the Revelation, can be signified by either of them the Kingdomes of the Seleu­cians and Syrians. For look what things concerning this Beast are told to Daniel more succinctly and abstrusely, the same are revealed to Saint John more largely, and as it were with a kinde of explanation. And may not the ten toes in the feet of the Image, serve as certaine tokens to shew, that although the Beast had always ten horns in respect of the principal Provin­ces under it, yet the ten hornes called by the name of ten Kings are not to be looked for in the first dayes of the Mo­narchy, but in the declining estate and weakned times of the Empire, as the toes signifie.

Seventhly, it is said Dan. 2.28. There is a God in heaven that revealeth secrets, and hath shewed to the King what shall be in the lat­ter dayes. But the latter dayes are the dayes since the first [Page 186]comming of Christ; this time being the last houre, and the last age, 1 Joh. 2 18. as Saint John hath told us: whereas the Syrians or Seleucians both began and ended long before Christ was born. The latter dayes therefore were not come till they were gone, and the prolonging of their kingdom come to an end: for (as I said before) the life of each Beast was prolonged for a certaine time and season, Dan. 7.12.

Eighthly, in the dayes of these Kings or Kingdomes ( viz. before they be all destroyed) the God of heaven shall raise up the eternall Kingdome of Christ, and of his Saints, Dan. 2.44. But if the fourth Kingdome be interpreted of the Seleucians, then these kingdomes were all extinguished before Christs kingdome began, whether we reckon it from his first or se­cond comming: whereas on the contrary, Christs birth fell into the reigne of the Romans; who are not utterly to be destroyed, in all and every relique, till his comming againe to judgement. Which is manifest by that of Daniel also in the seventh Chapter; namely, that there shall remaine some shew or relicts of the fourth Beast untill the thrones be set, verse 9. and the Books be opened, verse 10. and till the son of Man come in the cloudes of heaven, verse 13. and till he get all dominion, and honour, and Kingdomes; and that all People, Nations, and tongues may serve him, verse 14. and untill the Ancient of dayes cause judgement to be given, verse 22. and till his everlasting Kingdome come, which never shall have an end, verse 27. All which doe properly belong unto the day of judgement, and second comming of Christ: and therefore the fourth Monarchy must needs be meant of the Roman Empire; and not of the Syrian or Seleucian Kingdome which was decayed and gone before Christ was born: for it fell first of all to Tigranes King of Armenia; and afterwards to the Romans, in the dayes of Lucullus and Pompey Yea, and at the death of Cleopatra Augustus was sole Monarch, the long­est surviver of the four heads and hornes, being then expired in the losse of Egypt: And so the fourth Beast trampled the rest under his feet, as was foretold, Dan. 7.7.

And note that the Iews, in not expecting the comming of [Page 187]the Messiah untill the Roman Monarchy be destroyed, have put a false glosse upon Daniel. For it is (as Helvicus well ob­serveth) a vaine interpretation which they bring. For Daniel (in chap. 2. vers. 44, 45.) doth not say that the Kingdome of the Messiah shall come after the end of the fourth Monarchy, Helvic. vin­dic. locorum S. Scripturae pag. 306. 307. Sed durante adhuc tempore seu periodo illorum regnorum; that is, in the dayes of those Kingdomes, or before they be all de­stroyed. Ergò falsò expectant id post finem Romani imperii. Nam durante ipso quarto regno debebat regnum aliud (spirituale scilicet, & aeternum) alterius conditionis suscitari, quod est regnum Messiae. They doe therefore in vaine look for it after the end of the Roman Empire. For even during the fourth Kingdome, a­nother Kingdome ( to wit, a spirituall and an eternall one) of another condition was to be raised up, which is the King­dome of the Messiah: Nor doe some of their owne Writings but confirme this truth: For as the same Authour saith still, in libr. Sanhedrim, cap. Chelek, it is expresly written, Helvic. ibid. That the son of David shall not come untill a wicked Kingdome beare rule; that is saith Rabbi Salomon, the Kingdome of the Romans. And in Midras Tillim upon the two and twentieth Psalme; Surge in Edom, id est, Romanis, cum futurum est ut astare nobis facias regem Messiam, meaning, That God would cause to stand up for them in the dayes of the Romans, the King Messiah.

And thus I have delivered what I think to be true con­cerning the fourth Kingdome in Daniel, firmely grounding upon such proofes, as in my judgement cannot but carry the whole dispute against Junius and all his followers: whom I honour both for their great learning and paines, although I cannot be their disciple in this particular.

CHAP. XVII. Of the times and distances of the taking of Jeru­salem by Pompie, Herod, and Titus.

THat which must be the chiefest Load starre in these par­ticulars, must be the time of the taking of Jerusalem by Herod; Antiq. lib. 14. cap. 28. for which Josephus gives us two plaine Characters: the one, that it was befieged and taken in a Sabbathical year; viz. after it began, and before it was ended: the other that it was taken in that yeare when M. Agrippa and Canidius Gallus were Consuls. The time of their Consulship was in the ninth Iulian year, and year of the Iulian Period 4677, which was the fourth year of the 185 Olympiad, and year of the building of Rome 716. And indeed in that year was a year of Rest, which began from the Autumne before, and was not ended untill the Autumne thereof: how then could it be taken on the tenth day of the seventh moneth, as Langius saith it was? I am sure it agreeth nothing at all to Josephus to say that it was taken so late in the year: for, as he hath told us, not onely was it besieged in a Sabbathical year, but even after it was taken, the year of Rest was not ended, which makes him therefore say that the fields and grounds lay still untilled, and were not sowne because of the year of Rest. See this in his Antiquities, lib. 15. cap. 1. and compare it with what is in lib. 14. cap. 28.

Dion saith it was taken on the Sabbath day, lib. 49. and Josephus saith it was in the third moneth at such time as the Iews kept a solemne Fast. The third moneth was Sivan, on whose three and twentieth day was a Fast observed, by reason of the Idolatry of Jeroboam the son of Nebat who made Israel to sin. Now in this year the first of Sivan was on the 31 day of May, feria sexta: the three and twentieth of Sivan must therefore needes be on the two and twentieth day of June, feria septima, or on the Sabbath day; For the Cycle of the Sun was one, the Dominicall letters G. F. and the Cycle of the Moon three.

Seven and twenty years before this, Dion. lib. 37. Pompie also took Jeru­salem, even on the same day of the Moneth; which according to Dion and Xiphilin was then also Sabbath day. And indeed so I finde it: for in the year of the Iulian Period 4650, the Cycle of the Sun was two, the Dominicall letter E. and the Cycle of the Moone 14. By which is gathered that the first of Sivan now was on the thirtieth day of May, feria sexta: the three and twentieth therefore must be June the 21, feria septi­ma, or Sabbath day, as the Dominicall letter sheweth. And herein doe Josephus, Dion, and Xiphilin well accord: all of them directing us to the foresaid year of the Iulian Period 4650; to which if 27 be added, according to the direction of Josephus, we have then the year of the Julian Period 4677, when Herod took it, as at the first was said. And note moreover, that whereas Josephus saith when Pompey tooke this City, C. Anto­nius and M. Tull. Cicero were Consuls, that it is true of that year which I account: for though at that very time when the City was taken they were not in that office, yet in that year they began, even in the year of the Julian Period 4650, their office not expiring untill the same time of the next year: which I thought good to mention, because the not observing it hath been an occasion of seeking this time one year too late. The like may be also said of the 179 Olympiad, which began also in the same year, although a little after the City was taken: for the City was taken in June; the Olympiad began not untill the July next after. And as for the third moneth when it was taken, which learned Langius would not have to be the third moneth of the year, but of the siege; and thereupon directeth his Reader to Josephus De bello Judaic. lib. 1. cap. 5. where the history of the taking Je­rusalem by Pompey is also related. To that I answer, that it hindreth not from accounting so as I have done; For the third moneth of the seige might be also the third moneth of the year, and is here proved to be so in regard of the day of the Fast, and day of the week, when the City was taken, yea and of the year also, which must be (by Iosephus his owne ac­count) 27 years distant from the taking thereof by Herod. I [Page 190]conclude therefore that Pompey going forth against Ierusalem in Nisan, and taking it in the third moneth after, must needes take it in Sivan; which because it was on such a day as the Iews kept a solemne Fast, must be on the three and twentieth day of the same: which three and twentieth day of Sivan was this year on the one and twentieh day of June, and on the Sabbath day, as before was said.

Indeed when Herod took it, the seige lasted longer by the space of two moneths, De bell. Jud. lib. 1. cap. 13. as Josephus plainly sheweth. It began therefore sooner: not in Nisan (which entred not till the se­cond of Aprill) but some moneths before, Ibid viz. lib. 1. cap. 13. Antiq. lib. 14. cap. 27. even when the worst of Winter was past; which in one place of Josephus is trans­lated rigor hyemis: as thus, ubi autem rigor hyemis cessit, &c. and in another place, ubi tempestas desaeviit. Now we know that even in our Northerne Climate the worst of Winter is past long before Aprill, which in hotter Countries, must be passed sooner then with us by far. I reckon therfore that Herod came against Jerusalem in the beginning of February, and laid seige against it, and that the Iews resisted him for five months space before he took it: for he took not the City till the 22 of June next after, which was the three and twentieth of Sivan, and Sabbath day as well in this year as in that when Pompey took it; the authorities else of Dion and Xiphilin will be nothing worth; no nor the authority of Iosephus for the Sabbathical year, which was running on whilst the City was beseiged, and withall was not ended when Herod had taken it: which well regarded will give no leave to that opinion maintaining that he took it not till the tenth day of the se­venth moneth called Tisri, as I have already shewed. Note also further, Antig. lib. 14. cap. 28. that on the fortieth day after Herod returned from the marriage of Mariamne, and that he and Sosius both of them bent their forces against the City, the first Wall was taken; fifteen dayes after that, the second: for so I under­stand Iosephus in those particulars. But that it were three moneths after this before the Temple and upper City was ta­ken, I cannot think: for the Porches and outward Temple were taken and burnt even when the second wall was taken; [Page 191]and then quickly after, the fury of the Souldiers set them on work to take the rest, sparing neither sex nor age, as Iosephus also sheweth. This was (saith he) in the hundreth and seven and twentieth year of the Assamonaean Family: but how we must account these years, I doe not well understand; unlesse it be that we are to begin our account in the 150 year of the Greekes, which was in the year of the Iulian Period 4551. for then did Antiochus Eupator make a Covenant (though he quickly broke it) with Judas Maccabeus and the rest of the Iews, that they should enjoy their Laws and Liberties as for­merly they had done, 1 Macc. 6.58. And indeed there is rea­son to reckon from hence, seeing the end of these years is fixed in the death of Antigonus, when Herod and Sosius took Jerusalem.

And now also for the time when Titus took and destroyed this City, it must be one hundred and seven years after Herod had taken it; and these 107, not compleate but current. For Jerusalem was destroyed (as saith Iosephus) by the Romans one hundred and seven years after Herod had taken it; yet so, Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 8. as the destruction thereof by Titus must fall into the second year of Vespasian, as he againe declareth. De bello Iu­daic. lib. 7. cap. 10. and cap. 18. The time therefore when Titus destroyed it will fall into the year of the Iulian Period 4783; which was in the hundreth and seventh year after it was taken by Herod and Sosius. For whereas Herod took it towards the latter end of Iune, in the year of the Iuli­an Period 4677; the Temple was burned by Titus his Soldiers in August, in the year of the same Period 4783, and the City in Sep­tember next after; the second year of Vespasian being begun on the Kalends of Iuly before. For there were (saith Xiphilin) from the death of Nero (who dyed on the ninth of Iune) to the beginning of Vespasian, one year and two and twentie dayes.

But of this destruction of Ierusalem by Titus, I shall speake more afterwards in the last Chapter. I come therefore now to shew the true time of Herods reigne.

CHAP. XVIII. Of the time of Herods reigne, and of his Posterity.

IT was near about such time as the Romans were growing into a full Monarchy, that Herod the great, the son of An­tipater, came to his Kingdome. He had a reigne of 37 years from that time wherein he was declared King by the Senate, and of 34 from the taking of Jerusalem by himself and Sosius, witnessed by Iosephus Antiq. lib. 14. cap. 26. and lib. 17. ca. 10. & De bel­lo Iudaic. lib. 1. cap. ult. in sundry places of his Writings. Then after him his son Archelaus reigned nine years compleat, and near the beginning of his tenth year was banished by Augustus: And in the twentieth year of Tiberius his other son Philip dy­ed; having then had a reigne of 37 years after his Father, as Antiq. lib. 17. cap. ultim. & lib. 18 cap. 6. Iosephus again declareth. Antipas also another of his sons was Tetrarch of Galile, which he held from the time of his Fathers death untill the dayes of Caius Caligula, who (by the meanes of Agrippa) banished him into France. This Antipas was he by whom the Baptist was beheaded, and under whom out Savi­our suffered. Agrippa was the son of Aristobulus, and Nephew to Antipas: for Aristobulus was another of Herods sons, who was put to death by his Father. And as for Agrippa, it was he who put Iames to death, and was himselfe eaten up of Wormes. Herod King of Chalcis was this Agrippa's brother: he dyed in the eighth year of Claudius, and had his Kingdom gi­ven to Agrippa junior, the son of Agrippa senior, who reigned over it for the space of four years: at the end whereof the Emperour takes it away from him also, and in the stead thereof gives to him the Tetrarchships of Philip and Lysanias, &c. In them he reigned, and lived in friendship with the Ro­mans untill the third year of Trajan; and was therefore alive thirty years after the destruction of Ierusalem by Titus.

But this is not that which I aime at: for that which I chiefly intend to prove, is, the true time of Herod the great, be­fore whose death our Saviour Christ was certainely borne. Math. 2.1. [Page 193]For (as the Scripture speaketh) he was born in the dayes of Herod the King.

This Herod (as I said before) had a reigne of 37 years from that time wherein he was declared King by the Romans; and of 34 from the taking of Jerusalem by himselfe and Sosius. The first of these reckonings began in the sixth Iulian year, when Cn. Domitius Calvinus and C. Asinius Pollio were Con­suls: the other, in the ninth Iulian year when M. Agrippa and L. Canidius Gallus were Consuls. And if so, then the last of these years must certainly begin in the two and fortieth Iulian year, and year of the Iulian Period 4710: Herod therefore dyed in the three and fortieth Iulian year, and year of the same Period 4711 before Easter, when from his first beginning he had reigned 37 years compleat; and from his second, 34 years current. Petavius strives for the year before this, and that chiefly in regard of an Eclipse of the Moon which was then on the thirteenth day of March: Kepl. in his Silva Chro. annexed to his book De novis stellis, and Pe­tav. in his Doctr. Temper. lib. 11. cap. 1. for in the 42 Iulian year was an Eclipse of the Moon on the thirteenth day of March, about three houres before Sun-rising, continuing two hours & 47 minutes; the digits eclipsed being six, as Kepler & Petavius have observed. Now this they think to be that Eclips which Josephus speakes of in his Antiquities, lib. 17. cap. 8. But in case Iosephus should there meane a naturall Eclipse of the Moon, yet could not this be it; for there was too small a space between the thirteenth day of March, and the Easter of this year (which was on the eleventh of Aprill) to have all those things done which Josephus mentions to be done be­tween that time of the Moones darknesse and the death of Herod. Inter enim crematos Rabbinos & Paschatis festum, contigerunt tam multa variaque, ut ad ea non paucularum hebdomadum, sed multo­rum mensium tempus requiratur. Vossius de Te [...]b Na [...]iv. Christi. Quod cuivis Iosephum legenti aper­tissimum erit; as saith a famons Authour. Adding moreover, That every darkenesse and obscurity of the Moon deserves not the name of an Eclipse, unlesse the Earth be placed be­tween the Sun and the Moon; howbeit it is vulgarly called an Eclipse, when, without that cause, the palenesse and dark­nesse of a Star of light, hath the shew of an Eclipse: As hap­pened [Page 194]at the death of Maro primo Georg. Plin. lib. 2 cap 30. Et Plutarch in vita Caesaris. Iulius Caesar, or when his Nephew Octa­vius hearing of his death came to Rome and entred the City. Of which, Calvisius also speaketh, saying; Nullibi hoc anno hisce diebus, quando Octavius urbem ingressus est, Eclipsis Solis inve­nitur, quam anxiè inquirit Harwartus ab Hohnburg. Concludendum igitur fuisse aliquod Phaenomenon in Sole, &c. So also when Xerxes moved from Sardes, there was (as saith Herodotus) a great dark­nesse of the Sun in a cleare aire; which almost all Chrono­logers taking to be meant of an Eclipse at that time, have grievously tormented and vexed themselves to finde it out: but fayling to finde any at the right time, they have moved this march of Xerxes, some to one year, and some to ano­ther; that thereby they might fit it to an Eclipse, when in­deed there was no Eclipse meant, but onely some Phaenomenon, strange sight, or miraculous disappearing of the Sunne for a season.

Beside, if that Eclipse of the Moon in the two and fortieth Iulian year must serve as a true Character to shew the time of Herods death, then how shall the years of his reigne be made good? for in the beginning of that year Herod had reigned but 36 years from his first beginning, and not 33 from his second beginning. The two and fortieth Iulian year could not therefore be the yeare of Herods death; no evasion can serve to bring it up so high, but upon necessity it must be in the year next after, and that was the three and fortieth year.

As much also doe they erre who bring his death downe to the 44 Iulian year: for it is directly against the testimony of Iosephus to say that Herod was not made King by the Romans till a little before the end of the sixth Iulian year. Antiq. lib 14. cap. 25.26. It was Win­ter time indeede when he hazarded himselfe upon the Seas to come to Rome where the Senate made him King; but it was not the Winter that entred near the end of the sixth Iu­lian year: for then the Olympiad was not 184, but 185. Now we know it from Iosephus, that Herod was made King by the Romans in the 184 Olympiad, as well as when Domitius Calvi­nus and Asinius Pollio were Consuls; for if we take onely this [Page 195]and not likewise that, we lay hold but upon halfe our testi­mony: And if in the 184 Olympiad, then before the Winter which entred near the going out of their Consulships. The series therefore of the passages in Iosephus which concern this, Antiq. lib 14. c. 24 25. 26. standeth thus; namely, that at the Pentecost of the fifth Iulian year Herod was in Iudea: at Autumne he purposed to goe from Alexandria to Rome, but was hindred by a great tempest, and came not to Rome till a good part of the Win­ter was entred, and that the new Consuls were in their Offi­ces; who, entring on the first day of Ianuary, tell us plainely that it was in the beginning of the sixth Iulian year when the Senate made him King. I commend Calvisius therefore in this particular, for he hath here faithfully delivered the minde of Iosephus, though he afterward wrong him as much in setting the death of Herod in the 45 Iulian year, which is two years after the end of those 37 years that Iosephus giveth him. But there was an Eclipse of the Moon in the 45 Iulian year, on the ninth of Ianuary at the thirteenth houre, which lasted for the space of foure houres, and that's the reason why Scaliger and Calvisius kept Herod alive till then. Howbeit it is not that will serve their turne, for Herods longest time of reigne being but 37 years from his first beginning, will have him dead two years before the time that they mention, doe what they can.

And as Herods owne yeares be against them, so are the yeares also of his sonnes, Archelaus and Philip.

For first, Archelaus had but nine yeares compleat after his Father, and was banished in the tenth; and that's the rea­son why Josephus in one place gives him nine years, and in another place ten; telling us moreover that he was banished in the seven and thirtieth yeare of the Actium fight. Ant. l. 18. c. 3. The seven and thirtieth yeare of which fight began in the fif­ty one Iulian yeare, on the second of September, and ended at the same time in the next year: in the beginning therefore of the 52 Iulian year was the banishment of Archelaus, a lit­tle after he had begun the tenth yeare of his reigne; which still sheweth the death of Herod to be at the time aforesaid. [Page 196]This is also further confirmed by Dion [ lib. 55.] writing that Herod of Palestine being accused of his brethren, was ba­nished beyond the Alpes, when Emilius Lepidus, and Lucius Arruntius were Consuls, which was in the 51 Iulian year. By which difference between him & Josephus I take to be meant, that the accusation against Archelaus came to Rome neare the end of the 51 Iulian year, and that then the Emperour de­creed his banishment; but before it could be effected, and he take notice of it by being actually put out of his King­dome, and the President sent to confiscate his Goods, both the two and fiftieth Iulian year and tenth year also of his reign was begun. And note also further, that by this Testi­mony of Dion it well appeareth, that Archelaus was sometimes called Herod of Palestine, or Herod Archelaus; which is nothing strange, because others of the same stocke had the like Prae­nomen, or forename. As for Example, his name who was the Tetrarch of Galilee when the Baptist was beheaded, and un­der whom our Saviour suffered, was Antipas; howbeit he was also called Herod, Luke 23.8. Also Agrippa sonne of Aristobulus, had not only the name of Agrippa, but of Herod, Act. 12.19. and so I do not doubt but that Archelaus was also sometimes called by the name of Herod.

Secondly, Josep. ant. lib. 18, cap. 6. Philip dyed in the twentieth year of Tiberius, and in the seven & thirtieth year after his Father. The twentieth of Tyberius began in the 78 Iulian year on the nineteenth day of August, and ended not until the same time in the next year: the death of Philip therefore was in the 79 Iulian yeare before the nineteenth of August; and consequently the death of Herod in the three and fortieth yeare, as at the first was pro­ved. Scaliger did somewhat sticke at these things; whereup­on his conjecture was that there might be some fault in Jo­sephus, and that for the 20 yeare of Tyberius we ought to read the 22; which he found warranted by Ruffinus, an ancient inter­preter of Josephus. Kep. Silva Chronol. But Kepler answereth, that the Greeke Co­pies of Iosephus are of better credit; and that the fault there­fore is in the Latine, which we may not preferre above the Greeke, because the one is the Translation, the other the Originall.

Thirdly, after Philip had gotten the Tetrachship of Galile, Iosephus telleth us that he built a Towne, and in the honour of Iulia the Daughter of Augustus, called it Iuliada; which certainely he did whilst Iulia was in favour, otherwise he had transgressed against the Emperour: but Iulia was out of fa­vour and banished for her foule adultery, in the foure and fortieth Iulian year; And therefore Herod could not be alive in the beginning of the next year (as Scaliger would have him) because this Towne was not built by Philip till after his Fathers death.

And as for the banishment of Iulia, Dion lib. 48. that it was in the yeare aforesaid, is thus proved. She was born (saith Dion) when Marcus Censorinus and Calvisius Sabinus were Consuls; and from thenceforth flourished and lived in her Fathers favour, and in the favour of the people of Rome, Macrob. Sat. lib. 2. cap. 5. untill (as saith Macrobius) the eighth and thirtieth yeare of her age.

These men were Consuls in the seventh Iulian year; the eight and thirtieth from whence, was (sure enough) the foure and fortieth: in which year Cesar himselfe was the thirteenth time Consul.

Fourthly, Iosephus also testifieth, that after Herod was dead, the sonnes of Herod contended before Augustus concerning their Fathers Heritage; and then Cajus was at Rome, and sat in judgement: but Cajus was absent and gone into Syria in the same year that Iulia was banished; And therefore He­rod must needes be dead before that time.

And that Cajus went so soone into Syria may thus be pro­ved. He was borne (as Dion sheweth) in that year when Apu­leius and Nerva were Consuls, which was in the six and twen­tieth Iulian year: in the nineteenth year after he went into Sy­ria, and afterwards into Armenia, returning no more; for he di­ed in the 49 Iulian year when Sex Aelius and Sentius were Con­suls as is testified by Paterculus. Tacitus saith, Quirinus was made an Overseer to Cajus Cesar, not being twenty yeares old when he went to Warres in Armenia. Ovid de Arte amandi, lib. 1. Ovid gives him the same age which his Father had when he also began to be famous and enter into the Warres, which was about nineteene; accor­ding [Page 198]to what is found in an old Monument recording the famous deeds done by Augustus. Annos undeviginti natus exerci­tum privato concilio, privataque impensa c [...]mparavi. Where the word [undeviginti] sheweth that he wanted one of twen­ty.

But what need I urge these two last proofes thus far, seeing those before them are sufficient? I conclude therefore that Herod dyed in the forty three Iulian yeare, about the six and twentieth day of February, which was three and thirty dayes before Easter: for that he dyed so long before Easter appea­reth by the great Pompe and State at his Funerall, together with some other circumstances mentioned by Iosephus. Three and thirty dayes before; that's the least, it might perhaps be forty, which will therefore make his death to be on the nine­teenth day of February, feria tertia; that being the fift day of the twelfth Moneth Adar, thirty seven yeares compleat from his first beginning to reigne, and thirty four current from the death of Antigonus, when he and Socius tooke Ierusalem.

There is no objection of moment that can be made a­gainst it: howbeit because something is objected, I shall not be wanting to give an answer.

Our Country-man Lydiat hath greatly taxed Iosephus, as if herein he had reckoned amisse, but it was an unjust censure. For questionlesse those things wherein he blameth him, and would make the world thinke him to be faulty, would ne­ver have been forgotten by his adversarie Apion, if in them he had been worthy of blame.

The greatest Cavill which I suppose can be urged, is out of the fourteenth booke of his Antiquities, at the beginning of the seventeenth Chapter, where Herod is said to be of the age of fifteene yeares in the time of the Pharsalian battell, which was in the year of the City 705, and yeare of the Iu­lian Period, 4666. from whence he lived untill he was about seventy yeares old: testified also by the same Author in the 17 th Booke of his Antiquities at the eight Chapter, and in his first Booke De bello Iudaico at the last Chapter. From whence it followeth, that Herod dyed not till the year of the Iulian Pe­riod [Page 199]4720. which was the 52 Iulian year when A. Licinius and Q. Caeeilius were Consuls. Which if it be true, then must not the beginning of his reigne be untill the first year of the Actium fight, where Iosephus setteth the seventh yeare of his reigne and not the first, even the seventh of his 34 yeares accounted from the taking of Ierusalem by him and Socius.

Some indeed (and among them Cardinall Baronius and our Country-man Lydiat) begin the thirty seven years of his reigne but then; grounding chiefly upon this, That that fight being ended, and the Victory falling on the side of Au­gustus, Herod (who had taken part with Antonius against him) came as a suppliant, laid downe his Crowne, and had never more taken it up if Augustus the Conqueror had not been fa­vourable and given him leave againe to weare it: so that re­ceiving his Crowne at that time from the hands of Augustus he at that time began the 37 years of his reign. A weake argu­ment I dare boldly say; for this, at the most, was but the par­doning of his offence, and thereupon the confirming of him in his former Royalty and reigne begun ten yeares before this time of the Actium victory. For should he reigne thirty seven yeares from hence, and after him Archelaus nine, then where shall we finde roome for them that governed in Iudea after Archelaus was removed from his Kingdome. For after Archelaus was removed from his Kingdome, Antiq. lib. 17. c 15. & lib. 18. c. 3. Iosephus nameth Cyrenius, and Coponius, as Rulers and disposers of Iudea for a season. And after Coponius, Marcus Ambibuchus was Ruler; and after him Aanius Rufus, and then dyed Augustus. Ioseph. antiq. lib. 18. c. 3.

Now lay all these together, and it will necessarily follow, that Herod could not begin his thirty seven years so late as the first year of the Actium fight. And if not so late as the Acti­um fight, then for those 15 of Herods age at the Pharsalian bat­tel, we must read 25. And so Suslyga, Kepler, and Tirin [...]usin Sacr. Bib. Tom. 1 &. Tornicl in Annall. others have answered, namely, that the forementioned age of 15 years is directly against the mind of Iosephus, because he writeth Antiq. lib. 14. c. 23. elsewhere, that Herod was familiarly acquainted with the most Noble among the Romans about tenne yeares before this [Page 200]time: which could not be properly said of a Child, being be­tween five or six yeares old. We may therefore acknowledge an ancient fault in some one or other who at the first tran­scribed the Authors Copy, writing 15. in the stead of 25. which being long agoe is still continued both in the old Manuscripts, and later printed Bookes. For who seeth not how easily [...] might be written for [...]; the one signifi­eth 15, the other 25. [...], saith the Greeke text of Josephus, where the word [...] signifieth olim or quondam: shewing that Antonius had had familiar acquain­tance with Herod and Phasaelus in former times. This sure can­not be denied, especially seeing all the other numbers and yeares, both in Herod and his succeeding Sons, agree very well, and may be taken up without any the least contradiction.

Torniellus therefore in his Annals admonisheth, that [...] vi­tiose scriptum est in Josepho, & qui ex Josepho descripserunt, viz. Go­rionide, Photio, Nicephoro, & Abulensi, &c. meaning that 15. is corruptly written in Josephus for 25; as also in those who have written out of Josephus, viz. in Gorionides, Photion, Nice­phorus and Abulensis. Tirinius also, in his Comment upon the holy Bible, is of the same opinion; and therefore he placeth the birth of Herod in the fourth yeare of the 176. Olympiad; from whence to the three and fortieth Iulian year we have se­venty yeares; about which age Herod was when he dyed: For the fourth year of the 176 Olympiad was in the year of the Iulian Period 4641. and the three and fortieth Iulian year in the year of the same Period 4711. which was 70 yeares after. So also it will be if you account forty five from the yeare of the Iulian Period 4666. when the Pharsalian battell was: for in that battell Herod was twenty five, to which adde forty five, and so shall his age be seventy in the year of the Iulian Period 4711, as hitherto hath been proved.

But doe I not heare it yet objected, that the death of Herod will be far later then I have hitherto mentioned, and that because the time of Archelaus his banishment was not till the reigne of Tiberius? Iosephus and Strabo are compared to forti­fie this objection. For first, Iosephus is witnesse that Archelaus [Page 201]was married to Glaphyra the daughter of Archelaus King of Cappadocia, whose last husband before him had been Iuba King of Mauritania. Now Iuba, as is in the second place alleaged out of Strabo, was alive till towards the middle of the second year of Tiberius, and therefore Archelaus marrying his Wid­dow, could not be banished till the end of the said year, or beginning of the next.

To which I answer, first that Master Tho. Lydyat. he who makes this objection is not constant to himselfe: for in his Book De emendat. Temp. page 162. he placeth the the banishment of Archelaus in the last year of Augustus, saying that he was not banished in the 37 year of the fight at Actium, but in the 37 year after Augustus had received that power and dignity which was called Tri­bunitia potestas; and thereupon he dissenteth every way from Iosephus, and gives him but eight years after his father. Then, in another book, written on purpose to confirme the ar­guments of his first, he would not have Archelaus banished till the dayes of Tiberius, in regard of Iuba who was alive till then, and whose Widdow he married, as formerly hath been said. But to this I have a second answer, to wit, that in Strabo we finde more Iuba's then one who were Kings of Mauritania a­bout such time as the Romans were the greatest Monarchs in the World: and therefore it were little lesse then great folly to distrub the times by pitching upon none but the last to be him whose Widdow Archelaus should marry. We may as well say that among the Popes Gregory the first and Gregory the se­cond were both one: Or that among the Kings of England, Richard the first and Richard the second were the same. See therefore what Strabo saith, in the end of his seventeenth and last book, in the Description of Mouritania: After Syphaces (saith he) Masinissa obtained the Kingdome, and then Micipsa and his successours; and in our times Iuba, who was father to that Iuba who dyed lately.

And thus much concerning the times of Herod and his po­sterity. The next thing to be spoken of, is the birth of Christ: of which in the following Chapter.

CHAP. XIX. Of the true and right year of our Saviours birth and Baptisme.

HAving in the former Chapter clearly shewed the times of Herod and of his posterity, it will in the next place be worth our while to inqure into the the right time of our Sa­viours birth.

Concerning which I finde a variety of opinions, both a­mong the Ancient and Moderne Writers; and were it not for the time of Herods death, should scarce know which to follow.

For first, the Ancients: they are divided and tell us thus. When Calvisius Sabinus and Lucius Rufinus were Consuls, then was Christ borne, according to Sulpitius Severus in the second book of his sacred History: this was in the 42 Iulian year, and year of the Iulian Period 4710. But when Lentulus and Messalinus were Consuls, then was Christ borne, according to Tertullian, Clemens Alexandrinus, Cassiodorus, Maximus Monachus, and Cedrenus: this was in the 43 Julian year. Epiphanius and Eusebius are for the next year, when Cesar the 13 th time and Sillanus were Consuls: this was in the 44 Julian year. Dio­nysius Exiguus pitcheth upon the next year after, when Lentulus and Piso were Consuls.

By which testimonies we finde how the Ancients were di­vided, and that from them may be gathered four severall years for the birth of Christ.

And as for the Modernes; Dekerius and Petavius are for the one and fortieth Julian year: Kepler for the fortieth; and M. Antonius Capellus Franciscanus for the nine and thirtieth.

Scaliger goeth along with them who pitch upon that year when Lentulus and Messalinus were Consuls; Bucholcerus fol­loweth Epiphanius and Eusebius, and so doe many others. But that which is the latest taken up, is the 48 Julian year, three yeares latter then the common account; and is mainely de­fended [Page 203]by Master Thomas Lydyat, both in his book De Emenda­tione Temporum, as also in another book written on purpose to confirme it.

Thus they. But I for my part shall absolutely rely upon none of them: for no authority without good ground can be sufficient. And therefore my course herein shall be this; that having already (out of Herodis im­perium, & res ab e [...]gestas, primus & an­tiqu [...]ssimus omnium, qui quidem extant, Josephus in historiam retu­lit: reliqui, eadem com­m [...]ntati postea sunt, ex ejus fontibus rivu­los suos duxe­runt. Et tamen incredibile est quantum ab authore ipso, magistroque su [...] dissentiant; ex quo intole­rabiles quidam in historiam er­rores perturba­tionesque sunt infusae. Petav. Doctr. Temp. lib. 11. cap. 1. Josephus) found the true time of Herods death, I shall next seek for the birth of Christ in some year before it, as by Scripture I am directed: And if in that I can have any of the Ancients to guide me, I shall gladly em­brace them, otherwise not.

