GIve me leave, 1854. The siege of Antwerp. (warranted by Livies example) to tel you by way of preface in this part of my work, (which in the beginning most annuall writers use o­penly to professe,) that I am to speake of a siege more memorable by farr, how great. then ever yet was laid to any citty: for never were rivers bridled with stronger bulwarkes, nor wits armed with more adventurous stratagems, nor by Souldiers, who in many sieges had gathered both skill, and courage was it ever more gallantly fought. Here Castles were erected on violent rivers, mines discovered amongst the waters, Rivers overflowing rampiers, and a­gaine, rampires outtoping the rivers; [Page 2]and as if the labour of Antwerp siege onely seemed but little, defignes were extended by the Generall into other places; Antwerp. Gaunt. Dendermund, Bruxels, Mechlin. With what for­ces it was be­gun. And at the same time, five most strong and potent Cities were all at once besieged, all in a yeares com­passe subdued. These greatattempts, with what great forces, with what courages they were perfected, now I doe begin not negligently to relate.

Part of the Catholicke army was drawne into the Garisons of Cities and Forts; part fought in Friesland under Verdugo prefect of that pro­vince, and Taffius his Lievetenant, against William of Nassau and Mar­tin Schench, Count Aremberg, and Manrieque had in armes two regi­ments of Germanes about Colen. Ap­pius de Comitibus, Manrique a Spanyard, but borne in Ger­many. and Blastius Capisuccus, with some troops of horse, made excursions into Zut­phan. The Marquesse of Renthi with his Regiment of Walloones, guarded Artois, and Vaynolt, against the mo­tions of the French. There were foure Regiments, and some compa­nies besides, with Alexander Prince of Parma, in Brabant and Flanders. Besides three Regiments were newly [Page 3]come out of Spaine, which (as before we related) King Philip, after his Navall fight at the Tercera Isalands, had sent into the Low-conntries. And with these forces, which amounted to about ten thousand foot, and one thousand seven hundred horse (for he had contracted the seven Regi­ments, So Alexan­der writ to the King. July 15. which as I sald were but halfe full, into five) Alexander having first advised with his Councell of warr began the siege of Antwerp.

Antwerp is situated on the river Scheldt, being almost five miles in compasse, The Inhabitants of the Citty, Its forme. and containeth an hundred Inhabitants, besides Seafaring people It much resembles the forme of a ben­ded bow, whose string is the banke of the river, there being not any other Citty in all the Netherlands stronglier fortified, Its strength. or better appointed against an enemy. That side which ben­deth into Brabant, most high walles, from which ten strong Turrets ap­peare, so placed as with mutuall aide they may relieve each other, en­vironed with a great ditch of water, securely defend. The side toward Flanders, hath for a trench, the river Scheldt, capable not onely of single [Page 4]ships, but even of whole Navies; yea someties there have been numbred a­bout two thousand ships in the port and river: whence trafficking with a great part of the world, the River playes not onely the Merchant, by bringing in all forraine commodities, but the warriour also for Auxiliary forces. The consultation of besieging it. But how much securer the Anwerpians were, so much the more cautious were Alexanders Councel­lours. There were present at the coun­cell, besides Count Mansfield, and the rest of the regall Senate never wont to be absent, Mondragonius, Billius, Olivera, and Pacius, all Spaniards of Belgians, there were Mottaeus, Goigne, and Licquius, for the rest of the Low-country men were absent: of others, there were Ca­millus à Monte, George Basta, and Camillus Capisuccus. Most are against it. Most of these were even amazed with the greatnesse of the proposed designe, and thought the attempt more bold, then could be brought to a prosperous end. For said they, he who would think of be­sieging Antwerp, ought seriously to consider whether hee have sufficient forces, wherewith at the same time, he [Page 5]may block it up by land in Brabant, and by the river on Flanders side: For it were in vaine to besiege it by land, to which by the river: if not from above from Gaunt, at least from below, to witt, from the Sea, both provision and reliefe may continual­ly be brought in. But the river was so broad, that it could not be blockt up by lesse then two armies on either side one. Wherefore hee had need of three armies, who from Brabant, and either banke of the river Scheldt, might stop reliefe. But that would not be done, by reason of his small forces. Neither had he sufficient shipps wherewith to hinder the enemies Na­vie about to enter the river from the sea. To these things added Billius, that the complaints of the Soudiers more troubled him, who being defrau­ded of their pay, not comming from Spaine, almost hungerstarved, and most of them halfe naked, verily were unfit to be brought to a siege, of more then one moneths continuance. Nor did Pacius and Montius omit, that it was seriously to bee thought on, whether it were best to begin Ant­werp siege, leaving Dendermund. [Page 6]Gaunt, and other holds behind him, from whence the enemy with free ex­cursions, might disturbe the bringing in of provision unto the Army, and the raising of Fortifications. Lastly, all except Mondragonius, Two only ex­cepted. and Capi­succus, who committed all to Alex­anders fortune, thought it unsafe, and unseasonable, to set upon so great de­signes with so small forces. Therefore turning from the siege of Antwerp, to besiege Alexander, And strive to divert his minde from the siege. they stand a­bout him with joynt prayers: and objecting the danger of losing both his and their owne honours, they en­deavor to subdue his minde in his re­solution still immoveable. But his opinion is to besiege it. But hee commending their care, in the first place said, that he had reflected on all those things which they conceived to be the greatest dangers. Notwithstan­ding he did not thinke, but that after they had heard him reason a little on the matter, they would think better of the success. Then hee began much after this manner: ‘That hee had not the thought of invading Antwerp, before he was encouraged by pious men, that it would be acceptable to God: and had known the Kings [Page 7]minde concerning it. Neither did he doubt that human and ordinary helps would be wanting, which for the present might perswade the ex­pedition. For, he certainly knew, that the enemies were never in like fear, being within few months af­flicted with so many and so great losses by the Kings Army; viz. Be­ing destitute of the Prince of O­range's counsells, out of hope of succour from the French, and ha­ving lost so many Townes and Castles, nere adjoyning to Ant­werp. And surely, when the walls being battered, do tremble and shake, then with greater certainty may the assault be pursued. And from thence had he greater encou­ragement to assail the affrighted enemies, even in their chiefest for­tresse of war, and to carry that ter­rour through the strong holds of Brabant: not with vain hope, that they will for fear of losing Ant­werp, either slight other places; or, for fear of losing other places, will not be able to defend it. Indeed he had but few forces to set upon so many things with; but, they were [Page 8]skilfull in war accustomed to victo­ry; and, which is above all, con­ducted by great commanders. For, unto which of your hands here pre­sent, might not one safely deliver the charge of an Army? FOR, by the skill of Captains, and prow­esse of Souldiers, an Army is dou­bled. And be they never so many, those be but few who conclude the victory. As of a spear, how long soever the palm only of the cuspe doth all the execution. GREAT forces are not alwaies to be wished for in war, no more then great bo­dies, being for the most part sub­ject to many infirmities, us'd to be more pamper'd, move slowlier, and are but fairer marks to be le­velled at. Nor had he cast over with himselfe so to win Antwerp, that it was needfull to imploy ma­ny Souldiers about it; sith that by land, a few troopes of Horse, ma­king inroades into the territories of Antwerp, between Liere, Hoch­strate, and Breda, Townes of the Kings party, might easily hinder traffick. And by the River, towards the Ocean (from whence the grea­test [Page 9]force of the enemy was to be feared) he had determined, either to take the Castles on both sides the River; or, to build new ones; and from thence with Canon shot to restrain the Ships passage, if not all, at least so much, as that the Mer­chants might perceive their losse, and the City, full of Inhabitants might be wearied out for want of provision. Nor seemed those forces which for the present he had with him, unable to perform these things: Nor did he doubt of their obedi­ence in the work, having try'd, that his Souldiers were more couragious in battle, then mutinous in their quarters: But, lest they should be discouraged, he had lately received a summe of mony from the King, which he would divide amongst his Veterans; for those that were newly come out of Spain, had already re­ceived pay. Although it was not to be feared, but that his Souldiers would willingly undergo the siege of Antwerp, from which so great booty might be expected. There were many yet in the Army, who, about eight years since, had suffi­cient [Page 10]experience of the riches of that Empory, the yet memory whereof inciting them, they will doubtlesse enkindle in their fellowes the desire of like plunder. Lastly, for security of the Army, he had provided, that provision might safe­ly from the territories of Wasia, be conveyed unto the Camp. Nor had he so left Gaunt and Dender­mund behinde, that the Kings Ar­my had any cause to fear; for they would have enough to do, to defend themselves from our Souldiers, plac'd in Castles, newly rais'd thereabout. Wherefore, seeing that many things for the present in­vited him, no reasons appeared sufficient to withdraw him from it; let them leave that only determi­nation to him, and with great and constant courages begin the Siege of Antwerp; and from whence he for­saw the accesse of all Brabant would follow: And they might be confi­dent, that the Mother of God, pa­tronesse of Antwerp, having been wickedly banished from her own City by Heresie, they now, refusing no perill, to restore her to her an­tient [Page 11]possession, would not forsake them in their so pious attempts.’ The Siege of Antwerp once decreed, The Siege is decreed. rather by Alexander's authority, then his Oration, command was forthwith given to provide things necessary for it; which by reason they were many, and in severall places: For, Antwerp, Gaunt, Bruxells, Dendermund, and Mechlin were all at once attempted, I thought it worth my labour to prescribe the sites of these places.

Antwerp, by Reason of the River Scheldt, sufficiently strong of it selfe, How Antwerp is defended by the River Scheldt. By the Castles placed on the River banks. by the many Forts and Sconces plac't thereon, especially towards the Ocean, is yet far stronger, chiefly by two, about nine miles from Antwerp; the one called Lillo, taking its name from a neighbouring Village, Mon­dragonius, by the Duke of Alva's appointment had erected on the coast of Brabant: The other called Lief­kenshoeck, the confederate Provinces possessed of Antwerpe, built on the other side of the River over against Lillo; and not long after took Lillo also. By commerce of the same Ri­ver, By commerce of the same River, with Gaunt. Antwerp is joyned to Gaunt, di­stant [Page 12]about thirty miles: Dendermund Strengthens the traffick in the mid­way between Antwerp and Gaunt, with Dender­mund, placed also on the River Scheldt. But neerer, about twelve miles from Ant­werp, is seated Mechlin: And by the River Dele running into the Scheldt, with Mechlin, under the name of Rupel, gives and takes mutuall assistance. and with Bru­xels 24 miles. A little fur­ther distant from Antwerp is Bru­xells: but having opened themselves a ditch or channell, fit for navigation, they can sail into Rupel, and thence sliding into the Scheldt, enter Ant­werp. Prince Alexander well appre­hending all these things, determined not with severall Armies to lay siege to every City, for that by a hundred and fiftie thousand souldiers could not be effected; but, as he had begun at Gaunt, erecting Sconces and Forts a distance off, Alexander be­gins to cut off this entercourse. and blocking up the Rivers, by which the Cities had their relief, by little and little meant to make them feel the miseries of a Siege, without the noise of a Siege: Therefore sending Plato his Enginere, with a band of Souldiers to Wettera, he commanded Anthony Olivera, who kept the bridge lately built there [Page 13]on the Scheldt against Gaunt, from Gaunt, from Dender­mund, to raise a new Fort towards Dendermund, thereby to cut off all hopes of com­merce between Gaunt, Antwerp, and Dendermund. He dispatched part of Igniquesius regiment to the Village of Willebroeck, which is between Mechlin and Antwerp, from Mechlin, to besiege the Castle erected there on the bank of the River, and from Bru­xels. and stop the passage of Bru­xells channell, whose chiefest defence is Willebroeck. Then applying him­selfe unto Antwerp, Then sets upon the Siege both by land and wa­ter. He commits the land to George Basta. he thus distribu­ted the Siege amongst the chiefest Commanders of his Army: He com­manded George Basta, Commissarie of the Horse, a wise and valiant man, with some troops of Epirots and Ita­lians, to guard the country about Antwerp in Brabant; and so to pro­vide, that in time of need, calling for aid from the next Forts, he might see, that no provision should be car­ried into the City out of Brabant. The banks of the Scheldt, Flanders side to Rubasius. That of Bra­bant to Mans­field. As for the banks of the River Scheldt, Flanders side, where the Army then lay, he committed to Marquesse Ru­basius, Generall of the Horse, and That that of Brabant to Peter Ernest Count Mansfield, Camp-Master-Generall. [Page 14]To Mansfield he added Christopher Mondragonius, and part of the Ar­my, viz. four thousand and five hundred foot, and eight Troops of horse To Rubasius he joyned Gas­per Billius, and Peter Pacius, with three thousand foot, and four troops of Horse; and commanded, that as well they, that stay'd on this side, as those that were to passe over the Scheldt, with all celerity should as­sault and take the enemies Forts and Castles, plac'd on both sides the River towards the Ocean. And from thence to oppose themselves against the enemies sailing from Holland and Zealand to Antwerp. Where­fore he commanded Mondragonius with his Regiment, Before whom Mondragoni­us goes on his side, consisting of twenty one colours, to go before Count Mansfield, who was soon after to follow with the rest of his forces, and at Rupelmund, and Borcht, to passe over his Souldiers into Brabant in boats: Which he did prosperously execute, and puts to slight the ene­mies shipcoming to oppose him. putting to flight hy Canon shot, the Admirall's ship of Antwerp, which came to hin­der his passage, after it had received some hurt. Antwerp. The City being highly [Page 15]offended at the negligence of the Ga­rison Souldiers; but when they saw the Kings Army spread on both sides the River, and their tents so sudden­ly pitch'd, their anger was turned into care. For now Alexander mo­ving with his Court from Tourney, Alexander pitcheth in a Ʋillage of Flanders. Not far from him R [...]basius. came to Bevera, a Village of Flan­ders, about seven miles from Ant­werp, and there fortified himselfe: not far from his pavillions, Rubasius, with all his warlick Magazine, sat down in the Village of Calloo on the Scheldt, having first ejected the Ga­rison Souldiers hence. Between both Charles Mans­field. Between both, but neerer to Alexander, Charles Count Mansfield, son to Ernest, Master of the Artillerie, those for seat of his military Engines the Vil­lage of Melsen, But on Brabant side, On Brabant side Mansfield the Father, Count Mansfield Camp-mater Ge­nerall, following Mondragonius o­ver the Scheldt, plac'd his tents in the Village of Straboeck, about four miles distant from Lillo; which (be­cause Alexander design'd that seat for himselfe) he diligently fortified. A distance off, in the Village of Be­rendrecht, and Mondra­gonius, was the station of Mon­dragonius: with whom afterwards, [Page 16]neer Stanflict Camillus à Monte, with Monti­tius and Capi­succus. and Capisuccus joyned theirs. Assoon as it was perceived, that Antwerp was by the Kings Army attacqued on eve­ry side, the Antwerpians, although at first, knowing both theirs, and the enemies forces, The Antwerpi­ans prepare for their defence. Phil Marnixi­us of Mont Saint Alde­gund. had jeered at the en­terprise; yet, notwithstanding, fea­ring Alexanders fortune, they cou­ragiously prepared for their defence. Aldegund governed the City as Con­sul, the Prince of Orange's most inti­mate friend, and next after him, was out-topped in authority by none of the States. Especially on both banks of the Scheldt. By his advice, especiall care was taken of fortifying the Ca­stles on either side the River: The chiefest were Lillo on Brabant side, Liesken shoeck on Flanders coast, and the Forts standing in the Isle of Doele. Odettus Tilinius, The Isle of Doele. son to Lanoy, with a fresh cohort of French, took upon him to defend Lillo. John Pet­tin, an old Colonell, was commanded to fortifie Lieskenshoeck with a new mud-wall. The like care was taken of the other forts. The bank at Saf­ting and other places being cut, and a way opened for the Scheldt to over­flow the fields of Wasia, even unto [Page 17] Antwerp. They sent some also to Bergen-Zom to gather Souldiers; and others to demand aid from Zeland and Holland, and also to sollicite William Blosse de Treslong, Admirall of Zealand sea.

But now, as they had orders, And Alexan­der's Comman­ders invade both sides of the Ri­ver. Mondragonius advanced against Lil­lo, Rubasius against the Isle of Doele, but with contrary successe; for the one by aged caution making delay, Mondrag. Rubas. lost opportunity; the other burning with youthfull celerity, set upon the enemy, unprovided both of counsell and defence. The Isle of Doele, The Isle of Do­ele, and its Ca­stles. which is made by a Rampyre or Dyke drawn about against deluges, is de­fended by foure Castles, and there endeth the territory of Wasia. Thi­ther Rubasius, sending before Pacius Regiment, came sooner then could be expected; therefore the Castle of Antonia yieded it selfe forthwith to Rubasius; The Castles of Antonia and Teruent. and the Garison of Teruent not expecting the enemy fled away: But, it fell out far otherwise at Lief­kenshoeck. Liefkenshoeck. It was kept by about eight hundred Souldiers, who fiercely re­jected Rubasius's Trumpeter, deman­ding the render of their Castle, for [Page 18]three daies most valiantly maintained their defence, untill by Canon shot, the Rampire being beaten down in severall places, and Prince Alexan­der advancing from Bevera, and of­fering them in vain kinde conditions, he commanded Rubasius not any longer to deferr the assault, who sen­ding thither Hernandus de Isla, and Gasparine Lucensis, Captaines of select companies, commanded them not to admit any to mercy; who, al­though at the first assault they were repulsed; yet, venturing again, they took the Castle, put about foure hun­dred of the enemies to the sword, drowned almost two hundred, Rubasius takes it, and brought away seven Colours; Pettin Governour of the Castle being slain by Rubasius own hand, who the same night marched to Noort, the last Fort of the Isle, scituate on the Scheldt; but Fer [...]mius Governour of that place, having conveyed all his Artillery into Ships, kill'd all his Cattle, and set fire on the Fort, re­tired to Antwerp. From thence the Army retired to Safting, which only held remained untaken, but finding it void of defendants, they began to [Page 19]make up the cleft of the bank, against the waters bursting forth from the left side of the River. And thus by Rubasius's expedition, and wins all Flanders bank. Antwerp was disarmed of the Forts on Flanders coast, and of all the Country of Wa­sia, lying along the Scheldt; when in the interim on Brabant side, Mon­dragonius. marched against Lillo, Mondragoni­us sets upon Lil­lo. knowing how strong a Castle, both by scituation and fortification he was to attempt, as having built it him­selfe, and for that he was too cauti­ous of the enemies strength, as con­scious of it, he gave time to admit a Garison into Lillo. It HELPS, to wit, sometimes not to know dangers, which if known, would be a hinde­rance to victory. For two thousand souldiers under Balfurius, The Garrison encreased. a Scotch Colonell, were received into the Ca­stle, against part of whom, sallying out under Tillinius, Mondragonius advanced with his Regiment, He fights with them, sallying out, and giving them battle, it was with equall losse a long time disputed, untill the Cataracts which were within the Castle being drawn, and the River Scheldt then swelling with the tyde, let out amongst the Spaniards, the [Page 20]Mondragonians not being able any longer to endure, without success. both the vehemen­cy of the Canons thundring from the Castle, and the tempest of the wa­ter, and having lost Aloysius Toleta­nus, and Peter Padilla, two valiant Captains, by little and little retired, and were compelled to move their station into a safer place; with great constancy, But with great constancy of the Spaniards. chiefly of the Spaniards, carrying away in the sight of the e­nemies their wheel-pieces on their shoulders, and wading in the water up to the breasts, Nor were they so dismaid, when they could not by reason of the deluge, assail the enemies on the front, on the right side, climbing up the banks of the Scheldt (upon which the Castle stands) they obstinately again at­tempted the assault, and having ta­ken a little Sconce, they fiercely stor­med the Castle: but the Rampire be­ing cut in many places, hindred their entrance: Therefore being out of hope of winning the Castle, Whom Alex. calls off. they were by his excellency commanded to retreat to Stabroeck, and there to prohibit the excursions of the Gari­son souldiers from Lillo.

[Page 21]Whilst the confederates defended Lillo, they lost Herentalls. For the Antwerpians solicitous of Lillo, cal­led thence the Scotch Garison, Herentals by Caesius means. and trusted Herentals to the Townsmen. Wherefore Caesius (the Horse being divided between him and George Basta) making inroads into those places, did not let slip so fit an op­portunity; Count Nicol. Caes. for, having sojourned there as a Prisoner, he had contra­cted great familiarity with the chief­est Townsmen, and therefore easily perswaded them, that not expecting the Victorious Army, they should de­liver the Town to the Prince of Par­ma; which was scarcely effected, when the Townsmen, having first admitted Caesius into the Town, Submits to the Kin. the Garison Souldiers being by the Ant­werpians (too late repenting them of their rash counsell) commanded to returne, shut their Gates, turned their Cannons against them, and beat them off. For that service, Caesius obtain­ed of the Prince the Government of that place. But, Alexander for the present having lost opportu­nity of taking Lillo, though it not convenient to spend any longer time [Page 22]about that siege, which if it were ta­ken, together with Liefkenshoeck on the opposite bank, which he already had, the enemies ships could not by them be sufficiently prohibited from passage, by reason of the rivers breadth, and the daring enemies in the dead of the night, waiting for the help of the tyde, violently rushing in from the sea, might easily delude both Castles endeavours: Wherefore seeing the Rivers passage could not be obstructed, Alexander thinks of a Bridge to block up the Scheldt. unlesse by the interpo­sition of a bridge, he judged it all one, whether to erect it there, be­tween Lillo and Liefkenshoeck, or else-where, raising Castles in some other places. Wherefore measuring (as it were) the Channell, Alexan­der, to whose opinion the most an­cient and skilfull Marriners, with his Captains Baroccius and Plato, easi­ly assented, thought it best to block up the River not far from Lillo to­wards Antwerp, He chooseth the place between Calloo and Or­dam, for three rea­sons. between Calloo, a village of Flanders, and Ordam, a village of Brabant. The motives, as he writ to the King, why he chiefly chofe that place, were these; Because the Scheldt there is not so very [Page 23]broad, and a hillock of earth, like to a bed of sand (which they call a bank) stretching it selfe out from the shore, straitneth the channell. Be­sides, in that place, the river bending it selfe a little towards the right hand, the shipps have therefore al­most need of another winde, so that they cannot so directly, and with like violence keep on their course. Lastly, he had try'd, that the earth there was full of gravell and solid, and most commodious, both for raising and upholding the work. Moreover, He commands Castles to be built on either side the River, at the ends of the bridge, he had committed the charge of buil­ding the Castles on both sides the River, which should be the heads of the bridge, viz. Flanders side to Rubasius, and Brabant to Mondra­gonius. That for reverence to the Mo­ther of God, to whom he had dedi­cated the whole work from the be­ginning, was called Saint Maries; this in the honour of the King, Saint Philips. Besides, he erected other Ca­stles in other places, and others else­where. some for defence of his Army, others against the ene­mies Forts; and those that were pla­ced against Antwerp, were called of Saint Peter, and Saint Barbara; those [Page 24]against Lillo of the Blessed Trinity.

Whilst Alexander was continu­ally busied in earnest labours on both sides the River, THE SIEGE OF DEN­DERMUND. and was thought there to have his whole care employ­ed; secretly, with Pacius's Regiment, and a band of Italians, he sets upon the Siege of Dendermund.