Or to make my way the more plaine, I shall first note the year of Herod, in which the Ancients say Christ was borne. Secondly the year of Augustus; and Thirdly, the time of the generall taxing, when all the world under the Roman Em­pire went to be taxed. For as in Saint Matthew we read, that he was borne in the dayes of Herod the King, Mat. 2.1. So in Saint Luke we reade, that it was in the dayes of Augustus, when the Decree was gone forth that all the World should be taxed, Luke 2.1.

And for the first, we have the testimony of Epiphanius and Severus Sulpitius, expresly noting that the three and thirtieth year of Herod to be the time of our Saviours birth: Which will be proved true, if it be rightly taken: For it might very well be his three and thirtieth year, not from his first begin­ning to reigne, but from the time that he & Sosius took Jerusa­lem; else should Christ be 36 years old when he was baptized, which is certainely false. Herod therefore could not be alive four years after the birth of Christ, although Epiphanius as well as Sulpitius hath written so; for they having an eye only to his 37 years, mistook themselves in this particular, & there­upon have cast the years of Christ afterwards into wrong years of Archelaus and Antipas, as is plainly manifest.

As for the second, Tertullian and Saint Hierom point us to the 41 year of Augustus. But from whence must this 41 year be accounted? Saint Hierom joynes it with the 28 year of Au­gustus, and yet seemes to compute both that 28 year, and the [Page 204]41 year, from one time; which is very absurd. Tertullian ac­counts it from the death of Cleopatra, not onely against the truth of the thing it selfe, but also against his owne reckon­ing; who writeth that after this, Augustus lived fifteen years, and yet reigned but 43 after Cleopatra. From which confused & contradictory accounts of theirs it well appeareth, that al­beit they found in some ancient Rolls & publick Records of the Romans, that there was a general taxing of the World by Augustus about such a year as bore the date of an one and 40 th year, yet from whence to derive the right head of their reck­oning they were either carelesse or altogether ignorant. I should therefore think, that by this 41 year was meant the 41 Iulian year: for with that, the three and thirtieth year of Herod (before mentioned) doth exactly accord. Jrenaeus, more ancient then either of these, affirmes it to be about the 41 year of Augustus. For Natus est Dominus noster (saith he) circa primum & quadragesimum annum Augusti imperii, lib. 3. contra. hae­res. cap. 25. And in this, he is none of the worst Authours: for Christ being born on the 25 day of December, and in the 33 year of Herod, was born in the latter end of the 41 Julian year, and so near the beginning of the 41 year of Augustus from the death of Julius Cesar, that there were but seven dayes wanting to make his birth fall fully into it. I conclude there­fore from hence, that the first year of Christ was (for the most part of it) in the 41 year of Augustus, and that Christ was born but seven dayes before that year took beginning. For he was born in the 41 Iulian year, on the 25 day of De­cember: that day being accknowledged and kept for the day of his Nativity throughout many ages long before our times, as in the Chapter next following shall be shewed.

Come we then now to the third and last thing that I noted to be a directour to us in this particular: I meane the time of the generall taxing, when all the World under the Romane Empire went to be taxed. In the searching after which, this I finde; viz. that in all the time of Augustus, there were on­ly three generall taxings: and in one of those three it must neede be that Christ was born; witnesse the words of Saint [Page 205] Luke, saying, There went out a Decree from Augustus that all the World should be taxed, Luke 2.1. By which words it appeareth that we must not seek for Christs birth at the time of a par­ticular taxing, but at a such time as there was a generall tax­ing. And that there were three such taxings in the dayes of Augustus, is testified by Suetonius in the life of the said Emperour, about the end of the seven and twentieth Chap­ter; where he telleth us that Augustus made three general tax­ings. Censum populi ter egit; primum ac tertium cum Collega; medi­um solus. The first of these was too soone for the birth of Christ: for it was (as Dion sheweth, lib. 52. & lib. 53.) when Cesar Augustus the fifth time, and Sextus Apuleius were Con­suls; viz. in the seventeenth Julian year, and year of the City 724, which was but the twelfth year of Herods reigne af­ter his first beginning, and 56 years before the fifteenth year of Tiberius. And as for the last, it was too late: for when that began, Herod had been sixteen years dead well nigh. It fol­loweth therefore that Christ must needs be born in the time of the middle taxing: for if the first were too soon, and the last too late, then must the birth of our Saviour be for certaine in that which was between both.

Kepler referreth the beginning of it to the 36 Julian year, when those incredible Conquests of Drusus, Tiberius, and L. Piso had purchased a peace to the Empire: But he was decei­ved in his reckoning without all question. For first, when this taxing began, Cyrenius (or as he is otherwise called, Quirinius) was President of Syria, which could not be untill the fifth year after his Consulship; for untill such a time not any who had been Consul, could be sent as an Officer into the Provinces, as Suetonius and Dion tell us: and therefore untill then Quirinius was not President of Syria.

Secondly, there is in very good Authours mention made of an old Monument of Stone recording the famous deedes of Augustus, wherein these three taxings are recorded: and al­though age hath somewhat eaten into it, and in certaine places worne out some pieces of the words, yet it well ap­peareth that the Middle taxing was about the Consulship of [Page 206]one whose name was Asinius. For when the Monument speaketh of that Taxing, although some of the letters be wanting, yet we finde sinio Cos. By which is meant Asinio Cos. That is, Asinius being Consul: for if the letter A. be put to sinio, it will upon necessity be so. And indeed where was there a Consul, or what was his name who had that termina­tion, but Asinius?

Well, but what Asinius was this? In the 38. Iulian yeare we finde one called by the name of Cajus Asinius Gallus, who was then Consul with Cajus Martius Censorinus: After whom there was none of that name Consul til after Herod was dead. This then declareth that here was the beginning of that tax­ing, within the compasse whereof Christ was born. For first, though Dion omitteth to tell us in what year this Middle Taxing was, yet doth his silence hinder nothing; for by these Characters we find it. Secondly this was the fifth year after the Consulship of Quirinius. And thirdly, we find a passage in Tertullian, by which we are pointed to the dayes of Sentius Saturnius: which is not impertinent. For Saint Luke doth not say that our Saviours birth was under the taxing made by Cyrenius, but rather that Cyrenius first began the taxing, or that it was first made whē Cyrenius was President of Syria. To which Suidas well accordeth, saying; Augustus obtaining a Monar­chy, appointed twenty men of honest life and conversation, whom he sent throughout his Provinces to tax the people & their substances, of which they were to give an account in publick: and this he first began when Quirinius, or (as Saint Luke calleth him) Cyrenius was President of Syria. By all which it well appeareth, that as this Taxing began in some part of the 38 Julian year, so it was depending and not ended untill the 42 Julian year, which was the 28 year of the Actium fight, & the year next after the birth of Christ. For if the testi­mony of Tertullian, in his fourth book and 19 Chapter, against Marcion, formerly mentioned, be understood otherwise, it must needs clash with the holy Scripture: which upon such termes may by no meanes be admitted.

Nor doth this hitherto mentioned, concerning the year of [Page 207]Christs birth, but agree well with the time of the slaughter of the Innocents at Bethlem, and the parts thereabouts; which (as appeareth by Scripture) was in the second year after either the conception or birth of Christ: For Herod having inqui­red diligently of the Wise men at what time the Star appear­ed to them, was punctually informed of the time thereof: and thereupon when (a little before his death) he put in pra­ctise his bloody purpose of slaying the infants, he slew them who were of two years old and under, according to the time that he had diligently inquired of the Wise-men, who came not to Jerusalem in the second year after Christ was born, but in the same year, even before the day of Maries Pu­rification. For first, when they came, they inquired for Christ under the notion of [...]: which word properly ta­ken is to be understood of a child newly born, and is so used to expresse the birth of Moses, in Heb. 11.23. Secondly, when in the forme of their inquiry they say, Where is he that is born King of the Jews? it is more properly to be undestood of a King lately born, then of one born some certaine years before. Thirdly, when they made this inquiry, all Jerusalem was troubled as at some new thing, of which they had heard nothing before: whereas at the time of the Purification he was proclaimed openly in the Temple, where were enough to take notice of him, and to spread the fame thereof abroad to others. Then did good old Simeon take him up in his armes, and hold him forth as the glory of Gods people Is­rael, because he was born among them: and likewise as a light to lighten the Gentiles, because in these Wisemen he shewed them the way unto him. Fourthly and lastly, when the Wisemen came, they found him at Bethlehem, where he was not to be found after the time of his mothers Purificati­on: for (as Saint Luke telleth us) after his parents had in that duty of theirs, performed all things according to the Law of the Lord, they returned into Galilee, to their owne City Nazareth, that is, They went bach againe Hoc est post­quam Maria & Joseph om­nia illa adim­plerunt, quae secundam legis praec [...]pta ad ritum purifica­tionis specta­bant, saith one. now to that very place from whence they departed when they went to Bethlehem, the City of David, to be taxed; as may be seen Luke [Page 208]2, 4, 39. Saint Matthew I grant passeth this over in silence, and writes as if Joseph and Mary came not with Jesus to Naza­reth untill they had been in Egypt: But that (saith Theophilact) which Matthew was silent in, Theoph. in Matth. c. 2. Saint Luke supplyed. Disce igitur qued quae siluit Matthaeus, dicit Lucas. Ʋt exempli gratia, Postquom natus est, implevit quadraginta dies, deinde descendit in Nazareth, haec dicit Lucas. Matthaeus autem dicit post haec, quòd fugerit in Aegyp­tum, deinde venerit ab Aegypto in Nazareth. Non dissident ergo inter se. Nam Lucas dicit descensum à Bethlehem in Nazareth. Matthaeus autem postea reditum ab Egypto in Nazareth. Thus that Fa­ther.

Well, but though the comming of the Wisemen was while Mary lay in at Bethlehem; yet (as I said before) the slaughter of the Infants was not untill the second year after the Star appeared, as is plaine out of the Text, telling us of what age they were that Herod slew; Mat. 2.7.16. and that his slaughter of them was, according to the time that he had diligently inquired of the Wisemen. Now his inquirie was of the time of the Stars appearing; according whereunto he ordered that the male Children of such an age as he knew well agreed there­to, should be massacred both in Bethlem and the parts there­about, by his bloody men of warre. And thereupon he slew all, [...], à bimatu & infra, from the age of two Bimatus sig­nifieth one who is of the age of two years, as ha­ving finished his first year and his going on in his se­cond. years and under: using therein such circumspection, as that if Christ was either as old now as by the Wisemens relation he seemed to be, or hid among those that were yonger, he might be sure not to faile in the slaughter of him: no, though he were not in Bethlehem, but in the parts thereabout. But what Policy Herod might have in deferring the execution of his purpose thus long, I cannot easily perceive: he was politicke enough we see when he went about it, and might have some politicke end propounded to himselfe too, why he would not doe it presently after he saw that he was mock­ed of the Wisemen, though it be not laid open for every eye to discerne. But be his policy herein what it would, I doe be­lieve there was an over-ruling Providence that went along with it, and was as much unknown to Herod, as was the cause, [Page 209]why Herod deferred the slaughter unknown to others. For the longer it was before Mary was forced to fly with her childe into Egypt, the more was their strength and fitnesse for such a journy: nor could their stay there be overlong, if they went but late, and so be the better able to endure the hardship of a strange Country. Sabellicus saith that Herod was necessitated to defer this slaughter thus long, by reason that he was for­ced to goe to Rome, and there to purge himselfe before Cesar of those accusations which his owne Sons brought against him; which is not unlike: untill therefore he had done that, and was come back againe, he could not slay these Innocents. But that being done, and he come home againe, his anger which he had before conceived against the Wisemen for mocking him, and his purpose to murther Christ for feare he should get his Kingdome from him, put him upon the execu­tion of this Massacre.

And thus I doubt not but I have found out the right year of our Saviours birth; which was the 41 Julian year, the 33 year of Herod, the 40 year of Augustus, the fourth year of the 193 Olympiad, the year of the Julian Period 4709, and year of World 4000. Object. But now perhaps some will object against me the age of Christ when he was baptized by John in Jordan, affirming from the words of Saint Luke in the third Chapter of his Gospel, Luke 3. ver. 1. and ver. 23. that in the fifteenth year of Tiberius Christ was but thirty years old, and that therefore he could not be born sooner then the third year of the 194 Olympiad, which was in the 44 Julian year, and year of the Julian Period 4712.

To which I answer, Answ. that Saint Luke speakes no more of Christs thirtieth, then of his nine and twentieth, one and thirtieth or two and thirtieth year. For in the text alledged Saint Luke only saith, that Jesus was about thirty yeares of age; populari modo loquendi, by a common phrase of speech not sel­dome used in such numbers as are Numeri rotundi, Round or Even numbers; and is when the thing mentioned falleth out to be by a precise account nearer to the number named then to the next round number after it. Let therefore that text of Saint Luke be well observed, [...], [Page 210]and Jesus himself was about thirty years of age: where the word [...] takes away all scruple for concluding from thence of any certainty of just thirty and no more, see­ing according to that doubtfull phrase it might be either more or lesse. Now here it could not be lesse, but more; Christ else would be borne after Herod was dead: which we know for certaine cannot be. And indeed if we looke into Ignatius we shall finde it so: for he was an ancient Martyr, and one who had seen Christ in the flesh; from whose testi­mony we are taught that Jesus was not baptized by Iohn in Jordan untill after three Decades of yeares: but how long af­ter he doth not tell us. If it were just at the end of them, then whereto shall the word [...] serve in the text aforesaid? or if necessarily within some few dayes after three Decades were fulfilled, then shall we restraine it more strictly then is usuall in that common phrase of speech which is often used in round or even Numbers, such as is this here in this place: espe­cially there being no necessity through any attending cir­cumstance to compell us. Seeing therefore neither the word it selfe, nor the common phrase of speech do absolutely tye us, nor the circumstance of time for Herods death will give us leave here so to take it, there is no reason to the contrary but that it may be taken otherwise; and not only that it may, but that here it must, although the text be not [...].

My conclusion then is this, that Christ Jesus our Lord and Saviour was baptized when he was two and thirty years old, with thirteene dayes over and above, being baptized on the sixth day of January in the 74 Iulian yeare, and year of the Julian Period 4742. when two the Gemini were Consuls, and whilst the fifteenth yeare of Tiberius was still running on, for it ended not untill the nineteenth day of August next after.

And as for the word [...] which followeth in Saint Lukes text, signifying incipiens or begining; it meaneth not that Jesus was beginning to be about 30 years of age; but rather and indeed, that beginning [or when he began] he was about [Page 211]thirty yeares of age, that is, when he began to prepare him­selfe for his office, calling his Disciples, and to go in and cut among them [...] incipiens à baptismate Johannis, beginning from the baptisme of Iohn; as Saint Luke hath elsewhere told us, namely, in Act. 1.21.22.

Participium [...], faith one, Lydiat de emend. & alibi. videtur dictum de coepta à Bap­tismo publica functione illa triplici ministerii, officii & muneris, nem­pe Prophetici, Sacerdotalis, & Regii, ad quam Christus ante jacta mun­di fundamenta destinatus erat, & propter quam tandem carnem huma­nam assumpserat, potius quam de annoaetatis ipsius ut multi intelligunt. Sca. de emend. l. 6. Petav. lib. 11. Neither doth Joseph Scaliger thinke it probable that the word [...] ought to be referred to the thirty yeares, but put absolute by it selfe. Petavius also findeth by the time of Christs birth that he must be above thirty yeares old at the time of Johns baptisme. Learned Weemse assenteth also to Sca­liger: for, in his Christian Synagogue, speaking of Stigmato­logie or right pointing of Scripture, he saith that the word [...] is not to be construed with the Genitive case [...]: and therefore he termeth this to be the wrong rea­ding, namely, And Jesus himselfe began to be about thirty yeares of age. If therefore the word [...] have no rela­tion to [...], then must it needes be taken in the sense aforesaid; and the meaning of the whole text runne thus; namely, that Jesus beginning to prepare himselfe for his Office, calling his Disciples, and to go in and out among them, was about thirty years of age; being (as was supposed) the son of Joseph.

And thus I have shewed not only the year of Christs birth, but also the year and day of his baptisme, being baptized (as the Church by tradition generally holdeth) on the sixth day of January, in the year of the Iulian Period 4742. and yeare of the World 4032.

That which is next, concernes the day of his birth: in the searching after which, the authorities of the Ancients will be considerable, though for the yeare they were at odds and could helpe us little. For when they speake of the yeare, they delivered but matter of opinion; but in this they speake [Page 212]matter of practise, which is to be regarded before the private fancies of later times.

CHAP. XX. Of the day of Christs Birth, that it was kept, and on what day, both among the Ancients, and in the succeeding Ages.

IF the authority of Clement (in the fifth book and 12 chapter of his Apostolicall Constitutions) might passe for granted, we should have a testimony as ancient as the very times of the Apostles, to shew that then and in those dayes, the Birth day of our Saviour was observed.

But because many learned men make question whether those Constitutions were ever any of his, I shall rather alleage a testimony out of the first book and sixth chapter of the Cen­turiatours or Magdeburgenses, wherein is said; That the A­postles and other Christians, as they used other things indif­ferent, so also they freely used Feasts. Which testimony ought the rather to be regarded, because the Apostle Saint Paul himselfe hath said; Christ our Passeover is Sacrificed for us; therefore (saith he) let us keepe the Feast: as is written, in 1 Cor. 5.7. Which words doe confirme the testimony before mentioned, and is also an evidence to convince them of errour, who would have Christians keep no Feast dayes at all: no, not so much as a day in honour to Jesus Christ the Saviour of the World.

The Ancients were of another minde: they therefore kept such a day. And in the Greek or Easterne Church they called it [...], or [...]: which signifieth in Eng­lish, God's appearing. And indeed when Christ was born, God appeared to the World by the Nativity of his sonne. Which is but what the Apostle sheweth: for speaking to Timothy of the Incarnation of Christ Jesus, our Lord and Sa­viour, thus he saith; It was God manifested in the flesh, [Page 213]1 Tim. 3.16. And if God manifested in the flesh, then may the day thereof, in that respect, be fitly called Theophania.

The Latine or Westerne Church called it Dies Nativitatis; the day of the Nativity: Dies natalis Domini, vel Natalitia Do­mini; The Birth day of our Lord; agreeing therein to that of the Angel in Luke 2.10. Behold I bring you glad tidings of great joy which shall be to all people: For unto you is borne this day, in the City of David, a Saviour which is Christ the Lord.

The newes then we see came first from heaven: an Angel brought the first tidings of the Day; by whom it was decla­red to be a day of great joy to all people. And therefore (to shew men what they should doe) there was suddenly with the Angel a multitude of the Heavenly host praising God, and saying, Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will towards men, Luke 2.13.14. Which very Hymne was afterwards by Telesphorus (who was Bishop of Rome in the year after Christ's Passion 107) ordained to be sung in the Church on the Eve alwayes of Christs Nativity; Anno Dom. 140 as is noted by Calvisius ex Sige­berto: And as may be seen also in a decretall Epistle of the Authours owne setting forth, if that Epistle were any of his. But whether it were or no, it was ancient: And so all things considered, it well appeareth, that though the singing of this Hymne was but then appointed to be used in the Church, yet the Day (on whose Eve it was appointed to be Sung) was observed and kept before; yea even in the times of the A­postles, if Polydore Virgil may be credited, lib. 6. cap. 6.

Next after this is the undoubted testimony of Theophilus, Anno Dom. 190 who was Bishop of Cesarea in Palestine about 157 years after Christs Passion: and he, speaking of this day, saith; We ought to celebrate the Birth day of our Lord, on what day soever the eight Calends of January shall happen. For proofe of which, See the Magdeburgenses, Centur. 2. cap. 6. See also Hospinian of the Original of Christian Feasts. And know more­over, that the eight Calends of January was alwayes on the XXV day of December, in respect of the day of the Moneth, al­though it varieth every year in respect of the day of the week.

Clemens of Alexandria was much about the same time with Theophilus: Anno Dom. 195 and in him mention is made of some, who being more curius then others, perswaded themselves that Christ's Birth Day was either on the 25 day of the Egyptian moneth Pharmuth (which answereth, the most part of it, to April) or on the 25 of Phacon, which answereth in like manner to May. For, Sunt qui curiosius (saith he) natali Domini non solum annum sed etiam diem assignant. In which words, saying, Sunt qui curiosius: me thinks it is but as if he should barely relate the opinion of some, whom the ordinary Day observed would not content: for they being more curious then others, search after another day; and that must be either in the moneth Pharmuth or Phacon: but in which of these, they were at a stand. Thus it may be in any thing else, though never so certainly known: for what is there which may not be either questioned or contradicted by such as are either ignorant, wilfull, or have an affectation of singularity? Chem­nitius saith well concerning the ground of this errour, that it was because they reckoned the sixth Moneth (in which the Angel was sent unto the Virgin Mary) not from the Concep­tion of John the Baptist, but from the beginning of the Hebrew year which began from Nisan or March, near the vernall Equi­nox: from whence the sixth Moneth is And this in regard of the account, in­clusively or exclusively taken. either August or Sep­tember, and the ninth from thence either April or May. So that this being in all probability the ground of their errour, Ma­ster Lydiat had little reason to close with them in it for the time of Christ's birth. For the Angel Gabrel doth directly say, This is the sixth Moneth (not from the beginning of the year, but) with her who was called barren; that is from the Con­ception of John the Baptist, Luke 1.36.

The next may be a proofe out of the Writings of that godly Martyr Cyprian, Anno Dom. 240 who in his Treatise of the Nativity sheweth the great joy that was in his time on the day of Christs birth, called by him the day of the Nativity of Christ. He was Bishop of Carthage, and flourished about the year of our Lord 240: who was so good a man, and so deare to the people of his Church, that when he went to suffer Martyrdome, they cryed [Page 215]out and said, Moriamur simul cum sancto Episcopo, Let us also dye with our holy Bishop.

And in the dayes of Dioclesian the Tyrant, Anno Dom. 284. who began to reigne in the year of our Lord 284, there was a great multi­tude of Christians burnt together in a Church at Nicomedia a City of Bithinia, by the command of that bloody Emperour, even when they were met together there to celebrate the day of that Festivall, as is noted by Nicephorus in the seventh book, and sixth chapter of his Ecclesiasticall History.

Nor was the Feast of the Annunciation (and consequently the Feast day of Christs birth) but observed in the dayes of A­thanasius: as Master Isaacson noteth in his Chronologie, Anno Dom. 350. Anno Dom. 350.

The same Authour likewise sheweth ( Anno Dom. 361.) how Julian feigning himselfe to be a Christian, Anno Dom. 361. kept the Feast of the Epiphanie with the Christians.

In the time of Nazianzen, Anno Dom. 377. the same Feast is also noted to be kept; as also the custome of Parents standing by at their Childrens Baptizing. Ide. anno 377. Greg. Naz. Orat. 38. But that which is most pertinent, is what the said Father speaketh in an Oration of his, on the day of Christs birth: saying, I am confident that the heavenly powers doe also this present day celebrate the Feast together, and leap exceedingly for joy, if at all they be endued with the love of God and Men.

Ambrose lived in his time; and in him we find these words. Length of Nights (saith he) had possessed the whole day, had not the comming of Christ shined gloriously in the very shortnesse of dayes, Serm. 13. And why that Father saith, in the very shortnesse of dayes, is, because in the time of Augustus (under whom we know Christ was born) the shortest day was on the 25 of December, as Plinie observeth.

Hierom saith, Anno Dom. 385. that the day kept in memory of our Lords Nativity, is the Day on which the ancient report runs he was borne. Dies, qua traditur natus.

Augustine also saith, Anno Dom. 420. John was born (as the Church by tra­dition teacheth) on the eighth Calends of July (or 24 th day of Juno) even when the dayes begin to shorten: but our Lord [Page 216]was born on the eighth Calends of January (or 25 th day of De­cember) even when the dayes begin to lengthen. For as John himselfe hath confessed, He must increase, but I must decrease, John 3.30. See August. in Psalm. 132. Et. lib. 3. de Trinit. cap. 5.

Orosius saith, Anno Dom 425 Christ was born on the twenty fifth day of De­cember, when all increases of the insuing yeare do first begin. lib. 7. cap. 2.

But before either Augustine or Orosius, Anno Dom. 398 Chrysostome gave notice of this day, affirming it to be on the eighth Calends of Janua­ry, six Moneths after the eighth Calends of July. For though the Easterne or Greek Churches at the first observed the sixth day of January (and that's the reason why Epiphanius, who lived about twenty yeares before Chrysostome, mentioned that day) yet they changed their opinion, and embraced the for­mer observed in the Westerne or Latine Churches on the 25. day of December: which though it were new to them of Con­stantinople (where this father was Bishop) when it came first a­mong them, because they had not observed it before, was ne­verthelesse acknowledged by him who was the eye of that and other Churches (as Isidor Pelusiota calleth him) to be an­cient, and long before observed by them of the West, from whom the Easterne Churches first had it.

Ab illis (saith he) qui exactè haec norunt, Chrysostom ho­mil. in Nata­lem Domini. quae est XXXI. ex 71 illis a Frontone Du­caeo editis To­mo de diversis N. T. locis pag. 466. quique illam whem (Romam scilicet) inhabitant, hunc diem accepimus. Nam illi ipsi qui istic degunt jam à superioribus temporibus, & ex antiqua traditione, ipsum celebrantes, ad nos us (que) illius notitiam transmiserunt. That is, We have received this day from them who know these things exactly, and who inhabit the City; namely, Rome. For they who live there now from the times of old, and out of an­cient tradition celebrating it, have transmitted the know­ledge thereof to us.

These are the testimonies of the Ancients, A new: opini­on first pub­lished by Be­roaldus, Anno Dom. 1577. according whereunto the succeeding ages of the Church (both before and since the Reformation) have precisely and exactly wal­ked. And yet let me not forget that some of late yeares have strove to introduce a new opinion, not once so much as drea­med of untill Beroaldus published his booke of strange Chro­nologie; [Page 217]which was not untill the yeare of our Lord 1577. This new opinion is, that Christ should be borne in Septem­ber, or when the Sun entring into Libra made the second E­quinoctiall.

Scaliger had done well if he had confuted it: but he, as al­so his Scholler Calvisius, endeavoured the contrary, adding their strength to uphold it, although upon as weake grounds as he that first set it abroach.

The best argument that they have, is built upon the courses of the Priests, which Beroaldus accounteth from their first time in the dayes of King David, and beginneth at Joarib; think­ing, because there were 24 courses in all, that therefore two Courses were appointed for every Moneth. And indeed Joaribs Course was the first of all the Courses, which Beroaldus be­ginneth in March, and without any respect at all to any inter­ruption, continueth his account from thence ever after. But this is strange: for not only were the Courses interrupted, but even the beginning of them is fixed by him in an uncer­taine time; unlesse he were sure that it was in March when Da­vid first appointed them: of which I am sure he neither was nor could be.

Scaliger also begins at Joarib, and accounteth but from the time when the Courses of the Priests were restored by Judas Macchabeus in the 148. year of the Grecians, on the 25 day of Casleu; thinking because the Shewbread was changed every Sabbath day in the morning, that therefore every Course had but his weeke of Service. Which for the time of their service is probable enough, and may be granted; as may be seen in 2 King. 11.7. and in 2 Chron 23.4. But why, when Iudas purged the Temple, and restored the Courses, Scaliger should then begin his account at Ioarib, without any proofe at all to war­rant it, is altogether as uncertain as at the first to begin them in March. For who knoweth but Iudas might restore them so, as they began againe (at the time when he restored them) where they were interrupted and broken off by Anciochus: and at whose Course that was, is no where recorded by any Au­thor.

Nor will the Kalender of the Courses, set forth by Master Lightfoot in his Harmony of the foure Evangelists, serve the turn. For [first] it is but upon conjecture that he beginneth the first Course on the next Sabbath day after the Feast of Tabernacles. Secondly, by making the Courses keepe their constant round in such order as he accounts them, he ma­keth the Course of Bilgah (which was the fifteenth Course) to be in that part of the fifth Month, where should be the Course of Ioarib: For when Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the first Tem­ple at Ierusalem, it was (as the Iewes beare witnesse) the watch or Course of Ioarib. Now the Course of Ioarib was not the fifteenth, but the first Course, 1 Chron. 24.7. Thirdly, he makes the Course of Gamul, in the end of the sixth Moneth, to have but foure dayes: which should have seven as well as the rest. And last of all were his Kalender perfect, it could be so but for one yeare; because that day of the Moneth which is Sab­bath day in this year, will not be so in the next: which toge­ther with the three weeks of the there great Feasts (in which he telleth us there was no distinct course that served, but all the Courses served indifferently together) will make a great and manifest alteration every year.

It is therefore the best and only way to come to the know­ledge of these Courses by accounting them backe from the time that the second Temple was destroyed by the Romans, at which time was the weeke and Course of Ioarib; as is wit­nessed by the Iews, in their ancient Chronicle called Seder Olam rabba. For seeing the Courses were interrupted often before the dayes of Iudas Maccabeus, but never after till the destructi­of the Temple by the Romans, there can be no better way then to account back from thence. And so doing, I finde that Ioa­ribs Course, in the fortieth Iulian yeare (the yeare that the Baptist was conceived) began on the fourteenth day of Au­gust which was the nine and twentieth day of the fifth Month, feria septima. And Ioaribs Course beginning then, Abijah's Course (to which Zacharias belonged) must needes begin on [Page 219]the second day of October, which was the nineteenth day of the 7 th Moneth foria septima. on the 8 th of October was the last day of this Course: at the night wherof, or on the night after when the Sabbath was ended (which we know was but from Even to Even) the Baptist was conceved, and born 258 dayes after, viz. on the 24 th day of Iune in the 41 Iulian year. And note that this is the soonest time for a Child to be borne in a birth that is ordinary. For in ordinary births (and such this was, Luke 157.) carried on according to the course of Nature, the continuance of the infant in the Mothers Womb dependeth much upon the place of the Moone at the time of the conception, as they know who are any thing at all acquainted with Hermes his Trutina, in which may be seen, that as the shortest time is 258. dayes; so the middle time is 273. dayes, and the longest time is 288. dayes. Now Christ's time of abode in the Virgins Womb was neither of the longest time, nor of the shortest time, Luke 1.36. but much about the middle time. For in the sixth Moneth after the Baptists conception, ( viz. five Moneths and nineteene dayes) our Sa­viour Jesus Christ was conceived, on the 25 day of March, in the 41 Iulian year, which in that year was the And was al­so the Sab­bath day. seventeenth day of the first Moneth. From whence to the The day of his birth was on the second day of the weeke even as he himselfe was the second Person of the holy Trinity: and as the se­cond day of the weeke, so the 27 day of the tenth Mo­neth. Beroald. in his Chrono. lib. 3. cap. 8. day of his birth were 275. dayes compleat, as many as are from the 25. of March to the 25 of December. Saint Austin nameth 276 dayes, which must be understood of so many dayes current: for so long Christ remained in the Virgins Wombe as the Church (saith he) had it by tradition. Aug. lib. 4. de Trin. cap. ult.

And as for that which Beroaldus hath further concerning the Indictions which began on the 24 of September, and were instituted to beare account of the payment of tribute, it is an argument very absurd. For when Christ was born, the In­dictions were not known, but were instituted above 300 years after, at which time they were invented, even in the seventh year of Constantine the great, and in the year of the common Aera of Christ's birth 312. Why should they therefore be al­leaged to shew the times of Christ's birth? Because (saith Be­roaldus) [Page 220]they concerned the Taxes and Tributes of the Em­pire; and beginning on the 24 day of September, they shew that to be the day of Christs birth, when the decree went forth from Augustus that all the World should be taxed. This is strange, and more absurd still then before: For if the issu­ing forth of Cesars Decree and our Savious birth were on one and the same day, then must the Decree fly above a thousand miles in one day; as far as from Rome to Nazareth: And af­ter that (in the same day still, Mary must travell with Joseph about 95 miles, before she be delivered; even as far as from Nazareth to Bethlehem. By which cluster of absurdities all men may see that Beroaldus might have been better advised then to use this as an argument to prove Christs birth to be on the 24 day of September.

As weake also is that objection concerning the Shepherds keeping watch over their Flocks by night, Luke 2.8. For the temperature of the Land of Canaan in the dead of Winter, is nothing like the Winter in our cold Northerne Countries, but warme enough for their Cattell to lye abroad, and conse­quently for the Shepheards to keepe watch over their Floks by night. For there, in that Country, they began their Harvest at Easter in the Moneth of Abib or Nisan, Levit. 23.5.6.10. compa­red with Deut. 16.1.9.10. see also Josephus and Chemnit. Har. Evang. Prolegom. c. 3. as may be proved out of the Scriptures: offering a sheafe of the first fruits thereof yearly on the second day after the Passeover. This also Jose­phus sheweth in the third book of his Antiquities at the tenth Chapter: and Chemnitius, in the Prologomena to his Harmony, Chapter the third. Their Winter therefore must needs be far warmer then Winter is with us: which even the situation of their Country, both in respect of the Longitude and the La­titude that it hath, declareth. As for Longitude, it is placed betwixt the degree 64, 32 minutes, and the degree 69, and ten minutes: And as for the Latitude or Elevation, it is found to extend it selfe from the degree 30, and 52 minutes, unto the degree 33, and 44 minutes. So that all things considered, their Sheep were not onely abroad in Winter when Christ was born, but might also have young Lambs, for the safety [Page 221]whereof the Shepheards were watching over their Flocks by night. For even we our selves, in our cold Countries, have seen young Lambs in December, as cannot be denied.

I conclude therefore, that there is no just cause (for any thing that can be alledged against it) why we should depart from the ancient and received opinion of Christs birth on the 25 day of December.

And now see a Calender for that year in which Iohn the Baptist was conceived.