Dendermund is situated at the mouth of the River Dender, from whence it takes its name, Its site. which River runneth into the Scheldt; wherefore by reason of its site and fabrick, it was reckoned a­mongst the strongest Cities in Flan­ders; and in regard it is seated in the mid-way, between Gaunt and Ant­werp, is very commodious to them both. Commodious to the bordering enemies. Alexander determined long since to bring it under subjection, as well to enterpose it as a bar, to cut off all passage and commerce between both Cities, as to exonerate himselfe of the trouble of dividing his forces, for he was forc't continually to keep a guard in the Country about Gaunt and Dendermund. Forces are sent thither before. Thither he sent be­fore John Gamboa with Augustine Igniquesius Regiment, commanding him to take the sluces of Dender, [Page 25]which the enemies with a Mill neer the City had fortified, and from whence they might easily overwhelm the places neer adjacent: Which he had scarce effected, having killed a­bout fiftie of the defendants, First, the sluce is taken. and put the rest to flight, when from Bru­xells side appeared Charles Count Mansfield, with five troopes of Horse, and some Companies of Wal­loones; and from the other side at Waestmuster, Alexander with Paci­us's Regiment; who forthwith setting guards on the river Scheldt, both a­bove and below, and environing the City, planted his Cannons against the Fort before Bruxels gate. Then the City is besieged, viz. The gate towards Bru­xels. The Governour had carefully fortified it, Mortag­nus with eight hundred souldiers, besides armed townsmen, instead of Rihovius their Governour, who then was absent, commanded the City; he fortified all places industriously but especially Bruxels fortification, strengthening it with most of his Ve­terans, against the force of the enemy: especially the fort before the City, and from thence they continually shot, and not in vain, against the Royalists, but weakly fenced. The first terrour they struck was by the death of Peter Pacius, a Spanish Co­lonell, [Page 26]who behinde a gabion, From whence shooting they kill Pacius, or wicker basket, directing a Cannon against the enemy, was suddenly slain with a Musquet-bullet, piercing his head. The same day, a little af­ter, Peter Tassius, overseer of the Ar­my, was slain, and Tassius. being shot also into the head with a Musquet-bullet. At the first, with great griefe of the Spani­ards, especially for the losse of his piety and valour, who, because he had a care of his souldiers necessities, as if he had been their Father, was commonly called Peter de Pan; The Spaniards are thereby in­censed; but afterwards with so great rage a­gainst the enemy, and desire of re­venge, that the Cannons having not as yet made a sufficient breach in the Fort, they all contentiously desire the assault. ANGER to wit, sometimes, addeth more force, then losse doth diminish. They have yet another motive to whet their fury. especially seeing the Saints inju­red. The Ga­rison souldiers brought into the Fort with a mimick kinde of state, a great Image of a Saint, and setting it upon the battlements, after they had abused it with derisions and stripes, furiously tumbled it down: [Page 27]At which spectacle, all their hearts were incensed with indignation; yea, the Captains could scarcely contain the fury of their souldiers, threat­ningly demanding the signe of the onset. Whereupon Alexander think­ing it best to make use of their heat, seeing the front of the Fort to be bea­ten down, and part of the back also, Alexander gives order for the assault. he chose three souldiers out of every Spanish company (which amounted not to above fifty) and commanded them, being conducted by two Cap­tains of Pacius's Regiment, to as­sail the back: he also chose as many of the same Regiment, led also by two Captains, to follow after; he at­tributed the front to the Italians and Germans, and commanded the Wal­loones to assault the side with scaling Ladders. Notwithstanding he deferred the assault untill the next day, which was the Eve of the assumption of our Blessed Lady, because on that Feast (as he advertised the Captains) the Queen of heaven assisting them, Trusting in the help of the B. Virgin. he doubted not but to revenge the In­juries of the Saints. Nor was he de­ceived in his piety. And now they begun the assault on all sides, with [Page 28]great animosity and contempt of death; but, especially the Spaniards. And for two houres it was gallantly fought on both sides, but, at length the Royalists prevailed, and with the losse of fifteen only of their souldiers, took the Fort; The Fort is ta­ken. but, the defendants lost above eightie, and the rest fled into the City: which, although the Spaniards from the higher place commanded; yet, notwithstanding the strength of the Walls, the interi­our Bulwarks, and especially the Ditch, which being very deep, and full of water, hindred their accesse to the Walls, seem'd to retard the con­quest: Besides, the City on a suddain, by a sleight occasion, but made grea­ter by conceit, was much animated. There were some Carriages loaden with provision, Provision sent unto the Farne­sian Camp, sent from the Vil­lage of Gaure to Alexanders Army, when about two hundred and fiftie souldiers issuing out of Gaunt, from whence Dendermund had requested ayde, Intercepted by those of Gaunt; and putting to flight the con­voy neer to Alst, joyfully brought away the booty. But short was the joy of both Cities; for Olivera having notice thereof, drew forth from the [Page 29]Fort of Wettera some troopes of Horse, and meeting them not farre from Gaunt, unawares set upon the conquerors, and either killing or ta­king them prisoners, but recovered with their o­verthrow, was sent back to the Army. for there did not one escape by flight, sent back the Carriages to Alexander. But the Dendermundians had yet a farr grea­ter affliction; for, when the River was turn'd, and drawn another way, (which they never expected) and thereby the Ditch, their chiefest de­fence drained, they were daunted with that unheard of celerity: for, within five daies, with admirable ex­pedition, they had seen Bridges built, Rivers blockt up, Tents pitched, the City besieged, the Walls deprived of their Trench of water, their Fort ta­ken, nor any rest either night or day allowed them, fearing any longer to provoke the Conquerour, they sent a Trumpeter to demand a parley, Dendermund delivered to A­lex. 17. Aug. and delivered up the City; the Citizens being fined in sixty thousand Florens; the Souldiers (which were about five hundred) sent away without either horse or armes, and the City com­manded to receive what Garrison it pleased the Prince of Parma. Where­fore [Page 30]three companies of Spaniards of Pacius's Regiment, and two of Ita­lians entred the Town, Alexander creating John de Rivas, Iohn de Rivas made Gover­nour, an old Cap­tain of the same Regiment, for a no­ble act performed at that expedition, Governour of the City. For, he com­mitting some Carts, made ready in the night-time, loaden with Faggots, to the forwardest of his Captains, to be conveyed into the ditch of the Fort, thereby to defend the assailants; Rivius was the first that drove the Cart forward against the enemy; who ha­ving notice of the design, had pre­pared themselves to shoot from the Fort, and he was the first, and soon after the only man, that adventured to advance against a storm of leaden hailstones; for two of his fellowes were shot, and he also a little after wounded in the shoulder; notwith­standing, he with a couragious spi­rit, for his gallant exploit, and a threatning look stood to his work, nor did he desist, before he had driven his Cart to the place in­tended; and in defiance of his ene­mies, with all his might, did drive the next Cart, forsaken by his woun­ded souldiers, even unto the front of [Page 31]the Fortresse. Then by Alexander's appointment he was carried into his Tent, and in reward of his approved valour made Governour of the City. But Prince Alexander, although in the beginning, the Siege of Dender­mund was by Mondragonius judged to be a tedious businesse, and would not (as he said) be dispatched, before the earth was covered over with snow; yet, the eleventh day after he depar­ted from Bevera, the City being ve­ry strong of it selfe, And the expedi­tion dispatched sooner then was expected. and within short time like to draw Gaunt the same way, was by his counsell, authority, help, and especially fame, which was Alexanders chiefest favourite, brought under subjection; and then he returned to the siege of Antwerp, Returnes to Antwerp. where the summe of his cares resi­ded.

Alexander together with Plato and Baroccius (whose judgments next to his Councell of War he chie­fly made use of) contrived of what form the work should be to block up the River: and commanded, He prepares timber for buil­ding the bridge. that the longest Trees that could be found, should in the territorie of Wasia, especially neer the Castle of Vorhote­us, [Page 32]and other places, be cut down: and with a huge number of faggots, boughs, and other timber, be con­veyed into the Church of Calloo: a great part whereof being already brought, he, whilst some ship-masts fetch'd further off were expected, be­gan, partly to fortifie the Forts of Saint Maries and Saint Philips, He fortifies St. Mar. and Phil. and the banks of the Scheldt. partly to build new Castles on either side of the River, and carefully to provide, that the workmen and Car­penters, ready to set upon the ground­work of the Bridge, should not be hindred and disturbed by the enemies Navie. Aldegund jeers at it. But Consul Aldegund, being informed at Antwerp by his Emissa­ries what was in agitation, it is strange how ridiculously he contem­ned it, and in the presence of many, censur'd it as vain and foolish; whe­ther deceived himselfe he thought so, or desired that others should be of that opinion: For, said he, ‘Prince Alexander, even drunk with pro­sperity, thinking by the interpo­sition of a Bridge, to bridle the li­berty of the Scheldt, doth too much confide in himselfe; for that River will no more brook the [Page 33]shackles of engines, then the free Belgians the bondage of Spaniards. The River in that place; if he know not, is two thousand foure hun­dred foot broad, deep, when the tyde is out of it, above sixty, and when the sea sends in the tyde, it encreases at least twelve foot. And how can the Spaniards have in rea­dinesse trees of so huge length and firmnesse to out-top that channell, and appeare above the water; nor could this bee expected to be done by shipps, which perhaps might be in place of a Bridge, sith that for the present the besiegers had none with them, nor could any be conveyed to them, but before the walls and part of Antwerp. But in nothing did the Prince of Parma so grosly mis­take, as in deferring the work till almost winter when the River now congealeth into ice, then breaketh into huge pieces, even like swim­ming Islands: hee surely hath but little knowledge of the place, if he think to make a wooden Bridge to endure and hold out against Moun­taines of ice, forced and dashed by the Tyde rushing in furiously from [Page 34]the Sea against it: which if with like violence should bee moved a­gainst the City it self, though firm­ly founded, would without doubt subvert it. And these things will certainely come to passe, though Antwerp act nothing, but sit still as a spectatour. But what if on the one side, viz. from Antwerp, and on the other side from Holland and Zea­land, the Bridge should at once bee assayled by both our Navies, what can Alexander interpose against the winter, the sea, and our Fleets? e­nemies all at once combining a­gainst him, to protect that weake foundation raised in the Waters?’ Thus whilst Aldegund either out of dissimulation or contempt of the dan­ger, gave encouragement to his Soul­diers; Alexander having already be­gun the work, brought the River un­der subjection.

Now I will, The description of the bridge. following Julius Cae­sars example, who was as carefull in describing, as hee was in building of his Bridge over the Rheine, exactly and distinctly deliver unto you the modell of the work, because rather by fame then knowledge it begot admi­ration [Page 35]with many: especially I having seen the form of the same bridge, with the Castles and Forts thereunto ad­joyning, in a great frame of Wood composed by a rare Artificer of Gaunt, which Prince Alexander, together with a Table representing also in colours the whole work sent to Rome, which then by all was much admi­red. It was made after this manner: First, at St. Maries Fort, three piles of an equall distance from the Bank, St. Maries Fort. and placed about five foot one from another, were fastened into the River by a wonderfull and quick invention. Its beginning on Flanders bank on Piles thus placed. After these, there were as many di­stant from the first, eleven foot, and five foot one from another: from these about thirteene foot off were three o­thers: and from these succeeded three others, eleven foot distant; and thus by course, as it were severall couples, some eleven, and some thirteene foot asunder, they were so farre extended into the middle of the River, that by reason of the depth of the Channell, and violent course of the waters, there could not any more Trees how long soever be fastened, twelve piles of se­venty foot long being fixed in the ri­ver, [Page 36]almost in a Quadrangle, to be the basis or ground-work of the Castle, finished this part of the Pile-work, and the topps of all the Piles before-mentioned joyned together by beams laid length-way, connected by over­thwart-planks like lattisses were for the Causey, or floore of the Bridge: On the out-side in the mid-way be­tweene every Ternall of Piles, there was a beame standing out five foot from the said piles struck fast into the Waters: which by two other beams as it were Armes, taking hold of two of the adverse Piles, in form of a wedge bound fast the whole work to the op­posite beames. And this was observed in every ternall juncture on both sides the foundation. But yet more distant outwardly, on either side there went along another row of Piles over a­gainst those which were placed three in a rank, about twenty foot off, from the bottome of which, to about the superficies of the Water, were raised great props, which being put under the sharp Angles of the former work, and in the middle meeting together cros-wise like claspes joined together the inner Piles, and there by wonder­fully strengthned the whole Machine. [Page 37]The work thus ordered, The way over the bridge upon beames boarded and fenced. boards were laid over the former Floore, to make even the passage over the Bridge, which was securely flancked on ei­ther side against Musquet-shot, with strong and firme Plancks, five foot high, with a Parapet of two foot, with like solid boards was the Castle, the intended station of the Souldiery in the furthest part of the work fortify­ed. The passage of the Bridge being twelve foot broad, admitted eight Souldiers to march on breast: and the Castle forty foot broad, and fifty two foot long, was capable of about fifty Souldiers. And whilst this part of the Bridge on Flanders side, was built, at the same time at St. Philips Fort on Brabant side was the other part of the Bridge fabricated, The same was observed on Brabant side. after the same fa­shion a Castle being built also at the end of it for the Souldiers, saving that on this side the Channell being not to deepe, the foundation was continued on farre further, The length of the steccada on both sides, for it was nine hund­red foot in length, when the other was not above two hundred. The Souldi­ers call'd both parts of the Pile-work Steccada. The middle which was the greater halfe of the River yet remain­ed [Page 38]open: for it was betweene both Ca­stles above one thousand two hundred and fifty foot. In which place the Chanell was of such an immense deep­nesse and violent rapidity, The breadth of the River be­twixt both works, could not be made up by Poles for the depth thereof. that it was impossible to fasten any more Piles by what Engine soever: Alexander ther­fore determined to block up that pas­sage by the interposition of the Ships, sending to Dunkirk, that if there were any there to fetch them from thence, but there were not many, nor could they be conveyed through the Scheldt but in sight of Gaunt and Antwerp. Yet he had great hopes, that Gaunt as hee was enformed thence by credible persons, would ere long come into his hands, and so he might from thence a­bundantly furnish himself with ships, Marriners, and other warlike Maga­zine. In the interim he thought it suf­ficient that the River was straightned, and the passage not onely made nar­rower, but by the Castles fortifyed on both sides almost unaccessible, and thereby the hopes of Antwerp contra­cted. But the further it was divulged that the besieged being hindred of na­vigation were at want of provision, so much the more were many Merchants [Page 39]spurred on with hope of gaine to car­ry victuals into the City, there scarce passing any day, but some Shippes ex­pecting the opportunity of the sea, And therefore some Auxilia­ry shippes daily passed to Ant­werp, through the open pas­sage. and forced forward by the violence of the Tyde, entered the City with prospe­rous temerity, although from every side, but especially from the two Ca­stles there were many both surprized, and by Cannon cast away.

But the delivering up of Gaunt ter­rifyed the Antwerpians confidence, The delivery of GAVNT. The Gandavians brought under by Famine, and gave great advantage to Alexan­ders designe; for they of Gaunt were not onely out of hopes of provision, both by sea and land: but daily af­flicted more and more, on the one side by Olivera, and on the other by Va­rambone, who quartering in the Vil­lage of Hevergeme neere the River Livia, and having joyned his Bur­gundians and English with Olivera's Horse, harassed and plundered all the Countrey about Gaunt, on both sides the City: wherefore now their haugh­ty courages beginning to cool, they sent a Trumpeter to Bevera to intreat Prince Alexander to give safe con­duct to their Commissioners to come to him: who being admitted, offered [Page 40]to deliver their City on the fame tearms as those of Bridges had delive­red theirs, Septem. 15. They after to submit and re­quest certaine conditions of Alexander, and which then also were offered to Gaunt. But Alexander ut­terly denied them those, for that when new symptomes appear, new Physick must be prescribed; who gives no care to them. and checkt them because they had not only with great contumacy sleighted those conditions that were heretofore offered but also by new injuries against Religion and things sacred; and by strange punish­ments inflicted on those of the Royall Party, had provoked his Majesties just indignation: and bad them reflect on their former trespasses, He blames them and dismisseth them. and not to ex­pect any other conditions then the Kings mercy. But they laid the fault on a few, and said their City was strong and able to hold out a siege yet for many moneths: and shewed his Majesties Letters of France brought them by Prunaeus his Embassadour, They excuse themselves but in vaine. with an assured hope of his aid: And in fine, added that they feared, if they should returne without dispatch of their businesse, the seditious Citizens bearing an unplacable hatred against the Spaniard, would desperately set fire on the City, and leave nothing for [Page 41]the Conquerers to triumph over but ashes. Alexander nothing moved herewith, sent them to President Ri­chardott from whom hearing the un­pleasant conditions which he menti­oned to be imposed on Gaunt, especi­ally when amongst other discourse, he said that he saw a private Letter sent from Spaine, that perswaded the Prince of Parma not to admit the Gandavians upon any other tearms, then such as his Grandfather Charles the first had done, not pardoning them til they came as suppliants with Halters about their Necks, and halfe naked to submit themselves; at which words the conditioners took such di­stast that they returned to Gaunt. But the next day in the Cities name, They depart, but returne againe. there came two chief Gentlemen, Peter De­vos, and Peter Cortevilla, and for the Souldiery three Captaines, and that they might trans-act all things with greater facility with Prince Alexan­der, following the ancient practice of the Brittaines, And use this Art. who about to make peace with Caesar joyned with their Embassadours, Comius of Arras Cae­sars neere friend, whom a little before they had taken Prisoner: So they ta­king [Page 42]with them out of prison Frederick Perrenot Lord of Champine, & he toge­ther with Richardott, They deliver the City to Alex. and receive these conditi­ons. conferring apart in the end concluded on these conditi­ons. ‘The Prince of Parma Governor of the Low-countreys doth in his Majesties name pardon & indemnify the Gandavians received into favor & protection of all their former De­linquencies and grants all their an­cient Priviledges. The punishment which was merited by all, being re­duced to six Citizens only, and those six also whom hee had demanded to bee delivered, to receive punishment at his pleasure, most mercifully hee forgives, reserving the disposition of all other matters to himself. He tax­eth the City in two hundred thou­sand Florens, & commands the Ci­tizens to reedify the Imperiall Fort, & all the Churches & Religious hou­ses. Given order that the Clergy be recall'd, & restor'd to their goods & possessions, of which in these last troubles they were deprived. He gran teth to the Hereticks leave to stay at Gaunt two years, to set in order their affairs, & then to depart He also per­miteth the garison souldiers, (which [Page 43]were somwhat above two thousand) to march away with their Armes, & hee to substitute others in their pla­ces, of what Nation hee pleased.’

And having thus setled these af­fairs, he brought into the City three thousand Foot and five Troops of Horse under Olivera, and created the Lord of Champine, lately close priso­ner there, and twice in danger to have lost his life Governor of the City. Alex. orders the state of Gaunt, both civill, and sacred. The Arch Bishop of Mechlin was also sent for to see to the Clergy of Gaunt, and to reduce into the City the Priests and religious Families, and to reconcile to God and true Religion the desertors of the Orthodox Faith; And after this manner the Prince, as well as hee then could, (being otherwise imploy­ed) took care of the civill and Eccle­siasticall affaires of Gaunt. And thus this City, the greatest in all the Belg­ick Provinces came into his Majesties hands being excellently well fortify­ed with Walls, And of the Vi­ctory of this greatest and strongest City. Ditches and Forts a­gainst all On-sets of great Armies whatsoever and within no lesse strong by the windings and inclosures of Ri­vers, and Channells, by which being cut into many Islands: if the Sub­urbs [Page 44]should bee taken, the Citizens may retire into those Islands, and cut­ting downe the Bridges may have them; Lastly, for safe refuges, this (I say) so great and rich a City, besieg­ed rather by the terrour of Alexand­ers Name, then by a few stations of Souldiers plac't about it, with very little cost to the King, no losse of soul­diers was compell'd to receive what conditions it pleased the Conquerer, with so great gaine of all warlick Ma­gazine, there being caried from thence a huge number both of Wall and field Pieces, Military Engines, carts, Pio­neers and other workemen, besides shippes and Marriners, that Prince Alexander sending a Messenger to to Spaine with newes of the Victo­ry; He sent newes to the King. to adde something (as hee writ) to the solemnity, then intended as hee understood, for the Nuptialls of Princesse Catharine his Majesties Daughter; Married to the Duke of Sa­voy. after a relation of the Vi­ctory lastly affirmed, that he never a­mongst ‘all his prosperous successe in the Low-countreys, had tryall of Gods bounteous goodnesse at a fitter time then in this Victory o­ver Gaunt, of it selfe great, but [Page 45]shortly to produce a greater.’

Nor was the fruit of this Victory long concealed: There were thirty two shipps besides some Barges, Shippes brought from Gaunt to finish the Bridg. man'd with five hundred Souldiers brought from Gaunt, to be conveyed downe to the Scheldt to Caloo. But because be­tweene Gaunt and Caloo was seated Antwerp, before whose workes they were to passe, they determined thus to shun it. The Antwerpians having o­pened the bankes of the Scheldt at La­sling and other places, And through the fields drow­ned by the ene­mies. (as I said be­fore) had overwhelmed the greatest part of the Countrey, even to the Vil­lage of Borcht a little beyond Ant­werp, and excepting the Isle of Doele, Caloo, and some other Forts which were free from the Deluge, had cove­red over with waters all the sea-coast of Flanders. Alexander laying hold of this opportunity, as soone as the shippes were set out from Gaunt, and safely passed Dendermund and Rupel­mund, Cities now of the Kings party, Avoiding Ant­werp. and being augmented with some Fri­gots and little Galleys, commanded them to leave Antwerp on their right hand, and divert their course to Borcht, and cutting there the banks of [Page 46]the River, to break out into the fields then flowing with Waters, And fighting with good suc­cesse. which they, after a short skirmish with the Antwerpian fleet, (which came thi­ther to stop them) killing John Cocke the Admirall, and being guarded with a new Fort raised on purpose neere Borcht prosperously performed. Then steering towards Caloo, and breaking through the Rampire of Blocherse at St. Francis Fort, at length at Sebasti­ans, the banks of the river being cut, and sliding againe into the Scheldt came to Alexander with so much the greater joy to the Army, Are conveyed to Alex. for that it was reported, the Royall shippes were scarcely passed Borcht, when a new navy from Antwerp, under the conduct of Tilinius, flew into the help of Cocke. This Tilinius some dayes before, But Tilinius sonne to Lanoy, sailing from Lillo to Ant­werp, whilst the Confederates on e­very side assailed and disturbed the workmen building the Bridge, depar­ting in the night from Lillo, made an escape to Antwerp, and drew with him three Spanish Barges, Not without some booty. but seeing the Royalists to have worsted the Antwerpians shipps, and already pas­sed the bank of the Scheldt even to Borcht, lest that passage and port [Page 47]should hereafter lye open to any more shippes coming from Gaunt, with the Fleet that came with him, cast An­chor where the bank of the River was opened, and there erected and fortify­ed a Castle which was called Tilinius. Raising a Ca­stle hindered that passage from Gaunt. Then returning to Antwerp, and con­sulting with Aldegunde and the chie­fest Commanders, when they had de­termined to call from Zutphan Count Holach, to move Colonell Morgan to assist them with his English Regi­ment, and againe to demand aid from the French; He engaged himselfe to go to the Hollanders, and solicite their Navie. And expecting the eb­bing of the sea in an armed Galley, Afterward sail­ing back to soli­cite the Hol­landers. having sent before one of his Barges, about midnight escaped betweene the wooden bridges, but by and by falling on the Lord of Bills Galley and shippes; who by Prince Alexanders appointment, kept guard between the bridge and Lief-kenshoeck after some dispute was overcome, taken prisoner, It taken. and sent to the Castle of Tonrney, With great losse to the States. with no lesse losse to Antwerp, depri­ved of a stout and hardy Captaine, then griefe to his father Lanoy, Lanoy taken before. with that captivity twice captivated. But [Page 48]the damage given by Tilinius, who by placing shippes neere Borcht, had debard the Royalists from thence, and so block't up the shippes passage from Gaunt, The passage from Gaunt be­ing obstructed. was not recompenced by this defeat: Which greatly vexed Prince Alexander, standing in need of shippes, by the interposition wher­of the now finished bridge might at length block up the Scheldt, and inhi­bite the passage to the enemies, who daily in despight of all danger passed that way, and continually transport­ed some provision to Antwerp, espe­cially the neerer it drew to winter, he feared every thing would grow to a worse condition, principally the ice of the river, then which as the inhabi­tants threatned, there could not hap­pen a more certaine mischiefe. Besides, hee had need of more shippes for the defence of the bridge against the ene­mies attempts invading it either from the sea, or Antwerp, or from both sides at once. Therefore advising but in vaine, with those that were best ac­quainted with the Waters and places thereabouts, he himselfe, either neces­sity urging wit, or rather, (as we writ to the King) God inspiring it into his [Page 49]minde, after he had well viewed and taken notice of the Countrey all a­bout the River, intended (following Drusus, and Corbulonus example, Alexander de­viseth another else where. who in those places made Ditches, he from the Rheine unto the lake of Fle­vus, this betweene the Mosse and the Rheine not farre from the coast of Holland:) to make a channell capable of shippes, from Steken, 14. Novem. a Village of Wasia, and draw it on even to Caloo. And although a great patt of his Pio­neers were else-where imployed; yet assured of his souldiers obedience, (for Alexander had attained, that that which heretofore was esteemed Might and Authority, now became emulati­on and customary) Himselfe the Ar­chitect of his owne designe, amongst his souldiers and pioneers as one of them; laid his hands to the work, and a little above Steken, whither an arm of Moere a river of Gaunt reacheth, He beginneth the Channell. opens the head of the ditch, and let­ting Moere into it, drawes on the channell to a place, And letting the River into it. where by reason of the former inundation, the Waters were sufficiently deepe five miles di­stant from Steken. Thence bending its course through the fields that were [Page 50]ebber of waters, to the Village of Gil­lis, hee brought it between Verbock, and the Fort of Devera, to Calloo and so to the Army, and in fine cutting the bank of the Scheldt disburdened it into the river: and built there a Sconce call'd Perla, for the defence of this new Port and Haven, which in that place hee determined for his shipping. And thus though the passage through the Scheldt was obstructed by the e­nemies, yet having opened a new and much shorter cut into which the ship­ping from Gaunt, Drawes it even to the Camp. through the River Moere might enter, and so be convey­ed to the Army, hee sufficiently pro­vided plenty of Timber for the bridge, and provision fot the Army with great admiration of the enemies; see­ing so huge a work, so speedily per­fected: and rejoycing of his souldiers, highly and not sparingly extolling the Prince of Parma, to whose honour they call'd this new Fosse, Parma. The length of it measuring both the dry land and the over-whelmed fields, The length of it. was fourteen miles: and first, The commodi­ousnesse of it. there came from, Gaunt that way seaven­teen Barks but afterwards as the grea­test Rivers of all Flanders do meet at [Page 51] Gaunt, so from all places of Flanders, all kind of Merchandize began to bee brought to the Camps, with no little gaine to the Townes and Villages, safely conveying thither, and uttering their vendible commodities; with the greatest benefit to the souldiers, whom all the time of the siege, this one chan­nell abundantly supplyed with victu­alls, so as they needed not to leave their Posts and Ensignes. But the prin­cipall profit of Parma then was, Shippes are brought through it to perfect the bridge. to bring in shippes to finish the bridge: Yet by reason of the frost they were some dayes retarded, for the River Scheldt, which was almost all frozen up, being broken, huge pieces of Ice were heaped together, which if per­haps with the violence of the Tyde, had been dash't against the bridge doubtlesse had dissipated and over­throwne the shippes standing in the midst of the River, where it runs with greater violence. Certainly some huge fragments of the congealed River, for­cibly being dash't against the bridge, and sticking into the substance of the piles, almost half a palme, were a suf­ficient proofe, of what strength and firmnesse it was, standing immovea­ble [Page 52]and stable against such sharp darts, violently hurl'd by the raging bil­lowes of the Ocean. And the vio­lence of the con­gealed River ceasing, they are made use of. 1585. But as soon as the Winter began to dissolve, and lesse feare of the Ice they returned to their work. The middle part of the River (as is before signifyed) between the Castles lay open little lesse then one thousand three hundred foot. To block up which there were thirty two shippes, Those shippes were chiefly two. of sixty six foot long a piece, and twelve foot broad interposed, with their sides together evenly pla­ced. Thus ordered. Nor were they joyned close to­gether, but distant one from another twenty two foot, and tyed together in foure places, at the Fore-deck, mid­dle, and sterne by Cable-ropes, and chaines. Besides, every shipp from the Fore-deck and sterne was stayed by Anchors so cast that the river swel­ling up, and the Cables loosned by the Marriners helpe, the rank of shippes might be raised unhurt. But the di­stance between every ship was made up by beames, and boarded by over­thwart planks, Over these the passage is made. fastned unto the hat­ches: whereby there was made a con­tinuall bridge between the Castles, of one thousand three hundred foot [Page 53]long, flancked also with battlements of firme plancks, as was observed in both parts of the Steccada, to which, this middle bridge was connected. To every ship for their defence were at­tributed thirty souldiers, fenced with hurdles and gabions, foure Marriners, and two double Cannons: But for the Castles there were farre more defen­dants; Fortified with souldiers, Mar­riners and Can­nons, and to every corner of them so many cannons, two whereof were plac't for the defence of the Steccada, and two for the shippes. For the defence of the whole work, there were 97. Can­nons. And for the protection of all the whole bridge, there were ninety seven great Gunns. Nor was this work sooner perfected, but another was dispatched, which might be to this a munition and forti­fication. And as before City gates some Forts or bulwarks a little di­stant from the Walls are wont to be rais'd against the enemies, A double de­fence placed be­fore the Bridge. by opposi­tion of which they may be retarded, and dull'd, that they cannot assault the City it selfe, but first tyred and di­minished; so this new Bulwark (as Baroccius the inventor of it, reasoned) would be a tuition to the bridge, up­on which the enemies shippes must of necessity run and be intangled, before [Page 54]they could freely and in full force as­sail the bridge. And after this man­ner was the structure of this Machine. Before the Navall bridge, Of the kinde of structure. but about a darts cast off, there were thirty three boats, placed three and three together, their sides somewhat distant one from another, fastned together with huge beames layd over, and shippes Masts. Then three others connected after the same manner, but separated from the first three a little distance: so againe others, succeeded with equall distance, even unto the eleventh Ter­nall. Besides, from every one of these Ternalls, stood out forty beames in a forked order, being very long, round, and their points sharpned with iron; which like Pike-men in the front of an Army, might terrify with their points set and turned against the ene­my, those that advanced against them. These Boats were fill'd with empty Hogs-heads, lest they should be swal­lowed up, either by the streame or tyde: these were on either side stayed with Anchors, but their Cables long and slack, that the River rising with the tyde, they might also rise with it, therefore they call'd them Floates. [Page 55]The one of these Engines, for there were two were plac't towards Ant­werp, the other towards the Ocean, ei­ther of these being one thousand two hundred and fifty two foot long, were so farre extended into the breadth of the River, that they might by their opposition and hinderance, defend all the Navall bridge, and part of the Castles. Lastly, his Excellency adding a Navy of forty sayle of shippes and galleys, twenty on Flanders side, and as many on the coast of Brabant, for the safeguard of the Bridge; after the seaventh moneth of the siege, brought this work to a happy end: And built a bridge over the Scheldt, two thou­sand four hundred foot long, And the bridge 2400 foot long, being finished. of that firmnesse, that both horse and foot, with Carriages and Wheel-pieces might safely passe to and fro, as oc­casion required between Flanders and Brabant; block't up the river, The passage from Antwerp to the sea, is wholly cut off. and took away all hopes of commerce be­tween the Sea and the Antwerpians. That day, on which the bridge and its fortifications were finished (being the feast of St. Matthias the Apostle, That day the work was fini­shed, the souldi­ers celebrate with great joy. which Prince Alexander divined to be to him, as he writ to the King, luc­kie [Page 56]for the memory of his Grand fa­ther Charles the fifth, to whom that day often proved fortunate) all the Army celebrated it with military tri­umph. A great part of the souldiery were placed on the new bridge, as if, having subjugated and trampled on the Scheldt, they were already Vi­ctors: part from the Castles, and Forts built on both sides the River; some from the ships, many from their stati­ons and tents; all with joyful Volleys of their Artillery, and exulting shouts wish't life and Victory to their noble Generall the Prince of Parma. Alexander likewise gives thanks to God. Whilst he, who knew the designe to be begun by the singular Will of God, and by him protected amongst the continuall conflicts, both of the enemies, and e­lements, rendring with a submissive minde, thanks and praises to the Di­vine Majesty, pray'd that the worke might continue and be defended by his most omnipotent hand.