An Hebrew and Julian Calender for the fortieth Julian Yeere, in which the Baptist was conceived; wherein the Courses of the Priests are set down in their places, and found to be so by ac­counting them back from the time of the destruction of the second Temple by the Romans; the Cycle of the Sun in this year being foure, and the Cycle of the Moon 15.
January Da. of the we The bet the X. Moneth. The fortieth Julian Yeer. February D. of the week Shebet the XI. Moneth. The fortieth Ju­lian Yeer.  
1 A 6 11   1 D 2 12  
2 B 7 12   Hezir, the 17 th course 2 E 3 13  
3 C 1 13   3 F 4 14  
4 D 2 14   4 G 5 15  
5 E 3 15     5 A 6 16  
6 F 4 16   6 B 7 17   Gamul, the 22 th course  
7 G 5 17   7 C 1 18  
8 A 6 18   8 D 2 19  
9 B 7 19   Aphses, the 18. course 9 E 3 20  
10 C 1 20   10 F 4 21  
11 D 2 21   11 G 5 22  
12 E 3 22   12 A 6 23  
13 F 4 23   13 B 7 24   Delaiah, the 23 th course.
14 G 5 24   14 C 1 25  
15 A 6 25   15 D 2 26  
16 B 7 26   Pethabiah, the 19 th course. 16 E 3 27  
17 C 1 27   17 F 4 28  
18 D 2 28   18 G 5 29  
19 E 3 29   19 A 6 1 Adbar the XII. Moneth.  
20 F 4 30   20 B 7 2 Maaziah, the 24 th course  
21 G 5 1 Shebet the XI. Moneth.   21 C 1 3  
22 A 6 2   22 D 2 4  
23 B 7 3   23 E 3 5  
24 C 1 4   24 F 4 6  
25 D 2 5   25 G 5 7  
26 E 3 6   26 A 6 8  
27 F 4 7   27 B 7 9   Iearib, the first. course.
28 G 5 8   28 C 1 10  
29 A 6 9  
30 B 7 10   Iachin, the 21. course  
31 C 1 11  
An Hebrew and Julian Kalender for the fortieth Julian Yeer, in which the Baptist was conceived; wherein the courses of the Priests are set down in their places, and found to be so, by account­ing them back from the time of the destruction of the second Temple by the Romanes.
March. D. of the week Adar. the XII. Moneth. The fortieth Iu­lian Yeer. April. D. of the week Nifan the first Moneth. The fortieth Ju­lian Yeer.  
1 D 2 11   1 G 5 12  
2 E 3 12     2 A 6 13  
3 F 4 13   3 B 7 14   Mijamin the sixth course.
4 G 5 14   4 C 1 15   Pascha or Easter.  
5 A 6 15   5 D 2 16  
6 B 7 16   Iedaiah, the second course. 6 E 3 17  
7 C 1 17   7 F 4 18  
8 D 2 18   8 G 5 19  
9 E 3 19   9 A 6 20  
10 F 4 20   10 B 7 21   Hakkoz the seventh course.
11 G 5 21   11 C 1 22  
12 A 6 22   12 D 2 23  
13 B 7 23   Harim, the third course. 13 E 3 24  
14 C 1 24   14 F 4 25  
15 D 2 25   15 G 5 26  
16 E 3 26   16 A 6 27  
17 F 4 27   17 B 7 28   Abijah the eighth course  
18 G 5 28   18 C 1 29  
19 A 6 29   19 D 2 1 [...] the second Moneth.  
20 B 7 30   Seorim, the fourth course. 20 E 3 2  
21 C 1 1 Nifan the first Moneth.   21 F 4 3  
22 D 2 2   22 G 5 4  
23 E 3 3   23 A 6 5  
24 F 4 4   24 B 7 6 Jeshua the 9 th course  
25 G 5 5   25 C 1 7  
26 A 6 6   26 D 2 8  
27 B 7 7   Malchijah, the fifth course. 27 E 3 9  
28 C 1 8   28 F 4 10  
29 D 2 9   29 G 5 11  
30 E 3 10   30 A 6 12  
31 F 4 11  
An Hebrew and Julian Kalender for the fortieth Julian Yeer, in which the Baptist was conceived; wherein the courses of the Priests are set down in their places, and found to be so by ac­counting them back from the time of the Destruction of the second Temply by the Romanes.
May. D. of the week [...] the second Moneth. The fortieth Ju­lian Yeer. Iune. Week Dayet. Sivan the third Moneth. The fortieth Iu­lian Yeer.
1 B 7 13   1 E 3 14  
2 C 1 14   2 F 4 15  
3 D 2 15   3 G 5 16  
4 E 3 16   4 A 6 17  
5 F 4 17   5 B 7 18   Bilgah, the fifteenth course.
6 G 5 18   6 C 1 19  
7 A 6 19   7 D 2 20  
8 B 7 20   8 E 3 21  
9 C 1 21   9 F 4 22  
10 D 2 22   10 G 5 23  
11 E 3 23   11 A 6 24  
12 F 4 24   12 B 7 25   Immer, the sixteenth course.
13 G 5 25   13 C 1 26  
14 A 6 26   14 D 2 27  
15 B 7 27   15 E 3 28  
16 C 1 28   16 F 4 29  
17 D 2 29   17 G 5 1 Tamnuz the fourth Moneth.  
18 E 3 30   18 A 6 2  
19 F 4 1 Sivan the third Moneth.   19 B 7 3 Hezir, the seven­teenth course
20 G 5 2   20 C 1 4  
21 A 6 3   21 D 2 5  
22 B 7 4 Huppah, the thir­teenth course, and Feast of Pentecost. 22 E 3 6  
23 C 1 5 23 F 4 7  
24 D 2 6 24 G 5 8  
25 E 3 7   25 A 6 9  
26 F 4 8   26 B 7 10   Aphses, the eigh­teenth course.
27 G 5 9   27 C 1 11  
28 A 6 10   28 D 2 12  
29 B 7 11   Jeshabeab, the four-teenth course. 29 E 3 13  
30 C 1 12   30 F 4 14  
31 D 2 13  
An Hebrew and Julian Calender for the fortieth Julian Yeere, in which the Baptist was conceived; wherein the Courses of the Priests are set down in their places, and found to be so by ac­counting them back from the time of the destruction of the second Temple by the Romans; the Cycle of the Sun in this year being foure, and the Cycle of the Moon 15.
July. Da. Of the we. Tammuz the IV. Moneth. The fortieth Julian Yeer. August. D. of the week Ab the V. Moneth. The fortieth Julian Yeer.  
1 G 5 15   1 C 1 16  
2 A 6 16   2 D 2 17  
3 B 7 17   Pethahiab, the 19 th course. 3 E 3 18  
4 C 1 18   4 F 4 19  
5 D 2 19   5 G 5 20  
6 E 3 20   6 A 6 21  
7 F 4 21   7 B 7 22   Maaziah, the 24 th course.
8 G 5 22   8 C 1 23  
9 A 6 23   Jehezekel, the 20 th course. 9 D 2 24  
10 B 7 24   10 E 3 25  
11 C 1 25   11 F 4 26  
12 D 2 26   12 G 5 27  
13 E 3 27   13 A 6 28  
14 F 4 28   14 B 7 29   Ioarib, the first course.
15 G 5 29   Jachin, the 21 th course. 15 C 1 1 Elul the VI. Moneth.  
16 A 6 30   16 D 2 2  
17 B 7 1 Ab the fifth Moneth.   17 E 3 3  
18 C 1 2   18 F 4 4  
19 D 2 3   19 G 5 5  
20 E 3 4   20 A 6 6  
21 F 4 5   21 B 7 7   Iedaiah, the second course.
22 G 5 6   22 C 1 8  
23 A 6 7   Gamul, the 22 th course. 23 D 2 9  
24 B 7 8   24 E 3 10  
25 C 1 9   25 F 4 11  
26 D 2 10   26 G 5 12  
27 E 3 11   27 A 6 13  
28 F 4 12   28 B 7 14   Harim, the third course.  
29 G 5 13   29 C 1 15  
30 A 6 14   Delaiah, the 23 th course. 30 D 2 16  
31 B 7 15   31 E 3 17  
In Hebrew and Julian Kalender for the fortieth Julian Yeer, in which the Baptist was conceived; wherein the courses of the Priests are set down in their places, and found to be so, by account­ing them back from the time of the destruction of the second Temple by the Romanes.
Septemb. D. of the week [...] [...]ul the V Moneth. The fortieth Iu­lian Yeer. October. D. of the week Tisri the 7th Moneth. The fortieth Ju­lian Yeer.  
1 F 4 18   1 A 6 18   Abijah, or Abia, the eighth course  
2 G 5 19   2 B 7 19    
3 A 6 20   3 C 1 20   In this Course Zacharias had the tidings of the Birth of John the Baptist, and probobly on the first day thereof, Luke 1.1. which was just nine moneths be­fore he was born, and seven dayes before Elizabeth con­ceived him.  
4 B 7 21   Seorim, the foruth course. 4 D 2 21    
5 C 1 22   5 E 3 22    
6 D 2 23   6 F 4 23    
7 E 3 24   7 G 5 24    
8 F 4 25   8 A 6 25    
9 G 5 26   9 B 7 26   Jeshua the 9 th course  
10 A 6 27   10 C 1 27   In the night foregoing this day, the Baptist was conceived, and born 258 dayes after, viz. on the 2 [...]. Of June, which in the 1 Ju­lian yeer was the 20. day of the fourth moneth, Jeria septima.  
11 B 7 28   Malchijah, the fifth course. 11 D 2 28    
12 C 1 29   12 E 3 29    
13 D 2 30   13 F 4 1 M [...]h [...]s [...]an the eighth Moneth.  
14 E 3 1 Tisri the seventh Moneth. The feast of Trum pets. 14 G 5 2  
15 F 4 2   15 A 6 3  
16 G 5 3   16 B 7 4 Shechaniah, the 10. course.
17 A 6 4 Mijamin the sixth course. 17 C 1 5  
18 B 7 5   18 D 2 6  
19 C 1 6   19 E 3 7  
20 D 2 7   20 F 4 8  
21 E 3 8   21 G 5 9  
22 F 4 9   22 A 6 10  
23 G 5 10   The day of Expia­ [...]on. 23 B 7 11   Eliashib, the 11 th course.
24 A 6 11   24 C 1 12  
25 B 7 12   Hakkoz the seventh course. 25 D 2 13  
26 C 1 13   26 E 3 14  
27 D 2 14   The first day of the Feast of Tabernacles; before the end of which Feast was Zacharias his Lot. 27 F 4 15  
28 E 3 15   28 G 5 16  
29 F 4 16   29 A 6 17  
30 G 5 17   30 B 7 18   Jakim the twelfth course.  
  31 C 1 19  
An Hebrew and Julian Kalender for the fortieth Julian Yeer, in which the Baptist was conceived; wherein the courses of the Priests are set down in their places, and f [...]und to be so by ac­counting them back from the time of the Destruction of the second Temple by the Romanes.
Novemb. D. of the week Marches [...]an the eighth Moneth.   The fortieth Ju­lian Yeer. Decemb. Week Dayes. Chasseu the ix. Moneth.   The fortieth Iu­lian Yeer.  
1 D 2 20   1 F 4 20  
2 E 3 21   2 G 5 21  
3 F 4 22   3 A 6 22  
4 G 5 23   4 B 7 23   Hezir, the seven­teenth course.
5 A 6 24   5 C 1 24  
6 B 7 25   Huppah, the thir­teenth course. 6 D 2 25   The Feast of Dedication instituted by Judas Macca­beus 159 yeers before this time, and was then in that yeer when it was appointed on the 22 of December.  
7 C 1 26   7 E 3 26    
8 D 2 27   8 F 4 27    
9 E 3 28   9 G 5 28    
10 F 4 29   10 A 6 29  
11 G 5 30   11 B 7 1 Thebeth the tenth Moneth. Aphses, the eigh­teenth course.
12 A 6 1 C [...] the ninth Moneth.   12 C 1 2  
13 B 7 2 Jeshabeab, the four­teenth course. 13 D 2 3  
14 C 1 3   14 E 3 4  
15 D 2 4   15 F 4 5  
16 E 3 5   16 G 5 6  
17 F 4 6   17 A 6 7  
18 G 5 7   18 B 7 8   Pethaniah the 19 th course.
19 A 6 8   19 C 1 9  
20 B 7 9   Bilgah, the fifteenth course. 20 D 2 10  
21 C 1 10   21 E 3 11  
22 D 2 11   22 F 4 12  
23 E 3 12   23 G 5 13  
24 F 4 13   24 A 6 14  
25 G 5 14   25 B 7 15   Jebezekel the 20 th course.
26 A 6 15   26 C 1 16  
27 B 7 16   Immer, the sixteenth course. 27 D 2 17  
28 C 1 17   28 E 3 18  
29 D 2 18   29 F 4 19  
30 E 3 19   30 G 5 20  
  31 A 6 21  

CHAP. XXI. Of the reigne of Tiberius, and of the beginning and end of Pontius Pilate his Government. As also of the year and day of our Sa­viours Passion.

TAcitus, in the 15 Book of the tenth Chapter of his Annals, speaking of the Christians, saith: The Authour of that name was Christ, who in Tiberius reigne was put to death under Pontius Pilate Procuratour of Iudaea. But in what year of Tiberius or Pontius Pilate, he doth not shew.

Some I finde who would have the beginning of Tiberius be before the death of Augustus; and so would have then two Emperours to reigne at once: for which they chiefly build upon the testimony of Velleius, who saith that before Augustus dyed Tiberius was equalled with him in command. But to be­gin the reigne of Tiberius upon this mistaken ground, is to unjoynt the setled times, and make old Authours speak that which they never meant. For (as Petavius well observeth) the Proconsular dignity was given without the Empire: and never were two men Emperours together till Aurelius Antonius his time. And therefore though Tiberius was equalled in com­mand with Augustus, some time before Augustus dyed, yet it was but in some things; which dignity was bestowed upon him not as Emperour, but as he was a gallant Generall over the Army, and like to be the next succeeding Emperour. This, even Velleius sheweth, who accounts but 16 years from the beginning of Tiberius as Emperour, to the Consulship of M. Vinitius and C. Cassius: the seventeenth year therefore of his reigne began in the time of their Consulship, which was in the 75 Iulian year. Tacitus declaring moreover, not onely how loath Tiberius was (which also Velleius sheweth) to take the Empire upon him when Augustus was dead; but also how fearfull his Mother Livia was, lest any other should get into [Page 229]the Empire before him. This againe may be seen in Tacitus, by the tenth year of Tiberius, for when Tiberius had reigned nine years, then was C. Asinius and C. Antistius the Consuls; viz. in the 68 Iulian year. The beginning therefore of Tibe­rius is certaine, and may not be set either here or there, as men upon false perswasions shall be pleased; but must be ac­counted from the death of Augustus, and no sooner. For though it were usuall among the Kings of Persia to have their years accounted from such time as they began to be Co-part­ners with their Fathers in the Empire; as Ciesias, compared with other Authors, maketh manifest; and as was also among the Kings of Iudah and Israel: yet that it was so among the Romans, or that two were Emperours together till Aureli­us Antonius his time, we doe not finde. Now Augustus we know dyed (as Velleius, Dion, and all others testifie) when Sextus Pompeius, and Sextus Appuleius were Consuls, on the nineteenth day of August, in the 59 Iulian year, and year of the Iulian Period 47 27: there therefore we must begin the first year of Tiberius who reigned 22 years, seven moneths, and se­ven dayes; and dyed when Cn. Proculus and Pontius Nigrinus were Consuls, on the 26 day of March, in the 82 Iulian year, and year of the Iulian Period 4750. By which it appeareth that the Passion of Christ must necessarily be in some year af­ter the 74 Iulian year, and before the 82.

By Orosius his account it must be in the 75 Iulian year. For Sejanus perished in the 76 Iulian year, as cannot be denied: & according to Orosius Christ must suffer before the fall of Seja­nus. For, in his seventh Book and fourth Chapter, we read, That when Tiberius had heard what Pilate related to him of the Death and Resurrection of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and that thereupon Tiberius would that the Senate should Canonize Christ for a God, the Senate would not but stood against it, and so (saith he) did Sejanus, who shewed himselfe a great enemy to the Christian profession: whereupon it came to passe that an Edict was made for the rooting of all Christians out of the City. Thus saith Orosius: and there­fore by him, Christ must suffer not one jot later then the 75 [Page 230] Iulian year, in the year of the Iulian Perion 4743, when M. Vi­nitius and C. Cassius were Consuls: in whose Consulship, E­piphanius also setteth Christs Passion. But this is false, as ap­peareth not onely by the severall Passeovers mentioned by Saint John after Christs Baptisme, to the day of his death, but also by the silence of other Authours. And therefore the testimonies of Orosius concerning Sejanus cannot stand good, for being a matter of story, he must have it from them who wrote before him, but that he hath not. For Tertullian makes no mention of it, nor Eusebius: and yet they speak how Ti­berius would have had Christ Canonized for a God by the Se­nate, when Pilate had related to him the Passion and Resur­rection of Christ. I finde indeed that Sejanus (like another Haman) did earnestly endeavour and desire it of the Empe­rour, that the whole Nation of the Jews might be rooted out; as Eusebius relateth out of Philo the Jew: And from hence sure it was that Orosius mistook himselfe, and applyed that to the Christians after Christs Passion, which was perti­nent to the Jews before Christs Passion.

Tertullian saith, Christ was baptized in the twelfth year of Tiberius, and crucified in the fifteenth when the two Gemini were Consuls: this was in the 74 th Julian year. Epiphanius maketh Christ about 29 years old when he was baptized, and nameth Iunius Silanus and Silius Nerva to be Consuls then; which was one year sooner then the Consulships of the Gemi­ni: which two Gemini, albeit they were Consuls but in the fifteenth year of Tiberius, are said not onely by Teriullian, but by Iulius Africanus, Lactantius, Saint Austine, Sulpitius, Cedrenus and others, to be Consuls when Christ was crucified. This I beleeve they took up from what Clemens of Alexandria held before them: for it was the opinion of Clemens Alexandrinus, Strom. 1. that Christ lived fifteene years under Augustus, and as many under Tiberius; in all 30: In the last whereof he preach­ed and suffered. For which opinion he had none before him that he followed but the Gnostickes, and no other then a mis­taken ground to uphold it. His ground was in Esay, chap. 61.2. Concerning the Acceptable year of the Lord which [Page 231]Christ was to preach. Which I say was a mistaken ground: For though it be true that Christ indeed proclaimed that year in the sence that the Prophet meant it, and in the first year after his Baptisme when he preached at Nazareth shewed that it was come, as we read in Luke 4.19. Yet that he there­fore preached but one year, is such an extreame mistake, that it is a wonder any who had read the Gospels, should not see to avoid it. Origen erred much after the same manner: for lib. 4. [...], cap. 1. thus he saith; Anno & aliquot mensi­bus, docuit. He taught one year and some odd moneths: which is also false; for it is certaine that the Baptist began not to preach and baptize, untill the fifteenth year of Tiberius, Luke 3.1. and that Christ was presently put to death after Iohn be­gan, is very justly denied. For he must increase, saith John, but I must decrease, John 3.30. Which words John spake after there had been one Passeover since the Baptisme of Christ, Iohn 2.23. Beside which, the same Evangelist expresly nameth two more; the last whereof was that in which Christ suf­fered, as may be seen in Iohn 6.4. and chap. 13.1. But of the Passeovers more shall be spoken by and by.

Among late Writers the greatest part goe along with Eu­sebius, who maketh choice of the eighteenth year of Tiberius for the year of Christs Passion. Scaliger (more rightly) is for the nineteenth year, and year of the Iulian Period 4746. Peta­vius saith Christ was baptized in the year of the Iulian Period 4742, and crucified in the year of the same Period 4744, even in the third Passover after his Baptisme: for he was baptized on the sixth day of Ianuary, as Epiphanius saith. And as for the day of his Passion, he referreth it to the 23 day of March: therein following Irenaeus, lib. 2. cap. 38. Apollinaris of Laodicea apud Hieron, in 9. Dan. Origen, cap. 2. cont. Cels. Epiphanius, Haeres. 51. Which also a Councell held at Caesaria, Anno Dom. 197, under Victor Bishop of Rome declareth. The 23 day of March was indeed in that year which Petavius mentioneth on the sixth day of the Week, but the Passeover was not untill three or four dayes after: and therefore how could Christ suffer on the 23 day of March in the year of the Iulian Pe. 4744.

Scaliger is for the third of Aprill: and Paulus Forosemproni­ensis for the thirtieth of March, in the six and thirtieth year of Christ, according to the common account, even whilest the 22 year of Tiberius was still running on, which was in the 81 Iulian year, and year of the Iulian Period 4749, when Q. Plauti­us and Sextus Papinius were Consuls. This last is taken up by Master Lydyat, and mainely defended by him: but all in vaine.

For not only was Christ crucifyed whilst Tiberius was alive, but also whilst Pontius Pilate was in office. Now Pontius Pilate was certainly out of office before the Easter of the eighty first Iulian year, and therefore that could not be the year of Christs Passion. For as Tacitus sheweth, Vitellius came into Syria to­wards the end of the viz. when C. Cestius and M Servilius were Consuls, Taci. lib. 6. eightieth Iulian year: before whom Pilate was accused, and was sent to Rome to defend his cause before the Easter of that year in which Vitellius was at Ierusa­lem; as appeareth out of Iosephus, in the eighteenth book of his Antiquities, at the fifth and sixth Chapters. Before which time of his being sent away, he had been President of Iudaea ten whole years, and did succeed in that office Valerius Gratus whom Tiberius soon after the beginning of his Empire, at the death of Augustus, sent to rule and governe that Province, which he did for the space of eleven years; as Iosephus againe declareth. Take then eleven of Gratus, and ten of Pilate, and add them each to other, so we have 21 years. Which one and twenty being added to the 59 Iulian year, in the latter part whereof Tiberius began, will make it appeare that Pilate de­parted from his Province in the end of the eightieth Iulian year; or however, before the Easter of the eighty first. For Vitellius, after he had commanded Pilate to goe away to Rome, and had set Marcellus over his Province, came to the solemne feast of the This was in the 81. Jul an yeare, when Quint. Plauii. and Sex. Pa­pinius were Consuls. Passeover at Ierusalem, and gave leave to the chief Priests to keep the holy Robe, as Iosephus also sheweth. After which time he received letters from Tiberius of making peace with Artabanus: which he did, and wrote thereof to Tiberius. But Herod the Tetrarch prevented his intelligence, and had wrote of all to the Emperour before him: Whereupon Tibe­rius [Page 233]wrote back againe to Vitellius that he knew all the whole businesse already, having had notice thereof by the Letters of Herod. Now these things being thus certified each to other after Easter, could not be done in the eighty second Julian yeare: for before the Easter of that year Tiberius died. And if not in the eighty second Julian year, then must they ne­cessarily be done in the year before; viz. in the 81. And if in the eighty first, then could not that be the year of Christ's passion: for at the Easter time of that year when our Savi­our suffered, Pilate was in full power; which made him there­fore say, Knowest thou not that I have Power to Crucifie thee, and have Power to release thee? Ioh. 19.10. This he spake in the se­venty eight Julian year, about two yeares before he depar­ted his Province, as will easily appear to him who computeth the times aright, and as I shall after shew more fully and clear­ly to every eye.

For by the Passovers already mentioned out of the Gospell of Saint Iohn, it is most plainly manifest that the first yeare wherein we can but thinke of searching for our Saviours Pas­sion, must be the 76 Iulian yeare: for the three Passovers in Saint Iohn, after the fifteenth year of Tiberius when Christ was baptized, will certainly reach thither. That yeare therefore is the first year wherin we must search: and if upon the search we can find that the fifteenth day of Nisan falleth on the sixth day of the weeke, then may that be the year of his Passion, and the Passovers after his Baptisme till his death be no more then three. But upon the search, the fifteenth day of Nisan in that yeare is found to be on the third day of the weeke: that therefore could not be the yeare, nor those the just number of the Passovers. For though Saint Iohn hath clearly and ex­presly mentioned but three, yet for all that we are not tyed from searching after more. For as it is certaine that all things which Jesus did are not written: so also it is as certaine that all things which are written of him in the Gospels, are not recorded by one Evangelist.

And again why I name the fifteenth day of Nisan (when the Passover was kept) to be on the sixth day of the weeke [Page 234]at Christs Passion, is because he arose from the dead on the first day of the week, and on the third day after his death. That it was on the first day of the Week, is manifest by all the four Evagnelists, chiefly by S t Marke, in his 16 th. Chap. at the ninth verse. And that it was likewise on the third day after his Pas­sion, is as manifest by a whole multitude of Scriptures. As for example, in Matthew 16.21. from that time forth began Je­sus to shew unto his Disciples, how that he must goe into Je­rusalem, and suffer many things of the Elders and chief Priests, and Scribes, and be killed, and be raised againe the third day. And in the next Chapter at the 23. verse, they shall kill him, and the third day he shall be raised againe. And in the 20 Chapter at the nineteenth verse, They shall deliver him to the Gentiles to mocke, and to scourge, and to curcifie him, and the third day he shall rise again. And in Marke 9.31. he taught his Disciples, and said unto them. The Sonne of man is deli­vered into the hands of men, and they shall kill him, and after that he is killed, he shall rise the third day. And in the next Chapter, at the 34 verse: They shall mocke him, and shall scourge him, and shall spit upon him, and shall kill him, and the third day he shall rise againe. And in Luke 9.22. The Son of man must suffer many things, and be rejected of the Elders, and chief Priests, and Scribes, and be slaine, and be raised the third day. And in the eighteenth Chapter at the 33. verse. They shall scourge him and put him to death, and the third day he shall rise againe. And in the four and twentieth Chap­ter, at the seventeenth verse, The Son of Man must be delivered into the hands of Sinfull men, and be crucified, and the third day rise again. And in Act. 10.40. Him God raised up the third day, and shewed him openly. And in 1. Cor. 15.4. That he was buried, and that he rose againe the third day according to the Scriptures.

In which last Testimony note I pray you, not only what the Apostle maintaineth, but how; namely; That the ri­sing of Christ from the dead on the third day, is according to the Scriptures. If there be any text of Scripture which at the first fight may seeme to say, Christ rose not till after the [Page 235]third day, it is to admit of an interpretation, that thereby it may be like the other Scriptures. As for example, in Marke 8.31. the phrase is, [...], post tres dies, after three dayes, as it is usually translated. Where the word [...], Mat. 16.26. Mar. 14.22. Luke 22.20. is not to be taken for post, after: but for intra, within. As it should be said, They shall put him to death, and within three dayes he shall rise again. Now this appeareth by Deut. 14.28. compa­red with Deut 26.12. A like phrase is in Luke 2.46. as the con­text declareth. That also which Matthew and Marke doe say concerning the institution of the holy Supper, that it was [...], Luke saith was [...], which we must not translate, After Supper; but inter coenandum, whilst they were at Supper. 'The Pharisees also who told Pilat what Christ would doe after his three dayes, understood the Phrase but of the third day: for no longer did they desire that the Se­pulcher should be watched, Mat. 27.63. And indeed Christ had said the same before in words plain enough: for saith he, Destroy this Temple, and within three dayes I wil raise it up, Iohn 2.19. This is that time to w ch the Prophet pointed, when he said; After two dayes he will revive us, in the third day he will raise us up, & we shall live in his sight, Hos. 6.2. Vpon which words one ob­serveth this; vivificat nos post duos dies, & tertio die eriget, ut vi­vamus coram ipso: quia in Christo & cum Christo pater caelestis nos nipote membra Christi ex mortuis suscitavit, Ephes. 2.5.6. By which we see that the Resurrection is certainely bounded within the compasse of three dayes, and not to be expected afterward.

The onely place remaining to be objected against it, is in Mat. 12.40. where our Saviour saith; As Jonas was three dayes and three nights in the Whales belly, so must the Son of Man be three dayes and three nights in the heart of the earth. Which words are also to be interpreted; they agree not else to the other Scriptures.

Know therefore that by three dayes and three nights, we are to understand three naturall dayes, accounted from Eve­ning to Evening; as the Jews use to reckon; in which respect the day and the night are confounded, and both of them made but one. By the three dayes then and the three nights, we are [Page 236](I say) to understand three such days, in the last wher of Christ arose: for by a Senecdoche we reckon that done after three dayes, which is done but after the third day is begun. The first of these three dayes was the sixth day of the Weeke, and the fifteenth day of Nisan, and was from one Sun-setting to a­nother. For before the fifteenth day of Nisan was quite out, Christ was crucified dead and buried. The second day began at the Sunsetting next after, during which time was the Sabbath.

The third and last began at the end of the former, and was the first day of the weeke: in the morning whereof very early Christ arose; And all this according to the Scriptures.

But I go on, and am to search next into the 77 Iulian year; at the Easter whereof must be a fourth Passover since Christs Baptisme: which if it be found to fall on the Sixth day of the weeke, may be the year of his Passion. But I finde it other­wise: for in the 77 Iulian year the fifteenth of Nisan was on the first or second day of the weeke, and not on the Sixth day. This therefore could not be the year of Christs Passion, no more then the former.

The year next after this was the 78. Iulian yeare, and year of the Iulian Period 4746. which will be found to be the very year we seeke after. For in this year the fifteenth of Nisan was for certaine on the Sixth day of the week, being the third day of April and day of the fifth Passover which is mentioned by all the four Evangelists, not one of them omitting it. The yeare that followeth, affordeth no such Character: no, nor the year next after that. This therefore must needs be the year of Christs death; w ch being in this year, was on the third day of Aprill: the Cycle of the Sun was 14, the Dominicall letter D. and the Cycle of the Moon 15. It was the nineteenth year of Tiberius, the fourth yeare of the 202. Olympiad, the 33 yeare of Christ according to the common account: but according to the true time of his birth, the seven and thirtieth; and yeare of the World 4037.

And thus we have no fewer then five Passovers from the time that Christ was baptized, to the time that he suffered: which though they be not all of them mentioned by one [Page 237]Evangelist; yet out of them all they may be gathered.

Between the first and second of these Passovers, it was that Iohn the Baptist was cast into prison: and then was the full beginning of Christs Ministery. For now was the course of his forerunner accomplished, and therefore now must Christ be only looked upon as the Messiah; here being the first begin­ning of the last week of the Seventy: from whence our Sa­viour preached three yeares and an halfe, before he suffered. For though there were some Testimonies and manifestations of Christ before, yet was not the time of the Messiah fully come till now, Mark 1.14.15. And thus much for the year and day of Christs Passion. Onely a Question or two would be re­solved: of which in the following Chapter.

CHAP. XXII. Of killing the Paschal Lambs, and whether at Christs death the Jewes and our Saviour kept the Pas­sover upon one and the same day.

IT is recorded by Maymonides, that no Pascha might be kept but of those Lambs which were killed by the Priests in the Temple.

But that was not so: as appeareth by the Testimony of Philo Judaeus, who expresly writeth, Philo in vita Mosis, et in Li­bro de Decalo­go. that in the Paschal festivity all the Jewes exercised the Priests office, in regard that every one at his own home might Sacrifice the Lamb. Thus he; a man who had seen the observation of many a Passover, which May­monides never did. For Philo Judaeus lived in Christs time; but Maymonides was not till a long time after the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans. Master Broughton therefore and Ains­worth followed Rambam or Maymonides too confidently in this particular: as also in that of the Chagigah, which they say was a voluntary sacrifice, and not of command: for it was com­manded, we as may see Deut. 16.2. There might indeed no Paschal Lamb be s [...]in, but at Jerusalem; and tha's the reason [Page 238]why the Jewes now observe no Passover: and in the Temple were some Lambs likewise slaine by the Priests, but it was for them who came out of the Country to keepe the Feast. For the Inhabitants of the City were at their owne choice, and might take a Lamb and kill it at their owne houses; how else could they exercise the Priests office in this Sacrifice of the Lamb, which Philo Judaeus saith they did?

They who say our Saviour (in the year when he suffered) kept not the Passover on the same day with the Iewes, ground their tenet upon these texts. First upon that of Saint Iohn, Chapt. 19. vers. 14. where the day on the which Christ was put to death is expresly called The preparation of the Passo­ver. And in the Chapter before, at the 28 verse, The Iowes themselves went not into the Judgement Hall, lest they should be defiled: but that they might eat the Passover. And in Matthew 27.62. the day after Christs death and buriall, is called the day that was next after the preparation. And in Ioh. 19.31. The Iews because it was the Preparation, that the bodies should not remaine on the Crosse on the Sabbath (for that Sabbath was an high day) besought Pilate that their legges might be broken, and that they might be taken away. Which texts seeme to prove that for which they are cited.

Notwithstanding all which, some there be who upon good grounds maintaine the contrary, and are very confident that the Iewes and Christ kept one and the same day: And for proofe thereof they alleadge these places. First, Mat. 2.6.2. You know (saith Christ to his Disciples) that after two dayes is the Passover: and the Sonne of Man is given up to be cru­cified. The Evan­gelists do here call the 14 of Nisan the day of unleavened bread, because on that day as soon as dinner was over the people cast all leaven out of their houses. Which speech importeth a generall agreement for the Passover. And so much saith Saint Mark chap. 14. vers. 12. On the first day of the * unleavened Bread, whē they sacrificed the Passover, two of his Disciples said: where wilt thou that we go and prepare that thou mayest eat the Passover. And in Luk. 22.7.8. Then came the day of unleavened Bread, when the Passover must be killed. And he sent Peter and Iohn, saying, Go and prepare us the Passover that we may eat. In which texts by the words [when they sacrificed the Passover, and when the [Page 239]Passover must be killed] is also shewed that thre was a gene­rall agreement for the time of the Passover, which must be done before the Lamb was slaine: at the eating where­of they first of all began to eat unleave­ned bread, & so continued for the space of 7 dayes, Exod. 12.8.15. and Deut. 16.4. and that our Lord and all the Iewes kept one and the same day for the killing and eating the Lamb.