But as soon as it was known at Ant­werp, The Antwer­pians admire to see the work finished. the passage of the Scheldt to be stop't by a bridge, and many after off beheld the Machine; it is scarce cre­dible, with what admiration and con­sternation the people were taken. Yea, [Page 57]there were of opinion, that this could not be invented by humane Art, but the modell of it by some demonicall inspiration demonstrated to the Prince of Parma, and accomplished by Artificers, and Tooles sent from Pluto. Indeed Aldegund, all thought then hee dissembled his feare, was mightily dejected, and in a Book, which after the delivery of Antwerp he set forth, affirmed, to be above hu­mane judgement, Aldegunds judgement of it. that a River of that ‘nature, could by mortall hands be obstructed.’ And verily amongst all the Ancients, one can hardly read of a more exquisite and rare piece of work. I know Caesars bridge a little beyond the Belgick boundes, built o­ver the Rheine, Compared to Caesars Bridge. to be by Historians made famous. But Caesars bridge on the Rheine was erected on a far strai­ter, and by reason of the Summer time more shallow place. Alexanders bridled a river broader, almost by the halfe, hard by the Ocean, yea mixt with it, and tossed by the fury of that Element. Besides, Caesar. he had every thing ready brought from confederate Pro­vinces, offering shippes and Timber: Alexander had few necessaries at [Page 58]hand, most things to fetch afar off, now surprized by the English, then by the Hollanders, alwayes in danger of the enemies. And that Caesars bridge was but for a short time to be used, to wit, for once transporting of an ar­my, and therefore did not need to be of that stability, as of necessity Alex­anders must, to hold out a siege of many moneths continuance. Lastly, Caesar stood in no dread of enemies, who, as soon as the bridge began to be erected, fled away, Alexander in sight of an hostile and most potent City, erected a Bridge amongst Wa­ters, restlesse by the Tyde of the rest­lesse Ocean, Antwerp. betwixt Antwerp and the Sea, both held by the enemies, now thence, then from Antwerp, often from both sides at once, assailed by dangerous invasions of the enemies shipps. So as if the Name of Caesar were but taken from Rheine, and ad­ded to this bridge of Antwerp, our age, I believe, needed not to be asha­med of their Caesar's. But a spy sent by Aldegund to the Camp, to take notice of the fabrick of the Bridge, and the enemies designes, aggravated the besieged Cities cares, who being [Page 59]known and apprehended, but treated by the Prince of Parma, A Scout from Antwerp ta­ken. otherwise then he feard, (to wit, in imitation of Scipic, who with like security of him­selfe; and contempt of the enemy ad­mitted Anniballs scouts,) was com­manded to walke about the Army, diligently to talk notice of the bridge, to number the shippes, Artillery, and Forts, and then without feare to re­turn to him. ‘Being returned, go quoth he to those that sent thee, And is sent back from Alex. with these words. and after thou hast related all things thou hast with thy eyes beheld, add that Alexander Farneze, with a constant resolution hath determin­ed with himselfe, not to depart from the siege, till under that (and points to the Bridge) he bury himselfe, or by it force a way into the City.’

But the newes of the unfortunate attempt of Bolduc, The attemps of Bolduc. was to Antwerp a farre greater terrour then the relation they had from the Scout at his re­turn. What was de­creed by the states at their meeting. The States confederate amongst other things, agitated at their meet­ing at Middleburg, had thus divided their Forces. Whilst Tresland Ad­mirall of Zealand, was drawing his fleet to Lillo, Count Holack should [Page 60]attempt Bolduck which if the Prince of Parma should releeve, (for so they disputed) doubtlesse, the bridge and the Castles would be left destitute of their accustomed defence, and so their fleet might have a more facile accesse, and onset upon the bridge, but if hee neglected Bolduck, and chose rather to attend to the head of the Warr, it could not hold out long, especially when some of the Citizens had pro­mised their indeavours▪ and if Bol­duc were taken, they might convey succours to Antwerp by land, not needing the sea. And now by Ho­lacks command fifty foot souldiers under Claragius lay in ambush, Iulians charge. before the City gate, which tends towards Antwerp, and as soon in the morning as the Citizens opened that gate, and let down the draw-bridge, on a sud­den they shewed themselves, and put­ting to flight the Citizens, took that gate. And forthwith three hundred horse, and seven hundred foot not farre off listening to the successe, com­manded by Holach himselfe enter the City: and being divided, Holach and his forces en­ter the City. some march into the market-place, some lay hand on the Magazine and Artillery, many [Page 61]now as secure of the Victory, Who fall to plunder. furious­ly spread themselves all over in pilla­ging this rich City. The keeper of the gate joynes himselfe to the plunderers. And a Corporall with three souldiers appointed by Holack to look to the gate, now sup­posing the City to be taken, lest hee should bee defrauded of the fruits of the Victory, basely forsook his stati­on, and joyned himselfe to his plun­dering companions. At that time by chance, Altapen newly recovered of his sicknesse was at Bolduc, and hear­ing the noyse of the enemies, arm'd himselfe, and drawing with him for­ty Lanciers of Elmont his Italian Troop, who then was Governour of the City, advanced to the Market-place, and with his presence greatly animated the dejected Citizens, Altapen char­ges the enemies. and fiercely charged the Van-guard of the enemies. They fight. By and by o­thers also. Then the Govemour El­mont followes Altapens example: and with both, some Citizens joyn them­selves: others by their own conduct, and with mutuall exhortation invade the enemies: and taking up armes e­very where, it was all the City over, both in the streets and Market, with different resolutions, but equall obsti­nacy on both sides disputed. These, [Page 62]the love of their City, care of their wives, children and fortunes, inflamed against the assailants, and robbers; these were encouraged with the glory of surprizing the City, and the great booties which now were in their hands. But, whether EVERY one more carefully defends his owne, then strives to take others, or the armed croud of Citizens increasing for, FOR THE most part a few begin high de­signes, but are soon seconded by ma­ny; the Hollachians were forc't to desist from plunder, and fall to their own defence. And were yet encoura­ged with hope of succours, Holach be­ing gone to call in more forces, which for this purpose lay privately in a Neighbouring Village. Holach de­parts to fetch in more forces. But an old man seeing the gate sleighted by the Holachians, privily crept down from an adjoyning Turret, cutting in sun­der the tyes, and letting down the Port-cullis, shut out and deluded the enemies, Returnes with them. But the gate be­ing shut, he is not admitted. being one thousand horse and two thousand foot, posting with all speed to the City, and even then at the gates, whereby it came to passe, that the Holachians now fighting with unequall number and courage, [Page 63]were all either shut up within the Ci­ty, and miserably cut off; Then following the slaughter of the Holachi­ans. or volunta­rily leaping from the Walls into the Ditch, excepting a few, were swallow­ed up by the Waters. At which time it is reported that many also of the Citizens, as yet ignorant of the deli­very of their City, in a precipitate flight, and with vaine feare of them, to whom they themselves were a ter­rour, fell down headlong from the op­posite part of the City Walls, and so both the victours and conquered were alike drowned. But it is more pro­bable that they were not by igno­rance of the Victory, but guilty of Treason, driven to flight & that fate. Amongst the dead, were found Ferdi­nand Truchsesius, brother to the de­posed Imperiall Elector, and the Prince of Oranges base sonne, besides Count Holachs Lieftenant, and some German Captaines of Pike-men.

Thus this City already taken, was by one Corporall quitting his post lost, and saved by the undaunted cou­rage of Altapen. And so according­ly the Corporall flying from the walls received his merited punishment, The keeper of the gate punish­ed. who by Holachs command lost his head. [Page 64] Altapen and Elmont, Prince Alexan­der highly extolling them both, were by the Kings letters as signals of his thanks, Altapen re­warded. honoured, together with a gift sent to Altapen.

As the newes of this defeat entred Antwerp, Bruxels besieg­ed, is tormented with Famine. at the same time almost some horse, and suddenly after foot also, the reliques of the slaughter gi­ven by George Basta Commissary Generall of the horse, confusedly fled into the City. For Viluord a Towne neer adjoyning to Bruxels, not long before being taken by the Royalists, and Ambrose Landriano left there to defend it, those of Bruxels were mise­rably tormented for lack of provision. Wherefore the Mechlinians. and the Antwerpians, had thus agreed to re­leeve them, that they should provide provision, They of Mech­lin and Ant­werp send them provision, with a great Convoy. and these a Convoy. But by chance this came to the Prince of Par­ma's knowledge, who appointed George Basta from Tornhout, and Ed­ward Lanceavech from Liere, Go­vernour of that Garrison, to joyne their forces, and about Viluord to en­ambush them-selves. But falling on an Ambuscado of the Royalists. And now at the close of the evening, they saw nine Troopes of Horse and almost thirteen [Page 65]foot companies, to march before two hundred Carriages, and but a slender guard on the Reer. For by reason of the vicinity of Mechlin, they suspe­cted not any danger. Whereupon the Royalists to make shew of greater for­ces, with great and sudden sounding of Drummes and Trumpets, charged the Van of the enemies horse; then the foot and horse joining themselves, whilst on both sides it was couragi­ously fought, the Waggoneers con­veyed away the carriages, and drove most of them back to Mechlin, Are beaten and put to flight, from whence a little before they came: whereby the Royalists with greater fury pursuing the fight, slew at least two hundred, and took many priso­soners but especially of Rag [...]ers hor­ses, With prey to the Victours. for they brought away above four hundred, kill'd and routed all the rest, and thought it sufficient, so to have disappointed the Antwerpians designe, to their no small damage, and to have dash't all hopes of releeving Bruxels. now in great distresse for want of provision. The famine in­creaseth at Bruxels. And indeed the famine in that rich, famous, and most populous City, grew almost intoller­able, although oftentimes many, both [Page 66]men and women were sent out, there­by to ease it. But most of them by the Kings horse were either by shot forced back into the City, or not re­turning, were taken and hanged up: but they commanded the women, ha­ving their garments cut above their knees, with that disgrace to return to be with their fellowes hunger-starv'd. And truly every day there, many mi­serably perish't for lack of meat; yea, it is reported that a mother of many children being inwardly tormented with their continuall lamentations, A miserable example. caused them to drink poyson, and af­terwards drunk it her selfe, thereby to prevent the irksomnesse of a tedious death. Discord increas­eth as the fa­mine. Then discord, famines com­panion, entred the City, some of the Citizens being in mind to surrender the City, others still retaining their obstinacy with hope of help from France: these with armed souldiers possess themselves of the Pallace, those with like preparation of armes took the Market-place and Town-house. Til at length in despair of the French succours, and seeing all passages on e­very side the City to bee obstructed, Viluord lost, and Willebroeck the head [Page 67]of their chiefe Navigation, together with the garrison taken by Ignique­sius Regiment; Templaeus Gover­nour of the City, the souldiery, They send to Alex. to deliver up the City. and the Magistrates, sent their severall Commissioners into the Camp to A­lexander, to render up the City to his mercy: onely petitioning they might receive conditions, not dishonourable to their City, the seat of the Belgick Princesse: adding that their constant fidelity to his mother the Dutchess of Parma, deserved something at her sonnes hands. Alexander after a short reprehension, that that Faith to his mother, and the King her Lord, they had rashly changed, By whom being reprehended, and by a furious edict, had made him exile to his own, yet putting them in good hopes of his Majesties clemency, dismissed them to President Richardott, by whose e­speciall meanes they agreed on these Articles. They receive these conditi­ons. ‘The Citizens now received into his Majesties favour: being no otherwise charged with any fine of money, are onely commanded to repaire the Churches, to restore the precious furniture of the Kings Pal­lace, and the sacred Ornaments of his Chappell, which they had plun­dered, [Page 68]or else to pay their worth. As for the goods they had taken from the houses of Cardinal Granu­ell, Count Mansfield, & other rich men, whether they were to be resto­red or no, was left to be determined afterwards; Lastly, the Hereticks had leave to tarry in the City two years for the setling of their affaires: and the souldiers (which were about one thousand five hundred foot, and foure hundred horse) are permitted to march away with their armes, bag, and baggage, but without ei­ther banners displayed, or light matches, their drummes and Trum­pets silent: and before they depart­ed, they were sworne: the common souldiers not to beare armes against his Majesty of Spaine for foure moneths, and the Officers for seven moneths.’ At whose departure, An­thony Lord of Goigney, an ancient Commander, even from the time of Charles the fifth; Lastly, hee pro­vides for the ci­vill and sacred affaires. was by Prince A­lexander appointed Governour of the City, with some companies of Walloones and Spaniards. Then Ri­chardott was sent thither, together with Garner one of the privy Coun­cell, [Page 69]to be over the Councell, and new Magistrates, and to regulate the civill affaires. And in fine, the charge of the Clergy was with like care committed to the Arch-Bishop of Mcchlin, to whose Diocesse Bruxels then belong­ed.

And within lesse then a moneth Nievmeghen, The render of NIEVME­GHEN. the Metropolitan of Guelders, came into his Majesties hands. SO THINGS conjoyned, if once dis-joynted, they all suddenly go to wrack. Count Meursius Governor of that Province intended to have in­creased the garrison at Nieumeghen (there being already for its defence foure hundred foot, and two hundred horse) thereby to terrify the faction of the Catholicks in that City, of whom he was jealous. But new gar­rison souldiers were both to the Ca­tholicks & Hereticks equally unwel­come, and therefore not admitted; yea, Ʋpon a contest amongst the Citizens. the Catholicks privately conspired amongst themselves to remove the old garrison: whereof Alexander having notice, to whom not any of the ene­mies designes lay concealed, Altapen pri­vately aideth the Catholieks. forthwith appointed Altapen, whom hee had placed in Guelderland to wait on the [Page 70]motions of Count Meursius, that he should diligently attend to that prize. Hee thereupon consulting with the Catholick Citizens, sent secretly now and then, some faithfull and valiant men into the City to strengthen the Catholick party: Who when they were gotten to a sufficient head, set open the gates, And they pre­vailing, is ad­mitted. and admitted Altapen with a select force of horse into the City, who joyned with them, stand­ing ready in armes. Whereupon the garrison souldiers affrighted with the with the sudden surprize, without the least resistance, And takes the City. or delay submitted themselves, and were forthwith sent away. Whereupon the Nievmeghens sent their chiefest Citizens to his Ex­cellency: and obtaining what condi­tions they desired, returned to their ancient loyalty and obedience. Where­fore Prince Alexander commanded a solemne thanksgiving to the Divine goodnesse; with as great joy through the Army, as mutiny at Antwerp at the sad tydings, With great mu­tiny at Ant­werp. first at the losse of Bruxels the Court of Brabant, then of the surprizing of Nievmeghen, in times past the seate of Charles the [...] and by reason of the commo­diousnesse [Page 71]of the River, Waele of greatest importance in all Guelders. So that indeed Aldegund with all his Rhetorick, could not have repressed the tumult of the people, Which upon some good news is quieted. if their de­jected spirits had not been animated at the newes of the vaine and bloody successe of the Royalists attempting Ostend: and the recovery of Lief-ken­shoeck with other Forts.

And truly the assault of Ostend by Valentine Lord of Mott, The attempt of OSTEND. doth much resemble both for its beginning, suc­cesse and end, that of Bolduc, attempt­ed almost at the same time (as we have before related) by Count Holach. The Lord of Mott with some compa­nies of Camillus Capissuccus Italian Regiment, and drawing part of the Presidiaries out of the adjacent gar­risons, together with a Regiment of Waloones, led by Lewis Memorancy Baron of Beury, for his Father the Lord of Berse; on the sudden slew the watch of Ostend, Mottaeus en­ters the City. plac't at the Sea­port: then entring the old Town (for Ostend is divided into two parts) and killing all those that made head a­gainst them, held it as Conquerer al­most four houres. But hee departing [Page 72]to fetch Cannons to open a way into the new Town, The souldiers falling to plun­der, in the interim most of his souldiers disperst themselves greedy of plunder: an accustomed e­vill, which in such unfortunate at­tempts will alwayes be condemned in souldiers, alwayes caused by cove­tousnesse. It also happened that some of the Captaines, And the Cap­taines making delay. to whom the sett houre of assaulting the City was pre­scribed, stayd beyond their limited time, whereby the Townesmen and garrison souldiers joyning both their forces in a body, easily mastered the assailants, Hinder the vi­ctory. scattered up the down, at their pleasures pillaging the City. And although Memorancy having gathered many of his souldiers toge­ther, Which whilst Memorancy urgeth forward, and ordering them in a ring as well as hee could, omitted nothing whereby hee might valiantly re-in­force the fight; yet the enemies num­ber increasing, Is slaine fight­ing. he was slaine gallantly fighting in the very front of his soul­diers, and his body cast into the Wa­ters, whereby his children were de­prived of that small comfort; but they could not ecclipse the memory of his renowned valour, which was too worthy to be buried in the Wa­ters. [Page 73]There were many slaine on both sides, but farre more on the Royalists, The overthrow of the rest. amongst whom there fell foure Cap­tains, besides the losse of two Ensignes of the Italian Regiment, which be­cause they were a long time stoutly defended by their bearers, and came not into their enemies hands but by their deaths, it was permitted by the law of Armes to display new ones in their places. The rest of the assailants, And flight. after the death of their Commanders fled away. Three Captaines therefore con­demned, Three Captaines also were by Prince Alexander condem­ned to lost their heads, but for the sin­gular valour of one of these Captains, often made proofe of in the Warres they were after some dayes imprison­ment, But afterwards set at liberty. all set at liberty. But the fleet from Zealand, which as we have be­fore related, and fame divulged, The Navie of zealand. was privately designed at the consultation of Middleburg, was to the Spanish Camp a farre greater terrour. Yet the Prince of Parma plac't great hope in the delay of Treslong, The Admirall protracts time. Admirall of that Navie; for hearing that this Treslong, upon some jarres betweene him and Adulph Meetkirk had ta­ken distast at the States of Zealand, [Page 74]his Excellency being attentive to such like occasions, Being courted by Alexander with many pro­mises. had already courted him with kind complementall Let­ters, and invited him to joyne with the Royall party, offering him great matters, and putting him in hope of creating him Knight of the Order of the golden Fleece. And indeed Tres­long, whether hanging in suspence or not sufficiently provided for an as­sault, seemed but slowly to set for­ward his shippes to transport provisi­on to Antwerp, and hinder the per­fecting of the bridge: not without the sinister reports of many, and open complaints of the States against such a jealous procrastination. The States com­plaine of his delay, whom he sleights. Which hee more intollerably resented, because proud of his deserts, for surprizing Brill, with the helpe of Lume (the first beginning and Origin of depres­sing the Spanish Dominion) thought the united Provinces to bee great­ly indebted to him. Wherefore fol­lowing the like rash hastinesse of Lume, And as ingrate­full threatens them. when hee could not containe himselfe from menacing and casting out reproaches against the Zealan­ders; almost with the like successe as Lume, was by the Councell of Zea­land, [Page 75]degraded from his Admiralls place, and not long after imprisoned, But is removed from his Admi­rals place. there remaining, untill by the Media­tion of the Queen of England he was released, and retyred into Holland, where the businesse being againe agi­tated by the high Court of that Pro­vince, who took it ill, But after set at liberty by the Hollanders. that the Coun­cell of Zealand should act things without their knowledge, he was dis­charged: whether they found him truly guiltlesse, and condemned onely because he was rich, and hated: and for feare, lest exasperated with the late affront, hee should desert their party, and joyne with the enemy. And there­fore the Hollanders advancing him to high Dignities, And honoured. retained him with them. But before all this, Treslong acting nothing as yet, the Zealanders collected together all the shippes they could, and under Justin of Nassau, The Navie of zealand, enter­ing the Scheldt, sets upon Lief-ken­shoeck. the Prince of Oranges base sonne, sent them from the sea into the Scheldt, who setting upon Lief-kenshoeck with the helpe of the shippes belonging to Lillo the opposite fort batter the Ca­stle with so strong an impression of their Cannons, that now the fort be­ing beaten down in many places, and [Page 76]a sufficient breach made for an ascent, after a sharp rather then constant re­sistance of the Royalists, the Wal­loones who kept the Castle either slain or put to chase, they not onely reco­vered Lief-kenshoeck, And take it, but Antonia also its Governour not daring to fight and almost all the Isle of Doele: with great indignation of Prince A­lexander, With other Castles. who sending forces with all speed, and urging forward the shippes that kept centrie not farre off, was yet by the Governour of Antonia, and his souldiers over hasty flight pre­vented. Wherefore his Excellency be­ing implacably incensed, Alex. punisheth the Governors, banished the Governour of Lief-kenshoeck, and beheaded the Governour of Antonia. This Victory, as it warranted the States free Navigation, safely to passe with reliefe between their Castles on both sides the River, even from the sea to the bridge, so it hastened their enterprize agreed on at their meeting; The confede­rates designe of invading the bridge. viz. that at the same time, when the Antwerpians should with their pre­tended stratagem invade, and over­throw the Bridge, the Hollanders and Zealanders should approach with their Navie, and convey provision [Page 77]through the breach of the Bridge. But lest the shipps-masts plac't before the Bridge, and fastened to boats (which as is before said, were called floates) should bee an obstacle to the Antwer­pians designe: there were Marriners appointed, First of remo­ving the floates from before the bridge. to transport themselves in the dead of the night in light shal­lops, or by some secret invention to dive under the Waters, and with great hooks and knives to cut the Cables, and turn the Masts downe the River against the bridge. But Barroccius ha­ving put chaines to the Anchors, Which they at­tempting, were represt. in stead of ropes: and causing fires to be made along the river side, all the night through, their intent was frustrated.