And therefore to that in Iohn 18.28. they answer, that there is meant not the eating of the Paschal Lamb, but the Oxe, or the flesh of the Chagigah Passover, which was added to the former, and commanded in Deut. 16.2. where it is written thou shalt sacrifice a Pascha unto the Lord, of the Flocke, and of the Herd. The practice whereof was notably seen in that solemne Passover which Josiah kept, 2 Chron. 35.7. The eating of this was for two dayes and one night, as saith Maymoni­des. Or else in the text objected is to be understood the eat­ing of the Loafes of Sweet-bread, which was to be observed for an whole weeke together. For as one observeth upon Luke 22.7. the word Pascha, used for the Passover, is taken many wayes: As first, for the Paschal Lamb, Mark 14.12. Secondly, for the whole weeke of Sweet-bread, or of the Paschal solem­nity which lasted seven dayes, Act. 12.3.4. Thirdly for the Paschal solemnity of the sixth day. Fourthly, for the houre of immolation & eating of the Paschal Lamb, Mark 14.1. Fifth­ly, for whatsoever meate or bread belonging to the Feast, the Iewes eat during the solemnity thereof, Iohn 18.28. where the story telleth us, They would not goe into the Judgement Hall, lest they should be defiled; but that they might eat the Passover: that is saith he Azimos Panes, The unleavened Bread belonging to the Passover. Sixthly, for that which was figu­red by the Passover, to wit, Christ, 1 Cor. 5.7. And Sevnthly, for the Festivity of the Paschal cheer, 2 Chron. 35.7.18. If therefore the word Pascha might be taken these many wayes, there is no necessity to tye us absolutely to conclude, that in Iohn 18.28. the Iewes meant what they said of eating the Passover, to be understood of the Lamb rather then of any other thing eaten by them at that Feast.

But how will that place in Iob. 19.14. be answered; where the day of Christs death is called the Preparation of the Passo­ver? It is called there the Preparation of the Passover; not [Page 240]in regard of the Passover, but in regard of the Sabbath in the Passover, as Master Perkns observeth. In Marke therefore, chap. 15. verse 42. it is called the Preparation (not of the Passover, but the preparation) which went before the Sabbath. And in Luke 23.54. It was the Preparation (saith the Evangelist) and the Sabbath drew on. Which Sabbath was an high day, because of the Chagigah Passover which was then to be eaten, ae well as on the day before. Or else thus: The forenoon of the day of Christs death was the Preparation to the eating of the Passeover Bullocke; and in the afternoone was the Preparation of the Sabbath. And thus is this Text answe­red.

From it also appeareth, that the translation of dayes which Scaliger speaketh of, was not in use so soone as these times. For though the late Iewes tell us that the constitutions there­unto belonging, were set forth by Eleazar in the beginning of the second Temple, and that they have a book treating of the motion of the Sun & the Moon, said to be written by Rabbi Gamaliel, in which this translation of dayes is confirmed: al­though I say they tell us these things, yet will the whole be found inventions of a later age.

For when the Authors of the Mischna and Thalmud lived, the sixteenth day of Nisan might be on the Sabbath day, as is written Cod. Pesachim, cap. 7. And if the sixteenth were and might be Sabbath day, then both was and might the fifteenth be feria sexta: as it was in this year of our Saviours Passion.

Learned Langius hath gallantly declared this: howbeit he agreeth with those who say Christ and the Iewes kept not one and the same day. And the reason of their difference he taketh to be in regard of two chief Sects among the Iewes, viz. the Karraeans, and the Thalmudists: who though they both be­gan their Moneths according to the Phasis or Vision of the Moon, yet in regard of the manner of their observation they did sometimes differ a day each from other; insomuch that that which to the Karraeans was the second day of the Moneth, The Thalmudists accounted but the first. And so it was (saith he) in that year when Christ suffered. Now Christ [Page 241]following the Karraeans, did therfore eat the Passover one day sooner then the rest of the Iewes who followed the Thalmu­dists. But I doubt much of the truth of this opinion, not only because all the Iewes kept one and the same day, as I have al­ready shewed; but also because it maketh Christs Passion (as he accounts the difference, now and in this yeare) to be on the Thursday, and fifth day of the weeke, which is contrary to the Scriptures, and to all the Creeds of the Christian Church.

I confesse him indeed to be a man of full deepe learning, much reading, and great knowledge in the Tongues: but in this I doe beleeve he will have but few to follow him; espe­cially considering what the Apostle saith, in 1 Cor. 15.4. namely, That Christ rose againe the third day, according to the Scriptures: wheras by his opinion, he must not arise un­till the fourth day. If then the third be according to the Scriptures, the fourth is not, but is to be refused of all them who will be guided by the Scriptures.

CHAP. XXIII. The times of Vespasian and Titus, together with the Destruction of Jerusalem.

WHen the reignes of Galba, Otho, and Vitellius had well neare measured the length of a year, then was Vespa­sian advanced to the Empire: in the second yeare of whose reigne his sonne Titus destroyed the City and Common­wealth of the Jewes; this destruction falling out to be in the yeare of the Iulian Period 4783. and seventyeth yeare of Christ according to the Vulgar and common account. The Anci­ents (as Egesippus, Clemens of Alexandria, Eusebius, Hierom, and others) say that it was 40 yeares after Christ's Passion: and the reason of that I take to be, because many of the Fathers accounted Christ's Baptisme to be in the twelfth yeare of Tiherius, and his Passion in the fifteenth; which was certaine [Page 242]an absolute error, as I have already plainly shewed. I take it therefore for granted that this was the yeare when Jerusalem was destroyed, and have already proved it so in the seven­teenth Chapter.

It was without doubt a dismall overthrow; and sundry were the Signs and tokens that went before it: of which we read at large in Josephus De bello Judaico, lib. 7. cap. 12. as also in Eusebius his Eclesiasticall History, lib. 3. cap. 8.

There was a terrible blazing Starre or Comet fashioned like a Sword, which for a years space, in threatning manner hung over the City.

The Moon suffered an Eclipse for twelve nights together. Before the Warre, in the Feast of Sweet-bread, upon the eighth day of April in the night a clear light as bright as day was seene in the Temple, abiding the full space of halfe an houre. And upon the same Feast, day a Calfe being prepared for the Sacrifice, brought forth a Lamb in the middle of the Temple. The East Gate of the inward Temple, being a Gate of Brasse, fast locked and barred, opened by its own accord; this was about the middle of the night and much labour there was to shut it up againe. Some few dayes after, upon the 21. day of May a little before Sun-setting, in the Skies were seen Armies of men fighting, and Horses and Chariots running too and fro. And on the day of Pentecost the Priests entring into the Temple according to their custome, heard a terrible voice sounding out these words Let us go hence. But that (saith Josephus) which was more terrible then all these, was the crie of one Josus the sonne of Anani; He was a man of the common sort of people, and brought up in the Country, who in the dayes of Albinus the Roman Governour of Judea & Jeru­salem, at the Feast of Tabernacles (four yeares before the be­ginning of their Warres) suddainly as he was in the Temple began to cry after this manner; A voice from the East, a voice from the West, a voice from the four Winds, a voice against. Jerusa­lem and the Temple, a voice against the Bridegroomes and Brides, and a voice against the whole multitude of the City. In which manner he continued crying day and night, up and downe the streets, [Page 243]without any hoarsnesse or wearinesse, for the space of seven yeares and five Moneths, but chiefly on the Feast dayes; nei­ther cursing them that hurt him, nor thanking them that re­leeved him: and being brought before the Deputy by the Magistrates and Nobles of the City, they whip this flesh to the very bones, for which he neither wept nor craved mercy, but at every stroke cried Woe, woe to Jerusalem: and at last climbing up upon the Wals, when the City was besieged, he adds these words, And woe also to mine one selfe; upon the uttering whereof he was presently slain by the Enemies with a stone cast at him out of an Engine.

These and the like tokens were signes that God gives war­ning before he punisheth; whereupon saith Chrysostome, in his 46 Homilie upon Saint Matthew, God doth not punish a Na­tion or a City so soone as they offend, but suspends his pu­nishment for many generations; and one while commandeth, another while threatneth, and sometimes addeth a small correction; that by how much the longer he hath expected, by so much his judgements may be the more just, and their punishment the more deserved. Oh Jerusalem, Mat. 23.37. Jerusalem (there­fore saith our Saviour) thou that killest the Prophets and stonest them that are sent unto thee, how often would I have gathered thy Children together, even as a Hen gathereth her chickins under her Wings, but ye would not: And hereup­on it came to passe that that City which seemed as a thing impregnable, was taken by the Romans on the seventh day of Elul (which in this yeare was on the first of September, and se­venth day of the weeke) and on the day following it was burnt and destroyed and made so ruinous that quickly after it was wholly demolished and cast downe, there not being one stone left upon another; therein fulfilling the Prophe­cie of Christ, in Luke 19.43, 44.

And hereupon it is that Dion Nicaeus, in the life of Vespasian, saith; Hierusalem was taken on the Sabbath day: Die Saturni Judaeis sacro.

This was in the CXV. Iulian year, the 4783. of the Iulian Period, the second of the 212. Olympiad, the 822. of Rome, the [Page 244]818. of Nabonassar, the 74. yeare of Christ according to the true (not common) account, and yeare of the World 4074. It was also fince the Israelites came out of Egypt 1559. yeares compleat; and since the two Tribes and an halfe entred on their possessions, 1520.

That which followeth, and with which I intend to con­clude, is a Table of some remarkable passages: and after that a Kalender for the year of this dismall desolation; even for the year when Tiues tooke this gallant City. To which Kalender I shall adde the Courses of the Priests out of the Seder Olam, according as their lot had cast them for their service in the Temple. All which will adde great light to some former passages, as the ingenious Reader cannot but grant.

Yeers of the Jullan Period. Yeers of the world Olympriads. Romes Yeers. Flests & Jubiker. Julian Yeers Emperours. The double reigh of Herod Agiuon. The TABLE.      
Consuls. Things memorable.  
4674 3965 1 185 713 5   6 5 1   Yeers of the Actium Fighe. Domit. Calvinm, Asaniut Pollio Herod made K. by the Romans, & reign­ed 87. yeers.  
4675 3966 2   714 6   7 6 2   Martius & Calvisius Sabinus.  
4676 3967 3   715 7 6 8 7 3   Ap. Claudius & C. Nobanus. A yeer of Rest be­gins.  
4677 3968 4   716 1   9 8 4   1   M. Agrippa, & L. Canidius.  
4678 3969 1 186 717 2   10 9 5   2   L. Gellius, & M. Cocceius. Herod takes Jerusa­lem this Yeer, before the yeer of Rest is ended; and therefore not so late as the 10 day of the Teventh moneth. From hence he reigned 34. yeers.  
4679 3970 2   718 3   11 10 6   3   L. Cornificius, & Sex. Pompeius  
4680 3971 3   719 4   12 11 7   4   Libo and Sempronius.  
4681 3972 4   720 5   13 12 8   5   Aug. Ces. 2. & L. Volat. Tull.  
4682 3973 1 187 721 6   14 13 9   6   Domitius Abn, & C. Sossius.  
4683 3974 2   722 7 7 15 14 10   7   1 Aug. Ces. 3. & M. Valer. Mess The Actium Fight Septemb. 2.  
4684 3975 3   723 1 Jub. Xxix. 16 15 11   8   2 Aug. Ces. 4. & M. Li. Crassus.  
4685 3976 4   724 2 17 16 12   9   3 Aug. Ces. 4. Here was the firstgeneral Taxing made by Augustus.  
4686 3977 1 188 725 3 18 17 13   10   4 Aug. Cess. 6. & M. Vip. Agrip. 2.  
4687 3978 2   726 4   19 18 14   11   5 Aug. Ces. 7. & M. Vip. Agrip. 3. Here began they eers called Anni Augustorum.  
4688 3979 3   727 5   20 19 15   12   6 Aug. Cess. 8. & Statil. Taurus.  
4689 3980 4   728 6   21 20 16   13   7 Aug. Ces. 9. & M. Jun. Syllan.  
4690 3981 1 189 729 7 1 22 21 17   14   8 Aug. Ces. 10. & Norbanus.  
4691 3982 2   730 1   23 22 18   15   9 Aug. Ces. 11. & Calpburs. Piso. Here began the first yeer of the Tribuni­tiall Power.  
4692 3983 3   731 2   24 23 19   16   10 Mr. Maneellus, & L. Aruntius.  
4693 3984 4   732 3   25 24 20   17   11 M. Lollivs, & Q. Leipidut.  
4694 3985 1 190 733 4   26 25 21   18   12 M. Apulius, & P. Sitius Ner. Hereod begins to build Cesarea, twelve yeeres before the death of DRusus.  
4695 3986 2   734 5   27 26 22   19   13 Saturnius & Q. Lueretius.  
4696 3987 3   735 6   28 27 23   20   14 Cn. Lentulus, & P. Lentulus.  
4697 3988 4   736 7 2 29 28 24   21   15 Cajus Furnins, & Cajus Junius Herod begins to build the Temple 46 yeer, before the first Passover after Christs Baptism, John 2.20.  
4698 3989 1 191 737 1   30 29 25   22   16 L. Domitius, & P. Scipio.  
4699 3990 2   738 2   31 30 26   23   17 Marcus Livius, & L. Piso.  
4700 3991 3   739 3   32 31 27   24   18 M. Crassus, & Cor. Lentulus.  
4701 3992 4   740 4   33 32 28   25   19 Tib. Nero, & Quint. Varus.  
4702 3993 1 192 741 5   34 33 29   26   20 M. Messala, & P. Sul. Qurinus.  
4703 3994 2   742 6   35 34 30   27   21 Q. Aelius, & Paulus Favbus. The true yeers of Christ.  
4704 3995 3   743 7 3 36 35 31   28   22 Tib. Aritonius & Q. Max. Fabius  
4705 3996 4   744 1   37 36 32   29   23 Drusus Neto, & Quinctius.  
4706 3997 1 193 745 2   38 37 33   30   24 Of Maritivs & Cajus Asmius. The seoond generall Taxing began, but en­ded not til after Christ was boru.  
4707 3998 2   746 3   39 38 34   31   25 Tib. Nero, & Calphur. Piso.  
4708 3999 3   747 4   40 39 35   32   26 D. Laeius, & C. Antistuius.  
4709 4000 4   748 5   41 40 36   33   27 Aug. Ces. 12. & L. Sylla. In this yeer Christ was born, Anno Mundi [...]. 1  
4710 4001 1 194 749 6   42 41 37   34   28 C. lois. Sab. & L. Rufinus. 2  
4711 4002 2   750 7 4 43 42 1 Archelaus. 1 Anrlpai. 29 C. Lentulus, & M. Messalinus. Herod died and Ar­chelaus sueceedeth; Philip also, nad Anti­pas. 3  
4712 4003 3   751 1   44 43 2 2 30 Aug. Ces. 13. & M. Plautius Syl. 4  
4713 4004 4   752 2   45 44 3 3 31 Cor. Lentulus, & Calph. Piso.  
Yeers of the Julian Period. Yeers of the World. Olympiads Roms yee. Kests and Jubilees. Julian ye. Emperours. Actium. Aichelaus. Yee's of Christ. Consuls. Things memo­rable.
  Com. True.
4714 4005 1 195 753 3   46 45   32   4   1 5 Cajus & Aemilius Paulus. Here we begin the first yeer of the common Aera of Christ's Nati­vity.
4715 4006 2   754 4   47 46   33   5   2 6 Alfinius & Vinitius.
4716 4007 3   755 5   48 47   34   6   3 7 L. Aelius & M. Servilius.
4717 4008 4   756 6   49 48   35   7   4 8 Sex. Aelius & C. Sent. Satur.
4718 4009 1 196 757 7 5 50 49   36   8   5 9 Corn. Cinna, & L. Valerius.  
4719 4010 2   758 1   51 50   37   9   6 10 L. Aruntius, & M. Lepidus. Archelaus is ba­nished, & Copenius is sent to govern Indea; after whom was Marcus Am­bibuchus; after him Anius Rofus, in whose time Augustus died.
4720 4011 3   759 2   52 51   Romane Presidents.   1 Coponius. 7 11 A. Licinius, & Q. Caecilius.
4721 4012 4   760 3   53 52     2 8 12 M. Furius, & Sex. Nonius.
4722 4013 1 197 761 4   54 53     3   9 13 Q. Sulpit. & C. Poppaeus.
4723 4014 2   762 5   55 54     1 Amb. 10 14 Dolabella & Syllanus.
4724 4015 3   763 6   56 55     2 11 15 T. Statilius, & M. Lepidus.
4725 4016 4   764 7 6 57 56     1 Rusu [...]. 12 16 Germanicus & Fonteius.  
4726 4017 1 198 765 1   58 57     2 13 17 Silius & Plancus.  
4727 4018 2   766 2   59 1 Valerius 23. currant.   3   14 18 Sext. Pompeius, & Sex. Apuleius. Augustus dieth, Aug. 19. and Ti­berius succeedeth him, by whom Valerius Gratus is sent; after whom was Pantius Pilose ten yeers, and somewhat above.
4728 4019 3   767 3   60 2 1 Valerius Gratus 11. Antipas his Years continued. 18   15 19 Drusus & Norbanus.
4729 4020 4   768 4   61 3 2 19   16 20 Statilus & Scribonius.
4730 4021 1 199 769 5   62 4 3 20   17 21 C. Caeilius, & L. Pomponius.
4731 4022 2   770 6   63 5 4 21   18 22 Tib. Cesar & Germanicus.
4732 4023 3   771 7 7 64 6   5 22   19 23 M. Junius, & L. Norbanus.
4733 4024 4   772 1 Jub. xxx. 65 7   6   23   20 24 M. Messals, & Aurel. Cetta.  
4734 4025 1 200 773 2 66 8   7   24   21 25 Tiberius & Drusus.  
4735 4026 2   774 3   67 9   8   25   22 26 D. Hatterius, & C. Sulpitius.  
4736 4027 3   775 4   68 10   9   26   23 27 C. Asinius, & C. Antistius.  
4737 4028 4   776 5   69 11   10   27   24 28 Serv. Corn. & L. Vitcllines.  
4738 4029 1 201 777 6   70 12   11   28   25 29 Asinius & Lentuius. Pilate beginneth a­bout the beginning of this, or end of the for­mer yeer.
4739 4030 2   778 7 1 71 13   1 Pontius Pilate 10.   29   26 30 Corn. Lent. & C. Calvisius.
4740 4031 3   779 1   72 14   2   30   27 31 M Crassus, & C. Piso.  
4741 4032 4   780 2   73 15   3   31   28 32 Ap. Junius, & Pub. Silius. Christ baptized by John in this yeer, Jan. 6.
4742 4033 1 202 781 3   74 16   4   32   29 33 Rubel. Gem. & Fusins Gem.
4743 4034 2   782 4   75 17   5   33   30 34 M. Vinitius, & L. Cassius.  
4744 4035 3   783 5   76 18   6   34   31 35 Tiber. Ces. & Aelius Sejanus.  
4745 4036 4   784 6   77 19   7   35   32 36 Dom. Ahenob. & Aulus Vitellius In this yeer, on the third of April, our Sa­viour Jesus Christ was Crucified.
4746 4037 1 203 785 7 2 78 20   8   36   33 37 Sulp. Galba, & Corn. Sulla.
4747 4038 2   786 1   79 21   9   37   34 38 P. Fabius, & Luc. Vitellius.
4748 4039 3   787 2   80 22   10   38   35 39 C. Sestius, & M. Servilius.  
4749 4040 4   788 3   81 23   0   39   36 40 Platius & Papienus. At the seventh moneth of this yeer was the full end of Daniel's LXX. Weeks; where also I conclude this Table: It might have eeub extended further, but to avoid tediousnesse, I thought good to end it here.

All that I have to say more, before I come to the Kalender, is a note upon a passage or two in Josephus: the one hath place in this Table: the other concerns the Kalender. That which belongs to this Table, is what Josephus mentions in the sixteenth booke and ninth Chapter of his Antiquities, concerning the great solemnity which was at the dedicati­on of Caesarea, & that it was in the tenth year after the begin­ning of the building thereof, to wit, in the eight and twenti­eth year of Herod, and in the 192. Olympiad: which is gene­rally understood of the first year therof, in regard of the many sports and games used when this City was dedicated. Now upon this ground it is that Lansbergius beginneth not the first year of Herod untill the next yeare after the Confulships of Domitius Calvinus, and Asinius Pollio: and setteth not the taking of Jerusalem by him and Sosius untill the yeare of the City 717, which was the tenth Iulian year, and yeare when L-Gellius and M-Cocceius were Consuls.

But surely that wherein Iosephus himselfe was mistaken, can be no sure ground for others to build upon: it will appeare so out of his fifteenth Booke and thirteenth Chapter. For there we finde that the Dedication of Cesaraea was in the twelfth year after it began to be built; which must therefore make it to be in the thirtieth yeare of Herod: and this, not the thirtieth since he first began to reigne, but the thir­tieth since the death of Antigonus, at the taking of Ierusalem. And as for the Olympiad, that will also appeare to be 193, in the first year whereof was the thirtieth year of Herod as afore­said. And why 193, is in regard Caesarea was not dedicated after it was built untill Drusus was dead, as Iosephus also in the place above cited hath declared. Now Drusus was Con­sul, and alive in the fourth year of the 192, Olympiad, but dy­ed in the same year, as Velleius sheweth, lib. 2. cap. 97. All which considered, will make it very plain and manifest that I have rightly explained Iosephus in this particular; as also that the building of the Temple by King Herod, was not begun untill his twentieth year: for there must be as much diffe­rence [Page 248]between the true and ordinarie account, as is between ten and twelve.

That which concernes the Kalender, is nothing else but the joyning of severall Moneths together; which without wrong to Iosephus, cannot be understood of the Hebrew and Iulian Moneths, but of the Hebrew and Macedonian Moneths: for their dayes accord in the Kalender, but not the other.

The Kalender is for the yeare of the Iulian Period 4783. when Jerusalem (as I have already said) was destroyed by the Romans. The Cycle of the Sun then was 23, the Dominicall letter G. and the Cycle of the Moon 14. By which is gathered that the first day of the first Moneth, namely Nisan, was on or near the last day of March: for the meane conjunction of the Luminaries at Jerusalem was on the thirtieth day of March, 24 minutes past two in the afternoon; And therefore the Mo­neth being according to the Vision of the Moon, could not begin untill the next day at the soonest. And so also for the fifth Moneth Ab, the Conjunction was on the six and twen­tieth day of July, about 24 minutes past five in the afternoon: the first day of Ab was not therefore till the twenty seventh day: and consequently the ninth of Ab not till the fourth of August, which day was Sabbath day. But the ninth of Ab, faith Scaliger, was feria prima: agreeing therein to the testi­mony of Rabbi Iose, who writeth that the Temple was de­stroyed by Titus on the ninth of Ab and evening of the Sabbath day; See Master Lively in his Persian Mo­narchy, p. 151. which I understand of the evening ending the Sabbath. Which also the Seder Olam Rabba sheweth, saying; when the first Temple was destroyed, that day was the next after the Sabbath, and the next after the weeks end, and the Course of Iehoiarib, and the ninth of Ab: and in like manner was it at the destruction of the second Temple. We have alrea­dy found it to be so at the destruction of the first Temple: and by these testimonies it should be so at the destruction of the second Temple. And indeed the late time of the day when the Luminaries were in Conjuction, do rather cast the begin­ning of the fifth Moneth into the day that the Seder Olam no­teth, [Page 249]then into the day before Scaliger therefore makes here a two fold calculation: and approves best of that which makes the ninth of Ab to be on the first day of the weeke. I shall therefore begin the first day of the first Moneth on the first of April: and the first of Ab on the 28th day of Iuly; as in the Kalender following may be seen. And why I give it the title of a Macedonian Kalender, is because the Iewes accoun­ted the Macedonian Moneths as they did their owne: chang­ing them as other people did, who had been Postquam vero Menses bi Macedonum una oum victo­ribus in Asiam penetraverunt, mutationem quandamsubi [...] ­re. Quamvis enim apud plurimos Graeiorum tales manerent, quales pr ncipio suerant: ab aliis tamen im­mutati sunt, et ad cujusvis populi annum civilem accommodati. Quippe Judaei, quibus Neo­menia non à jugo, sed [...] dependebat, etiam Mecedonum Menses inde inchoanent. Hanc ob­causam menses Judaici Macedonici ita inter se conferuntu, ut plane pro iisdem habeantur. Quartus decimus namque Nisan apud Josephum cum 14. Xanthici, & quartus decimus Tisri dum quarto decimo Hyperberetaei plane conveniunt. Larg De annis Christi, lib. 1. pag. 184. conquered by the Grecians to make them serviceable to their owne ac­count. This we may see in the Antiquities of Iosephus, lib 3. c. 10.

An Hebrew, Julian and Macedonian Kalender for the yeer of the Destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, in the year of the Julian Period 4783. The Cycle of the Sum then was 23, the Dominicall letter G, and the Cycle of the Moon 14.
The first Moneth. Aprill. Nisan, or (as Josephus calleth it) Xanticus. This was the first Moneth.
1 1 1 G Note that in the Kasender of this year, osephus joyneth the Hebrew and Mecedonians Moneth together, and makes his account by them. And why I every where account but 29. dayes to the first moneth: See before Chap. 7. I beleeve it was not otherwise, untill the Kalenders of the later Jewes came in use: in which we have indeed the sirst 30. the se­cond 29. the third 30, &c.  
2 2 2 A  
3 3 3 B  
4 4 4 C  
5 5 5 D  
6 6 6 E  
7 7 7 F Abijah, The eighth course, 1 Chron. 24.10.  
8 1 8 G  
9 2 9 A  
10 3 10 B  
11 4 11 C  
12 5 12 D  
13 6 13 E  
14 7 14 F Jeshua, The ninth course, 1 Chron. 24.11. And now was the Passeover, at which time Jerusalem. began to be besieged.  
15 1 15 G  
16 2 16 A  
17 3 17 B  
18 4 18 C  
19 5 19 D  
20 6 20 E  
21 7 21 F Shechaniah, The tenth course, 1 Chron. 24.11.  
22 1 22 G  
23 2 23 A  
24 3 24 B  
25 4 25 C  
26 5 26 D  
27 6 27 E  
28 7 28 F Eliashib, The eleventh course, 1 Chron. 24.12.  
29 1 29 G  
An Hebrew, Julian and Macedonian Kalendar for the yeer of the Destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, in the yeer of the Julian Period 4783.
The Jecod Marleek. May. Ijar the second Moneth, which with the Macedonians was Artemisius.
1 2 30 A  
2 3 1 B  
3 4 2 C  
4 5 3 D  
5 6 4 E  
6 7 5 F Jakim, the twelsth course, 1 Chron. 24.12.  
7 1 6 G  
8 2 7 A  
9 3 8 B  
10 4 9 C  
11 5 10 D  
12 6 11 E  
13 7 12 F Huppah, the thirteenth course, 1 Chron. 24.13.  
14 1 13 G  
15 2 14 A  
16 3 15 B  
17 4 16 C  
18 5 17 D  
19 6 18 E  
20 7 19 F Jeshabeab, the fourteenth course, 1 Chron. 24.13.  
21 1 20 G  
22 2 21 A  
23 3 22 B  
24 4 23 C  
25 5 24 D  
26 6 25 E  
27 7 26 F Bilgah, the fifteenth course, 1 Chron. 24.14.  
28 1 27 G  
29 2 28 A  
30 3 29 B  
An Hebrew, Julian and Macedonian Kalender for the yeer of the Destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, in the yeer of the Julian Period 4783.
The third Moneth. June.     Sivan the third Moneth; in Jo­sephus, Daesius.    
1 4 30   C  
2 5 31   D  
3 6 1 June. E  
4 7 2 F Sabbath day, and Pentecost. It was the sixteenth course, and course of Immer, 1 Chron. 24.14.  
5 1 3   G  
6 2 4   A  
7 3 5   B  
8 4 6   C  
9 5 7   D  
10 6 8   E  
11 7 9   F Hezir. the seventeenth course, 1 Chron. 24.15.
12 1 10   G  
13 2 11   A  
14 3 12   B  
15 4 13   C  
16 5 14   D  
17 6 15   E  
18 7 16   F Aphses, the eighteenth course, 1 Chron. 24.15.
19 1 17   G  
20 2 18   A  
21 3 19   B  
22 4 20   C  
23 5 21   D  
24 6 22   E  
25 7 23   F Pethahiah, the nineteenth course, 1 Chron. 24.16.
26 1 24   G  
27 2 25   A  
28 3 26   B  
29 4 27   C  
An Hebrew, Julian and Macedonian Kalender for the yeer of the Destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, in the yeer of the Julian Period 4783.
The fourth Moneth. July. Thamuz the fourth Moneth, which in Josephus is Panemus.
1 5 28   D  
2 6 29   E  
3 7 30   F Jehezekel, the 20 th. course, 1 Chron. 24.16.  
4 1 1 July. G  
5 2 2   A  
6 3 3   B  
7 4 4   C  
8 5 5   D  
9 6 6   E  
10 7 7   F Jachin, the 21 th course, 1 Chron. 24.17. On the next Sabbath the course of Gamul began; it was the 22 th course; howbeit, the Sacrifices ceased then through the want of Priests.
11 1 8   G  
12 2 9   A  
13 3 10   B  
14 4 11   C  
15 5 12   D  
16 6 13   E  
17 7 14   F On this day the Sacrifices ceased through the want of Priests; which day of their ceasing, being by calculation found to be Sabbath day, is an ex­cellent character to prove this tobe the right yeer of the destruction of Jerusalem: for the Priests alwayes entred upon the Ministration be­longing to thier lot on the Sabbath day. Italy (saith Lansbergius) cum familia deficiens ministerium suum in temp'o inire debuerit 17. die Pane­mi, consequens est 17. Panemi fuisse diem Sabati.  
18 1 15   G    
19 2 16   A    
20 3 17   B    
21 4 18   C    
22 5 19   D  
23 6 20   E  
24 7 21   F Delaiah, the 23 th course, 1 Chron. 24.18. Sabbato ad­jiciebant Benedictionem unam Ephemer iae illi, quae exi­bat. Ergo die Sabbati exibant ex ministerio, nempe. an­te matutinum suffitum, in instanratione panum propositi­onis. Scal. Notae, pag. 55. ex lib. Liturgiarum.  
25 1 22   G  
26 2 23   A  
27 3 24   B  
28 4 25   C  
29 5 26   D  
30 6 27   E  
An Hebrew, Julian and Macedonian Kalender for the yeer of the Destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, in the yeer of the Julian Period 4783.
The fifth Moneth August Ab, the fifth Moneth: which in Josephus is Lovs.
1 7 89   F Maaziah, The 24th. course, 1 Chron. 24.18. On the next Sabbath after this, was the course of Jehoiarib: For though the Sacrifices ceased before; yet there was the time of his course.
2 2 29   G
3 2 30   A
4 3 31   B
5 4 1 August C  
6 5 2 D  
7 6 3 E On this day the doores of the Tempin are burnt by the command of Ti­tus, who on the day following caused it to be quenched.
8 7 4 F
9 1 5 G On this day the Romans possesse the holds the Jews had In the Temple, and on the day following they set the whole Temple on fire, even on the selfe-same day that the Cha'daeans burnt it, 657 years before. And now was the course of Jehoiarib, as may be seen in an ancient Hebrew Chronicle called Sedar Olam rabba. This course of his began on the fourth of August: from whence to the beginning of the fortieth Julian year be­fore going, in which the Baptist was conceived, are 27609, dayes: and in so many dayes are 164. Orbes of courses, with 57. odd dayes beside. By which is found that Jehoiarib began his course in the fortieth Julian year, on the 27. day of February. His next course began 168. dayes af­ter this, viz. on the fourteenth day of Augest: The eight course from whence began therefore on the second of October; as was before noted, cap. 20.
10 2 6 A
11 3 7 B
12 4 8 C
13 5 9 D
14 6 10 E
15 7 11 F
16 1 12 G
17 2 13 A
18 3 14 B  
19 4 15 C  
20 5 16 D On this day the Honians set their battering Rame against the upper Wals of the City, the seventeenth day before they took it.
21 6 17 E
22 7 18 F Sabbath day.
23 1 19 G  
24 2 20 A  
25 3 21 B  
26 4 22 C  
27 5 23 D  
28 6 24 E  
29 7 25 F Sabbath day.
An Hebrew, Julian and Macedonian Kalender for the yeer of the Destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, in the yeer of the Julian Period 4783.
The fixth Moneth. Septem­ber. Elul the sixth Moneth, which in Josephus is Gorpiaeus.
1 1 26   G Dies Dominicus, The Lord's day; or, first day of the Week.  
2 2 27   A  
3 3 28   B  
4 4 29   C  
5 5 30   D  
6 6 31   E  
7 7 1 September F On this day (being Sabbath day) the City was ta­ken; and on the day following it was burnt and destroyed, and made so ruinous, that quickly af­ter it was wholly demolished and cast down, there not being one stone left upon another; therein fulfilling the Prophesie of Christ, in the nineteenth chapter of Saint Luke, at the 43 and 44 verses.  
8 1 2 G  
9 2 3 A  
10 3 4 B  
11 4 5 C  
12 5 6 D  
13 6 7 E  
14 7 8 F Sabbath day.  
15 1 9 G Dies Dominicus, The Lords day.  
16 2 10 A  
17 3 11 B  
18 4 12 C  
19 5 13 D  
20 6 14 E  
21 7 15 F Sabbath day.  
22 1 16 G Dies Dominicus, The Lords day.  
23 2 17 A  
24 3 18 B  
25 4 19 C  
26 5 20 D  
27 6 21 E  
28 7 22 F Sabbath day.  
29 1 23 G Dies Dominicus, The Lords day.  
30 2 24 A  
FINIS.

Laus Deo:

CALƲMƲS MENSƲRANS. The Measuring Reed. OR, The Standard of Time. CONTAINING The chiefe and principall Kingdomes of the WORLD, both before and after CHRIST, to the Destruction of JERƲSALEM by the ROMANS.

Wherein the names of the KINGS, and years of their reignes are noted and set down in their right times; with other things well worthy of Observation.

The second PART.

By JOHN SWAN.

Remember the dayes of old, consider the years of many generations, Deut. 32.7.
I have considered the dayes of old, the years of ancient times, Psa. 77.5.

LONDON: Printed for John Williams at the signe of the Crowne in St. Pauls Churchyard, 1653.

The Contents of the Second PART.

  • CHAP. I. OF Peleg and Jocktan, the two Sonnes of Heber, and of Nim­rod; the beginning of whose Kingdome was at the building of Babel; from whence he went into the Land of Assyria, and founded Niniveh, &c. Page 1.
  • CHAP. II. Of Ninus and his Successors. p. 7.
  • CHAP. III. Of the Kingdome of Egypt, and of the Kings that reigned there. p. 15
  • CHAP. IV. Of the Kingdome of Sycionia, and of the Kings that reigned there. p. 24.
  • CHAP. V. Of the Kingdome and Kings of the Argives, and of the Mycenae that succeeded them. p. 34.
  • CHAP. VI. Of the Kingdome and Kings of Athens; the first whereof was Ce­crops. p. 45.
  • CHAP. VII. Of the Kings that reigned in the Kiagdome of Troy, before the Greekes destroyed it. p. 54.
  • [Page]CHAP. VIII. Of the Kingdome of the Aborigines. p. 55.
  • CHAP. IX. Of the Kings of Italy after Latinus. p. 56.
  • CHAP. X. Of the British Kings that reigned in England from Brute to the time of Julius Caesar and after. p. 59
  • CHAP. XI. Containyng the Dynasties of severall other Kingdomes. p. 64.
  • CHAP. XII. Of the Kings and other Governours of Rome from the found­dation thereof by Romulus, to the Destruction of Hierusalem by Titus. p. 75.

CALAMƲS MENSƲRANS: OR, The Measuring REED.
The second Part.

CHAP. I. Of Peleg and Jocktan, the two Sons of Heber, and of Nimrod; the beginning of whose Kingdome was at the building of Babel: from whence he went into the Land of Assyria, and founded Niniveh, &c.

OF Heber it is said in Gen. 10.25. And unto Heber were borne two Sonnes, the name of the one was Peleg, for in his dayes was the Earth divided; and his brothers name was Jocktan. Now this Jocktan had thirteene sonnes, men growne at the confusion of Tongues, as the verses following make ap­parent: and therefore that division of the Earth which was [Page 2]made at the birth of Peleg (if the text be so to be understood, as that there must be a division then) could not be the same with that which was at the confusion of Tongues; for Heber was but 34. yeares old when Peleg was borne, Gen. 11.16. and Jocktan (though he were borne before) could not be old e­nough to have any of his Sons either born, or (if borne) of age sufficient at their Vncles birth, to be Conductors of Colonies from Babel to other Countries. The confusion of Tongues was therefore long after the birth of Peleg, and yet at the time of his birth there might be a division made of the Earth by Noah, who (when he saw his Sonnes and their Children be­gin to increase) might take in hand to divide the Earth a­mong them, appointing to the head of each Family his place and portion: but they loath to breake company, and not wil­ling to separate themselves each from other, departed away together from the East, where the Arke rested, to the Land of Shinar where they found a Plain that pleased them, and for a time they dwelled there, Gen. 11.1, 2. This time of their dwel­ling there before they began to build the Tower of Babel, might end about fourteen yeeres after the birth of Peleg: for so long time I find between his birth and the beginning of of the Chaldaean date, which at the time when Alexander the great took Babylon (as was observed by Calisthenes the Philo­sopher, then present) was running on in the yeare thereof 1903. which was also the yeare of the Julian Period 4484. out of which if we take 1902. compleat, the beginning of the said date will be in the year of the Julian Period 2482. There therefore upon this ground I justly fix it, and doe there also (for the reasons aforesaid concerning Jocktan and his Sonnes) place the beginning of that Tower whose top they intended should reach unto Heaven. Perhaps they might begin the Ci­ty before, but not the Tower. This Tower as Michael Glycas saith was forty yeares in building, which will therefore make the confusion of Tongues to be 54. yeares after the birth of Peleg, by which time the very yongest of Jocktans Sons might be of age sufficient to conduct a Colonie from thence according to the division of his Tongue.

This I find to be 155. yeares after the Flood was ended, in the yeare of the World 1813. and in the year of the Julian Period 2522. And now had Nimrod reigned forty yeares from the beginning of the Chaldaean Date; or at least had been a mighty man among them that built this City and Tower of Babel for so long a time.

The Scripture saith, he began to be a mighty one in the Earth, Gen. 10.8. thereby declaring that he was the first who had o­thers under him. Which if he began to have when the Nati­ons first began to build the City, and Tower of Babel, as we find in Josephus; then had he more under his command at that time then when Languages were confounded: And for that cause perhaps it was that afterwards he ranged further (like a mighty Hunter) to inlarge his Dominions. For after he had builded and gotten to himselfe Babel, Erech, Accad and Chalne in the Land of Shinar, he went out of that Land (saith Moses) into Assiria, and builded Niniveh, and the City Reh [...]both, and Chalah, and Resen between Niniveh and Chalah, Gen. 10.11.12. Some I know read that text otherwise; as thus, Out of that Land went Ashur and builded Niniveh. Concluding here­upon that Ashur of Sems race, being wearied with Nimrods cruelty, went out of Shinar into another Country which he called after his owne name, and there built Niniveh with the three other Cities aforesaid. But of this there is little proba­bility: more like it is that Nimrod (as I said before) having gotten Babel, Erech, Accad and Chalne in the Land of Shinar, was not therewithall content, but coveting more and larger ter­ritories, advanced farther, even into the Land of Assyria, and there he built Niniveh with three Cities more. For this we are to note that the Scripture names not Ashur who came of Sem to be the mighty Hunter, but Nimrod who was the Son of Cush, and the Grandchild of Cham. The margent therefore of our last Translation doth not without cause point us to that reading which at the first I mentioned; agreeing ther­in to learned Junius, Willet, and a great many more of good note, whom upon necessity I am bound now to follow, un­lesse I will acquit Nimrod of that brand which the Scripture [Page 4]layes upon him, and by following a wrong translation lay it without other warrant upon another. This I may not do: and therefore I look upon Nimrod still as the great and migh­ty Hunter, who was the first that hunted out of one Coun­try into another to inlarge his dominions.

This he began to doe eight yeares after the confusion of Tongues, viz. in the yeare of the Julian Period 2530. when the yeare of the World was 1821. And why I place Nimrods going into Assyria, his building of Niniveh, and laying the foundation of a Kingdome there in this yeare, is because it must be about one thousand yeares before the destruction of Troy, as Diodorus Siculus hath told us, lib. 2. cap. 6. Now Troy (as we know) was destroyed in the year of the Julian Period 3530. at which time (as he also saith) Tautanes reigned in Assyria: Tautanes and not Semiramis; for she was rather in the Patriarch Abrahams time, when (as Josephus saith) the Assyrians had the Empire of Asia. Howbeit some have accounted other­wise: the ground of which mistake I do beleeve arose first from hence and came to be embraced, both because there were more Zoroasters then one, and also because there was another Semiramis later then she that reigned next after Ninus the grandchild of Nimrod. One of the Zoroasters was but six hun­dred yeares before Xerxes the Persian went with his huge Ar­my into Greece, as Xanthus Lydius mentioned by Diogenes Laer­tius hath told us: another long before and was that King of the Bactrians with whom King Ninus waged warre, as Diodorus and Justin out of Trogus testifie. And as for Semiramis, the first was the daughter of Derceto, begotten on her by an unknown man: the other was the daughter of the second Belochus King of Assyria many years after Ninus. And therefore whereas Por­phyrius alledgeth out of Sanchoniato that Semiramis was not long after the dayes of Moses, it must be understood of the lat­ter and not of the first Semiramis: for the latter indeed began to flourish with her Father, not above 15. years after the death of Moses, as by warrantable computation appeareth; but the former was a long time before.

But to returne again to Nimrod; he (as I said) began to lay [Page 5]the foundation of the Assyrian Kingdome in the yeare of the Julian Period 2530. from whence it continued, without any great alteration, till the year of the Julian Period 3893. in which year Sardanapalus came to his end through the conspi­racy that Arbaces and Belesis made against him. For when they saw how he retired himselfe from his Nobles, and betooke him to spin and dally with his Curtizans, they then rise up in Arms against him, and doe at last drive him to sacrifice himselfe with his Wealth nd Wenches, to Ʋulcan in a great pile of Wood set on fire, that in it he might dye with all his Delights about him: in which onely thing (saith Justin) he shewed himselfe a man.

This time of his death was 1238. yeares after Ninus began, as in Eusebius may be seene by gathering into one summe the particular years of the Kings that reigned here. And as it was 1238 years after Ninus (before whom Belus, next after Nimrod reigned sixty five years:) So was it 1363. yeares from the time that Nimrod came out of Shinar and founded first this Kingdome here. Herodotus I know fals far short of these num­bers, but is followed by none of the Ancients, neither Ctesias, Trogus Pompeius, Diodorus Siculus, Velleius Paterculus, Josephus, Eu­sebius, nor Augustine. Ctesias I confesse reckons 1360. from Ni­nus to the death of Sardanapalus: but it had been better and in a manner right, if he had reckoned from the time afore­said when Nimrod went into Assyria, built Niniveh, and laid the foundation of this Kingdome there: for in reckoning so, I can find but three years difference between him and my selfe. Trogus (or Justin out of him) reckons no more then 1300. leaving out perhaps the sixty three odde years, and speakes onely of the round or even number: but begins (as Ctesias before him) from Ninus instead of beginning from the time when Niniveh was first founded. Or rather, he accounts 1300. from Ninus to the time aforesaid; instead of accounting them from Belus the Father of Ninus: for from Belus to the end of Sardanapalus, were but three yeares more; as will afterwards better appeare.

Diodore, in the end of his second book, saith that this King­dome [Page 6]continued more then 1400. yeares; which is also true, if we account from the time that Nimrod (who also founded this Kingdome) began to reigne at Babylon: for from thence hither were 1411. yeares. Ʋelleius helpeth nothing for the be­ginning, but much for the ending: for by him we gather that this Kingdome ended not many more then sixty five years be­fore the building of Rome; which upon a precise account was just sixty nine befor Romulus laid the foundation thereof. Eu­sebeus without question had seene all these, but sought not thus narrowly into the ground of their difference: howbeit he might and did perceive they all aimed at this, to make Ninus the Establisher of the Assyrian Kingdome: At him therefore he begins his Chronology, and finds (according to the testimony aforesaid) that in the Temple of the Trojan warre and when Troy was taken, Tautanes reigned in Assyria. This T [...]utanes (saith Diodorus) sent aid to Priamus in the time of the Trojan Warre, viz. one thousand Ethiopians, and as many Susians, with two hundred Chariots, and made Memnon (a Duke of Persia) Generall over them: This Memnon did good service, but was slaine by the treason of the Thessalians. Diod. lib. 2. cap. 6. Moreover Eusebius (by some Testimony sure that he had seen) dates the time of Sardanapalus by the reignes of Ariphron and Tespieus, Archons of Athens: namely that in one of them he began to reigne; and in the other he lost his life when Arbaces and Belesis rose up against him.

I reckon therefore that Belus (who was the next King after Nimrod) began his reigne in the year of the Julian Period 2590. and reigned (as Eusebius and Augustine say) sixty five yeares. He was a man of a more contenting disposition then his Fa­ther and imployed himselfe most in drayning the Fennes a­bout Babylon, and carrying of the water from the low grounds to make the Country the more useful: which pleasing govern­ment of his was so gratefull to his Subjects, as that they even deified him, and made him the Sire of many petty gods; such as B [...]l, Baal, Baalberith, Baalzephon, and the like. Howbeit it is a question whether the Assyrians worshipped him for a god be­fore his death when by the meanes of his warlike sonne Ninus [Page 7]he had a Temple built for him in Babylon, which in Plinie his time was standing still: who also saith of him, that he was the Inventor of Astronomy, and that the Assyrians dedicated a Jewel to him, which they call Belus his eye. He might perhaps adde something considerable to Astronomy, though the Art it self was found out long before. Moreover the Caldeans prefixed Bel, or Bal, as an Ensigne of honour to their names; as Baladan, Balthasar. The Carthagineans, they added it to theirs; as may beseen in the names of Asdrubal and Hanibal.

But how long did Nimrod reign before this Belus began?

I Answer, that he reigned eight and forty yeares in Babylon, and sixty yeares in Assyria, which together do make 108. from the beginning of the Tower of Babel, as already in what I have written by way of computation may be seen. Nor is this time of reigne too long; it seemes rather too short, if we consider how long men lived in those dayes.

But I have done with these, of whom I have spoken more then at the first I intended: and therfore now I come to Ninus [...] of whom and his successors in the following Chapter.

CHAP. II. Of Ninus and his Successors.

THough the Assyrian Kingdome was not founded by Ni­nus, yet the Monarchy thereof began first in him, accor­ding to the consent of all Authors. To which purpose Sir Wal­ter Raleigh speaketh well in his History of the World, saying; it will be found best agreeing to Scripture and to rea­son, and best agreeing with the story of that Age writ­ten by prophane Authors, that Nimrod founded Babel, Erech, Accad and Chalne, the first workes and beginning of his Em­pire, according to Moses; and that these being finished with­in the Valley of Shinar, he looked further abroad, and set in hand the worke of Ninus, lying neer unto the same streame that Babel and Chalne did: which worke his Granchild Ni­nus afterward amplyfied and finished, as Semiramis (this Ninus his wife) did Babylon. Hence it came to passe, that as Semiramis [Page 8]was counted the Foundresse of the City which she onely fi­nished: so also Ninus of Niniveh. For so did Nabuchodonosor vaunt himselfe to be the Founder of Babylon also, because he built up again some part of the Wall, over born by the fury of the River: which worke of his stood till Alexanders time, whereupon he vaunted thus, Is not this great Babel that I have built, Dan. 4.27. Thus then these workes of Babylon and Niniveh, begun by Nimrod in Chaldea and Assyria, Ninus and Se­miramis made perfect. Ninus finished Niniveh, Semiramis Babylon wherein she thought to exceed her Husband by farre. Thus that Knight, lib. 1. cap. 10. Sect. 3. and lib. 1. cap. 12. Sect. 1.

I shall not need therefore to answer further to objections made out of other Authors concerning the building of these Cities, as if they were to owne no other Builders but Ninus and Semiramis: for it is one thing to begin, another thing to adde and bring to perfection.

Nimrod did the first, they the latter; the fame whereof, in after ages, swallowed up the memory of the first Founder, and made those Authors which knew not the holy Scripture speak as they did without distinction.

Leaving this therefore I shall come more neerly to Ninus, Ninus. who when he inlarged Niniveh imparted to it his own name: He began to reign in the yeare of the Julian Period 2655. and (as Eusebius saith) reigned fity two yeares. He caused the Sta­tua of his Father Belus to be set up and worshipped, probably in that Temple which was built for him in Babylon: which I­mage of his (as some say) continued untill Daniels, when it was destroyed by Darius Medus or Cyrus, upon the discovery of the Imposture of Bels Priests, shewen in that Apocriphall fragment of Bell and the Dragon. Nimrod being the first, he must needs be the third King of Assyria, in whose time the do­minion of the Assyrians was very large: for there was then no Kingdom so famous nor so spatious as the Assyrian▪ which was afterward increased by Semiramis after his death, as Saint Austin writeth, lib. 18. cap. 2. De Civit. Dei. Orosius also saith that this King waging Warre abroad, continued that course by the space of fifty yeares. Oros. lib. 1. cap. 4. In which I think Oro­sius [Page 9]was not altogether right, for his whole time of reign was but fifty two yeares; in the beginning whereof he was busied in the building of that Temple which he built in honour of his dead Father Belus, and at the first had but a small part of Asia under his command, as Dionysius Halcarnassensis saith in the first booke of his Roman Antiquities, but afterward, joy­ning in society with Ariaeus King of the Arabians, he did in seventeen yeares bring all Asia under his subjection, excepting the Indians and the Bactrians; and at the last the Bactrians were subdued by him, as Diodorus and Justin testifie. At which time Zoroaster was King of that Country, and slaine by him: of whom Saint Austin writeth, that he laughed at the time of his birth; which prodigious mirth, in the opinion of the same Father, booded him no good: for he was (saith he) as is re­ported the first Inventor of Magicke. By which if he meaneth Naturall Magicke, being the knowledge of things in respect of their causes, there was no cause why he should be blamed: For (as Plinie also writeth) he not onely laughed when he was born, but had also such a brain as was perceived to beat at the time of his birth; which signified some great Excel­lency to be in him, as appeared afterward when he was growne up: I meane if this were that Zoroaster whom Ninus slew.

Eusebius would that Abram should be borne in the three and fortieth year of this King Ninus his reign: but note that this is not from any given or recorded Testimony that he thus placeth Abrams birth, but from that manner of reckoning which he bringeth back from the fifteenth yeare of Tiberius; as may be seen in his tenth booke, and third Chapter De Praep. Evang. And in that regard, though he be followed by Saint Austin and some other of the Ancients, yet a righter computation may be made by such as shall more exactly cast the times according to Scripture, and then apply the accounts thereunto following therein the Hebrew verity, and not the numbers which the Septuagint produceth.

Next after Ninus, was his Wife Semiramis: Semiramis she succeeded her Husband, and began to reigne in the yeare of the Julian [Page 10]Period 2707. twelve years compleat before the birth of Abram; for his birth falleth into the thirteenth yeare of her reigne. She was the daughter of a Nimph whose name was Dercero, and was begotten on her by an unknowne man; for which cause she drowned her selfe in the Lake Ascalon as soon as she was delivered, and left this her daughter Semiramis among the Rocks, where the wilde Beasts fed her with their Milke, till Symnas the Kings Sheapheard found her, who tooke her away and brought her up. And being very beautifull, she was afterwards married to one Memnon a Noble man; by the meanes whereof she became acquainted with King Ninus when he be sieged the City Bactras, teaching him both how to take the City, and subdue the Country. He thereupon ad­miring her wit, and being caught with her beauty, tooke her away from her Husband and married her: and she afterward to possesse her selfe of the Throne, desired of him to have all the power of royalty put into her hands, but for the space of five dayes, which he granted; in which time she caused him to beslain, and then reigned after him forty two yeares. Diod. Euseb. She inlarged the City of Babylon to admiration, which once being like to be surprised, upon hearing of it, she rescu­ed with her haire halfe hanging about her eares, not staying to dresse it wholly, and therefore is so pictured.

Next after her was her Sonne Zameis, Ninias. otherwise called Ni­nias; who began in the yeare of the Julian Period 2749. and reigned 38. yeares. Euseb. He was tenderly brought up by his Mother among her Ladies, Aug de cipit dea lib. 18. c. 2. and was at the last slaine by him for her incestuous lust towards him, as Saint Austin noteth, saying; He did it because she bare an Incestuous lust towards him; it being also usuall with her to murder those whom she had to doe with. Howbeit her sonne would not be thus dealt withand thereupon, both to prevent her murdering of him, and also though the hatred he bore to her unnaturall Act, he flew her, and reigned afte thirty eight yeares.

The next after him was Thuras, Arius. otherwise called Arius, or (according to Moses in Genests, chap. 14.) Amraphel. For by the course of time this must needs be he, who with the rest of [Page 11]the confederate Princes came against Sodome, and tooke Lot prisoner, but was vanquished by Abraham, Haner, Eshcol, and Mamre, Gen. 14.13. Suidas saith of him, that he was a man of a fierce disposition, who bidding battell to Caucasus of the stocke of Japeth, slew him: but this may be fabulous. The same Author likewise saith, that the Assyrians deified him, and worshipped his Image for a god. He began his reigne in the year of the Julian Period 2787. and reigned (as saith Euse­bius thirty years.

As for the rest that follow from hence to Sardanapalus, Tonosconcole­ros. o­therwise called Tonosconcoleros, there is little or nothing menti­oned of them of them save onely their bare names, years that they reigned, and that the Sonne (as Velleius saith) alwayes succeeded the Father: I can therefore make no large descrip­tion of them. Onely let me note that Belochus the second, who began his reigne in the year of the Julian Period 3279. and reigned twenty five yeares, was (as Eusebius writeth) the Fa­ther of the second Semiramis, who was famous in the time of his reigne. Also that Tautanes (who began his reigne in the year of the Julian Period 3507. and reigned thirty two years) was in the time of the Trojan Warre, and (as already hath been said) sent Aid to Priamus: for so Diodorus writeth. Be­these I know no other, till we come to Sardanapalus, that can have much more said of them.

Howbeit I have something still to say, which would be mentioned here in this Chapter, wherein I treat of the Assy­rian Monarchy: and this it is. Calvisius (out of Julius Affrica­nus) writeth, that in the eight and twentieth year of Belus the Father of Ninus aforesaid, the Kingdome of Chalea was sub­dued to the Kingdome of Assyria. Which I beleeve to be a meer mistake: For this needed not, seeing in those time, and a long while after, Chaldea end Assyria were both under one King. More like it is that in the eight and twentieth year of Belochus the first, the Caldeans revolted from the Assyrians and reigned apart in a Dynastie by themselves, 224. yeares. At the end whereof, viz. in the year of the Julian Period 3176. the A­rahians overcame them and reigned in Chaldea untill 520. [Page 12]yeers before the overthrow of Sardanapalus: for when he was overthrowne by Arbaces, the Assyrians had had the whole do­minion of Asia 520. yeares, as saith Herodotus, lib. 1. Now this seemes probable, because in the This 18. in Euseb. is (by my account) the 22. For where his 18. standeth there stands my 22. eighteenth yeare of Cecrops (which was in the yeare of the Julian Period 3175.) the Chal­deans; as saith Eusebius, strove with the Phenicians. By which is first proved, that then and at that time the Chaldeans had a distinct Kingdome by themselves: and secondly, that whilst they were at Warre with the Phenicians, the Arabians came in and got it away from them; holding it from thence untill the viz in the year of the Julian Period 3176. which was the 23. year of Spare­tus King of Assi [...]ia eighth yeare of Sosares, King of Assyria: In which year (being the yeare of the Julian Period 3373.) the Assyri­ans have againe the whole Monarchy by this account; and from thence they hold it 520. yeares. For, if thus we may re­concile Herodofus to other Authors his Testimony of 520. yeares for the time of the Assyrian Monarchy, may be embra­ced: otherwise not. which is not from any gi­ven Testimo­ny; but from the course of computation.

And would you now that I set downe the distinct reigne of these Kings? I shall doe it: but first take a List of the Kings of Assyria as they be found in Eusebius, from Ninus to to the end of Sardanapalus that Epicureous Monster; who made no matter of it to cry out and say, ‘Ede, bibe, & lude, post mortem nulla voluptas.’

Eate, drinke and play, whilst thou art here:
For after death there's no good cheere.

This was whilst he was in his fullest madnesse, causing al­so this Epitaph (as it is translated by Tullie; for it was first written in Greeke to be engraven upon his Tomb.

Haec habeo quae edi, quae que ex saturata voluptas
Hausit: at illa jacent multa & preclara relicta.
What I consum'd, and what my Guts engross't,
I have: but all the wealth I left, I lost.

This was his Epitaph, made by himselfe before his trouble came: but as Aristotle saith, it was sitter to be written upon the grave of an Oxe, then upon the grave of a King; And so I thinke: for this is he who was the very shame and Mon­ster of men. But leaving him, see the List: it is according to [Page 13]what I find in Eusebius whom herein I follow. Onely I have added the yeare of the Julian Period when each King began his reigne.

A List or Catalogue of the Kings of ASSYRIA from Ninus to Sardanapalus.
  • 2655. Ninus 52.
  • 2707. Semiramis 42.
  • 2749. Ninias 38.
  • 2787. Arius 30.
  • 2817. Aralius 40.
  • 2857. Xerxes 30.
  • 2887. Armametres 38.
  • 2925. Belochus 35.
  • 2960. Baleus 52.
  • 3012. Altadas 32.
  • 3044. Manithus 30.
  • 3074. Mancaleus 30.
  • 3104. Iphereus 20.
  • 3124. Mamylus 30.
  • 3154. Sparetus 40.
  • 3194. Ascatides 40.
  • 3234. Amyntes 45.
  • 3279. Belochus 25.
  • 3304. Belepares 30.
  • 3334. Lamprides 32.
  • 3366. Sosares 20.
  • 3386. Lampares 30.
  • 3416. Panias 45.
  • 3461. Sosarmus 19.
  • 3480. Mithreus 27.
  • 3507. Tautanes 32.
  • 3539. Tauteus 40.
  • 3579. Thineus 30.
  • 3609. Dercilus 40.
  • 3649. Eupales 38.
  • 3687. Laosthenes 45.
  • 3732. Piriciades 30.
  • 3762. Ophrateus 20.
  • 3782. Ophratanes 50.
  • 3832. Ocrazapes 41.
  • 3873. Sardanapalus 20.
  • 3893. In this year was the end of Sardanapalus.

This is the first List; in which we have not onely the number of yeares that each King reigned, but also the very year of the Julian Period when any of them began his reigne: out of which if you take 709. you have the year of the world in the stead thereof as exactly as may be.

Now followeth the List of the other Kings afore menti­oned; namely, of the Chaldeans and Arabians, in two Dynasties. That of the Caldeans continued 224. yeares, and began (as I account) in the yeare of the Julian Period 2952. Their first [Page 15]King was Evechous, he reigned six yeares. Their second, Cho­museolos: he reigned seven yeres. Their third, Poros: he reigned thirty five yeares. Their fourth, Nechubes: he reigned forty three yeares. Their fift Abios: he reigned forty eight yeares. Their sixt, Oniballos: he reigned forty yeares. Their seventh and last, before the Arabians, was Zinziros: he reigned 45. years. All which particulars put into one summe, do make 224. as before was mentioned.

The Catalogue thereof or List of them must runne thus, according to the method before in the Kings of Assyria.

yeares of the Iul. Per. A Dynastie of the Chaldeans, which last­ed two hundred twenty four yeares.
2952. Evechous 6. Yeares of his reigne.
2958. Chomuseolos 7. Yeares of his reigne.
2965. Poros 35. Yeares of his reigne.
3000. Nechubes 43. Yeares of his reigne.
3043. Abios 48. Yeares of his reigne.
3091. Oniballos 40. Yeares of his reigne.
3131. Zinziros 45. Yeares of his reigne.
3176. In this year the Arabians began.

yeares of the Iul. Pe. A Dynastie of the ARABIANS in BABYLON.
3176. Mardocentes 45. Yeares of his reign.
3221. Sisimardachos 27. Yeares of his reign.
3248. Abias 37. Yeares of his reign.
3285. Anonimus 41. Yeares of his reign.
3326 Nabonnabos 25. Yeares of his reign.
3351 Anonimus alter 22. Yeares of his reign.
3373. In this year the Assyrians have againe the whole Monarchy under them, which they hold 520. yeares, even uniill the overthrow of Sardanapalus.

This Dynastie, according to the common account of it, is said to continue 216. yeares: but indeed, when I have [Page 14]rightly fixed it, I cannot find above 197. yeares to be given unto it; unlesse the end of Sardanapalus be set nineteene years lower then before is mentioned; which is altogether im­probable, and so farre from what Euseb: us hath set downe otherwise, as I cannot but conclude against it. For if we follow Eusebius, and in the account have an eye also to Here­dotus, we shall find that Arbaces (who began his reign at the death of Sardanapalus) reigned twenty eight. After him Sosar­mus 30. Medidus 40. Cardiceas 13. Dioces 53. Phraortes 22. Cyax­ares 40. Astyages 35.

But these are Kings of Medea, and therefore more of them must be spoken afterwards.

CHAP. III. Of the Kingdome of Egypt, and of the Kings that reigned there.

THat Kingdome which by the course of time offers it selfe next to be considered, is the Kingdome of Egypt: in which to produce a right reckoning of the Kings that reigned there, is a thing of much perplexity. For Diodorus varies from Herodotus, Herodotus from Diodorus, and both of them from Africanus and Eusebius: which therefore made St. Austin omit the succession of these Kings. For though he were a man of incomparable diligence, a great searcher into Antiquities, and one who had read the bookes of Marcus Ʋarro, which now are lost; yet he omitted the succession of the Kings of Egypt: which surely (saith a learned Author) he had not done, if there had not been lesse certainty in the accounts of their reignes then in the accounts of the Sycio­nian Argive, and Athenian Kings. One great occasion of this obscurity in the Egyptian Story, was (as the same Au­thor also saith) the ambition of their fabling Priests; who to magnifie their Antiquities, filled the Records put into their trust, with many falsities, and recounted unto stran­gers [Page 16]the names of many Kings that never reigned: Some whereof might be but Viceroyes (as Joseph was) and recko­ned afterward as Kings; and others, but vain inventions of the ambitious Priests, who thought it their glory to boast much of great Antiquity.

But leaving them and their fabling, the accout which Master Lydyat bringeth (and another man more learned then he) from the Annals of Constantinns Manasses, carries with it a great probability of much truth; namely, that this Kingdome began 1663. yeares before Cam­byses King of Persia went and subdued it to the Persian Mo­narchy. The due consideration of which casteth the head of our reckoning into the yeere of the Julian Period 2525. which (as I account) was but three yeeres after the Confu­sion of Tongues. Now from this yeere of the Julian Period to the time that Saltis began to reigne in Egypt, were an hundred and six yeares; as by an account taken a posteriori well appeareth.

The beginning therefore of Saltis was in the yeare of the Julian Period 2631. whose time of reigne was (as Josephus saith) nineteene yeares. Baeon succeeded, and reigned after him 44. yeares Apachnas after Baeon 36. yeares and seven Mo­neths. Apochis after Apachnas sixty yeares and one. Janias af­ter Apochis 50. yeares and one moneth. Assis after Janias 49. yeares and two Moneths: and with him I take it for certain, that that which is cōmonly called the 17th Dynastie was con­cluded; although how in this time there should be so many Dynasties, I cannot see. For from the beginning of the King­dome to the end of the reign of this King Assis, were but 366. yeares; and how they should be divided into seventeene distinct and severall Dynasties, I am yet to learne.

Howbeit I shall be content to account seventeene of them to reach no further then to the time hitherto mentioned, that thereby I may the better goe on with them that follow. But first see a Catalogue or List of all the Kings from Saltis, to the end of Assis, in their right times.

Yeares of the Iulian Period when they began. Kings of Egypt as they are mentioned by Josephus.
2631. Saltis began, and had nineteene yeares.
2650. Baeon forty four yeares.
2694. Apachnas thirty six years and seven Moneths.
2731. Apochis yeares fixty one.
2792. Janias fifty yeares and one Moneth.
2842. Assis forty nine yeares and two Moneths.
2891. ¶ In this yeare was the end of the reigne of Assis, and beginning of the eighteenth Dynastie.

Next after these follow the Kings that reigned in the eighteenth Dynastie, as we likewise finde them in Josephus; who, in his first booke against Apion, reckoneth on as fol­loweth: beginning first with Themosis otherwise called A­masis, to whom he giveth 25. yeares and foure Moneths. Che­bron succeeded, and had twelve yeares. Amenophis 20. yeares and seven Moneths. Amesses sister to Amenophis, 21. yeares and nine Moneths. Mephres twelve yeares and nine Moneths. Mephramuthosis 25. years and ten Moneths. Thmosis nine years and eight Moneths. Amenophis 30. yeares and ten Moneths. This is he who was sirnamed Memnon, or the speaking stone, because his Image (as saith Eusebius, Strabo, and others) gave a sound at the Sun-rising, till the comming of Christ. The next after him was Orus, thirty six yeares and five Moneths. After Orus was Acenchres the daughter of Orus, 12. yeares and one moneth. Then Rathoris the brother of Acenchres, 9. yeares. His Sonne succeeded; his name Acencheres, and the time of his reign 12. yeares and five Moneths. Another Acencheres was after him, and reigned 12. yeares and three Moneths. Armais foure yeares and one Moneth. Armesis one yeare, and four Moneths: or as he is otherwise written, Ramesses by a transposition of letters. His successour had the same name, and was Ramesses Miamun, though commonly written Arme­sesmiamun: the time of whose reigne was sixty six yeeres and [Page 18]two Moneths. This was that new King which knew not Jo­seph, as being born after his death, and willing to forget the memory of his benefits, Exod. 1.8. The hard bondage of the Children of Israel began in his time: His Daughter was Thermutis, by whom Moses was preserved; for so Josephus and Epiphanius call her.

Amenophis succeeded next in the Kingdome of Egypt, and reigned after Amnesesmiamun, nineteene yeares and six Mo­neths: and not untill the end thereof were the Children of Israel delivered. For though his Predecessor (who reigned long) was dead and gone yet their bondage still endured, as is noted by Moses in Exod. 2.23. where the words be these; And it came to passe after a long time, that the King of Egypt died, and the Children of Israel sighing by reason of the bondage, cryed, &c. that is, they cryed by reason of their hard bondage and ser­vitude which still continued, notwithstanding the long reign of the former King was ended. Now this King (as I ap­said before) reigned nineteene yeares and six Moneths, and pears plainly to be that very Pharaoh which was drowned in the Red Sea. Nor doth Manetho but confesse as much, in that which Josephus relateth out of him, in his first book against Apion. For though Manetho (like a lying Priest of Egypt) doth what he can, with fabulous reports, to colour over the matter for the credit of his Nation: yet all things well observed he hath delivered enough to shew that Amenophis here mentioned was that King that followed after Moses, when he led the Children of Israel out of Egypt. Master Lydyat also sheweth the same, not onely by mentioning this Testi­mony of Manetho, but by adding thereunto that this was hee Qui ab Hippotamo raptus interiisse fertur: which though it be taken as a Fable, yet (saith he, and not amisse) it is digna at­tentione fabula; a Table well worthy of attention.

And thus having thus farre considered the severall Kings of this Dynastie, I shall in the next place present them in a perfect List or Catalogue, all fixed in their right times.