But the Antwerpians having now finished the shipps, Seaventeen Antwerpian shippes. which they a long time had prepared for the unevitable destruction of the bridge certifyed their Navie on the other side, ‘that the shipps, which were made ready, should on the fourth day of Aprill next ensuing set forth from the Ci­ty. And that they with their fleet and store of provision, should with­out faile, that night bee ready at hand, for they might passe through the not to be doubted breach of the [Page 78]bridge, without danger.’ I will out of Prince Alexanders letters to the King, and from a brief commentary of Captaine Tuccius concerning this designe, exactly relate the invention and effect of these shippes, because in all Antiquity any thing more terrible was never heard off. The inventour. Frederick Jam­bell, an admirable Engineer, coming out of Italy into Spaine, is said a long time to have desired accesse to the King, that he might offer him his ser­vice, which would be very advantagi­ous for him in the Low-Countries. But being a long time put off, and at last sleighted; as hee was not brought up at Court to patience, departed thence in a rage, and threatned ere­long so to effect, that his Majesty of Spaine, should heare of the name of this despised person not without teares. And then went to Antwerp, where he got by this occasion; as I have begun to relate, a fit opportuni­ty of expressing the malice of his gal­led mind. The structure of foure of them. He built foure shippes with flat bottomes, and high sides, both of them much thicker and stronger then ordinary: and thus invented to make mines in the Waters. Mines made in them. First of all, in [Page 79]the keele of the ship, hee made a wall of lime and brick, as it were the floar, or ground-work, one foot high, and five foot broad; and extended it the length of the Ship; then hee erected walls on each side the compasse of the foundation, three foot high, and as broad, covering them close, being first fill'd with Gun-powder tempered by an exqnisite Art, known only to him­selfe. The covering was of Grave­stones, Mill-stones, and other huge stones. Upon this covering hee made another height Vault-wise, of Mill­stones, and other huge stones also, which leaning one to another made a ridge, that the slaughter might not onely be straight forwards, but on ei­ther side; within this higher vault he laid Iron and Marble balls, chaines, blocks, nailes, knives, and whatsoe­ver this wicked witty man thought most damageable. Lastly, as farre as lay open between the sides of the ship, and the wall and roof of the mine, he fill'd up with square stones close join­ed, and beams fastened with Iron. But covered, and hid all these things with strong planks, and a brick floore, in the middle whereof hee set fire to a [Page 80]pyle of wood, (that the shippes might seeme to bee set out in that order to burne downe the bridge) putting un­der the Wood, pitch and brimstone, not to bee extinguished, before the mine should be fir'd with the prepa­red Timber, Two wayes of firing the mines hee fram'd two wayes to fire the Mine: In some of the shippes plac't matches besmear'd with gun­powder, which being privily extend­ed through part of the keele, were stretched into the Mine, of that length, as by a certain measure he had before tryed, would continue light, untill the shippes should come to the bridge. In other shippes, hee used those kinde of clockes, which are wont by an admi­rable and pleasant Art, to be exhibi­ted in stead of night-watchers to light lamps. And so ordered the stratagem, that it should continue with a gentle motion of the wheeles, untill the ship arrived at the bridge: and then with a sudden and violent meeting together of the wheeles, and flint, strike some sparcles, which recived in the bruised gun-powder there scattered, taking fire, might inflame the train there layd: and this reaching to the mouth of the Mine, might speedily convey [Page 81]that creeping fire into it. Jambell ha­ving finished foure shippes after this manner, added to them thirteen lesser, To these foure greater, are ad­ded thirteen lesser. having within them nothing hurt­full, but the Hatches covered with huge fires. Nor was this preparation unseene of the Royalists, The Royalists in the interim so­licitous. although they were ignorant of the stratagem: who imagined the fleet was in ma­king ready in the City, to the intent the bridge might at once be assailed on the one side by the Antwerpians, and on the other by the Hollanders and Zealanders. Wherefore his Ex­cellency strengthening the Castles, and Forts with greater guards, and cal­ling to the bridge the chiefe of his souldiers, had a watchfull eye to the enemies designes: who by how much hee seemed the better prepared to di­vert the slaughter, The shippes ap­peare from the City. was so much neer­er to receive it. When behold from the City there appeared three shippes brightly shining with fire, 8. Aprill. and a little after followed others, and after those others. Then all the noyse in the Camp was arme arme, and the bridge was filled with souldiers. The shipps were carried down the river two and three together, in so orderly a course, [Page 82]if they were but to make a shew; for they were then governed by Marri­ners: and the fire in every ship shined so clearly, that they seemed not to car­ry fires, Their fires made a wonderfull shew in the night, but verily to burn themselves, and so fire to saile, and bee nourished amongst the Waters. And truly that night was that Scene acted, which might have been a pleasant spectacle, if the spectatours had beene exempt from feare and care. For the banks of the River, and the Castles plac't there­on shined with continuall fires. As also the soul­diers along the banks. The Companies of armed men ranged a­long the banks made a reflection of the shining light: the fiery shippes a­midst the Scheldt hurtlesly spitting their flames, it was to bee doubted, whether they came to be a sport, or (full of deceit) a destruction. Then the aspect and pomp of the Comman­ders and Souldiers shining in bright Armour, their weapons drawne, and colours displai'd all along the bridge, augmented the Pageant. Lastly, all things composed to the uncertaine pleasure of this new Theater, both struck terrour, and yet were delight­full: they feared, and yet had plea­sure in the cause of their feare. And [Page 83]now these shippes were scarcely two miles off the bridge, The shippes ap­proach neerer, when the Marri­ners that conducted them, directing their helmes, turned those four shipps that were made with Mines straight down the midst of the channell, a­gainst the bridge, not so greatly ca­ring for the rest and forthwith setting fire to the match leap't into the boats to behold a farre off the successe. But they wanting their Pilots, The lesser ha­ving no success. did not at all keep one course: most of the lesser either dash't themselves against the opposite Machines that were fenced with sharp pykes, or running on ground stuck to the banks. But of the foure that carried within them ruine, one leaking was swallowed up in the midst of the River, vomiting onely smoake and Thunder. Two others of the foure towards Caloo, Nor three of the greater. (the River being deeper there and running swif­ter) the Wind blowing hard out of Brabant, forc't on Flanders coast, and there grounded them. The fourth is stay'd by the floates. Nor did the fourth seeme to have any better for­tune being almost cast on Flanders coast, and violently driven upon the very farthest part of the floates. There­fore the Royalists now shaking off [Page 84]feare especially when the fires began to diminish in many of the lesser shippes, Then the Roya­lists fear is tur­ned to mirth. and were almost extinguish­ed, wondered at the enemies designes, and scoffed with Military jeeres, that so great preparation was to no pur­pose. Yea, they were so bold, as from Flanders side, to board one of those shippes that was gravel'd there, and try with javelins what might bee within it. But when it broke through the floates, When that shipp, which I spake of last, being greater and stron­ger then the rest, easily escaped those sharp pointed Engines, broke downe the opposite Machine, and came on fiercely against the bridge. Then were the souldiers renewing their shoutes, againe solicitous and fearfull. They were a­gain solicitous. And Prince Alexander, who having his thought [...] bent severall wayes, now had regard to the Navy lying at Lil­lo, then nearer attending to the Ant­werpians designe, Alex, hastens to divert the shipp from the Bridge. forthwith at those shoutes repaired thither, where the fire-ship seemed to attempt; and com­manded some Marriners to board the ship disperse the wood, and quench the fire: others to keep off and prevent the danger with long poles, and pikes: He himselfe stood in the wooden Ca­stle, [Page 85]which is the furthest part of the Pile-work from Flanders side, to which the navall bridge is connected. There were with him Rubasius, Ca­fatane, Billius, and Vastius, with o­ther chiefe Commanders, besides the guard of the place. Amongst whom a Spanish Ensigne, A Spanish En­signe endea­vours to remove him from the Bridge. an ancient servant to the Farnezes, having some knowledge insuch like Engines, was the preser­ver of Prince Alexanders life. Whe­ther he knew how excellent Jambell was in this Art, and perhaps had heard how hee had been treated in Spaine: and therefore suspected this device to be set forth out of the work­house of this incensed man. Or not by humane reasoning hee did it, but God, who then had determined Ant­werp should be taken by so couragi­ous and pious a Generall, putting it into his mind, came to his Excellen­cy, and most earnestly desired him, that seeing now hee had sufficiently provided what things were necessary for the present, hee would please to withdraw himselfe thence, and not to trust his life, on which every souldi­ers life, yea, the very Warr it selfe de­pended, to so perilous a place. But [Page 86]being rejected, hee insisted in his suit twice or thrice, Being rejected, he still insists; and not taken notice of, hee prostrated himselfe at his ‘knees, and said, I most humbly be­seech and intreat you most Illustri­ous Prince, by your life, which now I see exposed to present hazzard, once to take counsell of your ser­vant.’ And saying thus, hee reve­rently took hold of his garment, and with a kind of commanding authori­ty, And almost compell's him. besought him to follow him. A­lexander interpreting the unwonted freedome of the man, as from a high­er power, Alexander de­parts from the Bridge: at last consented, Vastius and Cajatane following him. And as scarcely entered Saint Maries Fort on Flanders shoare, when the houre of the limited time approaching, on a sudden the fatall ship burst, with such a horrid crash, At the same time the fire­shipp burst, as if the very skies had rent asunder, heaven and earth had charged one another, and the whole Machine of the earth it selfe had quaked. For the storm of stones, chaines, and bullets, being cast out with Thunder and lightning, The wonderfull force of it. there followed such a slaughter, as no man, but that actually it happened, could have imagined. The Castle, on which [Page 87]the infernall ship fell, the pile-work of the bridge next to Saint Maries Fort, that part of the navall bridge next the Castle souldiers, Marriners, Commanders, a great number of Can­nons armour, and armes, all these this furious whirle-wind swept away to­gether, tossed in the ayre, and disperst as wind doth leaves of Trees. The Scheldt prodigiously gaping, was first seen to discover its bottom, then swel­ling above the banks, was even with the Rampires, and overflowed Saint Maries Fort above a foot. The mo­tion of the panting earth extended its force and feare above nine miles. There were found stones, and that very great ones, as grave stones and the like, a mile off the River, struck into the ground, in some places foure palmes. The slaughter various. But no losse or destruction was more miserable then of men: some the hel­lish violence of the fires, either forth­with consumed, or furiously and mi­serably dash't them together: or shot them as it were into the ayre, amongst stones and wood, who straight-wayes were bruised falling on the earth, or drowned if lighting in the River. O­thers were stifled with the pestiferous [Page 88]vapours, not wounded otherwise, some the swelling river long tormen­ted with hot scalding waters: many were slaine in the shoure of falling stones, and some the grave-stones both kill'd, and intombed; Yet this dire­full infernall fury, omitted not to make some sport in this so lamentable a Tragedy. The Viscount of Bruxels was taken, and darted out of his own ship by this sudden Tempest, but fell over-thwart another shipp plac't a good distance off. The severall chances of o­thers. This devillish whirle-wind carried Captaine Tucci­us heavy arm'd out of Saint Maries Fort like light chaffe in the ayre, and cast him down in the midst of the Ri­ver, out of which hee being well skil­led in swimming, loosing his armour, and protected by the Mother of God, whose ayde hee implored with great confidence, escaped without any harme. But a young man of Prince A­lexanders life-guard dispatched a farr greater journey; for snatched from the bridge a distance from Flanders side, he was carried over a great part of the river into Brabant, being but a little hurt in that shoulder which first light to the ground; and said, hee [Page 89]seem'd like a bullet shot out of a piece of Ordinance, he felt behind him such a violence forcing him forward. In­deed, The judgement of some concern­ing this Engine. there were some of opinion that survived the slaughter, that what man soever fabricated this execrable Engine, composed that direfull plague not of natura [...] stuffe but fetch't that terrible fire from the infernall furna­ces of hell: that without doubt hee provoked that Thunder and light­ning by Art magick from the Skies: attracted the pestiferous vapours from no other place, then the black dunge­on of Plnto: and derived the very waters burning beyond measure and custome from the Stygian lake. It is so FAMILIAR amongst men, to judge that whatsoever is beyond their capacity, is also above humane pow­er to effect. Vasquius Sergeant Ma­jor of a Spanish Regiment, writes, The number of those that were slaine. there were eight hundred slaine, be­sides a great number that were woun­ded and maimed: Nor doth Tucci­us speak of any fewer, who were both present at the slaughter; Amongst whom there fell many brave souldi­ers, chiefe Officers and leaders: But the death of Rubasius and Billius, [Page 90]which happened in the Castle, amongst whom Billius, from which Prince Alexander departed, farre surpassed the losse of all the rest. Gaspar Robley a Portuguese, but by his wife a Dutch Lady, Lord of Bill, had been Governour of Friez-land, and was then Colonell of a German Regiment, and Capta [...] of a Troop of horse, an ancient and expert soul­dier, as ever any, a faithfull Counsel­lour, and highly esteemed by the Prince of Parma, who giving the Re­giment to one of his sonnes, and the Troop of horse to another, conti­nued the love of the Father to­wards his children. But many things concurred to the honour of Robert Marquesse Rubasius, And Rubasius, Nis Elogium: his ancient No­bility from the house of the Melunes: his great riches of his owne, and in­creased by the accesse of the Principa­lity, which Prince Alexander (his brother being proscribed) had obtai­ned for him of the King. This great authority both at home and in the Camp, being both Governour of Ar­tois, and Generall of the horse: which he left greater to his successours; being the first General of the horse to whom (Prince Alexander permitting it) the [Page 91]lances began to bee bowed, an ho­nourable kind of salutation, accusto­med onely to the sole Generall of the Army, which from that time was brought in custome: and some yeares after it was allowed, that the Cornets of horse should bow downe their co­lours to the Generall of the Horse. For his military mind there was none more confident, or fortunate: and therefore hee was often by the States confederate, invited to retum to their party, for whom hee had once fought against the King: In the interim they feared him, as conscious of their coun­cells and strength. The love of Prince Alexander heaped these dignities up­on him, which his Excellency knew hee well deserved, for the returne of Waloone Provinces, chiefly by his ex­ample, to their allegiance: for his dis­covery and preventing the treacheries plotted against him: & his incompa­rable care and reverence, continually acknowledging how greatly hee was obliged to the Prince of Parma, al­most adoring the very name of Alex­ander, though otherwise high-minded and haughty. But the death of Ruba­sius, and many others, And others. caused not on­ly [Page 92]by this ship at the bridge, but by the other that was grounded vomit­ing its poyson not without the losse of many, (for the third was driven to the bank, but the fire-work being ex­tinguished by waters, had no effect) the approach of day, not without great griefe discovered for that night amidst the pittiful groaning of woun­ded persons, nothing was thought on, but each one to lament his misfor­tune, all struck with terrour, and al­most out of their wits, being ignorant of their comrades lives, and not assu­red of their owne. Yea Alex. him­selfe was thought to bee slaine. And the feare en­creased with the supposed death of their Generall Prince Alexander: be­cause so lately seene in the Castle, which the fire first took hold on, and consumed; often reflecting on those words, which hee spoke in the hear­ing of many to the Antwerpian scout, viz. that the bridge should either be his Tombe, or a path to the Victory. They thinking that hee too truly had foretold his death, and the place where. And verily his Excellency al­though a good distance off the bridg, was never in greater perill of death; for a great stake falling on him, His danger. in [Page 93]the entrance of Saint Maries Fort, being tossed with the whirle-wind of the disturbed ayre, between the Hel­met and shoulder, struck him to the ground, where he was found with his sword drawn, like to one in a trance, and Bastius by him imbracing his knees: Cajatane also lying not farre off, hurt in the head with a stone. Prince Alexander after a while com­ing to himselfe, His griefe at the overthrow, when he saw so many dead corps of his souldiers lye pro­strate about, heard the miserable la­mentations, with which some being fastened and hanging on the beams of the bridge others covered with heaps of stones, or halfe buried under grave­stones, implored the helpe of their fel­lowes: when hee beheld the Steccada to be torne in pieces, the Castle utter­ly destroyed, and three shippes that were next to it devoured by the Ri­ver and understood that those, that were in them, both Marriners, souldi­ers, and their Captaines, all to be op­pressed in the same ruine and hearing no certainty of Rubasius; hee was indeed in extreme sorrow, yet not at all dejected, although deserted by his deare and faithfull fellow souldiers, Yet not dejected. [Page 94]in so great a ruine of his labours; and all being in despaire, yet he alone for all this huge discomfiture took courage, constancy, and bore himselfe as superiour to the mis-fortune; and taking to him Mondragonius, Charles Mans field, and Camillus Capisuccus, besides others that esca­ped the tempest: to whom also George Basta, and Casius with a select Troop of horse, call'd thither by the thun­der and lightning, came on the spurr; hee went round the stations, shippes, and tents: whose first and chiefest care was, Hee walkes the round, to send the wounded unto the hospitall of Bevera; Assists the wounded, to help every one the best hee could: to comfort with his presence, Comforts all with his pre­sence, & words, words, and encou­ragement, to extenuate their opinion of the mis-fortune; he denied not but that many were hurt, yet divers of them began to revive, come to them­selves, and take breath, and strength: nor were the enemies exempt from that terrour, with which they had struck others, seeing they durst not proceed forward in the darknesse, be­ing ignorant of the overthrow, and carefull of themselves. One thing was seriously to be provided for, viz. that [Page 95]the day should not reveale the breach of the bridge, And animases them to repaire the Bridge. which the night con­cealed from the enemies; Certainly it is scarce credible, how much the sight of Prince Alexander elevated the de­jected spirits of his souldiers, and re­pressed their feare of the enemies ap­proach. The arivall also of Mauri­que with his German Regiment, whom the Prince of Parma, after the losse of Lief-kenshoeck, with all speed had sent for out of Guelders, fell out very opportunely. Therefore with E­mulous alacrity, THE Bridge is repaired. Prince Alexander himselfe giving the first example, without distinction of Commanders, or souldiers; they all contentiously apply themselves to repaire the bridge, not because hee thought the inventi­on and labour of many moneths, could be restored in foure houres: yet the breach of the bridge, by mending the Steccada, and interposing shippes, in some manner closed up, might seem in the morning to the enemies scouts not to be impaired at all; In shew onely to delude the e­nemies. knowing souldiers are some times kept off, as well by meere appearances, as true re­alities, being alwayes exercised with jealousies and feares; and with that [Page 96]false spectacle their eyes being deluded and terrifyed, their courages would easily give back. And did so. And hee presented them with as seemly a Pageant as hee could wish: for by their great dexte­rity in the rest of the night the beams which floated on the Waters, being layd in their former places, new piles erected, poles layd over-thwart; and what else they had at hand driven in­to the River, and shippes linked be­tweene as they were, he so fitly repai­red the bridge, placing souldiers there­on, commanding Drumms and Trum­pets continually to bee ratled and sounded; that the enemies Navy was by this imaginary species gull'd, and hindered from an assault; which, if it had advanced from Lillo, might ea­sily have broken through that tempo­rary supply: but afterwards the work being daily strengthened, it was real­ly retarded. Being thereby highly praised, especially by the King. And verily it was uncer­taine whether the Prince of Parma had greater courage now, in repair­ing the bridge, or before in building it. Indeed, the King upon this occa­sion. rendering him many thanks, wrot with his own hand. ‘That hee was not provided of words, where­with [Page 97]hee might sufficiently extoll his constancy, and dexterity in that very nick of his distressed affaires.’ And there wanted not some, June 6. who re­flecting on the Machine erected above the Waters at the siege of Tyre, (so famous in times past) and its destru­ction by the fire-ship of the enemies, did not absurdly, or against reason, The comparison of Alexander Prince of Par­ma, with Alex­ander King of Macedon, in repairing the Bridge, compare Alexander Prince of Par­ma, with Alexander King of Mace­don: For neither could they find Ant­werp to be a part any wayes inferiour to Tyre, nor the Scheldt to be of lesse breadth then the Tirian Sea, being there foure furlongs; and indeed to make a way through the Waters, by casting huge heapes of stones, and whole woods of Trees, confusedly to­gether into the Sea seemed a vaster Ia­bour, and required the helpe of many hands: but to bridle a River of no lesse greatnesse then that Sea, by a Bridge connected together by Art, was farre more ingenious and curious Cer­tainly, the Tirian ship performing its execution with pitch and brimstone, was not worthy to bee compared to the Antwerpian, fighting with fire, stinking vapours, stones, scalding wa­ters, [Page 98]and so with all the Elements at one. And yet for all this great o­verthrow; the Prince of Parma in one piece of a night repaired the bridge, and constantly held on the siege till victorious: when Alexander of Ma­cedon was almost in despaire, and but that the fortunate arrivall of his Na­vy from Cyprus stayed him, and at last was cause of his conquest, he was in mind to have quit the siege. And truly, they may conclude their com­parison of the Prince of Parma with the King of Macedon, not to be une­quall in the structure, and reparation of this Machine: and if the excellency of the writers were alike, they might match one another in every thing. The day following when no enemies ap­peared, and newes was brought back by the scout-boats, sent that night by his Excellency towards Lillo, that the enemies fleet lay still, as ignorant, viz. of their own victory, their mindes by Gods especiall providence being di­verted from the attempt; Alex. gives or­der to bury the dead bodies. It was thought fit to take care of burying the dead: but then the griefe of the Army was renewed, whilst some acknow­ledge and interr their neighbours, and [Page 99]kins-folks, others amongst strangers found their friends, and searching met but more objects of dis-comfort: all at the cruell and lamentable aspect of mangled bodies, and heads torne off, their fury increasing against the ene­mies, they both lamented, and yet threatned. The Corps of Rubasius scarcely to be discerned, being taken down from [...]he shipp where it hung, with such solemnity as time and place permitted, Prince Alexander him­selfe, not without teares interred; He himselfe in­terrs Rubasius: which piety of his towards his soul­diers, and participation of griefe, was exceeding gratefull to the Army. But Billius being daily sought for, Billius was found after­wards. was some moneths after, when the bridge was taken down found hanging on a pyle, being first taken notice of, by a golden Chaine, which hee alwayes wore, and honourably interred at Antwerp.