Yeares of the Iulian Period when they beg. Kings of Egypt in the eighteenth Dy­nastie ex Josepho.
2891. Themosis, otherwise called Amasis, twenty five yeares and four moneths.
2916. Ghebron twelve yeares.
2928. Amenophis twenty yeares and seven moneths.
2949. Amesses ejus soror one and twenty yeares and nine Moneths.
2971. Mephres, twelve yeares and nine Moneths.
2984. Mephramuthosis twenty five years and ten Months.
3010. Thmosis nine yeares and eight Moneths.
3020. Amenophis thirty yeares and ten Moneths.
3051. Orus, thirty six yeares and five Moneths.
3087. Acenchres Ori Filia, twelve years and one Moneth.
3099. Rathoris Frater Acenchris nine years.
3108. Acencheres Rathoris Filius twelve yeares and five Moneths.
3120. Acencheres alter twelve years and three Moneths.
3133. Armais four yeares and one Moneth.
3137. Ramesses or Armesis one yeare and four Moneths.
3138. Ramesses or Armesesmiamun fixty fix yeares and two Moneths.
3204. Amenophis nineteen yeares and fix Moneths.
3224. In this yeare Amenophis was drowned in the Red-Sea whose death gave an end to this Dynastie.

The next that followed was the nineteenth Dynastie: in which these Kings reigned. The first was Sethosis, whose time of reigne was 51. yeares, Helvic ex Afric. This Sethosis (or Se­thos) was Egyptus the brother of Danaus, as Manetho sheweth: and is also thought to be the same whom Herodotus and Di­odorus call Sesostres. This King (if he were Sesostres) is said to grow so mighty and proud, that he made his tributary Kings to draw his Chariot by turnes: But it one day so hap­pened that one of those unfortunate Princes cast his eye [Page 20]many times on the Chariot Wheeles, and being by Sesostres asked the cause of his doing so, he replyed; That the fal­ling of that Spoke lowest, which but just before was in the height of the Wheele, put him in mind of the instability of Fortune. Which when Sesostres deepely weighed, he gave o­ver to use that barbarous custome any more.

Next after Sethosis (if we follow Africanus for this Dyna­stie) Rhapsaces reigned 61. yeares. After him Ammenepthes 20. Then Ramases 60. After Ramases was Ammenemes 5. And last of all Thuoris 6. All which particulars being cast into one summe, do amount to 203.

Thus then this Dynastie presents it selfe.

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. Kings of Egypt, the nineteenth Dy­nastie: ex Africano.
3224. Sethosis began and reigned fifty one yeares.
3275. Rhapsaces sixty one.
3336. Ammenepthes twenty.
3356. Ramases or Rampses sixty.
3416. Ammenemes five.
3421. Thuoris six.
3427. Here was the end of this Dynastie and begin­ning of the next.

The next was the twentieth Dynastie; to which they who follow Africanus gives 125. but that's a number too short, as in the following reckonings better knowne, will well ap­peare. It is better therefore to account so many yeares to it as we find in Eusebius; 178. It had in it twelve Kings, accor­to Africanus, but neither doth he nor Eusebius name them. Howbeit I thinke it probable that Cetes (otherwise called Proteus ( Rampsynitus, Nileus, and those other that were before Chembis Memphites, reigned now, as we find in Diodorus. This Dynastie began (as hath been said) in the yeare of the Julian Period 3427, and ended in the yeare of the same Julian Period 3605.

The next after this was the one and twentieth Dynastie: to which (not without cause) Eusebius gives 130. yeares, and reckoneth it in these Kings; Semendes. 26. Psusennes 41. Nephercheres 4. Amenophthis 9. Opsochon 6. Spinaces 9. Psusen­nes 35.

The first of these I take to bethe same whom other Authors call Cephrenes. The second I thinke to be Cheops or Chembis Memphites, who (as Diodorus saith) reigned 1000. yeares be­fore the 180. Olympiad; and built the greatest of the Pyramids, which (as he also saith) was twenty yeares in building. Ne­phercheres might be Cherinus, or Mycerinus. Opsochon might be Alychis. And the last Psusennes might be Chabeas, or Ʋaphres the Father in Law of King Salomon.

Or rather (which is most probable) let some of these be lookt upon as Viceroyes, reigning under Chembis and Cha­breus; and then this Dynastie will not have more then three chief Kings, though it might and did last 130. years. And they were these, Semendes or Chephrenes, to whom we may give 24. yeares. Chembis (or as Herodotus cals him) Cheops 50. yeares. Chabreus or Ʋaphreus; or (as he is otherwise called) Ʋaphres 56. yeares. All which summes put together, do make 130. There is no great scruple sure in all this, unlesse it be that Chephrenes is set before Cheops; and indeed that scruple would be removed, which cannot be unlesse we set him after Cheops. Take them therefore thus; that as he whom Herodo­tus cals Cheops, Diodorus cals Chembis: so he whom Diodorus cals Chabreus, Herodotus cals Chephrenes. The first of which (namely Cheops) reigned fifty yeares; the second (namely Chephrenes) 56.

And now after all this let us proceed to List them into their right times.

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. Kings of Egypt in the XXI. Dyna­stie, set downe in their right times.
3605. Smendes, or Semendes 24.
3629. Cheops otherwise called Chembis 50.
3679. Chephrenes otherwise called Chabreus or Ʋaphres fifty six.
3735. Here was the end of Ʋaphres his reigne, with whom this Dynastie concluded and gave way unto the next; in the beginning whereof Sesac began to reigne. I therefore leave this and come to that.

Sesac was as I said, the first King here. Some Authors call him Sesochosis; others Sesonchosis: but in the sacred Scripture he is called Shesack, or Shishak, King of Egypt; who in the fifth yeare of Rehoboam came up against Jerusalem, 1 King. 14.25.

The seventy Interpreters (saith one) call him Susachim, and the Hebrew text Sesak, he reigned twenty one yeares, and was succeeded by his sonne Vsorthon, otherwise called Osor­thon, whose time of reigne was fifteene yeares. After Osorthon Scaliger and Helvicus reckon three Anonumoi, who had among them twenty five yeares, at the end whereof Takellothis began, and reigned thirteen yeares. After him were again three A­nonumoi, to whom the forecited Authors give 42. yeares. All which parcels being put into one summe, doe make 116. yeares.

And now see them in their times.

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. Kings of Egypt in the XXII. Dyna­nastie fitted to their right times.
3735. Sesochosis or Sesac 21.
3756. Vsorthon or Osorthon 15.
3771. Anonumoi tres 25.
3796. Takellothis 13.
3809. Anonumoi tres 42.
3851. In this yeare was the end of this Dynastie and the beginning of the next.

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. Kings of Egypt in the XXIII. Dy­nastie fitted to their right times.
3851. Petubastes was the first King, he reigned 40. yeares.
3891. Osorchos 8.
3899. Psammus 10.
3909. Ze, otherwise called Zerah (omitted by Eusebi­us) began in this year and reigned 31 years. This is that King whom Asa King of Judah overthrew, 2 Ch. 1.4.9.12.
3940. Here was the end of this twenty three Dynastie.

As for the Dynasties following, I shall omit the distinguish­ing of them in such a manner as I have done these before going. Howbeit I shall set downe the reignes of the Kings in their right times, and begin first with him who is next: namely Becchorus.

3940. Bocchorus began now and reigned 44. yeares.
3984. Sabaccon 8. the Scripture cals him So, 2 Kin. 17.4.
3992. Sevechus otherwise called Sethon, 14.
4006. Tharacus 18. the Scripture cals him Tirhakah.
4024. Here began an Anarchy which lasted two yeares Diod.
4026. Twelve Captanes begin. and reigne 15. years, ide.
4041. Psammiticus subdues them, and reignes 54 yeares Herod.
4095. Pharaoh Necho began and reigned 17 yeares ide.
4112. Psammis 6. ide.
4118. Arries or (as the Scripture cals him) Hophra 25.
4143. Ausasis: he had rather 45. then 55. or 44.
4188. Cambyses goes into Egypt and conquers it.

CHAP. IV. Of the Kingdome of Sycionia, and of the Kings that reigned there.

THe next Kingdome which by the course of time of­fers it selfe, is the Kingdome of Sycionia. It was at the first called Aegialea, from Aegialeus the first King thereof, who began to reigne in the yeare of the Julian Period 2616. Afterwards it was called Apia, of Apis the fourth King; and then Peloponesus of Pelops, as being Peninsula Pelopis: and after that, it came to be called Sycionia of Sycion the 19 th King thereof. The Sycionians (saith Pausanias) bordering upon Co­rinth, say that Aegialeus was their first King, that he came out of that part of Peloponesus that is called Aegialos after him and dwelt first in the City Aegialea, where the Tower stood then, where the Temple of Minerva is now.

In a word, Sycionia at the first was but a small Region in Achia; but the Kings thereof inlarged their Dominions, through all Achaia, and made Sycion their Seat; as Ludovicus Ʋives noteth.

This Kingdome continued from hence, to the death of Zeuxippus, 992. yeares; as I find in Eusebius. After which, A­pollo's Priests reigned thirty two; even untill the returne of the Heraclidae, at eighty yeares after the destruction of Troy. And note that by this account thus fixed, the Theban Warre (in the dayes of Adrastus) will be just thirty seven years be­fore the fall of Troy: and so Clemens of Alexandria saith it should be.

Eusebius likewise gives us the particular reigne of each King, thus, Aegialeus 52. Europs 45. Selchin or Telchin. 20. Apis 25. Thelasion 52. Saint Austin calleth this King by the name Thelxion, and saith he had so happy a reigne, that when he was dead the Sycionians adored him as a god with Sacrifi­ces and Playes; of which it is said, they were the first Inven­tors. After Thelasion Aegydius reigned thirty foure yeares. [Page 33]Then was Thurimachus 45. At his Tombe the Syoionians used to offer Sacrifice, as the said Father also saith. After Thuri­machus was Leucippus, he reigned 53. Mossapius or Messapius 47. Eratus or Peratus 46. Plemneus 48. Or thopolis 63. Marathon 30. Marathus 20. Echyreus 55. Corax 30. Epopeus 35, he built a Temple to Minerva, by reason of the good successe he had against Nyctaeus, the Brother Lycus Tyrant of Thebes, as some suppose. Next after him was Lamedon 40. Then was Sycion 45. and of him the Country was called Sycionia. Polybus was next after him, and reigned 40. Then Janischus (whom Eusebius cals Inachus) 42. After him Phaestus 8. Adrastus (in whose time was the Theban Warre) 4. Polyphydes 31. Pelasgus 20. And last of all Zeuxippus 32.

In the Dynastie next after these, were the Priests of Apollo's Temple: who reigned as followeth.

  • 1. Archelaus 1 year.
  • 2. Automedon 1 year.
  • 3. Methodeutos 1 year.
  • 4. Euneus 1 year.
  • 5. Theonomos 1 year.
  • 6. Amphiction 9. year.
  • 7. Charidemus 18. years, at the end where­of this Kingdome ended, even at the descent of the He­raclidae, foure score yeares after the fall of Troy, but see them now, set all downe in their right times.
Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. Kings of Sycionia to the death of Zeuxippus ex Eusebio.
2616. Aegialeus 52.
2668. Europs 55.
2713. Selchin 20.
2733. Apis 25.
2758. Thelasion 52.
2810. Aegidius 34.
2844. Thurimachus 45.
2889. Leucippus 53.
2942. Messapius 47.
2989. Peratus 46.
3035. Plemnaeus 48.
3083. Orthopolis 63.
3146. Marathon 30.
3176. Marathus 20.
3196. Echyreus 55.
3251. Corax 30.
3281. Epopeus 35.
3316. Lamedon 40.
3356. Sycion 45.
3401. Polybus 40.
3441. Janiscus 42.
3483. Phaestus 8.
3491. Adrastus 4.
3495. Polyphides 31.
3526. Pelasgus 20.
3546. Zeuxippus 32.
3578. In this Zeuxippus ended, and the Priests of A­poll's Temple began.

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. The Priests of Apollo's Temple
3578. Archelaus 1.
3579. Automedon 1.
3580. Methoduetos 1.
3581. Funeus 1.
3582. Theonomos 1.
3583. Amphictyon 9.
3592. Charidemus 18.
3610. In this yeare (be­ing eighty yeares after the destruction of Troy) this Kingdome of Sycionia ended.

CHAP. V. Of the Kingdome and Kings of the Argives, and of the Mycenae that succeeded them.

THe Kingdome of Argos is that which is to be consi­dered next: the first King thereof was Inachus, who reigned fifty yeares, and began to reigne in the yeare of the Julian Period 2852. which was 1086. yeares before the first yeare of the first Olympiad. This King was the Father of Jo, whom Jupiter defloured, and (perceiving that Juno espied his act) turned her into a Cow. Which is to be understood after this manner, viz. that being defloured by Jupiter, and not knowing how to abide the fury of her Father, she fled away by Sea into Egypt, in a Ship called the Cow which Ju­piter [Page 35]provided for her: and being there she taught the peo­ple Tillage, and the use of Letters, for which she was called by the Egyptians Isis, and Deified by them.

The next after Inachus was Phoroneus, he reigned 60 yeares and was called a Judge because he made Lawes to decide Controversies among his people, and was one of them that judged in a Controversie betweene Juno and Neptune. And hereupon some also think that Forum [the name of a place to plead in] came first from hence, but how truly (saith Vi­ves) looke they to that.

Orosius saith that the Thelcissans and Carsathians warred upon him; but he vanquished them, and drove them to seeke a new habitation by the Sea. Plato calleth him the first man, because he first taught the Greekes civility and Husban­dry. Others say as much of Argus; Of Ogyges and his Flood. as I shall afterward men­tion, when I come to speake of him. Ogyges reigned in Attica in this Kings time, 1020. yeares before the first Olympiad; which therfore was in the yeare of the Julian Period 2918. Two and thirty yeares from whence (for so long Ogyges reigned, according to Cedrenus) was that great and notable Flood, which was called the Ogygian Food, both because it hapned in the Country wherein he reigned, and also because he was drowned in it. For indeed the Flood which beares his name drowned him and his whole Country: which for 204 yeares after lay void, untill Cecrops his reigne there. Africanus (in Euseb. lib, 10. De praeparat. Evang. cap. 3.) reckons not so many by five yeares for this void space: howbeit I find by carefull computation, as many as I have mentioned, and doe begin Ogyges reigne 1020 yeares before the Olympiads, and so also doth Africanus. This Flood therefore, of which I now speake, was in the yeare of the Julian Period 2950. which was the 49 th yeare of Phoroneus the second King of Argos. Eusebius placeth it much about the same time: and whereas Cedre­nus accounteth. 248. yeares from hence to the Flood of Deucalion, I shall afterward shew whether that be so or no. Deucalians Flood was great, but this was greater, extending it selfe to the bankes of Archi-pelago or the Aegean Sea; drow­ding [Page 36]likewise the Regions of Artica about Athens, and that of Achaia in Peloponesus: at which time the Cities Helice and Bura (which were seated on the North part of Peloponesus) were also swallowed up.

The next King after Phoroneus was Apis; he reigned thirty five yeares. That which some write of this King, viz. that he went into Egypt, and dying there was called Serapis, the greatest god of Egypt, seemes rather to belong to Osyris the Husband of Isis. For Apis in their language signifies an Oxe, which the Egyptians worshipped either from the institution of Isis and Osyris, in regard of the use that they found out of this Beast in Tillage, or for the honour of Osyris whose soule they say went into an Oxe, and remaineth continu­ally in the Oxe Apis, passing from one Apis to another: or else it was in regard that Isis gathered together the scattered members of Osyris, when Typhon had slaine him, and put them into a woodden Oxe covered with an Oxes hide; which when the people saw, they beleeved that Osyris was become an Oxe, and so began to adore that, as if it had been him­selfe.

Next after Apis, Argus reigned: the time of his reigne was seventy yeares. Of him the Country was called Argos, and the People Argives: For till now the Countrey bore the name of Peloponesus; or (as some thinke) was formerly called Thessalia, or Pelasgia. Homer calleth it Argos Pelasgicum, as Master Isaacson mentioneth in his Chronologie.

It is also written that in Argus his time Greece began to Namely better then before. know Husbandry and Tillage, and that after his death he was accounted for a god, and honoured with Temples and Sacrifices; which honour a private man, one Homogyrus, had before him, because he was the first among them who ever yoaked Oxen to the Plow: howbeit he was slaine with Thunder, as Saint Austin noteth in the sixth Chapter of his eighteenth booke De civit. Dei. But if Isis before this, carried the knowledge of these things out of Greece into Egypt, and that Phoroneus also before mentioned, was (as Plato saith) the first man, because he first taught the Greekes civility and [Page 37]Husbandry; then must this which is here attributed to Ar­gus, be understood of a more full and perfect knowledge then they had at the first: for it is easier to add then to invent, which therefore makes things come to perfection but by de­grees.

Criasus succeeded Argus, and reigned after him fifty foure yeares. Saint Austin saith that Prometheus and his brother Ar­las were famous in the dayes of Saphrus (otherwise called Sphaerus, or Iphaereus whilst Criasus reigned still in Argos, lib. 18 De civit. Dei, cap. 8. The first of these viz. Prometheus, is repor­ted to have formed men out of Clay: which was, because he was an excellent teacher of wisedome. And as for that ficti­on also, of his stealing away of Jupiters Fire: by it is meant either that he first taught to strike Fire with a Flint; or else that his knowledge reached to the very Starres; For he was a great Astronomer, and did thereupon ascend to the Mount Caucasus, where 9with a restlesse desire) he used to search out the natures, motions, and influences of the hea­venly bodies. His Brother was also a great Astronomer: from whence arose that Fable of his supporting Heaven with his Shoulders.

Phorbas succeeded Criasus, and reigned after him thirty five yeares. This King Phorbas (in the thirteenth yeare of his reigne tooke Rhodes, and cleared it from venemous Beasts, with which the Country had been infected: for which, he and his Wife were deified after their deaths, as Strabo and Eu­sebius tell us.

Triopas succeeded Phorbas, and reigned after him forty six yeares.

Next after Triopas was Crolopus, whose time of reigne was twenty one yeares. In his dayes (as Eusebius mentioneth out of Tatianus) was Phaetous burning, and Deucalions Flood: to which the account of Varro well agreeth: who saith that the Flood of Deucalion was in the dayes of Cranaus the second King of Athens, who (as I shall afterward shew you) was contemporary to this King Crotopus.

Next after Crotopus, was Stethnelas, he reigned eleven [Page 38]yeares, and was the ninth King of Argos.

Gelanor being about to succeed him, is expulsed by Danaus, who being driven out of Egypt by his Brother, arriveth in Greece, and there gets the Kingdome of Argos, in which he reigned 50. yeares. For when he was driven out of Egypt, he came (as I said) into Greece among the Argives: and being come among them, he contended with Gelanor about the Kingdome; in which contention the People were to umpire. And when much was said on both sides, Danaus seemed to speake as good reason as the other: whereupon they could not determine untill the next day. And on the next day a Wolfe comes hurling into the Pasture, where he begins a fight with the chiefe Bull of the Kings Heard: which when the People saw, they attended the issue; and finding that the Wolfe had the hap to kill the Bull, they gave the judge­ment on Danaus his side. For as the Wolfe is a stranger to Man, so was Danaus to them: but because the Wolfe overcame Danaus must reigne, and Gelanor be expulsed. This was 382. yeares after this Kingdome of Argos first began. And note that this King was the first that digged Wels in Argos, who also because of the Wolfe that seemed to predict his good Fortune, built and dedicated a Temple to Apollo Lycius. Fi­nally, he was slain by his Sonne in Law Lynceus who reigned after him one and forty yeares: the Story of which is as followeth.

This Danaus (of whom we speake) ruled first in Egypt nine yeares for his brother Sethosis, otherwise called Aegyp­tus: in which time it was told him by the Oracle, that he should one day be slaine by a man who should be his Sonne in law. For feare of which Prediction, he refused to marry his daughters, and would not thereupon give them to the Sonnes of his Brother, although his Brother did earnestly desire it. For which denyall (together with other things, wherein he had by his misrule, offended his Brother) Aegyptus his said Brother expelled him out of Egypt by force, and comming (as hath been said into Argos, was received there as King, in the stead [Page 39]of Gelanor. Thither did Aegyptus send his Sonnes after him, with command, either to marry his daughters, or to kill him. Which charge they pursued so well, that they forced him to condiscend, that they should enjoy them; yet so, that he gave to every Daughter privately a Sword, with charge to kill their Husbands. All of them executed his will, except Hypemnestra, who discovered the Plot to Lynceus her Husband, and thereupon he saved himselfe by flight. Now this disobedience caused Danaus to arraign his Daugh­ter; but she was acquit by the Argives: howbeit her Father would not release her, but kept her still in prison. After this, Lynceus returned from Egypt with so ces, slew Danaus, released his Wife Hypemnestra, and possessed her Fathers Kingdome: which (as I said before) he held for the space of 41 yeares. The lives of the other Sisters, were spared for Hypemnestra's sake, but imbarked in a Ship without Pilot, Mast, or Saile, and so committed to the mercy of the Sea: where for a time floating up and downe, they are at the last (as I find in some Authors) cast upon the Isle of Albion, which was then inhabited by Gyants, who on them begat Children of their owne proportion. And for all this, Master Isaackson quotes Justin, Pausanias, Higinus, Virgil.

Next after Lynceus, was the reigne of Abas; he was the Father of Praetus, and Acrisius, and reigned 23. yeares: Of him the Argive Kings were called Abantiadae.

Proetas succeeded Abas, and reigned 17. yeares. His three Daughters called the Proetides) were so extreamly proud of their owne beauties, that they fell mad, and were cured by Melampus with Hellebour: which ever since hath been called Melampodium. He had the one of them given him for his cure, and was married to her. And of this man Melampus, it is fur­ther said; that he understood the notes of Birds, and the voice of Beasts, as Pausanias writeth.

Acrisius (the last King of Argos) succeeded Proetus, and reig­ned after him 31. yeares. He was accidentally slaine by his Grandchild Perseus, the Sonne of his Daughter Danae; who thereupon forsooke this Country of Argos, and founded this [Page 40]Kingdome at Mycenae. For we are to know that Acrisius had a daughter called Danae, whom he sequestered to a Tower, and there kept her private; because the Oracle had told him that her sonne should kill him. Now Jupiter hearing of the same of her beauty, and finding no meanes to come to her, descended (as is said) into her lap, through the roofe of the Tower, in a shower of Gold, and had thereby the opportuni­ty to get her with childe: By which is meant, that he cor­rupted her keepers with gold, and thereupon had liberty to worke his will. At last she was delivered of a sonne, even of this sonne Perseus: which when Acrisius her Father came to know, he forthwith caused her and the childe to be inclosed in a Chest, and cast into the Sea. The Chest was driven up­on the coast of Apulia, and taken up by Fishermen, who find­ing her and the childe in it, presented them to Pylumnus the King, to whom she was married. Perseus after this, being growne to be a man, did many valiant exploits, and com­ming into Argos where he practised the throwing of the quoit, did by mischance braine his Grand-father Acrisius with one of them: and so ended the Kingdome of Argos, For when Perseus saw what he had done, he translated the Kingdome from thence to Mycenae. Some say that this acci­dent happened whilst he indeavoured to shew his Grandfa­ther the invention of the Discus, or Leaden ball: for whilst Acrisius was more curious to see what was done, then care­full to avoid the danger that might betide him, he came un­der the dint of what was throwne (whether Quoit, or Ball of Lead) and so was slain.

But I must now set downe the Kings already mentioned, in their right times, and present them in one List at once be­for thee. After which I shall proceed to the Kingdome of My­cenae: in which I shall meet with difficultie more then ordi­nary, because the Kings of that Kingdome are scarce right­ly computed by any Author that I have seen. Petavius in his Rat. Temp. comes nearest to truth, as will be afterward shewed.

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. Kings of Argos to the death of Acri­sius ex Eusebio.
2852. Inachus 50. Years of his reigne.
2902. Phoroneus 60. Years of his reigne.
2962. Apis 35. Years of his reigne.
2997. Argus 70. Years of his reigne.
3067. Criasus 54. Years of his reigne.
3121. Phorbas 35. Years of his reigne.
3156. Triopas 46. Years of his reigne.
3202. Crotopus 21 Years of his reigne.
3223. Stethnelas 11. Years of his reigne.
3234. Danaus 50. Years of his reigne.
3284. Lynceus 41. Years of his reigne.
3325. Abas 23. Years of his reigne.
3348. Praetus 17. Years of his reigne.
3365. Acrisius 31. Years of his reigne.
3396. In this yeare the Kingdome of Argos was en­ded through the untimely death of Acrisius, 544. yeares after it began.

I come therefore now to that of Mycenae: in the handling of which that I may account aright, I shall crave a little leave to depart away from the common path. For, as is commonly accounted, Perseus and Sthenelus had but eight yeares together: whereas Perseus alone had not lesse then one and thirty yeares, because mention is made of the two and thirtieth yeare of his reigne as may be seen in Eusebius, his tenth Booke, and his third Chapter De Praeparatione E­vangelica. After these two, Euristheus reigned 38 say some, 43. say others. Then Atreus and Thyestes 65. and Agamemnon 15. After him Aegystus 7. Orestes 70. and last of all Tisamenus, Pen­thilus, and Cometes 3. among them: the end whereof must be at 80. yeares after the destruction of Troy; as Velleius sheweth, lib. 1. cap 2.

The years of these last, after Agamemnon, I think may passe [Page 42]as they, are except (with Sir Walter Raleigh) I reckon six, and not seven to Aegystus; or else account some one of their years after Agamemnon to be but current. And as for Agamemnon, himselfe, that he should have but 15 is contrary to what Euse­bius writeth in the Chapter and book aforesaid, where (agree­ing with Clemens of Alexandria) he telleth us that Agamemnon reigned 18. yeares in the last whereof Troy was taken. Then for Atreus and Thyestes, that they together should have 65. yeares, is nothing probable: for (as Petavius proveth out of Thucidides and Isocrates) it is not to be doubted but that Eurystheus (predecessor to them) was slaine by the posterity of Hercules after Hercules himselfe was dead. To which (saith he) Diodorus addeth, saying; the posterity of Hercules fought against Eurystheus, having Theseus and Hyllus for their Cap­taines. Have an eye then to the time when Theseus both began and ended his reigne, and see whether the time of Eurystheus can possibly be thrust up so high as the 65. yeares of Atreus and Thyestes will croud it. More like it is that they two be­tween them, had not above six yeares: For the Scholiast of Thucidides sets downe the time of the Heraclidae's first erup­tion into Peloponnesus, to be twenty yeares before the de­struction of Troy; and the latter to be 80. yeares after it was destroyed.

But (saith Petavius their first comming in, is to be taken two wayes: For in the beginning thereof, they (with their Captains Jolaus, Theseus and Hillus) fought against Eurystheus, and he being slaine they enjoyed Peloponnesus for about a yeare, untill by pestilence they were driven out. Then in the third yeare after, they come againe (even just twenty yeares before the destruction of Troy) when Hyllus concluded with Atreus the successor of Eurystheus, that if hee (viz. Hyllus) were overcome in single fight the Heraclidae should depart to the place from whence they came, and not returne into Pe­loponnesus againe untill an hundred yeares after. Now it so fell out that Hyllus was slain; they thereupon depart as was a­greed, and returne not againe untill the time appointed, which being an hundred yeares after, and yet but 80. yeares [Page 43]after the fall of Troy; must needs declare that Hyllus was slaine twenty yeares before Troy was destroyed, viz. in the year of the Julian Period 3510 three years before which ( viz. in the yeare of the Julian Period 3507.) Eurystheus was slaine. In that yeare therefore of his death was the first yeare of A­treus, who (together with his Partner in reigne Thyestes) could have but six yeares, if Agamemnon have eighteen. And that Agamemnon had eighteen rather then fifteene, is witnes­sed (as I said before) by Clemens in Eusebius; who saith that Troy was taken in the eighteenth yeare of his reigne. Nor doth Eusebius himselfe but record so many yeares for the whole reigne of Agamemnon, though he wrongfully coupleth his fifteenth with the fall of Troy, which is indeed the onely reason why some Authors say, that he had but fifteene years of reigne. For if Troy was taken in his fifteenth yeare, then must that be his last, because at his returne from thence he was slain by Aegystus, set on to do it by the suggestion of Clytemnestra Agamemnons owne Wife, who in the absence of her Husband, and whilst he was at the Seige of Troy, com­mitted Adultery with Aegystus, and now (together with him) defileth her hands with Blood, as before for the satisfying of her wicked lust, she had filthily defiled her Husbands bed; and so in conclusion adds murther and Adultery both toge­ther. But it was not the fifteenth, but eighteenth year of this gallant King when the Greekes tooke Troy, according to the Testimony aforesaid: and therefore we must not account lesse then eighteene yeares for Agamemnon.

And as for Perseus the first King of this Kingdome, menti­on (as I said before) is made of the two and thirtieth years of his reigne: but how much he reigned longer is uncer­taine. Onely that he began in the yeare of the Julian Period 3396. I am very confident, and have reason for it; For first Danaus was banished out of Egypt nine yeares after King Pha­raoh was drowned in the Red-Sea: which therefore makes his banishment to be in the yeare of the Julian Period 3233. and consequently his beginning to reigne in Argos in the year of the same Period 3234. Which time of Danaus being [Page 44]thus fixed, serves well to direct us both to the beginning and end of the Kingdome of Argos, and consequently for the beginning of the Kingdome of Mycenae, whose first King was (as already hath been said) King Perseus, Secondly, the two and thirtieth yeare of Perseus before mentioned was 63. years before the expedition of the Argonauts, and therefore in the yeare of the Julian Period 3427. which thereupon di­rects us to the beginning of his reigne in the year of the same Period 3396. And that it was so long before that expedition, is mentioned by Eusebius out of Apollodorus in libro de tempori­bus. But you will say, when and in what year was that Ex­pedition? I answer it was in the end of the reigne of Laome­don, and in the beginning of the reigne of Priamus; as Helvi­cus hath well observed. Now Priamus we know reigned but till the destruction of Troy, which was destroyed in the year of the Iulian Period 3530. 408. years before the beginning of the Olympiads of Iphitus, Diod. lib. 14. and 432 before Rome was built. Pria­mus therefore must needs begin to reigne in the year of the Iulian Period 3490, for he reigned forty years, and no more; as Bucholcerus, out of Archilochus hath recorded. And if Pria­mus began to reign then, it will follow that then also was the expedition of the Argonauts: how else could it be in the end of the reigne of Laomedon, and beginning of Priamus, as Helvicus saith it was.

And thus we have the beginning and ending of the King­dome of Argos rightly fixed, and consequently the beginning of the Kingdome of Mycenae: but how long Perseus reigned is still unknowne. Probable it is that he and his sonne Stethle­nus had together sixty six years, Eurystheus 45. Atreus and Thy­estes six, Agamemnon 18. Aegystus six, Orestes 70. Tisamenus, Penthilus, and Cometes three: these ended in the year of the Iulian Period 3610. at that descent of the Heraclidae which was foure score years after the fall of Troy.

Know also that the Olympiads of Hercules began 442. years before those of Iphitus, as is reckoned by Clemens out of an old ancient Chronologer, after which he lived not above nine years, as is very probable; and therefore dyed in the [Page 45]year of the Iulian Period 3505. upon whose death, his chil­dren are banished by Eurystheus, for feare they should deprive him of his Kingdome. But by this feare he wrought him­selfe a mischiefe: for hereupon it came to passe that by two years after they came against him and destroyed him, as al­ready hath been said.

But now see a Catalogue of these in their right times, as near as in all probability can be gathered.

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. A Catalogue of the Kings of Mycenae, probably fixed in their right times.
3396, Ferseus and Stethlenus 66.
3426. Euristhous 45.
3507. Atrius and Thyestes 6.
3513. Agamemnon 18.
3531. Aegystus 6.
3537. Orestes 70.
3607. Tisamenus, Penthilus and Cometes 3.
3610. In this year was the descent of the Heraclidae, foure score years after the fall of Troy. Now also ended the Kingdome of Sycionia: For (as most Authours say) upon this returne of the posterity of Hercules, the Kingdome of Mycenae was changed to Lacedemon, and was under the govern­ment of Euristhenes: whilst that of Sycion was translated unto Corinth, and was under the government of Alethes; both these beginning much about one and the same time. Of which more shall be spoken afterward.

CHAP. VI. Of the Kingdome and Kings of Athens; the first whereof was Cecrops.

THis Kingdome of Athens was scituated also in Greece as well as those of Sycion, Argos and Mycenae already men­tioned. [Page 46]The The first I meane in this knowne Di­nastie. first King was Cecrops, from the beginning of whose reigne to the death of Codrus were 490 years, as Gaffa­rell sheweth from the testimony of those, who have read no lesse from the Characters of the Stars. Eusebius wanteth three years of this number; the reason whereof I take to be, be­cause he accounts no time of Interregnum between Pandion and Aegeus; of which I shall speake more by and by.

In the meane time I begin with Cecrops, who reigned fifty years, and began in the year of the Iulian Period 3154. It is reported that he was of a double shape; his upper part like a man, and his lower part like a beast; but this is a fable. For he was indeed called Id est. A duobus natur is constants. [...], but it was because he spake two languages, saith Eusebius; as well the language of the Greecians, as the language of the Egyptians among whom he was borne, and from whom he came. Or else being taller then other men, he was as if he had the proportion of two men. Or finally, he was called Diphyes because he taught the people civility, and did also institute a strict observance of the matrimoniall band and society, taking order that wo­men should be deprived of that licensious liberty which for­merly was a little too common among them: this therefore made some say, that he was man in his upper parts; but his lower were feminine, as Ludovicus Ʋives noteth. When he began to repaire the City where he reigned; called after­ward Athens: an Olive tree grew sodenly up in one place, and a fountain burst as sodenly out in another. Which pro­digies drave the King to Delphos, to know the Oracles minde; whose answer was, that the Olive tree signified Minerva, and the fountain Neptune, and that the City might be called after which of these the people pleased. Hereupon Cecrops gathered all the people of both sexes together, to make their Election, the men being for Neptune, Aug. De. tivit. Dei, li. 18. c. 9. and the women for Minerva: now it so fell out that the women had the most voices; who thereupon named the City [...], which is as Saint Austine saith) Minerva. Neptune being displeased herewith, spoyled the Country by This was through the power of the Divell, by whom also their Oracles spake. inundation. And the people (to pacifie him) punished the women by enacting three lawes against [Page 47]them. First, that thenceforth no woman should be admitted to any consultation. Secondly, that none after that time should be named after the name of their mother. And third­ly, that none of their families should be named Athenae. Lu­dovicus Vives saith, there were three Cities of this name. The first this, in Achaia. The second, in the Ile of Euboea. And the third, in Laconia.

The next King after Ceerops, was Cranaus, Deucaliens Flood. he reigned nineyeares, and was Sonne in Law to Cecrops. Deucalions Flood was in his time, as Ʋarro saith: and, as the Marmora Arundelliana cast it, in the fourth yeare of his reigne: which by my account falleth into the yeare of the Julian Period 3207. and after the Flood of Ogyges 257. years. This Flood was in Thessalie, where Deucalion then was King: For we are to note that he reigned in Thessalie, neare the mount of Pernasus; But it extended farther then so. For it wasted Italy, Greece, and the Island of Atalanta: and yet that in Ogyges time is said to be greater. Prometheus foretold of this Deluge: Deucalion thereupon He also in­vented the wearing of Rings on the fourth finger, as saith Euse­bius. provided himselfe a kind of Vessel called Cibotium or Larnax: in which he saved them who fled to him for succour.

The conflagration under Phaeton is said to be much about the same time, not onely in Ethiopia, Phaetons burning. but in Istria a Region in Italy, and about Cumae, and the Mountaines of Vesuvius. Of both which be strange Fables: as that Phaeton should set the World on fire by overthrowing the Chariot of the Sun; which indeed and truth was nothing else but an extraordi­nary great heat wherewith the World was vexed in those dayes. And as for the other, that Deucalion and his wife should be the restorers of mankind; it was nothing else but because he cherished them that fled to him for succour: for in his Boat Larnax or Cibotium, he preserved many, who otherwise had been drowned.

Ovid (the Father of these Fables) had without doubt read the first booke of Moses: but Ovid was a professed Heathen; Rom. 1.2 [...].25. and the Heathen (as Saint Paul telleth us) became vaine in their imaginations; and thereupon, to fit their owne fancy, [Page 48]turned the truth of God into a lye; as well in this, as in such other things as the Apostle mentioneth in his first Chapter to the Romans.

Amphiction succeeded Cranaus, and reigned after him ten yeares. He finding Greece to be weake, and subject to the in­cursions of the Barbarians, instituted (out of the body of the whole Country) one generall meeting or Assembly; which from him was called the Amphictionian Councill and in it he made Laws, which (beside those that were proper to every City) were common to all, as Helvicus noteth. So that this seemeth to be the first Parliament that ever was in the world. The first Par­liament.

The next that reigned here was Ericthonius; who having deposed Amphyction) reigned after him 50. yeares. He is said to be the Inventor of Waggons, and to be the first that built a Temple to Minerva.

Pandion (whose daughters were Progne, and Philomela) suc­ceeded Ericthonius, and reigned after him forty yeares. This Pandion (in the nine and thirtieth yeare of his reigne) warred with Labdacus King of Thebes, being aided by Tereus the Son of Mars: for which favour Pandion gave him his daughter Progne. Of whom we read, that after Tereus had married her, he ravished her other Sister Philomela, cut out her tongue, and cast her into prison; where she wrought her story in nee­dle worke, and sent it to her Sister. Progne hereupon slew her Sonne Itys, whom she had borne to Tereus, and set him before her Husband to eat. Tereus upon this attempted to kill her, but she fled and escaped. Of all which Ovid fableth after this manner; viz. that whilst Tereus followed after Progne, he was turned into a Lapwing, she into a Swallow, and Philomela into a Nightingale.

Ericthius was the next King, he succeeded Pandion, and reigned after him 50. yeares. His daughter Orithya was taken away and ravished by Boreas of Thrace.

The Poets ascribe this Rape to the North wind; which was for nothing else but because Thrace was North from Athens. About which time was also the Rape of Proserpina by Orcus, or Aidoneus King of the Molossians. But whether of these [Page 49]was first, Eusebius sheweth: but is not cleare, whether they were when Ericthonius or Ericthius reigned.

Cecrops the second reigned next after Ericthius, forty years.

Pandion the second succeeded Cecrops, and reigned 25. years betweene whom and his successor, was an Interregnum of two yeares. For lesse then so there could not be, in regard the whole time of this Kingdome to the death of Codrus, was 490. which the particulars in Eusebius will not make, un­lesse there be so many yeares of Interregnum; as at the first was noted.

Aegeus was the next: he succeeded Pandion at the end of the Interregnum, and reigned after 48. yeares. He had (as Justin saith) two Wives. The first was Ae [...]ra, by whom he had Theseus: the second was Medea, whom he married after she was rejected by Jason, and by her he had Medus, It is pro­ble that he came to gaine his Fathers Kingdome by the aid of his Grandfather Pyla, King of the Magarenses. For (as Pau­sanias saith) when his Father was expeiled, he fled to his Wives Father Pyla and died in his Country. The aid there­fore that was granted by Pyla, was not to [...] Pandion, but his Sonne Aegeus; though Sygonius writeth otherwise. Or if it were to restore Pandion, yet because he died before his restitution could be effected, it must needes be that not he, but his son was restored by it.

After Aegeus, Theseus succeeded, and reigned thirty yeares: who before he was King, according to his lot was sent into Creete to be devoured of the Minotaure. For we are to know that not many yeares before the end of Aegeus his reigne, A [...]rogeus (sonne to Minos King of Creet) was treacherously slaine at Athens. For which fact Mi [...] rose up in Armes a­gainst the Athenians, and being too hard for them, propoun­ded them peace upon this condition: namely, that they should every yeare send seven Noble young men, and as many Virgins to Creete to be devoured by the Minotaure.

Now it came to passe that in the fourth yeare of this a­greement, the lot fell upon Theseus the Kings Sonne, who thereupon was sent thither in a Ship with blacke S [...]ils and [Page 50]Rigging, in token of the great sorrow that was in Athens at his departure; but chiefly in Aegeus his Father, who gave command to his Sonne that if his hap were so good as to slay the Minotaure, he should change his Sailes from blacke to white at his comming home againe. Now it so fell out that Theseus (by Ariadnes advice) slew the Minotaure: but at his returne being overjoyed with his good fortune, for­gat to alter his Sailes. Whereupon it came to passe, that his Father Aegeus, looking from an high Tower, and seeing the Ship to come back with Blacke Sailes, thought his Sonne to be dead: and for griefe thereof he presently cast himselfe into the Sea, and was drowned. Which Sea wasever after cal­led by the name of Aegean-Sea. But as for this Theseus he was Cosin German to Hercules; to whom he was assistant in many of his Labors. He it was that first of all stole away the beauti­ous Helena, being aided therein by Pyrithous whom hee must therefore aid in the like Rape: which he did. For though Helena was at this time rescued againe by her brothers Castor Pollux, yet Theseus makes good his promise to Pyrithous, and is assistant to him in his attempt to steale Proserpine the daughter of Aidoneus King of the Molossians: In which theft Theseus was taken Prisoner, and afterward set free by Her­cules.

Coelius Rhodiginus relates this story otherwise, and saith that her name whom these two came to steale, was Cora the daughter of Ades: and that they went to the River Acheron there to have done it. Which I like better then to call her Proserpine, because that Rape was long before this; and was either in the dayes of Ericthonius, or in the dayes of Ericthius as I have already mentioned.

Mnestheus was the next King of Athens, who attained the Kingdome through the faction of Helen's bretheren, who ex­pelled Theseus and made him King. This Mnestheus reigned twenty foure years, and dyed but a little before Aeneas came into Italie, as Ludovicus Vives noteth.

Demophoon reigned next, but was none of his Son. For Demo­phoon was the Son of Theseus and Phaedra, who upon the death [Page 51]of Mnestheus recovered his Fathers Kingdome, and reigned in it thirty three years: This was he who for his neglect caused faire Phillis to hang her selfe.

Oxintes succeeded Demophoon, and reigned after him twelve years. His successour was Aphidas, who reigned one year. After Aphidas was Timoetes, who reigned eight years. Then after him was Melanthus, who reigned 37. years.

The next after him was Codrus, who reigned 21. years; and was the seventeenth and last King of Athens. For the next that governed here after Codrus were the Archontes perpe­tui: after them, the Archontes decennales: and last of all the Archontes annui. The Archontes perpetui were for terme of life and did in their successions reigne 316. years after the death of Codrus. The Archontes decennales had ten years a peece, and did reigne each after other untill seventy years were ended. The Archontes annui, were no other then yearly officers: whose first beginning was in the year of the Iulian Period 4030 which was the first year of the 24. Olympiad, and is an account commended much by Master Selden in his Marmora Arundelli­ana, who in that book placeth the first of these annuall offi­cers in the very same year.

I shall not need to set downe the particular names of these, untill I come to shew you them in their right times: which shall be now, in the following Catalogues.

Years of the Iulian Period when they beg. A perfect List or Catalogue of the A­thenian Kings, ex Eusebio.
3154. Cecrops 50.
3204. Cranaus 9.
3213. Amphyction 10.
3223. Ericthonius 50.
3273. Pandion 40.
3313. Ericthius 50.
3363. Cecrops secundus 40.
3403. Pandion the second 25.
3428. An Interregnum of two years began now.
3430. The end of the Interregnum, and beginning of Aegeus, whose time of reign was 48. years.
3478. Theseus 30.
3508. Mnestheus 24.
3532. Demophoon 33.
3565. Oxintes 12.
3577. Aphydas 1.
3578. Timoetes 8.
3586. Metanthus 37.
3623. Codrus 21.
3644.  

In this year was the death of Codrus, just foure hundred and ninety yeares fince Cecrops the first began to reigne. This was the last King of Athens, who for the good of his Country put himselfe into a disguise that he might be slame. For when the Kings of Peloponnesus (who descended from Hercules) warred upon Athens, it was told them by the Oracle that they should conquer if they killed not the Athem­an King: hereupon they concealed (as much as they could) the answer of the Oracle, and withall gave a strict charge that none should touch Codrus. But the Athenians hearing of this Oracle, Codrus being desirous of glory and the good of his Country, disguised himselfe, went into the Camp of his E­nemies, and falling to brable with the Souldiers was flaine: from whence Aug de civit. dei lib. 18. c. 19 came that saying of Virgill, Aut jurgia Godri. Now after this, the Athenians would have no more Kings: which was not out of any inconvenience found in the rule of Soveraignty, but in honour of Codrus, as saith a learned Knight, Sir Walter Ra­leigh lib. 2 cap. 17. Sect. 10. in his History of the World. And indeed it might very well be so; for after Codrus had thus delivered his Country, the Athenians Aug. lib. 18. cap. 19. de ci­vit dei. sacrificed to him as a God, and would (as I said) have after him no more Kings, for feare I think they should not be so good as he. For his worth was able to E­clipse theirs, if at any time they failed of what was required. Howbeit the Government was still in a manner Regall; for between Kings and the Archontes perpetui, was little or no difference, save onely in the name. For the Princes that fol­lowed [Page 53]after Codrus, without regall name governed Athens du­ring the time of their life; and so in effect were Kings, al­though they were called Archonts. The first of these was Medon; from whom all else, in the same Dynastie, were cal­led Medontidae: of which as followeth.

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. A perfect List or Catalogue, of the Ar­chonts of Athens, called Archontes per­petui: ex Eusebio.
3644. Medon 20.
3664. Agas [...]us 36.
3700. Archippus 19.
3719. Tersippus 41.
3760. Phorbas 31.
3791. Mezades 30.
3821. Diognetus 28.
3849. Pheredus 19.
3868. Ariphron 20. In his time Sardanapalus began to reig.
3888. Tespi [...]us, or Thesphorus 27. In his time Sardanapalus lost his Kingdome, as saith Eusebius.
3915. Agamnestor 20.
3935. Aeschilus 23.
3958. Alemenon 2.
3960. Here was the end of this Dynastie.

  Archontes decennales.
3960. Carops 10
3970. Aesimides 10.
3980. Elidicus 10.
3990. Hippomenes 10.
4000. Leocrates 10.
4010. Absander 10.
4020. Erixias 10.
4030.  

Here the Archontes decennales ended, and the Ar­chontes annui began: therein agreeing to that which Master [Page 54] Selden commendeth in his Marmora Arundelliana, who placeth the first of these Annuall officers in the very same year, as I said before.

CHAP. VII. Of the Kings that reigned in the Kingdome of Troy, before the Greeks destroyed it.

THe first of these Kings with whom I begin, was Dardanus the son in Law of Teucer: he began to reigne in the year of the Julian Period 3234, and (as Eusebius saith) reigned 63. years. His Kingdome was in Phrygia the lesse, and Asia the lesser. The chiefe City was Troy, which he built and called it (after his owne name) Dardania. Of Tros it came to be called Troy; and of Ilus, Ilium.

Ericthonius, succeeded Dardanus, and reigned after him 46. yeares; Euseb Homer and Diodorus say, that he was extream­ly rich, and that he had 30000 Mares and their Colts con­tinually feeding in his Pastures.

Tros succeeded Ericthonius, and reigned after him 61. Euseb. He altered the name of Dardania and turned it to Troy, from whom the people also were called Trojans.

Ilus was the next King: he would that the City should be called Ilium; and so was. Howbeit it lost not the name of Troy but it was known by both names. The time of his reigne here was 50 yeares.

Laomedon succeeded Illus, and reigned after him thirty six yeares Ral.

After Laomedon was King Priamus, who reigned (not 52. but 40. years according to the best and truest account, taken by Bucholcerus out of Archilochus.

So that all the times of these Kings, was 296. yeares. And now see their List rightly fixed.

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. A List or Catalogue of the Kings of Troy, before it was destroyed: all of them fixed in their right times.
3234. Dardanus 63.
3297. Fricthonius 46.
3343. Tros 61.
3404. Ilus 50.
3454. Laomedon 36.
3490. Priamus 40
3530.  

In this yeare Troy was taken and destroyed, 408. yeares before the Olympiads of Iphitus, and 432. before the building of Rome began, as is witnessed by Diodorus lib. 14.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Kingdome of the Aborigines

THis Kingdome was in Italy, and began in the year of the Julian Period 3385. Janus was the first King: he reigned 33. yeares. In his time Saturn fled out of Crete into this Country, as both Poets and Historiograpers witnesse. The time when he came was in the 17. yeare of Janus: after which he and Janus reigned about 17. yeares, accounting the yeare when he came to be the first yeare of his reigne. Scal. Euseb.

These people were called Aborigines at the first, because their Originall was unknowne: and yet Dionys. Hal. some say they were formerly Arcadians, and came with Oenotrius (Sonne of Lycan) into Italy. But Scaliger saith their right name was A­berrigines, a multo errore, from their much wandring.

The next King after those two before mentioned, was Picus the Sonne of Saturne: he reigned 37. yeares. Euseb.

Saint Austin speaking of Picus, saith, that he was the Son [Page 56]of Saturn, and first successor in the Kingdome of the Lauren­tines. For Laurentium was the eldest City of Latium, the seat of the Aborigines, and the place where their Kingdome, after they came into Italy, was founded: called Laurentum of the Laurell Wood that grew neere it. Moreover, it is said of Picus that he was turned into a Pye, because (being a great Sooth-sayer) he kept such a Bird alwayes for his Augury. Of which see more in Saint Aug. De civit. lib. 18. cap. 15. toge­ther with the notes of Ludovicus Ʋives thereupon.

Faunus the Sonne of Picus succeeded, and reigned 44. years Euseb. Vives ex Dionys. Helvic. Dionisius saith that some held Mars to be his great Grandfather, and that the Romans worshipped him with Songs and Sacrifices, as their Countries Genius.

Latinus reigned after Faunus, 36. yeares: in the latter end of his reigne, Aeneas came into Italy, and when Latinus was dead reigned after him three years. But of Aeneas more shall be spoken afterward. And now see all these in their right times.

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. A List of the ancient Kings of Italy before Aeneas, rightly fixed.
3385. Janus and Saturne 33.
3418. Picus the Sonne of Saturne 37.
3455. Faunus the Sonne of Picus 44.
3499. Latinus after Faunus 36.
3535. In this yeare Latinus dyed, and Aeneas began to reigne.

CHAP. VI. Of the Kings of Italy after Latinus.

PEtavius gathers out of Dionisius, that Aeneas the Suc­cessor of La [...]inus began to reigne in Italy, in the fift yeare after the destruction of Troy. The first year therefore of his [Page 57]reigne, was in the yeare of the Julian Period 3535. and yeare of the World 2826. This was about three yeares after he came into this Country: for he came hither about the second or third year after that City was destroyed. Soon after his comming he married Lavinia, Daughter to Latinus, and built Lavinium. Then, when Latinus was slaine in the Warre with the Rutili, and leaving no issue Male behind him, he succeedeth in the Kingdome: but is warred against by Tur­nus (formerly betroathed to Lavinia) but in this Warre Turnus is slaine by Aeneas: and hee also slain afterward in a­nother Warre with Mezentius King of Tuscanie, after he had reigned three yeares.

Ascanius was his Successor, with whom also Mezentius waged Warre, and besieged him so streightly in Lavinium, that he was glad to crave for peace, but could not have it unlesse upon hard conditions: whereupon he sallied out suddainly, and slew Lausus the sonne of Mezentius which put that Army into such a feare, that Mezentius not only condiscended to peace upon equall termes, but ever after remained a true friend to Ascanius. His Father was Aeneas, and his Mother (not Lavinia but) Creusa. For though Lavi­nia were with child by Aeneas, yet she was not delivered till after her Husbands death. And indeed being left alone without either Father or Husband, she much feared his Son Ascanius, and thereupon betooke her to the chiefe Herds­man of her deceased Husband, by whom she had an house built her in the Woods, and was there delivered of a Sonne whom she called Silvius Posthumus.

Now the People knew nothing of this, save onely that she was with Child: Ascanius therupon is suspected to have murthered her, but (he to clear himselfe) causeth them to be both brought from thence, and provideth carefully for them. For in the seven and twentieth yeare of his reigne he leaveth the City Lavinium to his Step mother, and built Alba longa, where he reigned to the end of 38. years from the death of Aeneas: and at his death (neglecting his Sonne Julus) he constituted From him all the Albani­an Kings were called Silvii. Silvius Posthumus for his Successor. Howbeit Ju­lus [Page 58]was honorably provided for: and from him discended the Family of the Julii.

This Sonne then of Aeneas by Lavinia, succeeded Ascanius and reigned after him twenty nine yeares: who because he was born in a Wood, and after his Fathers death, had this name of Silvius Posthumus.

The next after him was Aeneas Silvius: he reigned one and thirty yeares.

After him was Latinus Silvius, who reigned 51. yeares: For if that which was the first year of Numitor, was also the first yeare of Romulus, as Saint Austin saith it was; then must the time of this mans reigne be rather 51. then 50. yeares. And note that of him the people were called Latines.

Alba Silvius succeeded and reigned 39. yeares. Then Sil­vius Athys 24. Capis Silvius 28. Calpetus Silvius 13. Tiberinus Silvius 8. Of him the River came to be called Tiber, because it was his hap to be drowned in it. Agrippa Silvius succeeded and reigned 40. yeares.

After him was Aremulus, otherwise called Alladius Silvius: who having reigned 19. yeares, was with Palace wherein he lived, swallowed up, because he strived to imitate the Thunder. Next after him was Aventinus Silvius 37. Then Pro­ca Silvius 23. Amulius Silvius 44. And last of all Numitor one, which was also the first yeare of Romulus.

And now see them in their right times.

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. A Catalogue of the Kings after Lati­nus, ex Eusebio: all of them fixed in their right times.
3535. Aeneas 3.
3538. Ascanius 38.
3576. Silvius Pasthumus 29.
3605. Aeneas Silvius 31.
3636. Latinus. Silvius 51.
3687. Alba Silvius 39
3726. Silvius Athys 24.
3750. Capis Silvius 28.
3778. Calpetus Silvins 13.
3791. Tiberinus Silvius 8.
3799. Agrippa Silvius 40.
3839. Aremulus, sive Alladius 19.
3858. Aventinus Silvius 37.
3895. Proca Silvius 23.
3918. Amulius Silvius 44.
3962. Nunitor 1. Which was also the first yeare of Romulus: and yeare when the foundation of Rome was laid.

CHAP. X. Of the British Kings that reigned in England, from Brute to the time of Julius Caesar and after.

BRute, the first King of the Brittaines, arrived here in this Iland (according to the common opinion 1108. yeares before the vulgar time of the birth of Christ: which because it was about such time as Silvius Posthumus ended his reigne, gave occasion to some idle headed Monkes, to deliver to posterity, that Brute was his Sonne, and thereupon descen­ded from the blood of the Trojans. And that this might carry with it the face of an History they stuck not to tell us that, which no Roman Writer reporteth, viz. that he should kill his owne Father by chance, and thereupon forsooke his owne Country, to seeke his fortune elswhere. But Verstegan proves all this to be fabulous, and admireth much to see how many people have sought to derive their discents from the Trojans, and how that many foundations of Cities are re­ported to have laid by them. Yea (saith he) the follies of men have been such, that they have given the glory to the fugitive People, of almost all that is excellent in all Europe. This therefore would be wisely considered: for it standeth [Page 60]with farre more likelihood of truth, that we hold him for some Alstedius saith he came into France out of Italy & was at the first a King of a people there, called Rutuli: and that he was droven thence by Aeneas. Prince of Gallia from whence he came when he arri­ved here in this Island then called Albion: where conque­ring the present Inhabitants, he setled himselfe, and obtai­ned the rule and dominion over the whole Land, which now after him the Conqueror must be called Brittain. At the time of his death he divided the whole into three parts, and left them to be governed by his three Sonnes; Locrine, Al­banact and Camber. Vnto Locrine who was the eldest, he left Lo­egria, now called England. Vnto Albanact the second Sonne, he allotted Albania, now called Scotland: and unto Camber, the third Sonne he gave Cambria, now called Wales. And all this when he had reigned twenty foure yeares: namely, twenty after he built London, and foure before. This was the first King.

The next (as I said) was Locrine: of whom and his Suc­cessors, I intend to make no large discourse, but shall rather endeavour to set downe the Kings and yeares that they reig­ned, as punctually as I can, not varying from what is com­monly accounted, except upon good ground for the recon­ciling of this Story to other Histories. And to effect this I shall gather out of sundry Authors, the years of their reign; following no one, not further then I find just cause. For un­lesse an eye be had not only to the times of Belinus and Bren­nus, but also to the time of Coilus (otherwise called Coelius, or Cecilius) I beleeve I shall produce no truer account then what hath been produced already, by such as have trod this path before me: from which I must here and there step a little aside, the better I say to reconcile this Story to other Histories.

But first, if the Brittaines came not from the Trojans, it would be shewed how the now City of London came to be called Troy novant.

I answer, that where it hath beene conceited that any Country or people have had their descent from the Trojans, there they have interpreted the names of their Cities accor­ding as in nearnesse of sound they came neare to any thing [Page 61]concerning Troy: and so or Trenevid. Trenewith (which in the British Tongue, is as much as to say New towne) came to be cor­ruptly called Troy novant; that is to say new Troy, which is now (saith In his Restit. of Antiq. c. 4. Verstegan) our old London.

This being answered, I come now to the List or Cata­logue; which is as followeth.

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. A Catalogue of the British Kings, pro­bably fixed in their right times.    
3606. Brute 24. He built London, and was buried there.
3630. Locrin 20.  
3650. Guendolin 15.  
36 [...]5. Madan * 40. * He built Don caster: and was slaine by Wolves and wild beasts in hunting.
3705. Mempricius 20.  
3725. Ebranke * 60. * He built Yorke: and by 20. Wives had twenty Sons and thirty daughters.
3786. Brute * Greensheild. 30.  
3815. Leill * 22. * He built Carlile, and was buried there.
3837. Rudburdibras * 39. * He built Canterbury, Shaftsbury, and Winthester.
3876. Bladud * 20. * He was a great Astrono­mer, and made the Bathes at Caerbrand, and attempting to fly, fell down and was broken in peices; falling upon the top of Apollo's Temple.
3896. Leir 40.  
3936. Cordilla, or * Cordelia 5.  
3941. Cunedag and Morgan 12.  
3953. Cunedag alone * 33. * He built three Temples: the first to Mars, at Pexth in Scotland: the second to Mer­cury at Bangor in Wales, the third to Apollo in Cornwall.
3986. Rivallo * 22.  
4008. Gurgustus 15.  
4023. Sicilius 49.  
4072. Jago 25.  
4097. Kinimachus. 54.  
4151. Gorbodug 58.  
4209. Ferex and * Porex 5. In the death of these two the line of Brute failed.
4214. Cloten 50.  
4264. Dunwallo * 40. He was the first King of Britaine that was crowned with a Crowne of Gold: and by him Blackwell Hall was built, Malmsbury and the Vies He also ordained weights &
4304. * Belinus and Brennus 15.  
4319. Belinus alone 11.  
4330. Gurngust 19.  

So called of bearing such a shield in the wars with Gaule. Betweene her reign, and that of Queene Mary, Daughter of K. Henry the eight no woman ruled in Brittain. In his time it: rained blood for: three dayes. He built Be­lingsgate and the Tower of Lon­don. [Page 60]

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. The continuation of the former List of the British Kings.    
4349. Guentholen 26. Measures and made good Laws against Theft.
4375. Coilus * 7. * He was slaine in his Bed by Fergus: in reward where­of the Scots made Fergus their King.
4382. Kymor 3.  
4385. Elanius * Howan 6.  
4391. Morwith * 9. * This King fonght with is Monster that came out of the Irish Sea, and was slaine by it.
4400. Grandabod or * Grantbodian 10  
4410. Arthogaile 1.  
4411. Elidurus 3.  
4414. Arthogaile againe 10.  
4424. Elidure againe * 1. * The reignes of [...]e Kings from the death of this Elidu­re, are held to be very uncer­taine: howbeit I have assay­ed to set them down accor­ding to what I find in some Authors; but am not fully satisfied why Heli afterward thentioned should have but one year.
4425. Vigenius and * Peridure 7.  
4432. Peridure alone * 2.  
4434. Elidure againe 4.  
4438. Gorbonian 10.  
4448. Morgan 2.  
4450. Emerianus 6.  
4456. Idwallan 8.  
4464. Rhimo 11.  
4475. Geruntius 13.  
4488. Catill 10.  
4498. Coel 12.  
4510. Porrex 2.  
4512. Cherin 1.  
4513. Fulgen 2.  
4515. Eldred 1.  
4516. Andragie 1.  
4517. Vranius 3.  
4520. Eliud 5.  
4525. Dedantius 5.  
4530. Detonus 2.  
4532. Gurginius 3.  
4535. Merian 2.  

He was buried at Ikaldown or (as we now call it) Jekelton in Cam­bridgesheir. For so I find it in a very old Chroni­cle of England. He built Cam­bride and Gran­tham. He built the Towne of Picke­ring. [Page 61]

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. The continuation of the former List or Catalogue of the British Kings.    
4537. Bladunc 2.  
4539. Capb 1.  
4540. Ovinus 2.  
4542. Cicill 2.  
4544. Bledgebred 20.  
4564. Archemall 14.  
4578. Eldelus 4.  
4582. Rodianus 32.  
4614. Hertir or Redarius 5.  
4619. Samulius 2.  
4621. Penisellus 3.  
4624. Pyrrhus 6.  
4630. Caporus 7.  
4637. Dinellus 3.  
4640. Helius * 1. * The Isle of Eley was named after his name: and the town thereof built by him.
4641. Lud 11.  
4652. Cassibelan 19.  
4659. In this year (being the eighth of Cassibelan) Cesar came first against Britaine, but was repulsed, and made no Conquest here till the next yeare.    
4660. This was that next; the ninth of Cassibelan, the 699. of Rome, and the third yeare of the 181. Olympiad: it was also the 4660. yeare of the Julian Period, and yeare o [...] the World 3951. And now had the Britaines reigned 1055. yeares current when Cesar made this conquest.    
4671. Theomantius reigned next. 23.  
4694. Cymbeline 35. In his time Christ was born.
4729. Guiderius 28. He denied to pay the Romans their tribute, whereupon the Emperour Claudius raised a great Army, and came against him in the yeare of our Lord 43.
He is said by some to rule 60. yeares, and that the yeares of the Kings before him ever since the death of Elidure, are uncertain in his time Cherry-Trees was first planted in this Iland, as Master Is [...]cson writeth in his Chronolo­gy, pag. 171.

The next after Guiderius, was Arviragus, he reigned 28. [Page 64]yeares, and began in the yeare of the Julian Period 4757. In the last yeare but one of his reigne, Jerusalem was destroyed by Titus the sonne of Vespasian; even in the year of the Ju­lian Period 4783.

And thus I have prosecuted this History of the British Kings thus farre, and listed them in their right times and order, as neare as I can: and have, as you see taken my first Rise from the arrivall of their first King Brutus; who com­ming out of France, came into this Land (then called Albion) and found no other Inhabitants in it, but some Gyants which dwelled in Moutaines and Caves; these were van­quished by him and his men, the chiefest whereof was Corin, one of Brutes strongest Champions, by whom the Gyant Gogmagog was slaine.

But if this Island were once a Continent to France, as Ver­stegan proveth, in his chap 4. restitution of decayed Antiquities, then I do suppose the most ancient name thereof was Samothea. Afterward being made an Island by the Sea eating through that little Isthmus or neck of Land between Dover and Calice it was called Albion, from Albion a Son of Neptune as some have said; by whom and whose posterity, it was inhabited untill Brute made conquest of it: which, as is commonly accounted, was in the year before Christ 1108. And there I have fixed it, even in the yeare of the Iulian Period 3606. and yeare of the World by my account 2897.

CHAP. XI. Containing the Dynasties of severall other Kingdomes.

THe Kingdomes which next offer themselves to be con­sidered, are the Kingdomee of Lacedemon and Corinth, which began at the last descent of the Heraclidae, fourscore yeares after the destruction of Troy; as before in the end [Page 65]of the fifth Chapter was shewed. Some begin them both in one yeare, whilst others make a yeares difference: which I doe beleeve ariseth from this, that Automenes is sometimes reckoned for the last King of Corinth, and sometimes for the first Annuall Officer, after the end of the second Dynastie. But I for my part shall reckon Automenes for the and so Euse­bius also rec­kons last King: af­ter whom were Annuall Officers or Princes for 124. yeares, as is accounted by Helvicus in his Chronologie. At the end of which yeares, Cypselus began to reigne and reigned 28. yeares. Some say that he was a Tyrant: but by Sir Walter Raleigh, in his History of the World, lib. 2. cap. 28. Sect. 5. he is mentioned, not as a Tyrant, but as a quiet Prince; who not­withstanding by expelling the race of the Bachidae, made him­selfe Lord of Corinth. After Cypselus was Periander, who was indeed a Tyrant, and reigned 44. yeares, according to Aristo­tle; dying in the fourth year of the 48. Olympiad, as saith La­ertius. The death therefore of this Tyrant, and end of the Kingdome of Corinth, fell into the yeare of the Julian Period 4129. for then was the fourth yeare of the 48. Olympiad. And as for the beginning of it, that must be in the yeare of the same Period 3610. foure score yeares after the fall of Troy, as already hath been said.

See now the List.
Years of the Iulian Period when they beg. A List of the Kings of Corinth ex Euseb. all fixed in their right times.  
3610. Athletes or Alethes 35. Dynastie 1.
3645. Ixion 37. Dynastie 1.
3682. Agilaus 37. Dynastie 1.
3719. Pryminas 35. Dynastie 1.

[Page 66]

Years of the Iulian Period when they beg. The Dynastie of the Bachidae in Co­rinth, ex Eusebio.  
3754. Bachis. 35. Dynastie 2
3789. Agelas 30. Dynastie 2
3819. Eudemus 25. Dynastie 2
3844. Aristemedes 35. Dynastie 2
3879. Egemnon 16. Dynastie 2
3895. Alexander 25. Dynastie 2
3920. Phelesteus 12. Dynastie 2
3932. Automenes 1. Dynastie 2
3933. Annuall Officers began and continued one hundred twenty foure yeares.  
4057. Cypselus 28.
4085. Periander 44.
4129. The death of Periander, and fourth year of the forty eight Olympiad.  

Years of the Iulian Period when they beg. A List or Catalogue of the Lacedemo­nian Kings taken out of Eusebius, and fitted to their right times.  
3610. Euristheus 42.
3652. Agis 1.
3653. Archestratus 35.
3688. Labotes 37.
3725. Doristus 29.
3754. Agesilaus 44.
3798. Archelaus 60.
3858. Telechus 40.
3898. Alcamenes 37.
3935. Here was the end of this List or Catalogue, in in which were seven Kings: and they among them reigned 325. yeare.  

The next that I shall mention, The reigns of the Lydians. were the Kings of Lydia [Page 67]and the time of their Dynasties: the first of which I must passe over, as not knowing how to reckon it.

The second began in the yeare of the Julian Period 3492. and lasted (as saith Herodotus) 505. yeares, even till the be­ginning of Gyges: but we want a continued Series of the Kings for the space of 426. yeares, even till the first yeare of Ardysus who reigned 36. yeares. Alyattes 14. Meles 12. Candau­les 17.

After Candaules the third Dynastie began: and had in it 170 not compleat but current. years, divided among five Kings; and they were these. Giges 38. Ardis 49. Sadiattes 12. Halyattes 57. Croesus 14.

Scaliger gathereth out of Sosicrates a Laconian Historiogra­pher, that Cyrus tooke Sardes, and subdued Croesus, 41. years after the death of Periander, who thereupon setteth the end of Croesus his Kingdome in the first year of the 59. Olympiad; the like doth Helvicus and some others. And indeed the ac­count would fit the turne well enough, if all things else were correspondent: but because they are not, I must let it alone to them that like it. For though from the fortieth yeare of Periander (which was all the time that he reigned, according to Laertius) there be 41. years to the time that Cyrus subdued Croesus; yet not so many from the end of his 44. at which time he dyed; even in the fourth yeare of the 48. Olympiad, as already hath been shewed. I conclude therefore that when Croesus lost his Kingdome, it was not the first year of the 59. Olympiad, but rather and indeed the first year of the 58. Olympiad, & fourteenth year of his reign. For we are not to account that last of his to be compleat, but current, when this calamity fell upon him: and that it was also towards Winter, in the yeare of the Julian Period 4166. Which being considered I would that the reigne of the Lydians be set one year higher then they be in the Ta­ble in the first Part, next after the one hundred and nine­teenth Page. For there the conquest that Cyrus made of Croe­sus his Kingdome, standeth against the year of the Julian Pe­riod 4167: whereas here I conclude it to be in the yeare of the same Period 4166. when the Soldiers were ready to [Page 68]take up their winter quarters.