In the interim, the enemies, Alex. prepare for the next de­signe of the ene­mies. al­though now not with so great hope of forcing a Way through the bridge, yet not at all dejected, did not desist from their enterprize, but determined to attempt another way, with greater force then ever: and if the passage [Page 100]through the Scheldt was obstructed, they would seek another through the fields by slitting the banks and letting in the River. Alexander having no­tice of the preparation of Warlike shippes, which with great noyse of Artificers, and workmen, were buil­ding at Antwerp, and of those which daily appeared from the sea, judged of their intent. Wherefore preparing himselfe for a new conflict; First of all, First hee sup­plies the places of the Comman ders that were slaine. hee supplyed the places of those Captaines and Officers which were slaine: especially rewarding the Spa­nish Cornett his deliverer, and though many of the Nobles stood for the place, hee created Marquesse Vastius Generall of the Horse, untill the King should declare another in Marquesse Rubasius stead. By whose death, be­cause the Province of Artois, and the jurisdiction of Heldin were without Governours, amongst many compe­titours his Excellency earnestly reque­sted of his Majesty, that for Count Hermin, and this for Adrian Gom [...] ­curtius. Yet these were a long time by the King delay'd but Vastius was forthwith confirmed Generall of the Horse. Hee also drawing part of the [Page 101] Presidiaries from the neighbouring Townes, Then hee forti­fies the Castles and forts, espe­cially Coven­stene Causey. and fetching some Cannons thence, strengthened with all speed possible the Castles and Forts: and chiefly the Rampire call'd Covenstene Dyke, which hee feared the enemy would attempt, for from Lillo, and a little above, even to Antwerp, the fields in Brabant lye very low, where­fore they are often overwhelmed with Water and mudd, and but that, by the peoples industry, who by casting up copps, do make higher pathes, would be impassable, and these the Belgians call counter-dykes. For as banks of Rivers, which are both to keep in the Waters, and to bee paths for Travellers to walk on, are by the Low-countrey men called Dykes; so those over crosse ways that meet these River banks, as with high-wayes, are called Counter-dykes. One of these from the Village of Covenstene, com­monly called Covenstene dyke, reach­eth from the village of Stabroeck, even unto the Scheldt, which is above three miles: which being broken and very crasie, was by the Prince of Parma re­paired, and with great cost and labour made both higher and broader, being [Page 102]very commodious for that part of the Army, For two rea­sons. that quartered at Stabroeck to passe over to the banks of the Scheldt, and from thence to the Navall bridge, and over the bridge to the Army at Bevera, by which continuall passage, the Camps both in Brabant and Flanders were joyned. There was a­nother motive also which urged the fortifying of this dyke or causey, viz. If the enemy intended to sayl through the fields, over-whelmed with Waters from Lillo to Antwerp, they might be hindered by the interposition of this Covenstene Causey, which his Excellency greatly feared the enemies would attempt. Whereupon commit­ing the charge of the Navall bridge, which did belong to Rubasius, to Charles Count Mansfield, hee dili­gently applyed himselfe to the causey of Covenstene, and carefully fortisyed it, He raiseth Ca­stles on that bank, being repaired with pyles, faggots, and earth, with some Castles placed thereon. One whereof was already begun by Mondragonius on the bank of the Scheldt, call'd for its forme Sancta Cruce, whither the limits of Covenstene reach. The finishing and defence whereof Mondragonius took [Page 103]to himselfe. And Prince Alexander commanded three more to be built on the causey. The building and defence of the first, a mile from Mondragoni­us his Fort, at a house in Covenstene belonging to a Noble Gentleman of Antwerp, hee attributed to Camillus à Monte, and named it St. James's. The second, about the same distance from the first, was erected by Valen­tine Pardiaeus Lord of Mott, by his Ex­cellencies command, taking its name from its builder was called Mott, but for the most part St. Georges. But af­terwards Valentine departing thence, it was kept by Michael Benett, an an­cient Captaine of a Spanish Compa­ny, having served in the Warres thir­ty five yeares. The third, was com­mitted to John Gamboa, and call'd because it was set on pyles without the causey Palata, but afterwards Victoria. And at Stabroeck where the Causey ends, Count Mansfield cast up a Fort, hard by his quarters: To whom his Excellency joyn'd Camil­lus Capissuccus, whose quarters were not farre off. The wonderfull fortify­ing of this Covenstene Causey went on apace, Castles rising in strife, from narrow and almost no ground-work, [Page 104]or foundation, and as it were hanging in the ayre. And the enemy opening the River-bank, When the bank of the Scheldt being slit above, by the Ant­werpians neer to the City, and below at Lillo by their auxiliary Navy, and the fields in Brabant covered with a huge deluge of Water, Let part of the River into the lower fields, through which the shippes. might be con­veyed to Ant­werp. like to another Scheldt; then the enemies designe was plainly discovered of bringing their shippes against Covenstene Dyke, and with their Pioneers of cutting that Barr, to make a Navigable passage through this new Channell to Ant­werp, in despight of the Farnezian bridge. And that the Spaniards might be dubious of this their intent, or at least their forces distracted, and con­sequently lesse potent; The besieged Antwerpians, promised the Hollan­ders and Zealanders, who came to their reliefe, that at the same time when they should invade Covenstene with their shippes from the sea, and they from the City, they also would set upon the Bridge with new strata­gems; For Jambell and the rest of his Sulphurean comrades, had sworne they would not desist, till with their various Engines, and new battering Rams, they had utterly demolished the bridge. Therefore the confederates [Page 105]as they had agreed among themselves, At the same time the Navy appeareth from the sea, puts part out into the fields against Covenstene Causey, part in­to the River a­gainst the bridge, May, 7. divided their fleet, consisting of an hundred and fifty sayl into two squa­drons, one under Holach set out from Lillo, into the over-whelmed fields, where Ship-masts more fully resem bled Woods then the growing Trees had done before: the other under Ju­stin of Nassau tracing the Scheldt now threatning to land on Brabant fide, now on Flanders, then fiercely alarming the bridge. And with the same practises, the Holachians some­times plai'd their Artillery against the Castle of Sanctacruce, often threatned to assault Covenstene causey then car­ried about the sound and terrour of the conflict in every place, the Roya­lists standing alwayes ready armed, and provided against them: Prince Alexander himselfe being sometimes busied at the bridge, sometimes at the causey, not taking any rest either day or night. But when they, especially the Holachians, had now spent some dayes in threatning to attempt the Causey, and perceiving that the Roy­alists, either deluded with their so of­ten fained assayes, or wearied out with continuall labour and watching [Page 106]came more slowly to their colours, and seeing in the dead of the night a fire about Antwerp, which was the signe appointed to both for the as­sault, five hundred suddenly climbed up the Causey, They attempt Covenstene. with as great silence as was possible between the Castle of Pa­lata and Saint Georges, in which place Benett kept his station of Spani­ards, and killing the first guard which they found halfe asleep, At first with prosperous suc­cesse of the Hollachians. the Captaine himselfe being grievously wounded, and the Sergeant slaine who stood on their own defence and the rest flying to the Castles, on both hands they safely possest themselves of part of the Causey. Whereupon more of the Holachians by their Generalls ap­pointment came out of their shippes, (for there were above two thousand souldiers in the Navy) when Ortizi­us and Verdugo, two Spanish Cap­taines, came with all speed from the next station, and by and by Colonell Gamboa posting thither with a select company of Spaniards from the Ca­stle of Palata, & re-inforcing the fight not onely rejected them from the cau­sey, but pursued them to their shippes, But are beaten off. either pierced them at hand with their [Page 107]swords, or shot them at distance swimming. And turning the Artille­ry from Saint James's Castle against them sunk foure of the nearest shipps, With their no small losse. and the rest struck with terrour from the other Castles, retyred, with no small losse to the enemies, there being slaine of them above three hundred, besides those, who as I said with the shippes were drown'd, and others, who either not skill'd in swimming, or o­ver-loaden with their armes were de­voured by the Waters. And greater complaints a­gainst the Ant­werpians. Yet greater then the losse, was the complaint of Holach, accusing the Antwerpians who by hanging forth light, from a Towre, gave the signe of the assault, and yet as it were on set purpose, came not to prosecute the Victory which hee had begun: But they affirmed, Their reply. they set not forth any lights as a sig­nall of battle: but said, hee was de­ceived by a fire, by chance kindled in the Tolasian Sconce, and so began too rashly to fight. Although Prince A­lexander in a Letter to his Majesty, Not credited by Alexander, May, 20. construed the matter another way: thinking the Antwerpians not assu­red that the Holachians would at­tempt the assault; for some time de­ferred [Page 108]the expedition, and purposely stayd to see, what from that first suc­cesse might be expected.

But these were the first, The preparation of the confede­rates, and but sleight assayes of Covenstene: neither side in full strength opposing each o­ther. Then the enemies stifly conspi­ring together, Greater then e­ver. began the fight, which I will so much the more exactly de­scribe, because scarce at any time on the Low-countreys, in a more dange­rous place, or with greater uncertain­ty of the Victory on either side, or with braver testimony of daring soul­diers, or more present assistance from Heaven, was it ever more couragious­ly disputed; on the one side, the con­federates set forth a fleet, stronger both in shippes and men, and better ap­pointed then ever before: being the whole power and strength in a man­ner, both which Antwerp, the maga­zine of warlike Engines, as well as of rich Merchandizes, and the Hollan­ders and Zealanders could rayse the greatest part of the Presidiaries, be­ing drawne forth of their Cities and forts, To set upon Co­venstene both from Antwerp, and the sea, May, 26. for this battle, and determined day of their publick liberty appoin­ted to be, by the mutuall consent both [Page 109]of the auxiliaries and besieged, the six and twentieth of May: on which day they determined to set upon Co­venstene Barr, and breaking through it, to open a way for provision and reliefe to the City. On the other side, his Excellency being assured, the whole force and tryall of the Warre would be at this over-crosse Causey, caused more Artillery to be carryed into the Castles plac't thereon; Nor had Alex. lesse care to de­fend it. and battlements to be raised on either side the Causey from the Castle of Sancta Cruce, to Count Mansfields Castle, neer Stabroeck (which two Castles, are the extreames of the Causey) and a long row of stakes to be fastened in the Waters, as it were an out-work to hinder the accesse of the shippes, omit­ting nothing in the munition of the place, whereby for the present hee might oppose the enemies designes; and, as hee had so often deluded their attempts against the Navall Bridge on the Scheldt, so by repairing and for­tifying this other Bridge plac't on a­nother Scheldt in the fields, hee by Gods assistance, might frustrate their designes, and stop the passage of Na­vigation in that place also. Nor did [Page 110]the Antwerpians omit, The Antwer­pians to divert the Royalists from Coven­stene, prepare new inventions. as they had before agreed to re-attempt the Na­vall Bridge, and to appeare with new and various Engines, thereby to di­vert the Royalists from Covenstene: some whereof had a great number ei­ther of terrible javelins, or broad sharp axes fastened in the fore-decks: many carrying fires on their hatches, Shippes to as­sail the bridge. had within them mines of Thunder. But having so often tryall, that these Machines, either by the bending of the channell, or by the Wind, easily were driven to the banks, and there groun­ded, there was a German, Amongst the rest, one way most stupendi­ous. one of Jam­bels impes, who took upon him, to invent a ship that would go straight down the midst of the River, and di­rectly fall upon the Bridge: Where­fore I think it not amisse to relate in a word or two the structure thereof. He fastened under the water to the sides of the prore a great linnen cloath, like the sayle of a ship: which exten­ded before the ship in the Water, like to a fish-nett, and passing along under the keele, was by little and little so contracted, untill it was fastened a­bout the midst of the ship on either side. So this German quite changed [Page 111]the use of sayles: and contrived, that as sayles fill'd with wind, drive on the Vessel, so his new fashioned sayle, be­ing fill'd with water, might likewise move it on with this advantage, (which chiefly intended) that it would keep a direct course, for needs must the ship set forth in the middle of the Scheldt, not onely be forced for­ward with the sayle extended before it, and filled with the streame, so much the more violently, by how much the River runs with greater rapidity in the midst, especially when the tyde back's into the Ocean, but also must needs keep it from being driven from the deeper part of the channell by any crosse gust of Wind; for the Wind, which flowing above the waters, is accustomed to wrest the shipp aside from its right course could not have the like force on the under water which fill'd the sayle, with which, the ship besides the course of the Ri­ver, and ebbing of the Sea, was drawn on as with oares. Assuring himselfe, that no Machine how strong soever, was able to endure this violent onset, but at the very first charge of this battering Ram, would faile. And now [Page 112]teen of those other shippes I spoke of, The enemies Engines ap­proach in this order. were sent downe the midst of the Ri­ver from Antwerp about mid-night: six of the greatest whereof carryed de­struction privately within them, the rest openly threatned fire, which were led and guarded by seventeene little cock-boats tyed and connected toge­ther. And for that their bottomes were boared full of holes, and water running in, they were carryed scarce a foot above the river, held up onely, and hindered from sinking by empty hogs-heads. To this intent, that scarce visible, especially in the dead of the night, they might, as lying lower and secure from danger of their sharp beakes set upon the floates, plac't be­fore the bridge: and breaking downe that bar, might open a way for the shippes to assayl the bridge, but with­out successe. For after the overthrow received the month before, every night some light boats, as scouts, by his Ex­cellencies command, traced the Scheldt, Alex. makes preparation a­gainst them. which an English Captaine, offering his service to Prince Alexan­der, for that purpose fortifyed with grapples, hooks, and anchors. At the fight of which, the boates being af­frighted, [Page 113]and scattered, were by their conductours convey'd some one way, some another, whilst in the interim, the Royalists speedily with their grapling hooks catching hold of most of the greater shippes then destitute of the lessers conduct, drew them to the banks, and there anchored them. Where afterwards, they vented their poyson without any execution. But having not time to surprize all, But one brake through the floats. one of them armed with those sharp weapons fell on the piled fortification that stood before the bridge, and after they had a while goared one another with mutuall wounds, at length the ship cutting in pieces the opposite beames, And opens the passage for the new invented ship. and ships-masts, made a breach in the Machine it selfe also sorely bulked, and torne in pieces by the sharp points, was forthwith swallowed by the River. But that which went with sayles fastened to the bottom, could not by any hooks or grapples be re­tarded, but with incredible swiftnesse was directly conveyed through the broken floates against the bridge. And although the souldiers forthwith took one of the ships from the bridge, (for then the shipps were so ordered, [Page 114]that they might bee removed when need required) and hastened to lay o­pen the way to the approaching ship, Which past through not without some hurt to the bridge. yet it hitting on the ship plac't next to that which was removed, with un­evitable force tore it asunder, and forthwith sunk it. And thus hitherto prevailed the Antwerpians Engines; for some Italians at day-break, in e­mulation of the English under Cap­taine Torell, with great audacity boarded those lesser fire-ships that fol­lowed, and pulling most of them to the banks there anchored them. Yet three or foure escaped, Others attempt the same. but the ships being removed from the bridge, they slyded through that open way of the River, But without any effect. vomiting their pestilence a great distance off the bridge and as e­very one of these shipps discharging their mines burst a far off, the soul­diers on the bridge their feare now turned into sport, And are scoffed at. had leasure joyful­ly to vent their jeeres and iterate their triumphant shoutes, in derision of their enemies. Nor wanted there some, who desirous to know the inward subtilty, And the artifi­cial structure of them was found out. entered with prosperous te­merity one of the enemies ships, and finding the match which conveyed [Page 115]the fire almost entering the mine, forthwith extinguished it, and made bold to look into the secret vault, and shewed it to others, no little admi­ring the rarity of it: from whose nar­rations especially, I received these things which before are related.

But not long were the Royalists exempt from new feare & care, to wit, The last attempt of the Antwer­pians. from the last stratagem of the besieg­ed; for as yet the Antwerpian Engi­neers had one invention more, which they reserved as their latest hopes. It was a Vessell of an unusuall bignesse, A huge ship and forme: whose foundation being not much unlike to Wherryes, was so connected together with crosse beams, like a greate, that the places left be­tween those beames, might bee fill'd with empty Hogs-heads, the better to support the huge weight that was to be laid thereon. Moreover these beams and barrels were covered with thick boards pitched, to make a plaine even bottom of the ship: the sides were fenced with impregnable battlements, and thick ranked with Wall pieces. But upon this shipp covered with strong planks, there was raised ano­ther as it were a Castle, built almost [Page 116]foure-square; in which were carried above a thousand Musqueteers, besides those that appeared not, being in the lower ship, and those that were expo­sed to the view in the top-Castles of the mast, to shoot as it were a storme of leaden hail-stones from the clouds. But it is scarce credible how great confidence the Antwerpians reposed in this ship, than which there was ne­ver any built at Antwerp, with grea­ter industry, or expences; for it is re­ported it was seven moneths in buil­ding, and cost at least one hundred thousand florens, so much were they taken with this huge moveable Ca­stle, and all secure of its successe, that proudly they named it the END OF THE WARR; Which they cal­led The end of the Warr. and were willing the enemies should take notice of that glorious Title they gave it, yet ne­ver was there Engine or stratagem more vainer, But took no effect. or to lesse purpose. For launched into the Scheldt, and steered through the cleft of the River-bank at Ostervele, into the drowned fields, the Marriners could scarcely guide it: and no sooner came it neer to Ordam, which Fort it assaulted but it stuck fast to the ground, and was so gra­vel'd, [Page 117]that from thence it could not by any Art of Marriners, any endea­vour of other shippes be drawn, or re­moved. So THINGS that exceed custome and measure in greatnesse, are rather for sight-sake, then use and commodity, of which the Antwerpi­ans had a sufficient experience, Afterwards they termed it expences lost. who afterwards with a truer Title call'd this their Fabrick, Money cast away; and the Spaniards after the first sight and encounter, in a military jeere call'd it CARANTAMAVLA viz. a great Bug-bare for children. And a Bugbear for children. But this was afterwards, for then, when they heard it was set out of the Port, In the interim it kept the Roy­alists solicitous at the bridge. and supposed it to come against the bridge, (for so the Antwerpians gave it out, to detaine the Royalists on the bridge) they expressed another front, and earnestly prepared all their forces against this new monster, which same had divulged.

Whilst the Royalists were by the many and sundry attempts of the e­nemies Engines busied at the River, The confede­rates Navy in­vade Coven­stene Causey: Covenstene Causey was suddenly as­sailed by both Navies at once, which consisted of above two hundred sayle, almost one hundred and sixty where­of [Page 118]were great shippes, furnished with Veterans and Cannons, and came partly from the City under Consul Aldegund, James Jacobius Admirall of Antwerp, Aldegund from Antwerp, with Morgan and Bal­furius, two Colonells of English and Scots, And Holach from the sea. partly under Count Holach from the sea, to whom were joyned Justin of Nassau, Haulter Gover­nour of Walcheren, besides the chiefest of the Hollanders, and Zealanders. The rest of the lesser ships were, some loaden with sacks of earth and wool: many with faggots beames, hurdles, and pyles, for the speedy raising of bulwarkes and fences: Others with folded bridges for an assault, fire­balls, Granadoes, Artificers, and Pio­neers, besides those that were loaden with store of provision for Antwerp▪ Count Holach was the first, First the Hol­lachians send­ing fire ships before, and frighting away the guards. that by the helpe of the tyde set out from Lil­lo, who sent before foure ships, with pitch, brimstone, and Gun powder, which the Ship-men privately setting fire to, might have some resemblance of shippes with mines, and as Bow­men in the Van of an Army, might beat off and deterr the Royalists from their centries, which took effect. For [Page 119]approaching to Covenstene, betweene the Castles of Saint George and the Palata, (the pyles being cut before under the Water) as soon as they were set on fire, they went off with a hor­rid, but hurtlesse noyse, wherefore whilst those that kept guard in that place, fearing a terrible storme of stones would ensue, a little with-drew themselves, the stoutest of the ene­mies came out of the other ships, and in a trice took the Causey, Ascend the Causey. there be­ing but few there to defend it, cut through a passage, and that gate be­ing now opened in halfe an houres space, amongst a continuall storm of the Artillery from Saint Georges Ca­stle, not without the losse of many, a­bout eight hundred Holachians pos­sesse themselves of all that part of the Causey. And although a little after, Simon Padil. Colonell Gamboa, and Captaine Pa­dilla, came in all speed from the next Castles with most of their souldiers to hinder the enemies from fortifying themselves, And seconded by the Alde­gundians climbing up on the other side. yet at the same time Al­degund, first charging with his fire­ships, then with the Antwerpian fleet, and sending fresh men to assist their fellowes; the Spaniards endeavours [Page 120]were frustrated: for Captaine Padilla and other undaunted souldiers being slaine, The chiefest of the Spaniards being slaine or wounded. Colonell Gamboa himselfe, and many of his men ill wounded, they thought it best to retreate, and defend the Castles from the huge multitude of the enemies. Possess them­selves of a great part of the Cau­sey: And now the enemies being masters of all the Causey, be­tween the Castles of Saint George, and the Palata, contentiously fortifie themselves, and speedily driving stakes into the ground, and winding them with boughs of Trees, casting to them sackes of earth, suddenly rais'd a high bulwark, And fortifyed it, and fortifyed it with select Musqueteers out of the neerest shippes, committing the charge of it to Colonell Morgan. And withall. the Pioneers o­pen the Causey on either side. And at the same time, almost an infinite num­ber of Pioneers, applying themselves to the bottome and sides of the bank, on either side, cast downe and opened so much of it, that both parts of the over-flowing waters were almost con­joyned. Balfurius also with a cohort of Scots, and the Governour of Wal­cheren with some select companies of Auxiliaries, Others assault the Castle. fiercely assaulted the Ca­stle of Saint George, and doubtlesse had taken it, for the souldiers that [Page 121]kept it were most of them grievously wounded, if Camillus à Monte had not from his Castle of Saint James with a hardy band of Italians and Walloones opposed and hindered the insulting enemy: although many of them were cut off, But are repulst. by the continuall tempest of bullets, without intermis­sion shot from the shippes on both hands. But the most grievous con­flict was at the Pioneers, The sharpest conflict was at the Pioneers, who that they might safely prosecute their work, were guarded by the Auxilia­ries. And especially the Merchants in the Corn-ships, whom it much con­cerned to have the passage of Traffick laid open, earnestly urged forward the workmen, Who are encou­raged to work, ‘That they should make hast, and now shew their strength; sith that on their hands onely de­pended the Victory: nor permit a few handfulls of earth heaped to­gether, in which all the Spaniards confidence lay now included, to stand impenetrable to so many thousand workmen, And although many of them, and the auxili­aries were slaine, to hinder the strong Navy of the Hollanders, and liberty of Antwerp.’ But the Roya­lists with so much the more obstina­cy, endeavoured to divert the ene­mies [Page 122]from their work. And as the greatest action was at the bottome of the Causey, so there they encountered one another, wading in the Waters e­ven to their breasts, and now woun­ded, then wounding their opposites with the points of their pikes, and swords, seldome missing their marks, mutually discoloured the Waters with each others blood; now the Spa­niards violently rushing. into the ve­ry clefts, and breaches of the bank, fiercely slaughtered the workmen, and made up the gaps with their dead bo­dyes, so that those, who when they were alive had opened the bank, be­ing dead closed it up. Yet they pre­vail, But they could not so oppose the workmen every where, being so many in number, and casting down the Causey in so many places, that with their constant la­bour they had in some places made such wide scissures, that with the wa­ter rushing in, And the Causey being opened, one ship slipt through. And brought joyful tydings to Antwerp, as if they were Victours. there one bark loaden with provision broke through also; into which Count Holach himselfe ascending, and drawing along with him Feranta Spinula, taken prisoner a little before, who not long after de­parted this life, entred Antwerp with [Page 123]these joyfull tydings, ‘That the Vi­ctory was now in their hands; Co­venstene barr was opened, the ships had free passage, and by and by their relief would follow; the first fruits wherof they might in that bark be­hold, & by this prisoner perceive a sure token of the victory.’ Wherupon the Antwerpians verily believing it, run up & down the City, some hasten to the Port, to look for the provision; others wait on Count Holach, ask­ing him many questions concerning the fight, and how many were slaine, or wounded: many set forth publick fignalls of joy with joyfull volleyes of Artillery, and ringing of bells, lit­tle knowing what newes the evening following would bring.