But now see the List.

Years of the Iulian Period when they beg. A List or Catalogue of the Kings of Lydia, rightly fixed.
3918. Ardysus 36.
3954. Alyattes 14.
3968. Meles 12.
3980. Candaules 17. This is he, who lost his King­dome by shewing his naked Wife to Gyges.
3997. Giges 38.
4035. Ardys 49.
4084. Sadiattes 12.
4096. Halyattes 57.
4153. Croesus 14. current. Cyrus conquered him and his Kingdome in the first yeare of the 58. Olympiad, teste Solino: and that was in the yeare of the Julian Period 4166. as before was said. He had a Sonne who never spake in all life till now: but now seeing a Souldier goe about to kill his Father, upon a suddaine passion he brake his Tongue-string, cryed out and said; Oh man take heed, wilt thou kill Croe­sus? And from that day to his death he could speake as well as other men. Herodot.

The next to be mentioned according to their order or course of time be the Kings of the Medes: The reigne of the Medes. of whom I gave notice in the latter end of the second Chapter.

They reigned without any strict hand over their subjects, untill the dayes of Dioces: and that's the reason why he is accounted by Herodotus, as the first King. Nor is this my o­pinion alone, Hist. World l. 2. c. 27. S. 5. but of Sir Walter Raleigh likewise in his Histo­ry of the World: saying, this Dioces was the first that ruled the Medes in a strict forme, commanding more absolutely then his Predecessors had done. For they following the ex­ample of Arbaces, had given to the people so much licence, as [Page 69]caused every one to desire the wholesome severity of a more Lordly King. Herein Dioces answered their desires to the full. For he caused them to build for him a stately Palace; he tooke unto him a Guard, for the defence of his Person; he seldome gave presence which also when he did, it was with such austerity, that no man durst presume to spit or cough in his fight. By these and the like Ceremonies he bred in the people an awfull regard and highly upheld the Ma­jestie, which his Predecessors had almost letten fall, through neglect of due comportments.

In execution of his royall office, he did uprightly and se­verely administer justice, keeping secret spies to informe him of all that was done in the Kingdome. He cared not to en­large the bounds of his Dominion, by encroaching upon o­thers, but studied how to govern well his owne.

The difference found between this King, and such as were before him, seemes to have bred that opinion which Hero­dotus delivers, that Dioces was the first who reigned in Media. Thus that Knight.

Moreover this was he that built the great City of Echa­tane, which now is called Tauris; and therefore should in all likelihood be that King Arphaxad, mentioned in the booke of Judith: which even the course of time appro­veth.

But if he be Arphaxad, who was it that was that great Nabuchodonosor which fought against him. I answer, this seemes to be Saosduchinus King of the Assirians: about the beginning of whose twelfth year Dioces was slaine. For so it is read in the first Chapter of the book of Judith, transla­ted into Latin out of the Caldee by St. Hierom, as a worthy Au­thor well observeth, in his laborious and learned Annals of the old Testament. In the Greeke indeeed we are one while directed to the twelfth yeare, another while to the seven­teenth year of this King: but that unconstancie argues a de­fect in the Copie; and so I leave it, comming now to shew the course of succession among these Kings of Media, who began at the death of Sardanapalus.

Yeares of the Iulian Period when they beg. A Catalogue or List of the Kings of Media; partly out of Eusebius, and part­ly out of Herodotus.
3893. Arbaces 28.
3921. Sosarmus 30.
3951. Medidus 40.
3991. Cardiceas 13.
4004. Dioces 53.
4057. Phraortes 22.
4079. Cyaxares 40.
4119. Astyages 35.
4154. Here was the end of Astyages, and the begin­ning of the reigne of Cyaxares secundus: who according to Xenophon, was the son of Astyages, and called in the sacred Prophecy of Daniel by the name of Darius Medus. He was the Vncle of Cyrus, as being Brother to his Mother; which Xenophon also sheweth. Moreover we are to note, that in the booke of Tobit and Daniel, Astyages the Father of this Cyax­ares, is called Ahasuerus or Assuerus; as may be seen, Dan. 9.1. and Tob. 14.17.

Next after these we are to reckon the Kings of Assyria which reigned at Niniveh after the death of Sardanapalus, Kings of As­syria after Sardanapalus as those before mentioned reigned in Media. The first of them may be granted to be that King whom Castor in his Canon calleth Ninus secundus; saying (as his words sound in the Latine: Initium Chronographiae fecimus a Nino, & eam deduxi­mus us (que) ad Ninum qui successionis jure accèpit Regnum a Sardana­palo. Thus he. Now this name some thinke was given him for the better lucke sake: namely as I conceive; That as the ancient Ninus did at the first enlarge this Kingdome so as it came to be a great Monarchy: in like manner the same was hoped for by them who gave this name to this King. Or else, because he was fortunate in the enlarging of it, they said of him that he was a second Ninus: the time of whose reigne is gathered out of Castor aforesaid, in [Page 71]the Greeke Chronicle of Eusebius, to be nine yeares.

His Successor I take to be the same who in the Scripture is called Phul, and came in the dayes of Menahem and inva­ded the land of Israel, 2 Kin. 15.19. and 1 Chr. 5.26. How long he reigned is not expressed any where that I know, except it be in the Writings of Annius, where we find 48. yeares men­tioned for the time of his reigne. Tiglath pilezer succeeded him, and (according to the said Author) reigned 25. years, Salmanasar 17. Senacharib 7.

How I should contradict this Author for the reigns of these four Kings, I cannot see; except it be in the reigne of Phul, who (if the rest be right) must have but 43. because after Se­nacharibs army was slain by the Angel, and that he thereup­on went streight way home with shame to his owne Coun­try, he lived not fully fifty five dayes. For before 55. dayes were ended, he was slain by his own Sons, Adramelech and Sharezer, as he was worshipping in the house of Nisroch his god, Tob. 1.21. and Esa. 37.38. If any further helpe could be had from other Authors, I would not be beholding to An­nius for thus much: but because it cannot, it wil I hope be no harm to take aime from him so farre as he thwarts no other. To the next King (namely Esarhaddon; or, as he is otherwise written, Asarhaddon) he giveth ten years, but there I leave him. For it is extreamely probable that he had a longer time then so: thirty yeares in Niniveh; and after that, twelve yeares more in Babilon; In all 42. with some odde moneths over & above. For at the end of the eight years of Interregnum that were in Babilon, the King that began to reigne there was Assaradinus, as Ptolomy calleth him in his Mathematical Canon of the Kings of Babilon: who in all probability was this Assarhaddon the Sonne of Senacharib, formerly mentioned.

And now see the List.

Yeares of the Julian whē they began to reigne. A List or Catalogue of the Kings of Assyria after Sardanapalus.
3893. Ninus junior 19.
3912. Phul 43.
3955. Tiglath. pileser 25.
3980. Salmanassar 17.
3997. Senacharib 7.
4004. Esarhaddon 30.
4034. Here (as is probable) this King Esarhaddon be­to reign in Babilon, after he had been King of Assyria 30. years.

But the first of them in Babilon (whose years of reign stand upon record) since the Death of Sardanapalus, was Nabonassar: and with him Ptolomy begins his Mathematicall Canon be­fore mentioned. Howbeit, by what we find elswhere, it may be gathered that there were Kings of Babilon after Sardana­palus, before the Aera of this King Nabonassar took beginning as in Eusebius his Chronicle may be seen, in the beginning, of the reigne of Arbaces. For first, having shewed how the Empire of the Assyrians was shattered in pieces by the fall of this Epicurious King, he saith that the Medes brought it home to themselves; that is, they purchased hereby their ancient Liberty: which (with reference to the opinion of Herodotus, before mentioned) he sheweth to be so great, that it was as if they had no Princes to reigne over them untill the time of Dioces; and yet he setteth down four that reigned before him. But they, by slacking too much the reins of Sove­raignty, did more hurt to the generall estate of Media then the pleasure of freedome, which it enjoyed could recom­pence. For hereupon it came to passe that the Assyrians en­croached upon their Dominions, and got away some towns from them, which they held still in the dayes of Salmanassar when the ten Tribes were carried away captive, as the holy Scriptures beare us witnesse in 2 Kin. 18.11. and elsewhere. Then secondly, the Chaldeans also prevailed, and had (saith [Page 73] Eusebius) successions of Kings: And so had other Nations too, who were now governed by their own proper Kings as wel as they. By which it appeareth, that there were Kings of Babylon before Nabonassar: for the time from the death of Sardanapa­lus to the beginning of his reigne, was 74 years; But who they were that reigned in that space (excepting Belesis or Be­lochus who was contemporary with Arbaces) is altogether unknowne. Probable it is that a new race of Kings began in Nabonassar, or that he was some excellent restorer of A­stronomie, and thereupon had the honour of an account of times to be instituted and observed in memory of him ever after: which began on the six and twentieth day of February, in the year of the Julian Period 3967, when the year of the World was 3258. And as for the Kings you have them be­fore, in the first Part; even in the latter end of the seventh Chapter, page 50.

The reignes also of the Kings of Persia, The Kings of Persia. from the begin­ning of Cyrus, to the end of the last Darius, be likewise there, in the seventh Section of the eighth Chapter. I shall not need therefore to set them downe againe here in this place, but come next to the Kings of Mecedon.

These reigned 485 years, from the beginning of Cranaus, The Kings of Mecedon. to the death of Alexander Magnus: as Saint Austin rightly rec­koneth, in his twelfth booke, and tenth Chapte Decivitate Dei. This Cranaus began in the year of the Julian Period 3905. and reigned twenty eight years: of whom, and his Succes­sours, in the following List.

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. A List or Catalogue of the Kings of Macedon, fixed in their right times.
3905. Cranaus 28.
3933. Coenus 12.
3945. Tyrimas 38.
3983. Perdiccas the first 51.
4034. Archeus 38.
Yeares of the Iulian Period whē they beg. The continuation of the former List or Catalogue of the Kings of Macedon.
4072. Philippus 38.
4110. Aeropus 26.
4136. Alcetas 29.
4165. Amyntas the first 50.
4215. Alexander dives 43.
4258. Perdiccas the second 41.
4299. Archelaus 16.
4315. Orestes 00.
4315. Aeropas, tutour to Orestes 6.
4321. Pausanias 1.
4322. Amyntas primo 1.
4323. Argeus 2.
4325. Amyntas again 21.
4346. Alexander 1.
4347. Alorites 3.
4350. Prediccas 4.
4354. Philip the Father of Alexander 24.
4378. Alexander magnus 12.
4390. Here Alexander dyed, even in the first year of the hundreth and fourteenth Olympiad.

And note that Perdiccas the second had a longer reign then is commonly given him: for he was alive in the sixtenth yeare of the Peloponnesian Warre, and could not therefore have lesse then forty one yeares, which number is given him by Nicomedes Acanthius, as he is cited by Master Selden in his Marmora Arundelliana. When he had reigned about twenty se­ven yeares ( viz. about the third or fourth yeare of the Pelo­ponnesian War) Sitalces King of Thrace came against him with a purpose to have made Philip the sonne of Amyntas King: but by the care of Perdicccas a Peace was made, and so Perdiccas kept his Kingdome still.

Note also that at the death of Alexander magnus, the Gre­cian Monarchie was divided, and came at last to be in foure [Page 75]chiefe darts; viz. Syria, Macedon, Egypt, and Asia the lesse: as before, in the first Part may be seene.

CHAP. XII. Of the Kings, and other Governours of Rome from the foundation thereof by Romulus, to the De­struction of Hierusalem by Titus.

I Shewed before, in the end of the ninth Chapter of this se­cond Part, that when Romulus began to reigne the foun­dation of Rome was laid; viz. in the yeare of the Julian Pe­riod 3962. at the Summer time whereof the first year of the seventh Olympiad began, 432. yeares after the Destruction of Troy. This was in the yeare of the World 3253. the sixth year of Jotham King of Judah, and the seventh of Paka King of Is­rael: before which time, that which now began to be a City, was but an ordinary Village. The first Government whereof was by Kings, which lasted 244. yeares; as in the following Catalogue may be seene.

Yeares of the Julian Period when they beg. A Catalogue of the Kings of Rome, fixing them all in their right places.
3962. Romulus 37.
3999. An Interregnum 1.
4000. Numa Pompilius 43.
4043. Tullus Hostilius 32.
4075. Ancus Martius 24.
4099. Tarquinius Priscus 38.
4137. Servius Tullius 44.
4181. Tarquinius Superbus 25.
4206. Here was the end of the Goverment by Kings.

The next Government was of Consuls, who began in the year of the Julian Period 4206. There were other alterations [Page 76]afterward: but that which was most eminent was the Go­vernment of Emperours. The first whereof in some sort was Julius Cesar, by whom the Brittains were made tributary in the ninth of Cassibelan: but not till Augustus was Rome fully brought under the command of one Soveraigne Imperiall Monarch. He therefore properly was the first Emperour: whose death did so much greive the people, that they wish­ed either that he had never been borne, or else that he had never dyed. Tiberius succeeded him, and began in the Julian Period 4727. after his Predecessour forementioned had reign­ed 57. years, five moneths, and foure dayes; for Cesar was slaine in the Senate house (receiving there three and twenty wounds) in the year of the Julian Period 4670. on the fif­teenth day of March: and Tiberius began on the nineteenth day of August, when Augustus dyed, even in the year of the said Period 4727 aforesaid, not long before that Eclipse of the Moon which Tacitus mentions.

This Tiberius dyed on the sixteenth day of March, in the year of the Julian Period 4750, after he had reigned 22 years, six moneths, and 28 dayes.

His successour was Caligula, who reigned three years ten moneths, and nine dayes: He was so prodigall that he spent an hundred Millions of money in three years. He de­flowred his three fisters, and one of their daughters: and was also so cruell, that he wished all the people of Rome to have had but one neck, that he might cut it off at one blow. Finally, he dyed (being slaine by Cassius, Cherea, and Sabinus the Tribune) on the 24 day of January, in the year of the Julian Period 4754.

His Unckle Claudius succeeded him, and reighed thirteene years, eight moneths, and ten dayes. In his time was that Famine which Agabus foretold, Acts 11.28. He commanded all Jewes to depart from Rome, Asts 18.2. And made Felix Governour of Judea, who was made to tremble in the pre­sence of his Minion Drausilla, at Saint Pauls Sermon of Tem­perance, and Judgement to come, Acts 24.24, 25. Simon Magus lived in his time, and so played his pranks in Rome [Page 77]that he got to be honoured as a God.

After Claudius, that cruell monster Nero began to reigne, in the year of the Julian Period 4767, on the thirteenth day of October; at which time the aforesaid Emperour dyed, being poysoned by his wife Agrippina through the helpe of a Phy­sician whose name was Xenophon. This Nero was a most no­torious wicked man; he reigned thirteen years, seven mo­neths, and 28. dayes; dying by his owne hand on the ninth of June in the year of the Julian Period 1681, one year and 20 dayes before Vespasion was made Emperour.

Galba succeeded in the year aforesaid; whose whole time was but seven moneths and eight dayes. He was slain by O­tho, who (after three moneths and foure dayes) killed him­selfe, being overcome by Vitellius, who also, after nine mo­neths is slain, and Vesprtian thereupon sole Emperour. In the second year of whose reigne, that stately City and Temple of Jerusalem was destroyed by Titus, the gallant and brave son of this Emperour, in the year of the Julian Period 4783; as more at large, in my first Part and last Chapter I have de­clared: to which I now send you. For here I intend no more, but shall put an end now even to this Part also; giv­ing thanks unto God, who hath brought me unto it.

Laus Deo.

FINIS.

Errata.

PAge 5. for evolvendo, read revolvendo. page 9. line 24. for be the best, read be in the best. p. 12. l. 27. read excerptis, p. 14. l. 21. r. course of the Sun. p. 15. l. 1. f. no other, r. no moneth, p. 16 l. 2. for twentieth r. two and tweitieth, and l. 4. f. been r. but, p. 17. l. 4. r. spoken of, p 25. cap 5. f. Octo­ber r. Aprill, p 29. f. a Quartaine r. that a quartaine, p. 31. l. 8. for of the Rest r. of Rest, p. 33. l. 3. r. enough, p. 36. l. 18. r. is concluded, p. 37. l. 1. f. to r. in, l. 14. f. on r. of, p 38 l. 1. r. had not been, l. 27. f. to r. on, f. a Sabbath r. Sabbath, l. 34. r. as I said, l. 37. r. as we are, pag. 39. l. 11. r. on Ararat, p. 40. lin 32. for thirteenth read thirtieth, page 42. line 42. for Egypt, read out of Egypt, page 49. line 9. for to read not, page 70. line 13. r. of the Chaldees and l. 20. f. 57, r. 75. p. 71, l. 23, r. was his house, p. 72, l. 3, r. goe on, p. 75, l. 17, f. sed r. blessed, p. 76, l. 27, r. which was 137 p. 77, l. 17, r. how to account, p. 83, lin 36, r. Danites, p. 91, l. 14, r. Jehoahaz 3 months: In the Table of the Kings of Judah in Joash his reign, f. the seventeenth of Jehu, r. the se­venth, p. 108, l. 37, r. Zacharia, p. 110, l. 32, r. Zorobabel, p. 112, l. 24, r. as Ezra sheweth, c. 4.

An Hebrew and Julian Calender for the Year of the Ʋniversall Deluge or Flood.
The twelfe Moneth MARCH. The twelfth Moneth, Anno Mundi 1657.
   
1 12   A  
2 13   B On this day a third Dove is sent, and she returns no more; howbeit, Noah did not open the cover­ing of the Ark untill the first day of the next Moneth, Gen. 8.12, 13.
3 14   C
4 15   D
5 16   E
6 17   F  
7 18   G  
8 19   A  
9 20   B  
10 21   C The first day of the Week.
11 22   D  
12 23   E  
13 24   F  
14 25   G  
15 26   A  
16 27   B  
17 28   C The first day of the Week.
18 29   D  
19 30   E  
20 31   F  
21 1 April. G The first day of APRIL.
22 2 A  
23 3   B  
24 4   C The first day of the Week.
25 5   D  
26 6   E  
27 7   F  
28 8   G  
29 9   A  
30 10   B On this day was the Vernall Equinox.
In Part I. the first leaf of K. is fall, put this leaf in its place.
An Hebrew and Julian Calender for the Yeer of the Ʋniversall Deluge or Flood.
The first Moneth. APRIL. The first Moneth, Anno Mundi 1658.
1 11   C On the first day of this Moneth Noah removed the Covering of the Ark, and looked, and behold the face of the ground was dry, Gen. 8.13. how­beit he commeth not out till God commanded him, which was not untill the 27 th. day of the next Moneth: For though the Waters were dry­ed from off the Superficies of the Earth by this first day of the first Moneth, yet the ground was still soft, unfit for habitation, and not dry enough to be trodden on by either Man or Beast, untill the twenty seventh day of the second Moneth, in this yeer of the World 1658.
2 12   D
3 13   E
4 14   F
5 15   G
6 16   A
7 17   B
8 18   C
9 19   D
10 20   E
11 21   F
12 22   G
13 23   A  
14 24   B  
15 25   C The first day of the Week.
16 26   D  
17 27   E  
18 28   F  
19 29   G  
20 30   A  
21 1 May B The first day of MAY.
22 2 C The first day of the Week.
23 3 D  
[...]4 4 E  
25 5 F  
26 6 G  
27 7 A  
28 8 B  
29 9 C The first day of the Week.

A Postscript to the Reader.

Gentle Reader,

I Am now come towards the conclusion or end of what at my first undertaking I intended: for the close of which I have got together a few Characters Chronologicall Characters, which now in the last place I present unto thee: They are pertinent to what is before written in my Measuring Reed, and will serve well to confirm the whole Fabricke of my foregoing computation.

And first I will begin with Adam, of whom I have not much to say, and yet if I might not be thought too curious, I could shew wi [...]h very much ease and probability the very day as well as the yeare of his death. He was not borne nor begotten, but treated in the yeare of the Julian Period 710, on the 29 day of April, Feria sexta, when the Sun was in the sixth de­gree of Aries, as I have elsewhere shewed: from whence he lived (as the Scripture telleth us) 930 yeares, Gen. 5.5. His Death must therefore be in the yeare of the same period 1640, at such time as the Sun was againe in the same point of Heaven, as at the first when God created him: which in this yeare of his death is found to be on the 22 day of April. This 22 day in the yeare aforesaid was on the sixth day of the week, when was also the 14 day of the first month. Adam therefore dyed on the same day of the week on which he was made, which was also the same day of the month on which I finde it probable that he fell. To which the Testimony of Eutychius a learned Patri­arch of Constantinople well agreeth, for as hath been told us by that famous and illustrious Master Selden, Adam died on the sixth day of the week, and fourteenth day of that mo­neth which was nearest to the Vernall Equinox, as learned Languius expounds that passage of his taken from Eutychius which is indeed an exposition very true. For thus stands the words in Mr. Seldens Booke De Anno Judaico, if they be set downe in English; And Adam dyed on Friday on the fourteenth day of the Moonth, which was the sixth day of the [Page]Moneth Nisan &c. By which sixth day of Nisan he certainly meaneth the sixth day after the Sun entred into Aries, at which time must be the fourteenth day of the Moone and sixth day of the week. All which I finde to be exactly on the 22 day of April aforesaid, in the yeere of the Julian Period 1640, which was therefore the very day and yeere of Adams death, and very beginning of the yeare of the World, 931.

The further consideration of which is not onely a sure cha­racter of the precise time of the creation, but also serveth to declare that the Ages of the Patriarches were full and com­pleat yeeres, and that therefore Noah's Flood came not in the yeere of the World 1656, as the most account; but in the yeere of the World 1657. for Methuselah must finish the yeeres of his life before it came, as the signification of his name in the Hebrew sheweth; which is, He dyeth, and the emission, or Dart commeth.

In this yeere of the World (being the yeere of the Julian Pe­riod 2366) the seventeenth day of the second moneth, on which day the Flood began, was also on the sixth day of the weeke: which is a character likewise worth the marking. For it clearely sheweth that as on the sixth day of the weeke, God made both Man and Beast; so on the same day of the week he sends a flood of Waters to destroy them. And as this was on the sixth day of the week; so when Noah came out of the Arke was the seventh day of the week, in the yeere of the Julian Pe­riod 2367. on the fifth day of June, which in that yeare was the 27 day of the second moneth and Sabbath day: at which time Noah offered Sacrifice, even at the very end of a full year of dayes after the flood began: which adds still something for confirmation.

Another Character next after this confirming me yet more fully in a firm confidence of the truth of my accounts, is taken from the time of the comming out of Egypt, which I finde to be on the last day of Aprill in the yeare of the Julian Period 3224. which very day in that yeare was on the sixth day of the [Page]week, even as on the same day of the week Christ purchased a better Redemption by the bloud of his crosse, one thousand five hundred and two and twenty yeares after. In all which I doe much admire at the wonderfull providence of God, in dispo­sing of the Times so exactly and harmoniously: for as on the sixth day of the weeke Man was made, and Christ suffered; so on the sixth day of the weeke Israel was delivered out of the Egyptian bondage, on the very next day after the Passover, even as on the next day after the Passeover Christ our Pass­over was sacrificed for us, to free us from the bondage of sinne and Sathan.

Nor in this yeare would that character which we have in Exodus, from the history of the Quailes and Manna, be for­gotten. For as we read in the sixteenth chapter, on the fifteenth day of the second moneth the people murmured for lacke of meate: whereupon God sent them Quailes at Even, and on the morrow morning Manna; which they gathered six dayes but on the seventh day they found none, Exod. 16.26. By which we see, not onely that the 22 day of the moneth must be Sabbath day, but also that the first Manna fell on the first day of the weeke now called the Lords Day in memory of our Savi­ours Resurrection, and hath been the Christians Sabbath ever since. Which is exactly true in the yeare that I account, if but 29 dayes be reckoned for the first moneth, awd 30 for the se­cond: which (as I have shewed before, in place convenient) is more consentaneous to the motion of the Moon, then to have 30 for the first, before the odde houres arise to a day; for this could not be before the second moneth. The first moneth there­fore in any yeare hath but 29 dayes, the second 30, the third 29, the fourth 30 &c. For in one moneth (according to the meane motion of the Moon, from one conjunction to another) we have but 29 dayes, 12 houres, 44 minutes, three seconds, and 12 thirds. I account therefore that the Israelites came out of Egypt, when the 29 day of April was ending, and the 30 beginning, which was Feria sexta. I account likewise that the [Page]first Magna fell on the 30 day of May, which was the 16 day of the secrnd moneth Feria prima: and consequently that the 29 day of of May, and fifth of June were Sabbath dayes; the one on the 15 day of the second moneth, and the other on the 22. And thus is this yeare truly found by the correspondence we see it hath with these characters.

The like confirmation I find for the yeares in which I ac­count the Temple to be founded and dedicated by King Salo­mon, and aster that burnt by Nebuchadnezzar. For first it being true, that the Israelites came out of Egypt in the yeare of the Julian Period 3224, it must needes follow, that King Salo­mon laid the foundation of the Temple in the yeare of the same Period 3703, for it must be in the fourth yeare of King Salo­mon, on the second day of the second moneth, 480 yeares cur­rent after the comming out of Egypt, as we are taught in the 1 Kin. 6.1. And that being the yeare when it was dedicated (being seven yeares after) must needs be in the yeare of the same Period 3710; which was not onely seven yeares after, but was also the eleventh yeare of Salomon, as we are likewise taught it should be, in the 1 Kin. chap. 6. verse. 38. and chap. 8.2. Now this I confirme both by the time that the Temple stood, and also by the courses of the Priests which served in the said Temple till Nebuchadnezzar destroyed it. The first of these is abundantly proved by me to be 423 yeares and some odde moneths, which therefore casteth the destruction thereof into the yeare of the Julian Period 4126. Over and above which proofes of mine, I have seen that since which I do much admire; namely, that some of the skilfull Rabbins have said and recorded it, that the same number was heretofore read in the Heavens from such letters as the Starres in their position made: For as Gaffarell a learned French man hath told us, R. Rapoll, Chomier, and Abjudan have delivered to po­sterity the deepe secrets of a caelestiall writing and Reading, which discovers many strange things to them who are able to understand it: and among the rest this is one, namely, That [Page]a little before this Temple we now speake of was destroyed and burnt by Nebuchadnezzar, it was observed that eleven of the Starres that were most verticall to it, composed, for a pretty while together, five Hebrew Letters, which being joyned toge­ther, made up this word (reading it from the North towards the West) Hikschich, which signifieth to reject, and forsake without any Mercy: and the number of three of them added together, amounted to 423, the very space of Time that this stately piece of building had stood. All this I finde in the un­heard-of curiosities of James Gaffarell, at the 13 chapter, which whil'st I mention I look upon mine own proofes with the more confidence, and though I professe no skill in such curiosi­ties, yet I will embrace truth wheresoever I finde it.

This then for the time of the Temple being thus, the Cha­racter which I have to confirme all else about it, is this; name­ly, the courses of the Priests which served in the Temple, from the first Sabbath of the Dedication, till Nebuchadnezzar destroyed it. For we may easily believe that in the first Sabbath of the Dedication, the first course (which was the course of Joarib) began, which I have elsewhere proved by the Hebrew and Julian Kalender of that yeare (which was the yeare of the Iulian Period 3710) to be on the 17 day of October. To which time and yeare if we adde 224 Iulian yeares (in which space the courses returne to the same day againe) we shall come to the yeare of the Julian period 3934. on the 17 day of Octo­ber. After which we have 192 yeares more before we can come to the yeare of the Julian period 4126, in which the Tem­ple was destroyed; noting these 192 yeares to end on the 17 of October likewise. And in 192 yeares we finde 417 courses with 72 dayes over and above: which 72 dayes being taken out of the number of dayes which were from the beginning of that yeare of the Julian period to the said 17 day of October, do direct us to the sixth day of August, which then was Sabbath day, and the course of Joarib: even that very course of his, in which the Temple was destroyed; as before, in the seventh [Page]Chapter, pag. 44.45, &c. may be seen.

But I cannot forget the 423 so strangely found out by Cho­mier for the time of the Temple. Gaffarell, out of him hath other periods not impertinent, found out also by the foresaid Reading of the Stars: as that the Kingdome of the Jewes, from the beginning of the 40 yeares given to Samuel and Saul in the Acts of the Apostles, to the deplorable condition of Zedechia, should be 505 yeares, for so indeed it was, if we reckon from the beginning of the 40 yeare aforesaid to the time that Nebuchadnezzar laid his last siege against Jeru­salem, 430 dayes before the City was taken. This number of 505 he saith was signified by five stars, which composed three mysticall letters, out of which was made an Hebrew word whose signification was to breake, cast downe, and to drive out: the Number arising from those letters being 505. And why I end them at the foresaid deplorable condition of Zedechia in the time of the siege, is, ecause this position of Stars was seen thus and read a little before the Jewes saw their Scepter cast downe to the ground, and their liberty quite carried Captive into Babylon: which must needs be in the yeare of the Julian period 4125, when Nebuchadnezzar laid his last siege a­gainst Jerusalem.

Thus after the same manner the length of the Persian Mo­narchy founded by Cyrus, is said to be 208 yeares: in which though he may seeme to differ two yeares from my account, which precisely alloweth but 206; yet he doth abundantly con­fute Beroaldus, Broughton, and such others who would make the world believe that this Monarchy lasted but 130 yeares or thereabouts, whereas it must be 206 at the least, and begin (according to Xenophon) seven yeares before the death of King Cyrus: or 208 if we account from the time that Cy­rus laid the foundation thereof in conquering Asia and the whol continent about Babylon, against which he made his last expedition two yeares before he tooke it. The notice of which time is not impertinent: for even the prophet had an eye there­unto, [Page]in Jer. 51.46. Howbeit the Head of Gold was not as yet quite cut off: for that was not till Babylon was taken and Belshazzar slaine: not many houres before which, there was an hand-writing upon the wall which told it. Then was as well the first yeare of Cyrus, as of Darius Medus, how else had Da­niel been in Babylon unto the first of Cyrus, seeing upon the Conquest Darius tooke him with him into Media, as Jose­phus sheweth: where he was unto the third yeare of Cyrus, though how much longer we know not; Dan. 10.1. Whereas therefore it is said [in Dan. 1.21.] that Daniel was unto the first yeare of Cyrus, it is to be understood thus; namely, That Daniel continued in Babilon till that state was altered, and the Kingdome translated to Cyrus: who made such a partition thereof between himselfe and Darius, as that Darius had the chiefe Title of honour, though he in effect had the dominion. That which we read in the fifth Chapter hath respect hereunto; for there we read, not onely that Belshazzars Kingdome was divided, and given to the Medes and the Persians; but also that Darius Medus took the Kingdome, being threescore and two yeares old, Dan. 5.28.31. After which it seemeth probable that he lived but a while: not onely because his Climactericall yeare was now at hand, but also in regard of the time noted in the date of Daniels Visions. For in this new State, after Da­niels first Vision in the first yeare of Darius, when he prayed for the returne of the people from their captivity, there is no more mentioned of any thing dated in the yeares of his Reign, but in the yeares of Cyrus: which if Darius had been still a­live, would not have beene; as is easie to go grant if we do but consider that Darius tooke Daniel away with him into Me­dia as soon as Babylon was conquered, and made him there the chiefest Officer of his Kingdome. Nay more, that this first yeare of Darius must be the very yeare likewise when Cyrus released the captivity, is plain; not onely because now the 70 yeares were accomplished, which were both the date of Nebu­chadnezzars Kingdome Dau. 5.26. Jer. 2 [...]. finished at the death of Belshazzar [Page]and of the peoples servitude which was to be during the Reigne of him, his son, and his sons son, whom Esay calleth his Esa. 14.22 in which place by Nephew, we are to understand the sonnes sonne. The same with that in Jer. 27.7. Ne­phew: but also in regard of Daniels prayer for their Return made at this time, which was indeed the fulfilling of the con­dition required of God in his promise concerning their free­dome. For as soon as ever God had made a promise to his people that they should come home again when 70 yeares began to be accomplished at Babylon, then this followeth, and is annexed as the condition of his promise; namely, that they seeke him: for (as Junius renders that text) when ye shall call upon me that ye may Or goe away. returne, and pray unto me, then will I heare you, Ier. 29.10.12. which when Daniel considered, he prayes ear­nestly to God in the behalf of the people, even in the first yeare of Darius, and is told by the Angel Gabrel not onely that his prayer was heard, but also that the Lord had decreed a spiritu­all deliverance for his Church, which at the time appointed, and mentioned in the seventy weekes, should be accomplished by the death of Christ, whom Daniel calls the Messiah; as may beseen at large in the ninth Chapter of his prophecy.

But to return again to Gaffarel and his learned Chomier, who tel us that the continuation likewise of the Graecian King­dome is also found after the same manner, and in the Heavens pointed out to be 284 yeares; which was foreshewed by foure Stars that made up the Verbe Parad, a word which signifieth to divide; and in which the number was 284. Now this is true as well as the rest that are before mentioned, if we begin to reckon from the yeare of the Iulian period 4384 when Alex­ander the Great subdued He was the last King of the Persian Monarchy. Darius Codoman, and end in the yeare of the same period 4668. when Iulius Caesar was created perpetuall Dictator for the Romans, in whom the foundation also of their Monarchy began first to be laid, though it came to no great perfection till Augustus overcame Marke Anthony: from whence all the time after, to the destruction of Ierusalem by Titus, is ninety and nine yeares. And at that I end. LAUS SOLI DEO.

FINIS.

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