But the confederates having ban­ded at least two thousand five hun­dred souldiers on Covenstene, The Castle of Palata is in danger, Gamboa, the Ca­tholick affaires were in a straight: e­specially the Castle of Palata, its Go­vernour being ill hurt, for that part plac't on pyles without the Causey, was battered from the shippes, and the passage from Saint Georges was stopt by the enemies fort. Nor did Count Mansfield (who was Gover­nour [Page 124]of Brabant shore) desist from sending fresh supplyes of souldiers from Stabroeck, although the way to Palata was almost blockt up. But most of them being either slaine or beaten back, by the continuall show­ers of bullets and fire-balls from the shippes, hee was doubtfull what course to take: yet going from the Camp to his Castle plac't in the head of the Causey, Mansfield spee­dily consults of relieving it. hee speedily advised with some of the chiefest Commanders of the Army. Many did not approve that the souldiers should bee exposed to certaine destruction, lying open to the enemies shot, They give seve­rall opinions. and (the Causey be­ing lost) altogether unprotected. But should rather expect till night, at which time they would both be in e­quall danger, AND THE darknesse would even cover the naked. On the contrary, others disputed it was no time to delay, but that they should endeavour with all their force, by some means to convey some Cannons to the Castle of Palata, and from thence to send forces to set upon the enemies Fort plac't neere to Palata. Not a few referred the enemies bold­nesse, and the Royalists fear, to Prince [Page 125] Alexanders absence, and said, he was to be sent for with all speed: and it was not to be doubted, but all things by his presence would be restored. But as it is accustomed to fall out in such like desperate affaires, MANY give Counsell, few will undergo the pe­rill. Amongst the rest there was pre­sent Camillus Capissuccus, Colonell of an Italian Regiment: who, as I have heard, spoke more couragiously then the rest, and performed his mag­nanimous wordes, with as daring deeds: for reproving all their delay, hee said, ‘What can bee expected in tarrying untill night, Capissuccus of­fers himselfe, and his Regi­ment to relieve it. or for the Prince of Parma, but to give the e­nemies sufficient time of dividing the Causey, and passage for their provision? which being once past, how can our fighting remedy it? but say our souldiers daunted with the fall of their fellowes, will go more stoutly against the enemy: or if couragiously, yet in vaine, and unto certaine destruction. Indeed, hee did not attribute to himselfe and his Regiment more then to the rest, yet could he not deny but hee was more obliged and devoted to [Page 126]the Prince of Parma then others. And from thence had hee greater provocation to the enterprize. Ther­fore what others doubted and es­chewed, hee earnestly desired for himselfe and his Regiment, viz. to set upon the enemies, and in the front, if others would follow: or if they diffided and would leave the glory to them alone, they onely would engage, and as hee hoped be Victorious. Hee knew his souldi­ers minds and courages, and there­fore hee doubted not, but to bee freed from ostentation and temeri­ty. And doubted not but what things were proudly spoken at the Table would as gallantly bee per­formed in the battle. But if the dye of Warr should run otherwise, it would be no disparagement to close up the many yeares of his souldie­ry in that dayes adventure. But bet­ter things might bee presumed by those, who so often had tryall of the Divine assistance, the sanctity of the cause, and of the name of Alexander.’ His Sergeant Major Picolo­miny confirmes the same. There was present when hee spoke thus, Silvius Picolominy Captaine and Sergeant Major of that [Page 127]Regiment: (whose sonne Octavio Duke of Amalphi) now when I write this, the stout and fortunate Gene­rall of the Austrian forces, both in Germany and the Low-countreyes, posterity will read, frequently menti­oned in the Annalls of our age. Silvius, Who for that with no lesse constancy hee affirmed the same, with Capissuccus, and boldly pawned his word for the Regiment: was by Count Mansfield, to whom this was most gratefull, and who by the very looks of them whom Picolominy had in his company, pre­saged well of the Victory, comman­ded with all speede to choose three hundred souldiers out of that Regi­ment, and speedily to returne. Who for this service brought his souldiers to Capisuccus un­der three Cap­taines. Six companies whereof quartered neere Stabroeck: for the rest were of the guard for the bridge, from amongst these companies at Stabroeck, Pico­lominy chose out three hundred of the stoutest and forwardest souldiers, and brought them to his Colonell, led by three Captaines of approved valour, viz. Mark Magdalen, John Baptista à Prano, and Lewis Gambolo [...]t: and found Mansfield strengthned with new succours, led by John de Aquila, [Page 128]a man of an undaunted spirit, Aquila, a Spa­nish Colonell offers his assi­stance to Mans­field. Colo­nell of the Regiment which belonged to Pacius; Who at six or seven miles distance hearing the continuall thun­dering of Cannons, supposed what the matter was, and suddenly chose two hundred souldiers out of his Re­giment, with Bartholomew Toralua, Michael Cardone, and Gonsalo Ca­strio, ancient and stout Captaines and couragiously offered himselfe and his souldiers to Count Mansfield: and demanded the leading of the Van for that expedition; The contest be­tween the Spa­niards and Ita­lans for the Van in that as­sault. Which Capissuccus and Picolominy having already layd claime to desired that others coming but after, should not be preferred be­fore the Italians, who had first enga­ged for the honour. On the contrary, the Spaniards pretended the right of the Warr, and preheminency of their Nation in the Low-countreyes, and Count Mansfield rather inclining to the Spaniards. The Colonels gallantly decide. At last Aquila ex­claiming that it was not a time of quarrelling amongst themselves, but with the enemy, layd hold of Capis­succus right hand, and said, ‘Come most magnanimous man, let us joyn our selves together, and march a­gainst [Page 129]the enemies fortification: and try the valour of our countreyes, by the overthrow of the rebells.’ Count Mansfield glad of that mili­tary strife, and the deciding thereof, was neere ready to have begun the fight: when a farre off at the other end of the Causey, hee heard sudden shoutes, and perceived the concourse from Saint Cruces Fort, to approach neerer, and the tumult to encrease, Alex. hastens to relieve Palata in danger. at last he understood Prince Alexander was advancing, who had been retar­ded at the bridge by the Antwerpian shippes; and who although he con­jectured by the noyse of the Cannons, that the enemies Navy had already assayled Covenstene, yet his great care of the bridge would not suffer him to depart thence, untill the Antwerpians attempt on the Scheldt being repres­sed, hee now somewhat more secure, From the bridge now left forti­fied. and rather anxious of his souldiers dangers at the Causey, commanded Charles Count Mansfield to guard the bridge and Flanders coast; then drawing with him two hundred Spa­niards armed with pykes, under Tur­rius Viverua an ancient Captaine, with so much the more speed advan­ced [Page 130]towards Covenstene, (which is at least three houres march from the bridge) by how much more hee was spurred forward, by the many sad ty­dings, which one after another met him on the way. But when he saw so many of the enemies souldiers, and Pioneers on the Causey: his own men, like waves of Water, sometimes to advance, sometimes endangered by the Cannons from the shippes to give back: and heard from Camillus à Monte, the death of so many of his chiefest souldiers, the great danger of Saint Georges Fort, and the defence of Palata almost to be in despaire; not using many wordes where hee knew there was more need of deeds, commanded Montius to convey those Cannons, which hee by the way had drawne out of the Forts of Saint Peters, and Saint Barbara into his Castle of Saint James's, and from thence without intermission to play them against the shippes: he gave al­so charge to Mondragonius to do the like from his Castle, de Sancta Cruce: and sent Captaine Viverus with part of the Pikemen against those pioneers, that were opening the neerest part of [Page 131]the Causey. Then himselfe by his eyes and countenance, representing the storme of discontent and fury which lodged in his breast, with a voyce like to thunder egging the ears and mindes of those that were pre­sent, hee said, ‘Let the love of ho­nour, Gods, and the Kings cause, He exhorteth his men to fol­low him. be of no price to him, that follows me not,’ without any other words, hee entered amongst those Spanish pike-men that remained, and ordered the Battalia. But at those words and looks, as it were at the sound of a Trumpet, not onely the Comman­ders, to witt, John Maurique, the Marquesse Bentivol [...]o, The chiefest of the Comman­ders follow their General. the Counts Be­vilaque, and Sfortia Prince Alex­anders kinsman, with other daring Heroes do encompasse his Excellen­cy, and contentiously demand the first on-sett: but also the rest of the souldiers then scattered, joyne them­selves, and fiercely brandishing their weapons together: expect both the signall of battle and Victory. Nor did Count Mansfield make lesse hast from Stabroeck, On the other side Mansfield exhorteth his men. when hee understood the Prince of Parma advanced from the other end, and making this short [Page 132]exhortation; hee said, ‘Well my mates, all things from Gods boun­tifull goodnesse, conspire to the Victory. Here the opportune suc­cours of Aquila, unexpected, by divine instinct flye into our helpe: at the other end the Prince of Par­ma, out affaires being in greatest extremity, comes yet in time, with his sword to cut this Gordian knot. The enemies are now surrounded in the midst, to bee assayled on both hands: they will not bee able to stand the first encounter of our No­ble Generall: and being by him beaten and turned on us, they will be dispatched by our armes: and so at last wee shall be crowned with the glory of the day.’ Thus was the battle renewed, if ever any most blou­dy and remarkable, Many thousands fight upon that narrow bank. upon a Causey verily not above seventeene foot in breadth, at least five thousand men did fight. Into this small plot of earth did the power of Spaine, and the Bel­gick Provinces gather it selfe. And here was that field chosen, in which the strength and forces on both sides opposed each other, and lastly dispu­ted for the possession of Antwerp; and [Page 133]truly the place not onely necessitated the fiercenesse of the fight, By necessity. as glad actours enclosed on a stage, but they being obstinate and resolute, And with a re­solution of con­quering or dy­ing. determi­ned that that day should either be the first of their victory, or last of their lives. Moreover, the Antwerpians had publickly taken a solemne oath, not to depart from the Causey before they had rased it, and laid open a way for their provision. And at the first their obstinacy equalled their unadvised counsell: The confederate forces held the Causey in many places, wherefore they encountred, not in one battle onely, but divided into many parties, they fought as it were so many seve­rall battles. And though they char­ged one another with their swords and pykes, seldome missing their ob­ject; yet shewed they so little signe either of flight, or feare, that every one kept that footing which hee had once taken, nor, but by being slaine and troden on, Alex. recovers, part of the Cau­sey. as Walls cast down by Engines, gave they any ground to Uictours to advance. But no force of the enemy was able to stop the Prince of Parma, violently rushing in with his Spanish company of pike-men, in­termingled [Page 134]with some Musqueteers, having recovered all that part of the Causey, which lyes between the Ca­stles of Sancta Cruce and St. Iames's, not without some losse, hee mar­ched thence towards Saint Georges, and so display'd his Army, that it took up as well the plaine, as both the declining sides of the Causey. And hee himselfe having but slippery foot­ing and as it were hanging on the steep descent of the bank, now with his speare repell'd the Antwerpians striving to ascend from their shippes, then in the midst with a little Target in the one hand, And acting wonders, both with his owne hand, and his authority. and his sword in the other, (in managing whereof hee had a singular dexterity) hee rusht vio­lently amongst the thickest of the e­nemies, and foyned those that opposed him, in the very faces: and every where by his authority, valour, and very looks, gave encouragement to his owne souldiers, and struck terrour into the enemies; untill the way to St. Georges Castle being clear'd, and the Avenue laid open from Sancta Cruces's, for new supplyes, hee deter­mined with like violence to invade the enemies Fort. But it being excel­lently [Page 135]fenced with a mud-wall, Then he hastens to set upon the enemies Fort. and manned with the chiefest souldiers of the whole Army, but especially by the shippes, which on either side approa­ched neer, or continually shooting for its defence: for his Excellency there­fore durst not give the assault, These things be­ing first provi­ded against it. untill hee had caused a bul-wark to be rai­sed before Saint Georges of sackes of earth, and from thence some Cannons to be directed against their Fort: and strengthening the Castle with a band of Musqueteers, hee sought to repell the shippes thence. Then being ready for the on-sett, hee heard that the Mansfieldians, Capisuc, and Aquila with their companies joyned by Mansfields command march thither. having beaten the e­nemies off, had entered the Palata: and with great confidence and hope of Victory, hastened to invade the e­nemies fortification. And truly that gallant contention of the Spaniards and Italians promised no lesse, for the Colonell Capissuccus, and Aquila departing from Count Mansfields Castle were closely attended, the one by Picolominy, the other by Toralua, and their companies of Italians and Spaniards, then mixed together not farre behind first the Spaniards, then the Italians following their example, [Page 136]falling on their knees, implored the Divine assiistance; and forthwith charged the enemies, who besieged the Castle of Palata, who after a sharp dispute part being slaine, part put to flight, the Royalists victori­ously entered the Castle: and there­after changed the name of Palata, they call'd it Victoria. And after a bloody skirmish they enter Pa­lata. Which as soon as they had fortified with Cannons, the Colonels, and those Captaines, as I said, setting their men again in rank and fyle, Then they as­sault the ene­mies Fort. boldly advanced against the enemies hold, and were fiercely wel­comed by the adversaries, obstinately defending that as their last hopes. And although Prince Alexander at the same time, the Cannons from St. Georges Fort having made a sufficient breach, with his souldiers storm'd it on the other side, yet hee was once, and they twice, not without great losse repulsed. Being twice beaten off: Wherefore the confe­derates confidence from that successe greatly increasing, and contentiously from the shippes climbing up the cau­sey, the battle in a short time was in many places couragiously renewed. But the Mansfieldians making the third assault, But ventering the third time, the enemies began to [Page 137]faulter. And here it appeared, what valour provoked by disgrace, what the feare of losing honour, what de­sire of revenge, and lastly what des­paire is able to do for the space of an houre and a halfe, the dispute on both sides was dubious. When on a sud­den the Regiment of the Spaniards and Italians, spurred on with new fu­ry, joyning together their speares, and advancing their Weapons, They scale it. pul'd down, and opened the Fort, some standing on their fellowes shoulders, or climbing on their Targets scaling the mud-walls: and now entrance be­ing layd open in many places, And the Prin­ces souldiers pressing in on the other side, they take it. and the Princes souldiers rushing in also on the other side, whole companies burst­ing in together, and making a pitti­full slaughter of the enemies, they took the place. The first that appea­red on the Wall (for this honour the Spaniards and Italians, attributed ei­ther to their owne Nation) was Bar­tholmew Toralua a Spanish Captaine. Toralua and Capisuc. thus having the first honour. Although almost at the same time, Colonell Camillus Capissuccus him­selfe mounted the rampire, and advan­ced against the enemy before Toralua, wherefore his honour may seeme e­quall [Page 138]to Toralna. And for that rea­son the souldier on whose shoulders he first mounted the fort, from a com­mon souldier he made a Sergeant. And his Excellency imbracing Camillus Capissuccus with many honourable words, referred the taking of the fort to his valour, and concord with A­quila. And commending him and A­quila to the King, For him and A­quila, Alex. procures patents from the King for their Colo­nels places. obtained for them both commissions for their Colonells places (for as yet they were not con­firmed from Spaine) with an honou­rable testimony of his Majesties af­fection towards them. But Toralua being grievously wounded in many places, was by his Excellencies com­mand carryed unto his Pavilion at Stabroeck, yea, into the Princes own bed, and there cured, and rewarded with the garment the Prince wore the day before, hee preferring his Gene­ralls liberty before any military ho­nour wonne at the assault. It is repor­ted when the Italians and Spaniards made their last assault, Strange things of Pacius dead before. that Peter Pa­cius, who had been Colonell of that Spanish Regiment, a most pious man, and dearly beloved of his souldiers, (and was slaine as I have said some [Page 139]moneths before at the siege of Den­dermund) was seene armed as hee was accustomed, leading up his souldiers, pointing out the fittest place for the assault, and animating his Regiment against the enemies, with his wonted alacrity. But those who first saw him, being greatly astonished, shewed the fight to their fellowes, all being ama­zed, they doubted whether they saw a phantasie, or Pacius alive and really fighting: but afterwards when they were all satisfied about the same, they took it as a happy Omen, perswa­ding themselves that their attempts were acceptable to God, to the pro­secuting whereof the Saints came to their succours, and mixed themselves with them. So many of them who saw this spectacle took it on their oathes to be true, and indeed Delrius a most grave Author, and well skil'd in the Belgick affaires affirmes the same. Which mans gravity and wis­dome, was a sufficient warrant for me to note it downe in this place: for as to record things upon sleight grounds, may be thought a blemish in a writer, too boldly abusing the credulity of his Reader; so by pas­sing [Page 140]over with silence to diminish the authority of things seriously delive­red and written, may be thought an injury, both to those who have here­tofore mentioned them, whose credits are almost sentenced by our silence, and to those that come after, from whom the knowledge of such things are unreasonably concealed. The Royalists continue their Victory over all the Causey. But the Royalists Victory did not containe it selfe within that Fort, but was spee­dily carryed all over the Causey, the enemies now beginning to faint, who a little before had come fresh from both Navies, and frequently joyning their forces, had renewed the battle in many places. Alex orderiug and animating them. Prince Alexander run amongst his souldiers, here setting these in order, relieving those with new supplies in place of the wounded, placing further asunder, those that were too close prest together, with his hand and voyce, ‘animating all, that they should wound and kill that rebellious rout inclosed with­in the narrow precincts of the Cau­sey: and revenge the death of their valiant comrades; that they should make that day the last of the Ant­werpian Warr; they might know [Page 141]that bank to be the very wall of Antwerp, and if the enemies were once excluded thence, they had but a step into the City.’ As hee was thus calling on his men, hee percei­ved the enemies shippes to remove, and secretly to depart towards Lillo, for feare lest after the backing of the Tyde they should be grounded. Then shewing that to his souldiers, he said, ‘the Victory is ours my fellow soul­diers. Their sea forsakes the impi­ous desertours of their faith. Cut off the passage to their shippes, which onely last hope remains now to the fugitives. Nor suffer them to escape your hands, By his encou­ragement, they more fiercely charge the now staggering ene­my. to return againe to wage a new Warr:’ At whose words the Royalists fury increasing, the fight grew every where more bloudy: and though many of the Hollanders and Zealanders begun to waver, their eyes sometimes glancing towards their shippes, sometimes to­wards the enemy, their courages now no more constant then the floating shippes, yet the Antwerpians whom it neerer concerned, The Antwerpi­ans hold out longer. did not of all this time abate any thing of their former obstinacy, or gave back. So long did [Page 142]the regard of their City, and obliga­tion of their Oath prevaile with them, as the faith of the multitude, and mutuall respect stayed the very timerous from flight. But when a company of Hollanders, which were hotly charged by Augustine Roma­nus a Spanish Captaine, began to fly, then all, as if thereby freed from dis­grace, precipitately run to their ships, the Royalists greedily pursuing them, But soon after, they and the rest also flye to the shippes. and wounding so many more of them, as they themselves in that croud were their owne greatest mischiefe, for the multitude of the fugitives meeting and hindering one another, and the presse increasing, like blind men, they tumbled one over another: and as it falls out in such like events, EVERY ones particular hast, was a hinderance to all. But the slaughter of the enemies, There was the greatest slaugh­ter. was no where greater then at the auxiliary ships: for when some were alteady arrived at them, and ready to enter, they were cast downe by the accurse of their fellows that were stronger: into other shippes huge multitudes entered together, and over-loading them were drown­ed: some againe, the passage being [Page 143]stop'p, rather then to fall on the Spa­nish swords, although heavy armed and wearied in the fight, cast them­selves headlong into the water: and lesse valuing the danger of the water, then of the enemies, they exposed themselves to the more certaine ruine. SOE nothing of all is so much feared, as that from which our feare had its first origin. Nor had the Antwerpi­ans on the other side of the Causey a lesser conflict; many whereof, as they had approached neerer, and with stubborne hope had deferred their re­treat the last so being forsaken by the tyde, and left moveable, were mise­rably scattered by Cannon shot, from the neere adjoyning bank, with a huge slaughter of the Souldiers within them; to avoyd which many cast themselves into the Waters, as if by swimming they could overtake the former shippes, nor did they also pre­vent their fate, for some Spaniards with no lesse confidence of themselves, then contempt of the enemy, With great au­dacity of the Spaniards. leapt al­so into the Waters, and with their swords in their teeth, swam after the flying shippes, and boarded some, car­ried them back with those that re­mained [Page 144]to the Causey, the ship-men being even amazed at that daring boldnesse. Lastly, not a few of the e­nemies to avoyd the Cannon shot, ap­proached yet neerer to the fides of the Causey, and were there kill'd by the Royalists, whom they like blind men did flye (for feare had not onely ta­ken away the use of counsell, but of fight also.) Notwithstanding there were some, who for that they would dye honourable, furiously ran against the enemy, and fell not altogether un­revenged. It is said there were slaine at this Covenstene battle, The number of the confederates slaine. which con­tinued almost seven houres, of the Antwerpians, and Auxiliaries, but chiefly of them, about three thou­sand, besides those, that were devou­red in the waters. The losse of the Ve­terans, and chiefest souldiers of the Army, The booty. farre exceeding the number. There were foure shippes cast away, besides twenty eight taken: in which were found great brass Cannons sixty five of Iron, and lesser ninty, besides plenty of all warlike magazine, and a­bundance of provision. Of the Royal­lists slaine. Of the Roy­alists there fell at least seven hundred, and of them above four hundred Spa­niards: [Page 145]and about five hundred wounded. The fatall Causey thus re­covered, his Excellency first gave thanks to Almighty God for the Vi­ctory; and the next day caused the whole Clergy at Divine service to do the like: and also a Masse to bee said, Thanksgiving to God. (as his custome was) for those that were slaine in the fight, in the pre­sence of the Army. His care of the dead, of the wounded, and of the Causey. His next care af­ter hee had provided for his wounded souldiers, was to amend the woun­ded Causey: which being cast down and opened in at least thirteen places, the incensed souldiers, besides faggots, earth, and other stuffe, repaired and made up with heapes of the enemies bodies.

Alexander, that hee might give no respite to the affrighted enemies, The fetching a­way of the huge ship. hearing that monster of a ship to stay as yet at Ordam, and that many Ant­werpian shippes repaired thither, sent Charles Count Mansfield with five Galleyes, seven Frigots, and twenty lesser Vessels, furnished with Cannons and souldiers. Mansfield go eth against it and other ships. And Mansfield forth­with loosing from the Navall bridge, slipt through the cleft of the bank at Saint Peters Fort into the drowned [Page 146]fields, and compassed the enemy with that scelerity, that unlesse an unexpe­cted accident had happened in the ve­ry attempt, Who is a little hindered by a fire which hap­ned in his ship. it was thought not a ship could have escaped. For in Mans­fields owne galley, in which were car­ried Count Aremberge, Marquesse Bontivolio, Count Bevilacque, and divers other chiefe men of Note, drawne with a desire of seeing that Navall Monster, that Noah's Ark, as they termed it, by chance a barrell of gun-powder being set on fire, fired also the ship: Bevilacque, who was neerest to the barrell being blown up, and lighting in the water, by swim­ming got to the bank at Ordam al­most dead: some cast themselves in­to the waters, some were burned to death; Mansfield and the rest, bore a long time the markes of the fire in their hands and faces. But soon after sets upon the e­nemy, takes some shippes. Then he comes to the huge ship, By this delay (for many on every side came in to helpe them) most of the Antwerpian shippes escaped to the City, except nine that were taken in the pursuit by the Mansfieldians: With which prey returning Victours, they came about the great ship, admiring there appea­red not one to defend it, of the huge [Page 147]company of sea-men not one, Which the Ant werpians had left as uselesse. not any inhabitant, as in a desolate forsaken City. And indeed, the Antwerpians had left it as wholly deserted: for the day before having taken most of the Cannons out of it, when yet they could not remove it, they departed, and came againe the next day with their Navy, to fetch away the souldi­ers and ammunition, and with fire to demolish that heap of wood. And the souldiers, marriners, and part of the ammunition, they had removed into their ships, but Mansfields sud­den arrivall hindered the rest. All which, though truly related by the prisoners that were taken, The assailants feare some tred­chery in it. yet the Mansfieldians durst not give credit to them: and by how much all things seemed more quiet, and without dan­ger, by so much the more cantious and fearfull they were, lest in that wooden Machine, as in another Trojane horse, some treachery might bee concealed. Wherefore, they agreed to discharge a Cannon against it, They try it. to try that way what was within it. But the bullet was with silence received into the wooll which stuffed the sides of it, and gave it no more motion, then if [Page 148]a little wave had dash't against a huge Rock in the Sea. At last one more adventurous then the rest, as if by boarding it first hee should win the glory of scaling the walls of a Castle: and by and by others, that they might not bee thought lesse daring, and then more in emulation of the former, taking with them the priso­ners instead of pledges, Some enter. intending to involve them in the same danger, if there were any, enter the ship: view the severall rooms both above and be­low, observe the hatches, and cabines, search all places exactly, And secure from danger. and not fin­ding any signe of treachery, now ex­empt from feare, they advise with the Marriners how to draw it thence, and bring it to the bridge, to the Princes view. Wherefore they took a­way from it what was more loose, or fitter to bee removed and being so mangled and made lighter, They hale it in­to the River, and in a mili­tary triumph they bring it to Alex. they drew it through the over-whelmed fields of Ordam into the Schelde, and giving his Excellency notice thereof, steered it towards the bridge, not without pomp. For the other captive shippes haled with ropes led the way: then followed Mansfields Navy, environ­ing [Page 149]the great ship, which came as if it had beene a whole Navy it selfe. Then the shippes that met them from the bridge encreased the triumph, and coming in Prince Alexanders pre­sence, they altogether discharged their Artillery, with such exceeding joy of the Army, as if in the triumph over that one ship, Antwerp now sub­dued and taken, had beene led priso­ner in fetters. And indeed not onely the common souldiers, who, as before at the report of this Engine, appre­hended the greatest feare, so now ha­ving it present amongst them, scoffed and jeered at it, and scorned it as a Bugbeare for children; but the chie­fest Commanders also, yea Prince A­lexander himselfe, admiring the vain structure of that huge Machine, which the enemies had proudly threatned would be the end of the Warr; made a truer construction of that title, With great hope of an end of their labonrs; that it was the end of the War; but to the enemies (whose forces and strength were now exhausted) utter overthrow and ruine. Nor did they judge falsly, for the Antwerpians as soon as they perceived their overthrow at Coven­stene, this their ship taken and so their [Page 150]hopes on all sides to be frustrated, The Antwerpi­ans not willing to endure the inconvenience of a siege any longer, ex­claimed they would not any longer be fool'd by Holach, or encouraged by Aldegund with vaine hope of for­raign ayde. And it plainly appeared, the City being divided into factions, would not any longer endure the in­commodities of a siege. Are punished by the Magistrates, Nor did the punishment of some of the more sedi­tious, prevaile any thing with the commonalty: for some cast into pri­son, were forcibly set at liberty by the people: the Magistrates not daring for the future to oppose them. But in vaine. Whose counsell of expelling the Catholicks, thereby to ease the City, was not ap­proved by Aldegunde, fearing a farre greater and more certaine tumult of the multitude. Besides, the sudden flight of some of the richest Merchants from the City; The Merchants also earnestly desire peace. and the Ambassage of the Hanse Cities, demanding that unlesse peace were concluded, they should permit their Merchants with their goods peaceably to depart the City, terrified the Magistrates of Ant­werp, and aggravated the mutiny of the people. But Aldegund had not yet spent out the whole magazine of his shifts, of soothing up, and com­plying [Page 151]with the people, in which kind hee had a rare gift, he promised them to write to the Prince of Parma, and soone after to go himselfe into the Camp, and if the Spaniards would make peace upon indifferent terms, he would omit nothing speedily to effect it. And hee writ accordingly, Aldegund go­eth to Alex. that he might have audience: and being ad­mitted, as soon as his Excellency had notice from Richardott, with whom Aldegund had first conferred, that hee was come to treat of peace both for Antwerp, Holland, and Zealand: hee perceived that by the conjunction of so many Provinces, which, to witt, would be a tedious and intricate bu­sinesse, Who perceiving his subtilty sent him back. Aldegunds intent was to get time for the succours, which were dai­ly expected out of England. Where­fore Prince Alexander, using him o­therwise with great courtesie dismist him to Antwerp, who promised that receiving authority from the Magi­strates & people, hee would forth with return to treat only of the delivery of Antwerp. But hee delaying, his Ex­cellency suspected that hee craftily protracted the treaty, that the besieg­ed might gather the harvest which [Page 152]now began to be ripe from about the Suburbs of Antwerp, And wihall commands the enemies corne to be brought to the Camp. and Mechlin; and therefore determined to frustrate them of that hope also; and com­manded Ambrose Landriano with his garrison of Viluord, together with a company of Boores, and Vastius with a party of horse, the one to harrasse and plunder the suburbs of Antwerp, and the other of Mechlin and to transport the corne, hay, and what o­ther thing was of any use, into the Camp. And he himselfe takes the Ca­stles about Ant­werp, Then hee himselfe with a se­lect company of horse and foot, mar­ched into the Countrey about Ant­werp, and took Burgerhout, a strong sconce of the Antwerpians, and with the like violence took Bercheme, and other Castles and Forts, And takes the very Suburbs. and bereaved Antwerp of all that part of the coun­trey, even to their Orchards and gar­dens; by that means shutting up both the City and famine together within the City. Famine forceth the Citizens to mutiny: And indeed the people were ready to have broken out into open sedition; the generall clamour in the City being meat and peace. When the Magistrates sent divers into the streets, who in severall assemblies should di­vulge, that letters were newly come [Page 153]out of France, Yet they are en­couraged with hopes of suc­cour. assuring them that re­liefe and succour was at hand from thence. Besides, some Citizens of Al­degunds favorites, said they had cer­taine intelligence, that the Prince of Parma would indeed offer conditions not unreasonable, but had covertly covenanted with the Spaniards to give them the plunder of the City in place of their pay. And feare of plundering. Wherefore they should not by the impatience of a lit­tle delay, both lose their reputation, and the honour of holding the siege untill that day, and all their goods, and fortunes, besides their wives and children exposed to abuse, together with the losse of their City and lives. But these outward voyces were not heard, for the loud barking of their hungry stomachs within: and most of the people suspected, these French let­ters to be written in Antwerp, and to come only from Aldegunds cabinett. For of the Prince of Parma they har­boured a more worthy conceit. And in the interim there happned a sleight accident but OPPORTUNITY in the least things, is of great conse­quence. There was a Noble Matrone lay dangerously sick at Antwerp, and [Page 154]for her recovery had present need of Asses milke, But Alexan­ders courtesie upon occasion exhibited. there being none to bee found in the City, a yong man there­fore offered himselfe couragiously, to fetch an Asse from the Suburbs, al­though in the enemies possession, and had already taken one but apprehen­ded by the Spaniards, hee was carried to his Excellency being as yet at Bur­gerhout. Who understanding what the matter was, used the youth with great respect, and commending his charity, commanded the beast to bee loaden with Partridges, Capons of Bruges, and other fowle of that sort. Then delivering them to the youth for the sick Gentlewoman, comman­ded him that hee should in his name friendly salute her, and testify that he not onely wished her health and re­covery of strength, but pray'd also from his heart, for the prosperity, and happinesse of the Senate, and people. And indeed that unexpected civility of the Prince, (to whom the Antwer­pians, sending a gallant Horse with some juncates and choyce wine, Altered their opinion. gave publick thanks) wonderfully recon­cil'd (together with the yong mans relation) the Citizens good will to­wards [Page 155]him. For doubtlesse, THE wisest Commanders of Warre, have that weapon call'd Courtesie layd up, in their warlike Armory. But the delivery of Mechlin concluded the businesse. In that City, THE TA­KING OF MECHLIN. after the over­throw at Covenstene Causey, there rose a contest between the Garrison fouldiers and Citizens, The Citizens oppressed with famine, are af­fraid of the garrison souldi­ers. which after the losse of their corne encreased, the Citizens greatly fearing, lest they should plunder and forsake the City, and then retyre to Block-huse a Ca­stle plac't neere to Mechlin, which they had already fortified with Artil­lery and provision. Which as soon as Prince Alexander had notice of, hee thought it the most convenient time to attacque the City. And forthwith hee ordered Marquesse Renthiacus, whom hee made Generall for that ex­pedition, with Hicquius, and Mottae­us, to hast to Block-huse, and prevent the enemies designes, Renthiacus drawing his forces thither, and cau­sing the Artillery speedily to follow after, not onely took Block-huse, the Presidiaries being not yet entered, but Necherspole also, besides other scon­ces placed about Mechlin, and pitch­ing [Page 156]his tents, Whereupon af­ter the losse of their adjacent forts, they yeeld themselves to his mercy. demanded the renditi­on of the City it selfe. Which upon agreement concluded with Famusius Governour thereof, was yielded to the Prince of Parmas's will and mer­cy. The garrison souldiers being sent away without their colours, which were sent to his Excellency: who ha­ving compassion of the City, Receiving from him favourable conditions. by rea­son most part of it were Catholicks, agreed with the Mechlinians, on very gentle conditions. For in place of se­ven hundred Presidiaries which de­parted the City, hee but substituted two hundred Walloones under Prove­nus, commanding the Citizens to have care of their City, together with the Garrison; and imposing no tri­bute on them, liberally in his Maje­sties name, gave pardon to the City: being glad that within few days, with no losse of men, hee had restored the Arch-Bishop of Mechlin after a long exile againe into his owne seat (there being not any Diocesse in all the Ne­therlands of so great esteem:) and re­duced a City, the Flower of the Bel­gick Cities, and with it the Seignio­ry of one of the seventeene Provinces to their true and lawfull Soveraigne: [Page 157]at that time when having received letters from his Majesty, For the restitu­tion of the Ca­stle of Piazen­za, he renders thanks to the King with Mechlin. of the resti­tution of the Castle of Piazenza, which had beene kept by a Spanish garrison, he was in condition to ren­der him thanks for his royall liberali­ty, with the welcome newes of the Victory.

But ere long having at last subdued Antwerp, The agents treats with A­lex. about the delivery of Antwerp. hee sent farre more accep­table tydings to the King; for Alde­gund, when hee saw the publick af­faires in despaire, thought privately to provide for himself, and hastened for­ward the Commission intended to the Prince of Parma from the Magi­strates and people. The agents or commissioners were twenty one: the chiefe amongst whom were William Merode Lord of Duffle, John Scon­hove, Andrew Hessell, and Philip Marnixius, Aldegund himselfe Con­sull of the City. Who being received by his Excellency at Bevera, I have heard that Aldegund in the name of them all, and in the presence of the Royal and warlike Councell, Aldegunds Oration. spoke after this manner.

‘Wee come not hither (most migh­ty Prince) timerously to apologize [Page 158]for our whole years resistance in de­fence of our owne. For who could have conceived the least feare of the most potent City in all the Belgick Provinces from so few besiegers? and you your selfe, I presume (as no valiant man can affect the co­wardly,) would rather have wi­shed, then approved of our facility and feare. Wee had sufficient know­ledge of the number of your souldi­ers: the necessities of your Camp were not concealed from us; your Navy not considerable, complaints rung through your Army, and tu­mults were daily expected. Was it likely that you, with ten or eleven thousand souldiers (for those were the most with which you first at­tempted this great designe) could have continued the siege of such a City, block it up by land, and stop passage by water: with your horse make inrodes into Brabant: and hinder reliefe from neighbouring Cities? obstruct so vast a River a­bove, against the forces of Gaunt, and below, against the power of Holland, and Zealand? invade so many Castles on the bankes of [Page 159] Scheldt, oppose Navy against Na­vy, which then you had not any: make good the bringing in of pro­vision unto your Army: And fill all places with Castles, guards, and Sconces? no surely, had you had fifty thousand fighting men: nay, if every one of your souldiers had had a hundred hands a piece, could you have been thought of ability to at­tend to so many things at once, in places so distant, and divided, in ef­fect so difficult, in labour so conti­nuall, & in necessity so urgent. And yet with this handfull of men, you have besieged Antwerp both by wa­ter and land, possest your selfe of Flanders, and Brabant, by frequent stations every where placed: con­veyed provision, and what else was needfull for your Army at the siege, through a channell of your owne making: Erected Castles and Forts upon narrow banks, and in the o­verwhelmed fields: and what wee onely could believe possible, because we have seen it done: coped with a River which had the Ocean to as­sist it; yea, subjugated the Scheldt, or rather the Sea with a Bridge, [Page 160]standing against the furies of the swelling Ocean, against the violent encounters of the Ice, amongst con­tinuall conflicts with our Navies, Yet we broke down the bridge, not without your great losse: yea, your animosity: thereby increasing, in a trice repaired it. Wee turned the Scheldt into the fields, and sought passage els-where: You following the River hither also, by a new bridge divided it, and objected that over-crosse Causey against our Na­vies. We assayled the Causey, dig­ged it through, and opened a way there for our shipping: yet you re­plust us thence; when wee thought our selves Victours, made up the clefts and breaches, and obstructed all hope of passage: What Engines, what stratagems have wee left unat­tempted? What strength of navies, what fiery wonders, what inventions of swimming Castles, can there bee, we have not set forth? as much as by wit, as much as by art, could be imagined, we have performed. The Heavens, the Sea, hell onely excep­ted, we have call'd to our assistance, wee have taken into our society: [Page 161]And yet with all these, we have nei­ther removed you from our Walls, nor struck you with the least feare, but rather have ministred new fewel to your incensed breast; for the con­quest of other Cities, and further di­lating of your armes and victories. You have atchieved most invict & illustrious Prince an enterprize; than which the past and present Annalls cannot produce a greater. We often have read and sometimes beheld▪ that a Generall laying siege to an hostile City whil'st hee forceth and taketh one, hath lost another else­where. You, whilst with your Ar­my you straightly attacque Ant­werp, as if secure of us, at the same time in Flanders take Dendermund by force, subdue Gaunt by famine; In Guelders dis-arme us of Niev­meghen; And in Brabam compell Bruxels, and Mechlin to a surren­der. And so whilst you lay siege to one City you extend your victo­ries rising from victories, into three severall Provinces at once. As if to fight with one enemy at once, were too small a taske for your noble spi­rit. But the recitall of all these dai­ly [Page 162]disputes betwixt the besieged, and besiegers, tends onely to this, that it may plainly appeare, that we, con­scious of our owne forces did not rashly undertake our defence, nor having had tryall of your fortune do cowardly give it up. God, and your valour (O Alexander) have afforded you the glory of subduing Antwerp: and posterity will allow us also some honour, for not yeeld­ing too hastily: One thing as well for yours, & the King your Uncles sake, as our owne, wee intreat and earnestly request; that as by con­quering you have understood how great a City you have overcome, so in taking and possessing it, you will diminish nothing of the majesty & strength thereof, nothing of the mo­nument of your Victory, nor any thing of his Majesties possession and tribute. But diminish them you will, if either by confining the Citizens minds to a certaine religion, or im­posing a garrison of externs over their bodies and fortunes; you change the state and Government of the City. Antwerp, if any City in all Europe, flourisheth for the pre­sent. [Page 163]The number of Citizens, and strangers can scarcely bee reckoned. The Scheldt as large as it is, cannot containe the Merchants shippes of all regions, when warr hinders them not. Lastly, no Empory in the whole world conjoynes & associates more Provinces together, and wealth of countreyes by communion of traf­fick. The fame of the place will en­dure, as long as solitude of Religi­on, threats of Castles and terrours of a Garrison do not shut up this Sanctuary. SAFETY is a nurse to commerce. But what safety can the naked Merchants expect from armed souldiers, accustomed to pil­lage? Surely this City hath suffici­ently had a lamentable & grievous experiment of sacking, burning and plundering. For the prevention of which outrages, that Antwerp may have no just cause for the fu­ture to feare your prudence (most excellent Prince) by this dayes con­ditions, for which we are come hi­ther to treat with you, we hope will provide.’ Prince Alex. answers the Agents. To these his Excel­lency in a few words made answer, that willingly he accepted of the trea­ty [Page 164]with Antwerp. And as hee referred the valour and acts of his souldiers unto Gods benignity, and his blessed mothers assistance; so the Antwerpi­ans ought to acknowledge, that all their forces, leagues with Cities and Provinces, and succours from forraign Princes were in vain against the pow­er, and right of the legitimate Lord of the Low-countreyes. In stating the conditions he would bury in oblivion the Amwerpians Delinquencies, for having waged warr against God and their lawfull Soveraigne: and incited others of the Low-countreys, as with an allarme from that strong hold, to defection; but would rather have re­spect to his Majesties clemency, and from thence would moderate the chiefest of their conditions. And dismisseth them to three Presidents. In the in­terim hee had appointed men of un­derstanding & wisdome, and no ways partiall, with whom they might more freely conferre. Therefore they should depart to them, to treat of the arti­cles and then hee would deliver the Kings minde, not in the worst sence. Hee had chosen for that purpose Pa­maelio Richardott, and Vandenburge, Presidents of the privy Councell of [Page 165] Artois and Mechlin: and committed every thing to their judgement and wisdome; To whom he re­ferred all things: except the Articles of obedience to the King and reli­gion. the Articles pertaining to obedience due to the King and religi­on onely excepted: which hee with more then ordinary care as he had re­ceived an expresse from his Majesty, reserved to himselfe; for when long agoe his Excellency had proposed it to the King, (thereby to make the Ant verpians more willing to surren­der) whether hee should set a certaine time to the Hereticks, wherein to dis­patch their affaires, or to permit them so long untill there might be hopes of their better disposition and reduce­ment; His Majesty made reply, The King thus expresseth his mind concer­ning religion. that he should not grant an unlimited time, what hope or perswasion soever there was of their reconciliation. Upon which subject, because hee had often at other times treated, I thought it best to insert one of the latest letters from Spaine, concerning this matter, part of which was written with his Majesties own hand. ‘In every trea­ty or parley with Cities or Castles, that come into our hands, let this be your first, and last regard, that in these places, the Catholick religion [Page 166]be settled, without leave to the He­reticks of professing or exercising their sects or doctrines, in City or countrey; unlesse you grant them some time for composing their af­faires, and let that be limited: con­cerning which matter, I absolutely command, that no dubious clause capable of interpretation, or mode­ration be inserted that those may assure themselves, who desire to live in our Belgium, to make choyce ei­ther of the true worship of the an­cient Romane faith, or after their prescribed time is ended, forth with to seeke their habitation else-where. Which things if they be performed, I put my confidence in the Almigh­ty power, to whose honour and ser­vice this warr hath for so many yeares been managed, with so great losse of bloud, and expences that all things for the future will proceede fortunate; and that his heavenly majesty, will out of his wonted pro­vidence, always so moderate our af­faires, that men by their happy suc­cesse, may understand of what im­portance it is, to put their confi­dence in the Divine goodnesse, and [Page 167]to preferr the service due to him be­fore all secular businesse. But if God by reason of our great offences, will have it otherwise, I think it better to spend all my Kingdomes for his sake, then for any humane respect, to decline from this, if not a lucky, doubtlesse a pious determination.’ And truly this firme purpose of his Catholick Majesty was very apparent to be acceptable to God; for on the same day these were written by the King, which was the seventeenth of August, on the same day the Ant­werpian agents at their meeting at Bevera, receiving their articles, deli­vered up the City. When notwith­standing, when they begun to treat with the Kings Commissioners, The Agents treat with the Presidents, they differ about three articles. the businesse of their reconciliation seem­ed to be very intricate, and would go but slowly on. For they insisted im­moveably on these three heads above others. That religion, as then it was, might freely bee exercised; that the Castle now halfe down, might not be repaired; That no garrison of what nation soever, might be admitted in­to the City. Yea, when they under­stood that the Commissioners were [Page 168]not impowred to treat about religion, they told the Prince of Parma they would proceed no further with them, unless they might have power for that also. And Aldegund, Aldegund pro­miseth great matters, if liberty of consci­ence be granted. amongst other conferences, one time staying with his Excellency foure whole houres alone in private discourse concerning this article stuck not to affirme, that upon that condition of freedome in religi­on, Zealand and Holland, yea all the confederate Belgica might be drawne to the Kings obedience. And would take it upon him, and was confident, for that authority which he had with the Provinces, Put Prince A­lex. discourse with him was wholly to the contrary. shortly to produce a great benefit to both parties. But his Excellency utterly dashing all hopes of liberty, and confusion in religion: whereby, as hee said, the Cities and Provinces divided into sects and facti­ons, could neither live in peace a­mongst themselves, nor with God, or their Princes Gods Deputies upon earth; courteously admonished him, that they should consider the daily decay of their forces, succours from France by reason of the troubles there, past all hopes, the subtile delay of the English, the invincible power [Page 169]of the Catholick King, not to be ex­hausted by any expences nor tyred out by warr; and indirectly hee insi­nuated some things, which might bee of great concernment for his own pri­vate interest, with hopes of favour from his Majesties clemency. And those things hee uttered before Alde­gund with such eloquence, with such courage and with words wholly di­ctated to him (as hee after writ to the King) by Almighty God, Aldegund is wonderfully ta­ken with his discourse. that Alde­gund admiring the vigour of his dis­course, professed after his departure thence, he had often treated with ma­ny eloquent persons, but hee never met any more efficacious, and affable then the Prince of Parma: and that with reason hee might use that of As­druball concerning Scipio, viz. that Prince Alexander appeared farr more admirable to him in presence, then fame had set him out for his warlike actions. And indeed whether taken with the wordes and civility of the Prince of Parma or wholly hopeless of supporting the siege any longer, And is more forward for the surrender. by little and little hee made shew that his minde was altered being more pro­pense to treat on the surrender. More­over [Page 170]in a book, which afterward he set forth, Yea in a book which after­wards hee set forth, he extol­leth Alexan­ders virtues, and the Kings cause, when hee had to the life extol­led the deeds performed by Alexan­der Farneze, his mercy towards the conquered, sanctity in keeping his Oath, and other vertues pertaining to a Generall; amongst other things hee added, ‘that King Philips subjects could not with a safe conscience take up armes against their King.’ Which confession not rashly uttered in talke, but witnessed in writing, he being a man of great authority a­mong the States, and a grounded Cal­vinist, was a great blemish to the con­federates cause. And was there­fore hated of the confede­rates. Hee thenceforth daily growing out of favour and hated by them, was not afterwards admitted to any. Government in the Common­wealth. But then the Agents, and the Kings Commissioners often meeting together; The conditions imposed upon the City at the surrender. lastly, after some debates in the Prince of Parmas's presence, the article concerning religion was in the first place confirmed; one, ‘and that the ancient Catholick profession be­ing appointed to the Antwerpians, They were commanded to reedify the Churches, which they had ra­sed, and to restore the ejected fa­milies [Page 171]of religious orders into the City into their owne houses & pos­sessions. Which Article concerning religious orders, when the Agents would thus have penned it, that those religious orders should bee re­duced into the City, which had had their residence in Antwerp, in the Emperour Charles the fifths dayes;’ A deceit disco­vered in them. His Excellency understanding by that fraud, the Fathers of the society of Je­sus, whose assistance hee chiefly made use of against the Hereticks, to be ex­cluded, utterly rejected it, and would have all orders equally included. In repairing the Castle, and in placing a garrison of Spaniards and Italians, from whom the Citizens desired to be free, hee dealt more favourably. Yet the Article was thus: ‘That the Prince of Parma should draw with him into the City a garrison of well affected nations: and if the Hollan­ders and Zealanders were reconcil'd to their Soveraigne, the City should be exempt from the Castle, and gar­rison for ever after; if not, he would provide for the safety of Antwerp a­gainst the neighbouring Zealan­ders and others.’ In the rest of the [Page 172]conditions the Prince of Parma be­ing very liberall, gave pardon in his Majesties name to the Antwerpians, of the high Treason committed a­gainst their King: restored to the City its ancient priviledges; granted the Hereticks foure yeares to tarry in the City, to settle their affaires. And al­though hee might with reason have charged the City with the greatest part of the huge expences laid out at the siege, yet hee was contented to ex­act only foure hundred thousand Flo­rens, 160000. Crownes. (nor that to be payd all at once) for his souldiers pay. It was also a­greed, that the prisoners on both sides should be released though the Roya­lists had more then the enemies, un­lesse they had already covenanted for their ransome: Tilinius onely excep­ted, whose case although reserved to the King his Excellency promised, to recommend him to his Majesty: and to effect, that as some dayes before hee had dismist Lanoy into France, to be exchanged with Count Egmont, so Tilinius should ere-long follow his father.

Whilst these, The articles are read in the City. and other Articles (be­ing in all twenty seven) were read by [Page 173]the Commissioners returned to Ant­werp in presence of the Magistrates & people with great attention of all; there was suddenly heard a huge noise of Cannons from the bridge on the Scheldt, & the adjoyning forts, which still increased, when many going out of the City, and looking from the banks and towers, reported that a cru­ell battle was then fought at the Far­nezian bridge, and upon the banks & rampires of the River. And it being ru­moured that the English suc­cours were ar­rived, and had set upon the Royalists, the Antwerpians are at a stand a­bout admitting the conditions. And without doubt either the French or English succours were arrived: by whom the Spaniards being suddenly engaged, & as unprovided, would not doubtlesse long subsist against the fresh, and har­dy enemy. Whereupon many of the people verily believing it, as often­times HOPE and desire makes men credulous upon new designes and en­courage by those that were against the surrender, forthwith take armes, and constipating the Commissioners, demand a longer time to deliberate on the conditions, untill they were certified by frequent messengers, one after another, that there appeared no ayd from France, or Navy from En­gland: but that it was a joyfull and [Page 174]fayned combat of the Royalists. And one of them, Seeing them­selves deluded, they returne a­gaine to heare the conditions. a witty conceipted fel­low, having informed himselfe more fully, affirmed that no auxiliary navy was arrived from England, but that the Grecian fleet had brought the golden Fleece from Colchos to the Prince of Parma. The occasion of the mistake. But they being thus deluded, and offended with the incen­diaries, returne againe with the same levity, as before they had broken off, to heare the articles of their surrender. The solemnity of Alexanders receiving the golden Fleece. But not a few were drawn with a de­sire to see that military triumph, ce­lebrated in the royal Army for the so­lemnity of the Golden Fleece: which Chaine sent by his Majesty long be­fore, Prince Alexander had deferred to receive untill this time, that now secure of the Antwerpian Victory, he might enter the City more graced by that dignity. The description of that celebri­ty. And the souldiers for their love, and reverence to their Ge­nerall, made all things more stately: for armed companies ranged in Bat­talia at their posts, were extended from the Camp at Bevera (where the Prince then resided) even to Calloo, and from thence to the Scheldt and Bridge. The chiefe Commanders of [Page 175]the Army placed themselves on the Bridge: the banks of the Scheldt, the Castles, Rampires and ships, all glit­tered with armed Regiments. Saint Philips fort in the head of the Bridge on Brabant shoare was chosen to aug­ment the pomp. To which his Ex­cellency moving from Bevera on horse-back, accompanied by the chief of the Nobility, and entertained by the way with showes of warlike skir­mishes, sometimes of horse, sometimes of foot, when hee arrived at the bridge, which resounded with the joyfull Eccho of shoutes and Trum­pets, hee was saluted with a volley of Cannons without intermission thun­dering from the Castles, Forts and shippes. Having passed the bridge and entered the chappell of Saint Philps, after Masse sung by Lodowick Barla­mont Arch-Bishop of Cambray, hee put on the collar of the Golden fleece, received from the handes of Count Mansfield, who said, hee represented the person of Octavio Dake of Par­ma and Piazenza in that office, with whom about thirty nine yeares be­fore, he was preferred to that order by Charles the fifth. Then his Excellen­cy [Page 176]departing thence, returned unto the Camp at Bevera, and againe all along the river-banks the roaring of Can­dons, mixt with the exulting shoutes of the souldiers wishing all happinesse and prosperity to their Generall re­newed the joy. And it was manifest to all, that this Order was never by any Prince received with greater mag­nificence, viz. in the midst of his Ve­terans, and so often victorious Regi­ments: upon the admirable structure of the Bridge on the Scheldt: having subdued the most potent City in all the Low countreyes, after a siege the most memorable that ever was.

Prince Alexander was not as yet arrived at the Camp, 17. August. Alex. receives the Commissio­ners coming to deliver up the City. when hee was met by the Antwerpian Commissio­ners, who (the Articles being accepted of) came to render up the City. Whom his Excellency courteously receiving, stayd them with him and sent the Prendents Richard [...]t & Van­denburge, with the Kings Herauld into the City: to whom were joyned Captaine Petro à Castro, Sanding some into the City to confirme and proclaime the surrender. whose office was to buckle on his sword, Didacus Escovario Sergeant Major of Mon­dragonius Regiment, and Propertius [Page 177]Baroccius chiefe Engineer, to ratifie the conditions already agreed on, and to publish the surrender. These had directions to view the City both within and without, and to make all things secure against the coming of their Prince. And the conclusion of the peace being heard at Antwerp, With great joy of the people, pulling downe the Duke of A­lenzons arms, they set up the Kings. the people entertaine the Kings harbin­gers with great joy, they run up and down the City, pull downe the armes and pictures of the Duke of Alenzon, and set up the King of Spaines: all things were with exquisite diligence prepared against the Prince of Par­ma's arrivall: all things from conti­nuall sorrow and feare, were suddenly changed into mirth, sports, and pre­paration of joyfull showes. And Alex. coming is ex­pected. But his Excellency deferred to enter the City yet tenne dayes. In which time it is scarce credible, what a number of peo­ple from all parts of the Low-coun­treyes, The concourse of strangers to see this triumph, and to view the bridge, especial­ly of the Ant­werpians. and adjacent places repaired thither. Some that they might be pre­sent at the triumph of the Conquerer at his solemne entrance into the City: many to view the fortifications of the Camp, and famed invention of the Farnezian bridge: some to draw out in right & full proportion, the models [Page 178]or portraitures of the workes, which as it was reported, Coming out of the City to con­template Alex. works. were speedily to be dismantled. But none more curiously beheld these things, then the Antwer­pian Commissioners; and those, who now having their minds no lesse at li­berty then their gates, came forth of the City: sometimes they viewed the castles erected on the banks, then they admired the channell Parma, and the Fort Perla: at the fabrick of the bridge, they were even amazed, & both hated, and yet praised the wonderfull rarity of the work. But on Covenstene causey, dreadfull yet for the fresh bloud, scattered limbs, and reliques of mangled bodies, they acknowledging their late losse, privatly lamented: and yet were contented to behold with their eyes. what their minds detested. But Prince Alexander now ready to enter Antwerp, in the first place re­moved the garrison souldiers from the opposite Haven in the head of Flanders, HIS solemn en­trance. as also from Tilinius fort, and lastly from Antwerp it selfe, and sent them all towards Zealand with­out their armes. Then he committed the charge of the Catholick Army, who had received orders to meet at Stabroeck, to Vastins, in place of [Page 179]Count Mansfield, who then was gone to look to his Regency of Lu­cemburge. And out of his whole ar­my his Excellency selected two thou­sand foot divided into eight compa­nies of Germans, and twelve of Wal­loones, armed with pikes, Musquets, & carbines: and three troopes of horse, one of Curaciers, and two of Lanciers. 29. Aug. And commanded them to stay at Ber­cheme a village of Brabant. He sent some be­fore to guard the wayes. Hee also appointed George Basta, with three hundred horse from Burgerhout, to ride out and survey the way hee was to passe. The next day marching with his Court from the camp at Bevera, and having past the Scheldt, hee sent before part of the foot from Berchem into the City, under Licquius, who placed some of them at Saint Georges gate, And the gates and chiefest streets of the City, which they also call the Empe­rours; and divided the rest into seve­rall chiefe places of the City, that by so many stations, lending a mutuall assistance, as it were joyning hands, they might enclose Antwerp. So his Excellency would not onely have the conquered City; but the conquest it selfe in his owne power. These things thus ordered, the wayes both within and without the City being throng­ed [Page 180]with infinite people, the rest of his Excellencies attendance in great state marched forward, the horse and foot, not so much for the gaudinesse of ap­parrell or armour, The aspect of the souldiers. as (all of them be­ing old select souldiers) for their mar­tiall looks, & military severity, a gal­lant sight. Himselfe the greatest spe­ctacle. But Prince Alexander, now made famous with the Trophies of so many Provinces and Cities sub­dued, attracted all mens eyes upon him, and as the ancients in their tri­umphs had Ensignes, and pictures car­ried before them, so fame waited on him with his titles, and prompted the cogitations of the spectatours: and as the noyse of his famous acts had re­presented him to their thoughts more then a man so sought they more gree­dily to satiate their eyes now in be­holding him present. He was attended by these great Nobles: the Duke of Areschot, Casatane Duke of Sermo­nett the Prince of Chimace, Count Egmont, the Marquesses of Renthi, & Varambone, the Countess Aremberg. Charles Mansfield, Altapen & others, especially Low-countrey men, for ve­ry few of the Spaniards, and Italians were admitted, thereby to please the Antwerpians with this retinue, and [Page 181]lastly with the troopes of his life­guard, whose Captains were Leo La­zarus, Haller, & the Counts Nicelli, and Caecius: his Excellency arrived at Saint Georges gate, He is received before the City gate [...] by a Vir­gin. where hee was met by a Virgin in a habitt, and with Ensignes representing Antwerp, as they use to shadow it. Who lighting from her triumphant Charriot, with a company of other noble girles reve­rently saluted the Prince of Parma: and delivered him a Golden key, shee prayed the like happinesse to his Ne­phew now entring victour, as hereto­fore shee had wish't to Charles the fifth, who made his first victorious en­trance through that gate; Alexander courteously receiving the gift, wore it before him fastened to the chaine of the Golden Fleece, And is wel­comed with di­vers arguments of joy through the City. and through the whole City hee observed not without admiration, the sudden setting forth and expressions of publick joy. For on the bridge Moere he saw a beaked pil­lar of a wonderfull height erected, with the staua's of Alexander of Ma­cedon, and that Roman Alexander placed thereon: and in other places divers sorts of Pageants, stately arches and artificiall fire-works: to compose which showes for pomp and state one­ly, [Page 182]those very same, though heretofore so often pernitious Engineers, did ap­ply their inventions and hands: using the fragments of the Machines a little before prepared for the Warr, for so­lemnizing of this triumph, making their art obsequious, thereby to ap­pease the Conquerer. Prince Alex­ander, after hee had a while beheld & commended these and other like pre­parations, with all his attendance, ha­stened to the great Church of our B. Lady. He went into the Church. And there whilst Te Deum lau­damus with musick was solemnly sung, hee offered up his private devo­tions, and thanksgiving, which, And gave thanks to the B. Virgin. next to God he openly professed to the mo­ther of God, FOR THAT THE EXPEDITION BEING BY HER INSTINCT, UNDERTOOK, BY HER ASSISTANCE PROSPE­ROVSLY ATCHIEVED, HE AT LAST BE HELD HIS LADY, BY THE PIOVS AND PUISSANT ARMES OF THE CATHO­LICK KING, RESTORED TO HER OWNE SEAT, FROM WHENCE SHE HAD SACRI­LEGIOVSLY BEFORE-TIME BEEN BANISHED, WHOM THEREFORE HE DEVOVTLY [Page 183]HONOVRED; From thence he de­parted to the Castle halfe downe, and quite desolate: and passing through the Army, which before the Castle was suddenly composed, as well of the souldiers sent thither before, as of those who by his command repaired thi­ther out of the City, hee made a little stand at the Castle gate: and calling to him the Colonels and Captaines, Then at his en­trance into the Castle he spake thus to his soul­diers. be­fore hee dispersed them through the City, made this short speech unto them. ‘By Gods great bounty and your valour, O fellow souldiers we possesse Antwerp. But that wee may securely keep it, I have chosen you out of the whole Army, to whose military discipline, but especially ci­vility, and unoffensive conversation with the Citizens, I might commit the safety of the City, so much the more earnestly, as the Antwerpians were more stiffe and resolved, not to admit of garrison souldiers: for that they feared, if not open plundering (though that also they expected;) at least continuall contests and quar­rells, which their goods must daily redeeme, and would daily occasion. I, that I might remove that perswa­sion out of their minds, have enga­ged [Page 184]my faith. Nor as I trust will my promise & hope be frustrate, having made this choice of souldiers, whose commanders I know to be men care­full of their owne reputations, & so­licitous of my credit. Therefore it shall be your task, to keep the soul­diers within their limits & duties: and not to let passe injuries & abuses against the Citizens, if any happen unpunished, but forth with chastise them: that the Citizens may heare of the souldiers punishments, before the commanders heare of the Citi­zens complaints. So shall concord, and a well grounded allegiance bee established in the City. Remember you live in the very entrance of Zealand and Holland, whose castles may bee seen, nay their very words be almost heard from the walls of Antwerp. The Antwerpians will have an eye thither, if they perceive themselvs insolently treated at home by a forraign souldier: WHO sith al­ways he is wont to be a grievance to cities but then especially when new­ly conquered, as more neer looking back on their late former condition. Wherefore they will the more into­lerably resent injuries from the con­querers: [Page 185]and having not yet layd by their acient enmities, as if the warr were not yet ended, they will with little adoe, resume their hostile spi­rits. FOR Torches newly extin­guished, will quickly take fire: I, as much as concerns my selfe, will have a diligent care, that the glorious la­bours of the Catholick Army be not frustrated by the licentiousnesse of some.’ Thus premonished, Then hee sent them into seve­rall parts of the City. he distri­buted them into their severall appoin­ted parts of the City: and gave orders that for some dayes, as if upon service, they should not lay by their armes, un­till at the next convention having re­moved the Hereticks, he should create new Magistrates.

Whilst thus things passed with a continued gratulation for three whole dayes at Antwerp, the Spaniards, The triumph of the Spaniards and Italians on the bridge, in honour of their Generall. and Italians, when they had not admit­tance into the City, yet at least meant some way to participate of the com­mon joy, whereof themselvs were chie­fest authors: they therefore conspired together with such preparation as time would permit, to solemnize a joyfull triumph for their Generall u­pon the Scheldt: & knowing that the bridge was within three dayes to bee [Page 186]dismantled, they determined to passe over with triumph & pomp, that Ma­chine yet standing: and in the interim they chose S. Maries fort at the head of the bridge, as it were for their ca­pitoll. Wherfore with wonderfull ala­crity, cutting down what shrubs and trees were at hand, they erect trium­phant works & arches on the bridge: adorne the sides and battlements with bowes: strow the passage with leaves, & lastly hang on the boughs emblems and verses, such as amongst souldiers could be composed in praise of Prince Alexander. Then with garlands of green branches on their heads, march­ing orderly over the bridge, and at e­very arch joyfully discharging their Musquets they enter St. Maries. You would think they had had a president hereof from the Macedons, the other Alexanders souldiers, who after their victory over Nyse, on a hill neer to the City, were disposed to merriment, and crowned with wreathes of ivyes and vines lopped from the wood, ( Alex­ander the great first admiring, and af­terwards commending this their new kind of pomp, Not unlike to the solemnity of Alexander of Macedons souldiers. with joyfull dances on the top of the hill celebrated solemne ceremonies to the god of the wood. [Page 187]Yea, the Generall himselfe acting his part also with the dancers: at the last invited his Army to a magnificent feast. Nor was this epulary appendix wanting to the fore mentioned gratu­lation of the Spaniards and Italians. For whilst they render thanks with a joyfull consort of musick and voyces, to the mother of the God of Hosts, Alexander comes thither from Antwerp. in her Castle, they received unexpected tydings that Prince Alexander with a train of the nobility was advancing from the other part of the bridge. For hee having intelligence how much his souldiers sought to honour him, being exceedingly taken with their ingeni­ous good will and affection towards him; this warlike man omitted not, And the day af­ter makes them a feast. both to grace them with his presence, and the day after with a sumptuous banquet to augment their joy. And indeed it was a spectacle worth the seeing, to behold the Army feasting upon the Scheldt, The banquet on the Bridge. tables all along the bridge as farre as from Brabant to Flanders sumptuously furnished: to see the Duke of Areschott, the Mar­quesses of Renthi, Vastius, & Varam­bone serving up meat: Charles Count Mansfield, the Prince of Chimace, Maurique, Cajatane, and Leva, all e­minent [Page 188]persons and chiefe Comman­ders filling them wine. When in the mean time all rung with joyful shouts of the souldiers, wishing life & victory to their Generall Prince Alexander. Thus the bridge, The taking down of the Bridge. the day after that so­lemn banquet, adorned as it was with arches of green boughs, garlands and emblems, with joyfull expressions and exultation was taken downe. And it was but fit, that the exequies of this victorious Machine over the enemies should bee performed with triumph. The materials were given to Baroc. and Plato. Most of the wood & Iron were by his Excellency given to the Architects of it, Baroccius and Plato. But in Spaine (for the joy of that successe contain'd not it selfe within the Low-countreys onely) the newes of this victory was with generall gratulation of the Ci­ties received: certainly the King, His Majesties joy for the ta­king of Ant­werp. as Granvell writes, was so transported with joy, that the ancient Courtiers, who always had been in his company, affirmed, they never saw his Majesty, either for the battle of St. Quintins, or for the navall fight at Lepanto, or at the conquest at the Tersera Islands, to have exprest the like content, as at the letters of taking Antwerp. And I have heard from a person very intimate at [Page 189]Court, that the King, the same night he received Prince Alexanders letters, could not containe himselfe, but got out of bed, and went privately to his daughter Isabellas's chamber, Signified to his daughter. whom hee dearly loved, and knocking at the door, uttered these two wordse, ANTWERP IS OVRS, and then de­parted. And verily by those letters, which I have seen, written by his Ma­jesties owne hand, in exquisite high terms beyond his usuall custome, to expresse his thanks to Prince Alexan­der, it is very evident that his joy was excessive. For he was of a setled opini­on, that Zealand and Holland, would at last follow the example and fate of Antwerp: and so all the Netherlands would soon return to their own Prin­ces obedience. And it was the opinion of ma­ny, that the Low-countreys would turn to the King. And when Idicquesius resident for the Low-countreyes in Spaine, gave letters to Charles Colo­ma, a famous warlike man, then ready to depart for the Low-countreys, it is reported that hee said to him; ‘hee might go, though ere-long he would return, for no doubt but the Low-countreys warr would soone be en­ded by the Prince of Parma.’ But his Excellency in the mean while applied himselfe to settle the affaires of Ant­werp. [Page 190] Alex. takes care of the Go­vernnment of the City, both ci­vill and sacred. And choosing new Magistrates, hee created Champine Governour of the City, and Werp of the garrison. He sent also for the Arch-Bishop of Mechlin, to take care of the Church and Clergy: and the fathers of the so­ciety of Jesus to instruct the youth in learning and true religion, shutting up the schools of the Hereticks. Then having ordered some other things for the good government of the City; his next care was to reward his souldiers labours. Going therefore to Stabro­eck, and mustering his men, hee gave them their pay, He gives pay to his souldiers. a great part of the ar­my having much arrears due to them. But if Captain or Officer, nay any of the common souldiers, had performed any notable exploit, such as hee thought they had merited a greater reward, And requests of the King re­wards for some of his chiefest souldiers by name. hee writ into Spaine, and ma­king a particular catalogue of their names, recommended them to his Ma­jesties liberality, to bee further honou­red. All their names, whose famous acts & victories Alexander proposed to the King: with recitall of how ma­ny years they had served in the warrs, what & how many wounds they had received if I should in this part of my history insert, it would no doubt bee [Page 191]gratefull to that warlike nation. And verily, were it not an immense labour, those noble and military spirits deser­ved to have their valour and Alexan­ders affection towards them inrolled to posterity. This I will say in briefe, there was not any one of the chiefe Commanders, And prevailes. whom the King did not either advance to the order of the Golden Fleece, or to some order of Spanish Knights: or gave not some more honorable place in the Army, or else made not Governour of some Ca­stle in Italy, or at least did not encrease his yearly revenue. So farr did he con­discend to Prince Alexanders re­quests, Nor permits any to be rewarded by the King un­der his deserts. that when his Excellency had taken notice, that in the donative ca­talogue sent into the Low-countreys, Camillus à Monte Colonell, and Ni­cholas Basta, Captaine of a troop of horse, were not remunerated proporti­onably to their deserts: and had ther­fore acquainted the King of their dai­ly and faithfull service: and what for the one his Vncle Chiapino Vitelli, and what for the other his father Deme­trius had merited, having both served in the Austrian warrs forty yeares; his Majesty with new & more satisfacto­ry letters, according to Prince Alex­anders [Page 192]desire, honoured them both ac­cording to their merits and worth Of such consequence it is, to be a General of an Army, who taking part with his souldiers in their labours, can judge of their travells: as he himselfe is by his Prince esteemed for the opinion of his valour.

But this muster at Stabroeck was not without some mutiny on the o­ther side the Scheldt, THE Wal­loones do mu­tniy. occasioned by the distribution of the souldiers pay, so MONEY whether had, or want­ing, is still cause of sedition. Those souldiers that staid in the forts at Ca­loo on Flanders side, 20. Octob. being most of them walloones, having intelligence that at Stabroeck the Spaniards and Italians had their pay, out of the mo­ny lately come into the Camp, per­swaded themselvs they should receive their debentures, For their pay not equally nor nor totally dis­charged, for all the time they had served in the Warres. But when they saw but two payes, & two coats apiece only offered to every man; at first they were much dejected, then they begun to despise so vile a reward. Nor wanted there incendiaries to ex­asperate the seditious. And by one in­cendiary, ‘And whereas they requested but pay something proportionable to their labours was [Page 393]it fit at the conquest of so rich a Ci­ty, that in place of tenne or twenty payes, they should silently sit downe with two only? what other victory might bee expected for souldiers, worne out with age in the warrs ha­ving their bodyes weakened with wounds; in which they might yet place their latest hopes? If for pre­tence of civility the souldiers were restrained from plunder of that ho­stile City, having deserved it in the highest degree; why is not justice, & the right of warr supplied other­wise? To the Spaniards it was al­ready, who having received full pay, only felt the fruits of the victory So it is now adaies, the Belgians fight, the Spaniards conquer: and how e­ver the dy of warr run, the Belgians still passe for conquered.’ The seeds of sedition thus sown at Caloo, They are more provoked. furi­ously spread through the rest of their quarters on the bank of Scheldt: but yet no further, then to extrude the Kings treasurers and such of the com­manders as stood averse from the fact: for neither did they choose them an Electo, contenting themselves with the Common-councell of the officers of e­very company, & those that were most [Page 194]forward; but were also highly offen­ded with the Agents sent from the next garison of the Holanders, Yet remained their Generall and King. courted them to a revolt, whom they therefore rejected not without threats; & open­ly professed to stand faithfull to the Prince of Parma, and the Catholick party: and that what military vertue they had in them, as their adversaries had experience they had some, should still stand against the enemy, as long as they had a life to lose, or sword to draw. Which answer moved Alexan­der, not ignorant of it. Whereby Alex. being more pa­cified. And whereas at the first notice of that mutiny, he had intended to reduce them by famine: and therefore had commanded some colours of foot and horse of Spaniards and Italians, to guard the countrey of Wasia, that no provision should bee brought from thence into the Wal­loone quarters; yet he thought it not amisse to deferr it a day or two. And using gentler remedies, hee sent the Marquesse of Renthi, an ancient com­mander of the Walloones to Caloo: to tell them how much they were decei­ved and informe them that the Spani­ards had received no more pay then other nations. Sent to shew them their mis­take: And though they had, yet ought they to consider, that the [Page 195]money came from Spaine: and an ex­terne souldier wants many things in a strange countrey, which the inhabi­tants and natives have ready at home. But they were not moved. But Renthies words were not regard­ed by the raging and disagreeing soul­diers destitute of a Commander. Be­sides Werp, Governour of the Ant­werpian garrison, certified Prince A­lexander, that he had notice that some were sent from Caloo to Antwerp, co­vertly to communicate their designes with the Walloone Presidiaries: And that there were some already heard to threaten they would not accept of pay unlesse they might have all their ar­rears. But most as yet were free from the infection. Neverthelesse it greatly perplexed his Excellency, lest, Asex. fearing lest they should conspire with Walloone souldiers at Antwerp. if the souldiers should raise any tumults in the City, the Antwerpians should now believe it for certaine to bee the plot they alwayes suspected, layd before­hand by the Generall. Wherfore with all expedition calling Count Arem­bergs German regiment from Burger­hout to Antwerp, By severall in­ventions provides for the Cities safety. under colour of sending them to Calloo, appointed some Spaniards to appeare before the walls; he himselfe with a troop of E­pirots entred the City: And gave an [Page 196]expresse, that the walloones who were to keep guard that night in the castle­yard should keep it els-where, (for his feare was lest all the souldiers in the City meeting there should join them­selves, and presuming of the opportu­nity of the Castle & artillery, should begin the mutiny. Then placing the Arembergians before the Castle, in­stead of the walloones, he fitly preven­ted all occasion of the ill-affected Presidiaries (who were but few) meet­ing together, or raising any tumults. And in the morning without any fur­ther delay, to try their intentions, he caused the assigned pay to be offered them. And forceth the seditious to re­turne to obedi­ence. Which they, some dissembling, most of them not conscious, & all be­ing wonderfully pacifyed accepted. Nor had the mutiny on Flanders coast any other effect: for provision being stopt from VVasia, and com­merce with the Antwerpians cut off, the tenth day after, having first asked & obtained pardon, they returned to their obedience & civility. Some of them being put to death. Notwith­standing foure of the chiefe incendia­ries, but upon some other pretended crime, which upon inquiry was not wanting, were put to death of the Antwerpian garrison, with whom [Page 197]no treaty of pardon had passed, Or degraded. two Captaines and two others, who had been sent from Calloo to sow the sedi­tion amongst the souldiers and these two were hanged at Antwerp, but the two Captaines, for that the crime was not totally proved against them, being degraded from their Captains places, were sent to fight in Freezland at their owne charges.

But the Princes expedition in pre­venting the sedition, THE repairing of Antwerp Castle. both gained him much love from the Antwerpian Ma­gistrates, and caused a greater pro­pensnesse to his designe, then in agita­tion. For the garrison souldiers quar­tering in the Antwerpians houses, were now thought burthensome guests: and the Citizens, The people de­sire it. to exonerate themselves of that unwonted grie­vance, began to wish the reedifying of the Castle. But the Magistrates who regarded the publick more then every mans private interest, But not the Ma­gistrates, who yet being per­swaded by A­lexanders ser­vants. stood out. Yet Champine Governour of the City, & Cosmus Count Masius, a Courtier very intimate with the Prince: & one of his privy-Councell, very oppor­tunely began to treat with them, and upon occasion beginning to discourse of the Citizens desires, which if negle­cted, [Page 198]it was doubtfull, they would breake out into a sedition: and also promising the Citizens their assistance to his Excellence for the reparation of the Castle, the Magistrates mindes began somewhat to alter: untill they also partly pacifyed by the Princes late favour, & partly moved with the conference, and fit reasons of those I spoke of, And obliged by his benefits, re­ferr the matter to his pleasure. went to Alexander, and ren­dring him thanks for saving the City from a tumult, they did not omit to make mention of the restauration of the Castle, wholly referring it to his wisdome. Which by much how more gratefull it was to Alexander, so much the more he sleighted it; preten­ding and not without just cause, the want of money, not onely for that fa­brick, but winter now drawing on, for repairing the banks of the Scheldt, & breaches of the Rampires, at last they divided the charges, the City and ad­jacent Villages promising their assi­stance to repaire the River-banks, and Rampires: and the Prince of Parma reserving part of the imposed fine to­wards the repairing of the Castle; so the Castle the ninth of November, the eighth year after its former ruine, be­gan to be repaired, Antwerp not refu­sing [Page 199]a bridle: and so great a Bucepha­lus, The Castle is redified. 9. Novemb. by the strength and wisdome of Alexander being tamed. And indeed the work soon went on with wonder­full celerity, for both the old founda­tions were usefull, and the neere ad­joyning houses, which had been built of the ruine of the defaced Castle, be­ing pull'd down, the same stones ser­ved again for the work. His Excellence as soone as the Castle was habitable, drew into it a garrison of Germanes, A garrison of Germans was placed in it. not of walloones as was supposed, in pretence as displeased at their late se­dition: But in very deed that hee might at last bring in the Spaniards, & to that purpose more easily remove the Germans being Externs, then the native Belgians. In which he also had a regard, that none of the Low-coun­trey Nobility should be made Gover­nour of the new Castle, Alex, reserves the title of Go­vernour to him­selfe. hee therefore declared himselfe Governour thereof, having already with himselfe design­ed Mondragonius for that place. Whom then he made over-seer of the work: and at his departure from Antwerp, created him his Vice-Go­vernour: So bringing him in by seve­rall intervalls, and as it were degrees to that Office, and avoyding by that [Page 200]silent and unperceptible progresse, Afterwards by little and little, and unpercepti­bly he gives it to Mondrago­nius, and at last brings in the Spaniards. The first design­ing of this Ca­stle. a great part of their discontent, at last he openly declared him Governour of the Castle: and removing the Ger­mans thence, he brought in the Spani­ards, the City not daring to contra­dict it, and rather inclining to Alex­ander; And thus Antwerp Castle de­signed first by Margaret of Austria Dutchesse of Parma, then built by the Duke of Alva, afterwards defaced by the Prince of Grange, was at last with the expences of seventy thou­sand crownes, The building Ruine, and re­stitution of it. by Alexander sonne to Margaret repaired. But before the Castle was finished (for that was some moneths after) his Excellency with his Court departed to Bruxels, Alex. with hi. Court removes to Bruxels. the anci­ent seat of the Princes of Brabant, and the Governours of the Low-coun­treyes, having thrice changed his a­bode: for setting out from Namure, he removed his Court and Councell to Mons in Haynolt, from thence to Tournay in Flanders, and lastly to Bruxels in Brabant, still providing for himselfe new seats by new Victo­ries.